The busy countryside of Late Roman Cyprus*

Roman Cyprus was known as a land of plen­ty. Writing in distant Italy. early observers like Strabo and Pliny described the varied resources of the empire "s easternmost island province.' This natural wealth included copper and timber from the slopes of the Troodos mountains. fruits from terraced hillside orchards. and the harvest of inland river and coastal plains. Extracted and processed primarily in the countryside, these lo­cal products were shipped through island ports to destinations across the Mediterranean. fueling the growth of Cypriot cities and contributing to the larger Roman economy. Yet the people most directly involved in this activity -farmers. min­ers. artisans, and other residents of the chom­remain largely unknown. little remarked by clas­sical authors and modern historians alike. Recent work on the ancient economy has sought to clar­ify the place of individual provinces within the vast networks of Roman exchange. and implicit­ly recognize the contribution of a large and un­derrepresented population. Evidence from recent surveys and excavations in Cyprus helps clarify the island's distinctive place in the Mediterranean world and offers a glimpse into the provincial ex­perience of its rural inhabitants.

The landscape of Roman Cyprus was occu­pied by a web of settlement that stretched across the island. Of primary importance were the dozen or so established cities. originally founded as centers of competing Iron Age kingdoms. that were occupied into later antiquity.' The largest among these were Pafos and Salamis. important scats of Hellenistic administration and successive Roman provincial capitals. Secondary cities like Amathous, Kourion. and Soloi likely benctitted from the presence of famous religious shrines as well as sea traffic along the coast. Linking these

Marcus Rautman ( Unil'('ri/T\' o( Mi_,_\Oitri. Columhia J

major settlements was the circuminsular high­way. which seems to have been established with the aim of consolidating the province and ex­ploiting its resources more efficiently. In fact. the countryside likely contributed in a large way to the growth of these cities, which in most cases culminated in the 2nd century C.E. A number of regional surveys have noted that the relatively dispersed pattern of rural settlement during the late Hellenistic and early Roman periods under­went a significant retreat during the later 2nd through 4th centuries C. E. In Greece a similar but more profound withdrawal from the countryside may have begun in the early 2nd century B.C.E., perhaps reflecting a greater resistance by local residents to Latin administration. In any event. the successful integration of Cyprus into the high empire ensured that its cities and villages alike shared in the broad decline of the eastern pro­vinces around 200-350/400. 1

The island's cmbeddedness in a larger ceo­nomic system provides a useful context for un­derstanding the return of urban prosperity and ex­pansion of rural settlement during late antiquity. At Salamis Constantius II began reconstructing

* Thi.., paper form.., a eontrihution to the Kalava ... o,-KOJ)('fm Projl'L"I. who..,c forth~.-·oming final rcport will pn:..,cnt the pot­

tery from the .,itc in greater Jctail. I owe "JlCl'ialthank' to Jan ToJJ for allowing me to "tully matcrial from the Va,iliJw., Valky Project -.uncy. and to John Lund and Rohcrta Tomhcr for ... hanng with me their work on Cypriot potlt:ry over the

pa't fl'w year .... I. Straho. (;t·og. 1-1-.6.5: Pliny. Nat. Hi_,-/_ IX.J:!.h7-6X: Mitford

llJHO: Mi..:hal.'luJt..•" 1996. );or a mmkrn mcr\"il'w of the i-.­land"-. ph_\-.il"al !!Cography '-1.'1.' Thirgood I YX7. 17 --t I.

"""~ \1itford llJXO: Rupp 191.)7. 239-46.

3. rur (lrl.'l.'l"l.' -.l.'e AkocJ.. 19Y.1. 215-20. ror the pial"!.' of Cypru-. in thl' late imrx·riall.'conomy :-.l'l' Lund 1993. 140-J: cf. Ful­fnrd 19X7: \Voolf 1992.

JIX

public buildings damaged by earthquakes during the mid 4th century. while leaving it to the local bishop to develop a new seaside quarter at devas­tated Paf(JS. In the early 5th century Amathous. Kourion. and Soloi saw the construction of new monumental churches and restored public build­ings. At the same time settlements in the coun­tryside increased in both number and size. with the appearance of small churches redctining the island\ religious topography. As elsewhere in the east Mediterranean. most of this expansion took place during the 5th and 6th centuries. and con­tinued in places into the 7th century as well.'

A late Roman village

The course of this social. economic. and cul­tural transformation was hardly uniform but var­ied across the island. The late Roman village that grew up in the Yasilikos valley at Kalavasos- Ko­petm offers a case in point. The settlement. one of the largest period sites known in the valley. stood atop a bluff ridge overlooking the Yasilikos river and south coastal plain. The site also lies near the traditional track that runs the length of the valley as well as the coastal road leading to

Amathous. about 15 km. to the west. Apart from nearby Chalcolithic remains and some Bronze Age tombs. there is little sign that the ridge was occupied before the 4th century C.E. Survey and excavation carried out here between 19X7 and 1991 identitied a village of about 4 ha. that was home to perhaps 500-600 people between the 5th and 7th centuries. Most of the inhabitants likely engaged in farming. herding. or extracting copper from mines in the upper valley: signs of agricul­tural processing. pottery manu facture. and metal­working found at the site attest a measure of lo­cal industry as well. Habitation culminated in the 6th and early 7th centuries. when three churches were built and variously decorated with gypsum sculpture and mosaics. These and other buildings were seriously damaged ca. 650. around the time of the Arab campaigns on Cyprus. and within a few years the site was abandoned-'

Pottery recovered by survey and excavation at Kupetm constitutes essential data for tracing the

rise and disappearance of this small place. The occupation chronology is established by standard table wares. which provide a series of bench­marks for individual buildings and the site as a whole that broadly agrees with the small number of available coins. The presence of transport am­phoras of known origin extends the probable range and scale of commercial contacts enjoyed by area residents. The large proportion of pottery and rooftiles that arrived from outside the valley. in addition to other signs of local wealth. implies the production of a corresponding quantity of exported commodities. Over the last JO years research has identified a number of broadly con­sistent patterns in the regional distribution of Ro­man pottery across the Mediterranean. which continns its utility as a major instrument of ex­change and guide to archaeological interpreta­tion" While many details at Kopetm remain un­clear. the evidence at hand documents a complex rural market operating within the economic framework of one Roman province.

The tine pottery establishes the settlement"s chronological parameters through the use of ob­jects of modest luxury7 In light of Kopetm\ lo­cation it is somewhat surprising that only a few examples of Cypriot Sigillata. Eastern Sigillata A. or Egyptian Red Slip were noted at the site. By contrast. the three standard late wares -Cypriot Red Slip. Phoccan Red Slip (Late Roman C). and African Red Slip--- were relatively com­mon. The almost exclusive presence of these par­ticular kinds of pottery. the most widely distrib­uted table vessels of late antiquity. indicates that

:'i. ror the latc .. t repm1 of fic!Jworl... 'L'l' Mc('lcllan and Rautman 149-t

6. Fulford llJX7: Woolf 1992: Tomh~._·r 199.1: R~..·yno]d, llJlJ:'i:

Lund 19lJ4.

7. Th~..· n:lati\c -.tam-. uf liiK' potter~. !!Ia~'- and rnct<.dwor\.. in lalt' Rum;m .... m:i~..·ty j.., Jillkult to a..,..,~._ • ..,..,_ The v.iJ~..· Ji .... trihu­tion of .. tandard form' ... uggc-.t.., the) were ;1\adahk and u:-.cd in h111h hl\\11 and ~~HIIltry. altht1ugh 1111 dtlUhl \\ith "i~niliL·ant

ltiL'<tl prek·n.·nn: .....

II II: Bl"SY ( "IH "\li{YSIDE {)I· 1.:\TI: 1-((JM:\1\ <"YI'I-(l"S 319

45 70

40 60

35

50 ' 30 2 ~

~ ~ 25 c

·-=

' 40

§ ~

·= -;: :!0 ~

~

30 ;; ~

g_ ~ 15 "'-

20 10

10 5

0 0

350-41Xl 400-450 450-500 500-550 550-600 600-650 650-700

COl fl.'.

Fig. I. Rt:latiw fre4uency of all identilil'J tin~.· ware ... t n= I 352) anJ l"tlill'> ( n= 12) fn1m Kalava ... u'>-l· • ."op('frfl.

350--100 -100--150 -'50-500 500-550 550-600 600-650 650-71Xl

hg.""' Chrunnlogical~.h ... trihution of all identified tinl.' \\>lrl.'.., from 1\opf'lm (11=13521.

320 \1·\IHTS f{:\1 Tr-.L\:'\

this was essentially a single-pcrioLI settlement. without significant local antecedent or successor.

Identitiahle line ware shapes provide further dctaib of the site's history. About -lO basic forms are present in the Koperra assemblage. with the Phocean Red Slip form I 0 howl and Cypriot Red Slip form 9 dish and form II basin among the most fre4uently occurring.x figure I records the relative frequency of all datable line ware shcrds recovered hy survey and excavation. together

with the dozen identified coins from the site. The distribution of early forms reveab little activity at the site before -lOO with a modest hut sustained presence emerging over the course of the 5th and early nth centuries. The use of tine pottery in­creased substantially in the second half of the 6th century. with between 60 and 70'/r of datable forms of each ware belonging to the years he­tween 550 and 650. This picture of rural prosper­ity culminating around nOO is attested by all three tine wares and recurs across the site. with similar patterns observed at the individual sectors as well as among the survey pottery. The dozen identi­tied coins of the period reflect a comparable dis­tribution culminating in the early nOOs. Unsur­prisingly. all three churches were built during the same interval. Quantities of Cypriot Red Slip dwindled in the early 7th century. however. and all three wares appear sharply reduced after n50.

Before interpreting these data it is important to acknowledge some of their limitations. Special problems apply to the analysis of surface re­mains. including the tendency for late occupation phases of complex sites to he overrepresented in the plowzone.'' The combining of survey and ex­cavation pottery. while increasing the sample size. comes at the cost of obscuring subtle varia­tions within a site. Dates of certain vessels re­main unsettled and it is not always clear how a form ·s production span in one part of the Mediterranean correlates with its availability elsewhere. Questions of supply and distribution pertain equally to the coins on which the chronol­ogy of contemporary sites depends. The final years of Roman pottery production are especial-

ly problematic. with few distinctive fonns he­longing exclusively to the 7th century. These

concerns apply to primary settlements and trade centers hut arc especially acute in evaluating rur­al sites. where smaller quantities of material arc available. In the case of Kopl'lra. it is possible that the dates assigned here to some 6th century forms should he advanced by a couple of decades. which would imply that local pottery usc increased more gradually during the years before 550. Obviously the site's widespread dam­age around 650 would have affected the demand for line pottery: thus. many of the v·csscls attrib­uted here to the second half of the century prob­ably were used earlier. Making such adjustments on external and internal grounds. however. would only underscore the rapid growth and short life of the vi llagc.

The structure of the local market for tine pot­tery emerges more dearly hy comparing quanti­tics of datable shcrds from the site. Figure 2 con­firms the importance of Phocean Red Slip at Kopetra. from its first significant appearance in the early 400s until ca. n50. It is only around the mid nth century that Cypriot Red Slip. which had been produced on the island since the late 4th century. rose to prominence."' Here also the chro­nology may need downward adjustment. espe­cially in light of the apparent decline of western Asia Minor workshops during the early nOOs. yet one point is clear: long-distance imports from the west remained strong and even increased over the life of the village. The general popularity of line pottery seen at Koperra. like many contemporary sites. is attributable especially to the great surge

H Till' typohl!,!) and -.:hronologiL·al framL·v.or~ arc ha..,cd. v. ith minor rc\ bitm..,, tln lla)L'" [lJ72. The traditiunal ahhrL'\ iatltlll" ~CRS. LRC. ARSl an: u..,ed inthl' t-.hlc ....

11. :\... recemly noteJ for Cypru.., hy Lund [l)l) .. t, 1-l!l. !-'or other ca,eat... C\lllt:L'rning ... ur\'ey data ..,ec :\kot:k 1993. -l9-5.l

[0. Que..,tion.., ha\L' hcl'll rai..,cJ e..,pccially L'tllll'L'rnin!,! the carliL'f pha..,L'" tlf thL'"e \\art:..,; ft1r ('~pritll Red Slip 'l'l' rL·ccntl~

Mc~ta 1995. The A'otwrra material. "hilc not e..,rx-·ciall~ ''ell ..,tratillcd. !,!Cill'rall_\ ..,uppnrb thl' datin!,! propo..,l·J h~ lla~L''

1972.

I HI- IH'S'I Cl ll'YI RYSI I>L Ol· L.\1 L 1{()\1:\\ C) I'RI'\ 321

of Cypriot Red Slip from the mid 500s. a domi­nation of the local market that continued until the end of habitation. In general term~. this sugge~ts that the settlement was closely linked with the island's larger markets and through them with the wider Roman world.

Amphoras offer a complementary perspective of this complex ceramic environment. All six members of the standard east Mediterranean "package" were noted at Kopetm. including LR2 and LR3 amphoras from the Aegean. LR4 and LR5/6 from the Gaza area and Palestine. and LR7 from Egypt. 11 By far the most common type was LR I. whose various forms were made from the 5th through 7th centuries at a number of sites around the east Mediterranean. ranging from Cilicia and north Syria to Cyprus itself. LR I ves-· scls constitute up to 707< of all amphoras found at Kopetm. Compositional analysis of the main fabrics indicates that over 60'/r of these originat­ed on the mainland. while at least 20'/c were made on the Island. probably in the lower Mesa­oria and south coastal plains." Two other kinds of transport vessels found at the site can be as­signed probable production areas: KAmp I. an ovoid amphora resembling Sara\hane amphora types 36 and 37 but made in one or more Cypri­ot fabrics: and KAmp2. a slender. tall-necked vessel from the north Syrian coastlands. 1 ' Most of these amphoras arc thought to have carried oil and wine. which apparently were among the val­Icy's main agricultural imports. Assuming that local tastes and customs remained constant. the chronological distribution of these containers should broadly agree with the tine wares.

Other pottery includes various plain and coarse wares. The abundance of locally made pi­thoi attests the importance of agricultural pro­duction and storage at the site. Several kinds of cooking vessels were made on the island and the mainlanU. Finely riUgeU cooking wares in partic­ular seem to have come from a number of un­identified production centers in Cyprus and Pale­stine. presumably following similar paths to reach the valley. One indication of the declining availability of these mass-produced cooking

wares is the emergence of a group of handmade pots in the early and mid 7th century. At least four basic thick-walled shapes were made in coarse grained. locally available clays. Their sim­ple potting. either by hand or on a slow turntable. and non-standard appearance suggest that many of these vessels were made on a neighborhood or even household level. The appearance of these pots around the time that the total quantity of tine ware was dwindling suggests that they were a lo­cally made substitute for imported vessels that were hecoming increasingly expensive or unavail­able. Many of the cooking pots they replaced like­ly originated in Palestinian workshops. whose circulation was disrupted by Persian and Arab campaigns in the early 600s. 1"

Rooftiles comprise a tina! ceramic commodi­ty that was imported in large quantities. Like tine and cooking pottery. rooftilcs constitute the sub­stance of exchange and not simply the means of transport. In sheer bulk they must have formed a major share of the settlement's tangible assets. 15

Three main sets of rooftiles have been distin­guished at Kopetra: a tine red-fabric tile of curved profile that originated in western Cyprus.

II. The common amphora typ~._•, an: n:\iewed hy Hayc' 11.)1.)~.

h 1-71: Tmnhcr ]993. 153 fi_g:. 5: Arthur and Orcn 199X. 199-~0lJ

l~. Ernrcreur and Picon 1'-JXlJ. ~~~-The figure~ for Kopetm are ha,ed on the a"'~ll"iation of Cypru.., v. ith fahric LR ]( l '· and Cilina and north Syria v.ith mtht exampJc.., of LR](2J and UJ. '" propo,ed in Rauunan t'l a/. 1999. 3X2-7. Otht..'r cxam­pk.., lilo.dy camc the'e two .. oun:e rcgion' a.., well. For LR I production at Pafo.., .,~._·c DL·me~ticha and MiL·hadide.., forth­conung.

13. h1r the Sara\hane h1r111., 'ee I faye.., ]992. 71. The "IHJrce ft1r K.-\mp2 i., propthed hy Empt..·reur and Picon llJX9. 232 fi_g:, 1J-l0: Rautman ,., al. 19lJlJ. JXO. JX5.

I~ Cyprint and Pak· .. tinian coolo.ing v.are tradition., are re\ie\\eJ in Calling 1972: Sodini and Vilkneu\e ]990. 202--l. Fnr the handmade war~..·, and then implication., .,ce Rautrnan 191JX

15. On~..· could ar!!UL' that rooftik•., pre~urnahly .,tayeJ at the ~lie

\\hik many amphora' may IM\e he~..·n re,hiprcd containing lm·;tl produL·h. Yet rooftik ... like all Roman ~..·eramiL""· v.ere hrealo.ahk and required on·a,ional replacement. The e\tent to which amphora., wa.., reu,ed -at A'opt•tra or any ~..·on!L·mpo-

rar~ .,Ill' rernai1h unck·ar.

322 \1:\f.I.Cl 'S IL\l'TMA~

a compact Corinthian tile in tine yellow fabric from the lower Mesaoria plain. and a larger coarse-fabric Corinthian tile that was made in the Vasilikos region."• Compositional analysis has shown that the red-fabric tiles arc closely related to Cypriot Red Slip and likely were made at the same or neighboring .fiil>ricae in the vicinity of Pafos. 17 Despite differences of size and usc. it is likely that the two products were distributed in tandem. Similarly. the yellow-fabric tiles proba­bly accompanied amphoras shipped from the lower Mesaoria through the harbor at Salamis. No rooftiles are known to have come from be­yond the island's shores. Following the chrono­logical outline provided by tine pottery and coins. most rooftiles likely arrived at Kopetra be­tween the mid 6th and mid 7th centuries. and es­pecially during the intense building activity of 550-600.

So far as can be determined. the ceramic, nu­mismatic. architectural. and stratigraphic evi­dence presents a consistent picture of a nourish­ing village of the 6th and early 7th centuries. This impression. admittedly. is incomplete. No 5th century building or occupation level was identi­fied and the nature of settlement bet<>re 550 re­mains uncertain. Not all of the site was available for surface survey and excavation was limited to a small number of sectors. The extent to which church contexts provide a truly representative view of local economic life may also be ques­tioned. Despite these cautions. the consistency of available data suggests that Kopetra's pottery can be taken as a meaningful gauge of local activity.

Figure 3 summarizes the most important ce­ramic wares found at Kopetra by their probable place of origin. Differentiation of their relative quantities (i.e., less than I 'lr. between I and lOCk. and greater that I O'k of each functional category) clarities the major exchange paths that reached to -and by extension. from- the site from neigh­boring regions (Fig. 4). Although Kopetra was lo­cated ncar the south coastal highway. most of its commercial traffic would have passed through the lower valley to and from ships anchored off­shore ncar Zygi-Petrini. dose to the mouth of the

Vasilikos river. Presumably these were small craft that sailed along the coast. stopping brietly at local market-towns between the great ports of Pafos. Amathous. Kition. and Salamis." The most important products arriving from the west­ern part of the island included Cypriot Red Slip pottery and red-fabric rooftiles. Both were shipped through Pafos-area harbours with other goods newly arrived from the Aegean and Egypt. Ships from Salamis and other ports in eastern Cyprus carried primarily yellow-fabric rooftiles and LR I amphoras from the Mesaoria as well as Cilicia and north Syria. Amphoras from Palestine and the Gaza area may also have t<>llowed this path. The two cargo routes were supplemented by LR I and related amphoras made along the south coast. While some island products clearly domi­nated the local market. at one time or another a variety of imported pottery and amphora-born commodities was available at the site. This lively economic activity coincides with the building of at least three churches at the village. and like them retlccts not social insecurity but the pros­perity enjoyed by its inhabitants.

Rural economy in late Roman south Cyprus

The economic well-being seen at Kopetra can be understood only within its wider valley set­ting. The Yasilikos river is one of the larger wa­terways of the eastern Troodos that descends through a narrow. protected valley before enter­ing the broad coastal plain. Over the last 25 years ian Todd and the Yasilikos Valley Project have es­tablished by survey and excavation how prehis­toric inhabitants early recognized the area's nat­ural bounty. Important Neolithic and Chalcolith­ic sites have been found in the central valley not

16. (}UL"'>tion' of prownancc arc aJJn·..,,cJ in Rautrnan 1'/ a! jlJ9J: fl)l)l)_

17 E\'iJenn: in lil\Of of a proJuction area in \\C\IL'rn Cyprm. j,

prc,cntcJ in (lollll'/" 1'f al. 19Y5. SL·c al:-.o Mcyta Jl)IJ5. 17l)­

H2: l.unJ 199Y. 3 for the .. oun.:e of the clo..,t•ly related Cypri-

ot Si!!illata. IX. LconarJ 1995.

rilL Bl'SY COIIJ\TR.YSIDI: OF I.ATI' R0\1.'\~ CYI'R.l'S 323

West Metlite1: Egrpt SW Crprus Central Crprus East Cyprus Near East and Aegean

LRC ERS CRS ARS

LR2 <LR7l LRI LRI LRI LRI (LR3) (KAmpl) <KAmpl) (KAmpl) LR4

LR4 LR5/6

KAmp2

Cypriot Handmade Cypriot Palestinian Cook ware'? Cook ware Cook ware'' Cook ware''

Red Tile Other Tile Yellow Tile

Fi~ .. l Prm enallL'L' of major ceramiL· ~ruup.~ at f·,.'nJII.'fiH ~ parenthc.~itcd ""rL·~ <I 11i. hold-bee "me.~ >I()',( of ;tlllinL' po!tery. amphora~.

L'oolo.in~ potiL'r). or rooftill'~ at ~itel.

far from Kopetra. and the important Late Bronze Age administrative center at Kalavasos-Agio.1· Dimitrios also lies nearby.'" Early inhabitants ap­parently worked copper mines in the upper valley as well as farming and herding flocks on the plain. The rise of the Iron Age kingdom of Am­athous coincided with a period of decreased ac­tivity in the valley. perhaps because it lay periph­eral to this new centre of power. Local settlement again expanded in the late Hellenistic and early Roman periods.

Many of the valley's early Roman sites ap­parently were left behind from the 2nd through 4th centuries but were reoccupied in late antiqui­ty. The reasons why Kopetra became one of the largest of these settlements are not hard to lind. The site was advantageously located on a high bluff in the central valley. close to both arable tields and stone quarries. More importantly. it lay close to intersecting roads about half-way be­tween the Kalavasos-Spi/ious copper mines and coastal Petrini. some 4 km. to the south. This sit­uation appears well suited for service as a sec­ondtier collection point for local products and a redistribution point for imported goods. The Troodos foothills offered timber. copper. game. and pasturage. while wheat. barley. olives. and grapes could be grown on the plain."' These and

other products were transported overland as far as the coastal anchorage to be exchanged for commodities of comparable value from other sources. Naturally Cypriot products dominated the local market. but goods from across the east Mediterranean and as far as north Africa reached the site as well.

Kopetra's successful role in the exploitation and exchange of local resources appears to have been typical of many island villages. A large number of rural sites. many occupied continu­ously from Hellenistic and early Roman times. has been observed along the length of the north coast. 21 Other surveys have noted the diffusion of small settlements across the south central pan of the island during late antiquity. Recent study by the Maroni Valley Archaeological Survey Project of the neighboring valley east of the Yasilikos has tiJUnd a similar pattern of rural activity. Excava­tions at Maroni-Petraa identified a contempo­rary church complex with coins and pottery dat-

19. For the field ~urvey ~L'e Todd 19!-i~: 63-66: forthcoming. R~o·­

purt~ of other Ya-..ili]..o-. Valley Project activitie-. have ap­

peared regular]) in thi-.. journal. 20 Thir~ood 19X7.60-I. 70-~. ~I Catting 197~: lladji-.aHa~ 1991

\L\IH"l"S R:\11"]\1.-\,

SYRIA

200 J...m.

EGYPT

rill· Bl-~ 'I Cl ll''\ J'RYSIDI-_ (JI- I SIT. R.0\1.-\~ (") I'R.l ~ 325

ing primarily to the late nth aml early 7th centu­ry." The location of this site on the coastal plain is appropriate for a gathering point for surrounJ­ing farmsteads and hamlets. and a possible an­chorage has been noteJ at Maroni- Vrysowlia. SurYey of the Amathous hinterland by the French School of Athens has determined that rural set­tlement contracted following the Hellenistic peri­od. with a general return to the countryside tak­ing place in the 5th-7th centuries.'' Reconnais­sance of Kourion·s immeJiate environs noted a similar gap among the fine wares between the early Roman and late Roman centuries. 24 The va­riety of imported line wares. amphoras. and roof­tiles found in all these settings attests a continu­ous network of commercial exchange. primarily deriYcd from fanning and herding. that joined these small coastal sites with each other and the mainland.

The expansion of rural settlement farther west was broadly comparable but perhaps not 4uitc as long-lived. Unlike the broad plains of the islanJ"s south central region. much of west Cy­prus consists of narrow valleys shaped by the TrooJos mountains. In Roman times a~ toJay the dominant city was Pafos. the early provincial cap­ital and port that was substantially rebuilt fol­lowing the destructive -lth century earth4uakes. Since the Hellenistic period the city had been closely associated with Egypt. with which it con­tinueJ important trading connections Juring the empire.:~:; Survey data suggest that settlement in this part of Cyprus may have declined during the high empire but rebounded in the 5th and nth centuries. when agricultural villages and farm­steads dotted the area. A detailed view of the countryside comes from the Canadian Palaipafos Survey Project tCPSP). which found that the usc of fine pottery in the Ezousas. Xeropotamos. Di­arizos. and Chapotami river valleys increased through the 5th century and culminated in the early nth century. The gradual decline that set in ca. 550 appears most dearly in dwindling 4uan­tities of Phocaean Red Slip. with the supply of Cypriot Red Slip trailing off in the later 7th cen­tury."' Comparison of this evidence with the

Kopetra survey Jata reveab telling differences among the surface finds. with the early forms better represented by the CPSP and the later forms dominating at Kopetra (Fig.)). A recent survey of the remote Akamas peninsula by the Danish A kamas Project also noted that line wares attained their highest leYels hetween -l50 and 550. which implies that this picture may apply to much of the western part of the island." Most of the sites identified by these surveys appear to be modest in size. The agricultural hamlet of Agios Kononas in the Akamas uplands. for one. was significantly smaller than Kopetra. The site was occupied mostly during the later 5th and early 6th centuries. but began to decline after 550. De­spite the construction of a small basilica perhaps as late as nOO. the locale was abandoned along with other nearby settlements in the 7th ccntu­ry.~x The availahle information. so far as it goes. suggests that a less hierarchically differentiated settlement pattern may haYe prevailed in this part of the Pafiote hinterland. with few villages flour­ishing either as well or as late as their contempo­raries farther cast.~'1

One late Roman settlement in west Cyprus stands out against this background. The anony­mous seaside town identified at Pegeia-Agios Gemgios occupies Cape Drepanon. about 25 km. west of Pafos. Apart from scattered tombs and traces of earlier activities. the site appears to have flourished primarily during the 50(ls and was at least partially occupied until the mid 7th century.

"~ 1 ~tannin!! t'l a/. 199-l. _'\)6-07. Th~ potll'f) i-. di~cu:-.-.cJ h) Kohcna Tomhcr in her cuntrihution to the -.itc'-. tinal r~pon.

~hiL·h :-he I..Jndl) 'harL·d \~ith me in Jraft h1r111. 23. Petil t'l ul. 1990. 170-lJ. 2-l LL·nnard llJH7. IIKI-1-l. 25 Hallet 1995: \1ichal'liJe-. 19%. 140-2: Kupp l9lJ7. 2-ll-3:

Arthur and Orl'n 199H. 209: l.unJ 1999. 12-.~-

26. Rurr 19HO. JH: LunJ 19lJ3. tig. 5-l: 1-2. 27. hjfcr (l'J.J 1995. 2-l. 175 fi);!. J: hjfcr and Hayl' ... 1995.

66-07. 2H. 1:ejkr (l'J.J llJlJ.'i. 73-Hh: F~_jti:r and fla)l'" 1995.07-9. ThL' 11-

nal rL'ron i' fnrlhl'omin);! 29. For ihl' ranl..ing of \l'llklllent -.itl'" in !he CPSP ar~a -.~l' Kupp

llJXh . . ~I. li);!. J: llJlJ7. 247-5H.

J26 \1.-\IH'l ·s R.,\l TMA]';

70

60

§ 50

2 .., u 40 ~ c u ~

- 30 c u u

& 20

10

0 CRS9 CRSII CRSg CRS2 CRSIO CRSI CRS7 CRS3 CRSS

Fi!!. 5. Compari~on of identilieJ Cypriot Red Slip form.., rccown:J Oy the Ko/'('fm area .. urn·y tn=3fl'JI and Canadian Palat•pafo,

Sur\'C)' Projed (n=l-f5l.

Three or more churches were built around this time and several other buildings. including a bath complex. are roughly contemporary. Pegeia's sudden and exceptional prosperity appears clear­ly in the use of Proconnesian marble for building. ornament. and furnishing of the churches. This material aftluence apparently derived from not the surrounding countryside but the site's prox­imity to the sea-route joining Alexandria with Constantinople. Its situation at the southwest point of the island would have offered a key land­mark for ships sailing from the south before con­tinuing toward the Aegcan.·'0 Justinian's reorgani­zation of the late empire's grain supply may have been a decisive factor in Pegeia's emergence as a bustling port-of-call. The economic basis of its 6th century boom. as well as its demise in the 7th century. ultimately will be clarified by publica­tion of its pottery.'' Yet to judge by the example of Agios Kononas and other nearby sites. Pe­geia's brief moment of aftluence had limited ef­fect on regional \ettlcment.

The disjuncture in fortunes between Pegeia and its hinterland emphasizes the economic im­portance of external trade. Pegeia's service-ori­ented economy seems to have flourished primar­ily through the traffic of goods between distant centers. By contrast. Koperra's diversified pro­duction base and favorable location allowed it to take greater advantage of local opportunities of­fered by these expanded exchange networks. Cyprus had come to occupy an increasingly im­portant place in the late Roman economy. In the 4th century Ammianus Marcellinus (Re.l' Ge.l'tae

14.X.I4) described a fertile and abundant island that possessed all the resources needed for build-

.~0. Tht• principal monunll'lll' and recent work at PL') ia arc Ji..,­cu,..,ed in Mcgaw IY7-f. 71-2: Bakirtli., 1995; ]997. For the irnport;mcc and couf',L' of the Alexandrian 'ea-routc 'L'l' Tt·all 1959.91-6: Murr<l) 1995 .. N.

.11. Lxt·rnpli of Cypriot Rt•d Slip fonm 10-1.::! from Pt•gcia are \\L'II l..nm\n from Ha~e.., ]972. 3X2-5.

rill-_ Bi 'S''l COliJ\lR.YSIDI: OJ' I.AIT f{O~L\~ CYI'R.I ·s 327

ing and outfitting transport ships. Almost two centuries later John Lydus (/)e Mag. 2.29) in­cluded Cyprus among the empire's most pros­perous provinces. Recognizing the need for its varied resources. Justinian in 536 attached the is­land to the lfll<l<'.\'11/ra exercitus in order directly to provision troops stationed near the north Bal­kan frontier. Likely exports at this time included copper. grain. oil. and wine. but also manufactur­ed goods like textiles and especially pottery.'' The distribution of Cypriot Red Slip pottery and Cypriot LR I amphoras across the Ncar East. Ae­gean. and beyond offers some guide to the reach of the island's products."

The special success of Kopetra at just this time points to the demand that existed tilr Vasil­ikos valley products. Copper likely was among these. although other sources in Spain and the Balkans were better known. The island's semi­arid Mediterranean climate is suited to the culti­vation of vines and especially olives. but the main product may well have been grain. Some of the best farming soils today arc found in the broad alluvial plains of the Mesaoria basin and south coastal regions. Annual rainfall in these ar­eas can approach 400-500mm .. which compares well with much of the Near East." In the early 20th century the wheat yield of Cyprus averaged 740 kg./ha .. and while not as stable as Egypt ex­hibited less variation than its other coastal neigh­bours." Medieval chroniclers and hagiographers naturally bemoaned agricultural shortfalls during times of drought. primarily for moralizing effect. but the island also is said to have exported wheat to Galatia as late as the 7th century.'" The clear signs of economic well-being at Kopetn1 indicate the success with which one small community mediated this demand. The strong presence of African Red Slip and Phocean Red Slip pottery throughout the 6th and into the early 7th century documents the westerly direction of many of its products. at least as far as Amathous and Pafos. and probably through them to the Aegean.

The Persian assault on the eastern border­lands beginning in 603 certainly increased the status of Cyprus as both strategic outpost and

agricultural supplier to the late empire. It focused attention on the island as a base for campaigns of rec0114uest mounted by Phocas and Heraclius. es­pecially around the eastward-looking harbors of Salamis-Constantia and Amathous." Provision­ing Roman troops naturally would have been a top priority for grain and other products of the re­gion. The loss of Egypt by 620 interrupted the grain supply to Constantinople. wh<he needs were made more acute by Avar campaigns in Thrace during the 620s. The capital's continuing demand would have underscored the economic contribution of this frontier province in spite of its distance. even while the volume of shipping traftic may have fallen Car below 6th century lev­els. The continued presence of Phocean Red Slip in Cyprus at a time when it was becoming in­creasingly scarce in the Aegean suggests that the distribution of this high value/low bulk commod­ity may have followed paths of State-directed ex­change. Conversely. the sporadic presence of Cypriot Red Slip after 550 at Sarw;hanc and else­where in the Aegean implies that a higher pro-

J:!. Chry~o' ll193. 3-7: \1it,:haelide~ 199h. 1-U-9. The rok pot­tery pla)L'd in the economy ut' Roman Cypru~ ha, not ht:l·n fully rL·cognited. Cargo' pn:,umahly v.ere mixed with oth~..·r

good' 'ul'h a:. tine v.an:'. for exampk. whiL'h acullnpanied agricultural product.. in amphora' and rx·ri,hahk container\.

:n. Tomht:r ]l)93: Reynold~ 1995. For a recent di,trihution map ofC)priot Red Slip ,ee Meyt.a 19l15. 1X7 pl.~-

J-l. Chri,todoulou 1959. 19-33. -ll-5: Thirgood ]l)!-:7, ~~--l. fig. 1. In r~..·c~..·nt time' vineyarJ, were coneemrateJ in the higher relief of the TrooJo,. w1th olive' preferred in the 'outh L'l'n­tral foothilh.

35. Chri,todoulou 1959, 1~5-X.fig.(H:Hopkin~ l9XJ.9l tahk 1. Th~..· \ariation of the Cypriot yield wa~ l~r/;. ~..·ompared with ~or·; or more for S) ri~1 and Turkey.

36. Droughb appear in the /.if(· of Spyridon of Tremithou' and Leontio' Makhaera~·~ Chronicle IThirgood Jl)X7. 5lJI. which IL·ad~ Hakirtti' ( l9lJ5. ~-l7l to que~tion whether Cypru' ihdl 'h1pped grain to the capitaL AJmittL·dl) the fragmentary hi'­toriL·al 'ource~ pro\ iJe little direct eviden1..·e for the 7th cen­tur) grain 'urpl). v. hich mu't haw heen aJJr~..·~~~..·d on an in­n~..·a~ingl) wl lu11' ha~j, !cf. Teai]Jl)5lJ.lJ7-10~. 135-71. One namrk nf 'uch mea.,ure' i' a donation of wheaten hread from C) pru' mentinneJ in tilL' Uti· of Thl·1xiore of Sykeon tllaney 19XlJ. 16hl.

.n See in general Cameron 1992: \\'hittov. ]l)l)h. 69-X~: Haldnn 1997. ~1--lX

rilL Bl ·sy ("(Jllf\TR.YSIIH: OF LATE R.OMA~ CYI'R.I ·s

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