1

Chapter Four: The Australian Association

of Social Workers and its historical

engagement with Indigenous Affairs in

Fejo-King, Christine and Poona, Jan (eds.) Reconciliation and

Australian Social Work. Magpie Goose Publishing, pp.125-155.

Philip Mendes

To date little is known about the historical engagement of the Australian Association of

Social Workers (AASW) with Indigenous Affairs. The aim of this chapter is to examine

the policies and activities of the national AASW on Indigenous issues from its formation

in 1946 to the current day.

In Part One we consider the formative period of the AASW from 1946 to 1975. For much

of this period, social work was a small profession and few social workers had contact

with Indigenous Australians. Nevertheless, from about 1965 onwards the AASW became

more involved in advocacy activities, and this included some contribution to Indigenous

policy debates, including the famous John Tomlinson Affair in the Northern Territory.

We also consider the vexed question of social work and the Stolen Generations of

Aboriginal Children.

In Part Two we consider the period from 1975 to 1996, which started with the AASW’s

split from the Australian Social Welfare Union. The AASW was not actively involved in

policy advocacy during this period, and this was reflected in minimal engagement with

Indigenous affairs.

In Part Three we examine the period from 1997 to the current day. The AASW has

become far more engaged with Indigenous concerns during this period, as reflected in a

number of initiatives pertaining to organizational activities, social work education and

ethics, and reconciliation generally. Nevertheless, tensions remain between the social

work profession and Indigenous social workers and Indigenous communities generally.

This chapter includes some overlap of the AASW and social work practice generally

given, that the AASW is widely regarded as the voice of the social work profession, even

though many social workers do not join the Association. I have used ‘Indigenous’ as the

overriding descriptive term in this chapter, but have also cited other terms of similar

meaning that were used by various commentators at the time they wrote.

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Methodology

This chapter is based as much as possible on primary sources such as national AASW

conference proceedings and national bulletins, the Australian Social Work journal,

Norma Parker addresses and Victorian Branch annual reports. Unfortunately, the

AASW’s national archives are currently uncatalogued, and relatively inaccessible to

researchers. This means, for example, that some key sources of evidence such as a full set

of the Association’s national annual reports are not available.

Part one: 1946-1975

Social work was a very small profession for much of this period, given that few

universities were offering professional social work courses (Healy, 2012). The AASW

estimated in 1948 that there were no more than 500-600 professionally qualified social

workers in Australia (Parker, 1948:3).

Lawrence (1965:168) calculated in 1954 that the total number of social workers in actual

employment was merely 368. Elsewhere, Lawrence (1976: 27) cites the national

membership of the AASW as growing from 486 in 1960 to 1244 by 1970. Figures for the

ACT and NT were only included from 1970 onwards. Given the above figures, it seems

likely that only a very limited number of social workers practised with Indigenous

families and communities in this period.

The AASW was not active in social policy debates till approximately the mid 1960s

(Mendes, 2003), and had little to say on Indigenous issues.

Indeed, Lawrence’s history of Australian social work (1965) does not make any reference

to Indigenous Australians, and only seven articles on social work practice with

Indigenous Australians in Australian social work appeared during this period. The first

did not appear till 1969, and none dealt with policy issues such as coerced assimilation

(McMahon, 2002).

The earliest AASW reference to Indigenous issues seems to have been in 1949 when the

Forum journal – later renamed Australian social work – mentioned an interest by the

Victorian Council of Social Service in establishing social services for Aboriginals in

Victoria (Anonymous, 1949). In 1950, the Victorian Council of Social Service, which

worked closely with the AASW, partnered with the Psychology and Social Studies (later

renamed Social Work) Departments of the University of Melbourne, to conduct a survey

of the needs of the Indigenous population in Melbourne. The survey specifically

examined whether the Indigenous community of the suburb of Fitzroy needed a social

worker, but concluded that the community would resent being targeted as a

disadvantaged group requiring assistance (VCOSS, 1950).

In December 1952, the national AASW discussed the possibility of assisting an

Indigenous student to undertake a Social Studies/social work degree. But it seems there

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was little recognition by the AASW of the difficulties faced by Indigenous Australians at

that time in completing Year 12, let alone entering university (Osborn, 1999).

Additionally, a Western Australian social worker, Eleanor Williams, presented a paper on

Aboriginal issues to the 4th national AASW Conference in 1953. Williams covered

debates around assimilation versus segregation, citizenship, education, housing and

employment, and urged social workers to get involved in personal contact with

Indigenous Australians (Williams, 1953). But there is little evidence of further

engagement.

In 1965, the Victorian branch of the AASW formed an Aboriginal welfare sub-committee

to advocate changes to the administration of the state Aboriginal Welfare Board. The

Committee was formed following a visit by an AASW member, Patricia McLeod, to the

Aboriginal Settlement of Lake Tyers, organized by the Aborigines’ Advancement

League. McLeod and her colleagues identified a number of tensions between government

policy and social work values, including the lack of consultation with Indigenous

residents, the lack of respect for their privacy, and the generally paternalistic and

authoritarian approach adopted, which conflicted with the principles of participation and

self-determination (AASW Aboriginal Affairs Sub-Committee Minutes, 5 July 1965;

Awburn, 1965; McLeod, 1965).

The Committee’s views provoked some robust internal debate, with some AASW

members questioning whether the Association should be involved in critiquing

government policy at all, and others denying that the AASW had any special expertise to

offer on Indigenous issues. Nevertheless, the Committee forwarded a submission to the

Minister in 1967, recommending a Committee of Inquiry into Aboriginal Welfare and the

appointment of a social worker to a three-person Board to conduct that inquiry.

Subsequently, the Committee met with the Minister to discuss these recommendations.

When the new Aboriginal Welfare Bill was passed, the Committee recommended the

election rather than the appointment of the Aboriginal representatives on the new

Advisory Council, that a provision for research be included in the Bill, and that the

proposed honorary Welfare Officers be required to have suitable training and skills. The

AASW also specifically requested that the Minister encourage the employment of

qualified social workers in the field of Aboriginal welfare, given that no qualified social

workers were employed by the Welfare Board at that time (AASW Victorian Branch

Annual Report, 1967; Awburn, 1967a, 1967b). For reasons that are unclear, the Victorian

Committee seems to have lapsed in 1968.

The National AASW passed a motion at the 1967 National Conference welcoming the

passage of the May 1967 referendum giving the Commonwealth new responsibility for

Aboriginal affairs, and urging the Commonwealth to widely consult with representatives

of Indigenous Australians, and relevant professional groups including social workers, in

developing their policy agenda (Benjamin, 1967). An AASW member then represented

the AASW at the Association for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait

Islander Conference held in Canberra in February 1968. An editorial in the July 1968

Federal Newsletter urged ‘concrete action to not only give the fullest possible recognition

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to the rights of the only real Australians, but also to enable them to assume these rights to

their fullest potential’ (p.3). The national AASW also wrote to the Commonwealth

Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, William Wentworth, recommending the establishment of

an independent statutory authority to advance the well-being of Indigenous Australians

(AASW Federal Newsletter, July 1968). There was a move to create a national committee

on Aboriginal welfare around this time, but the proposal seems to have floundered due to

tensions between the national secretary and the branches (AASW Federal Council

Meeting Minutes, 21 April 1968; 20 April 1969; 17-18 October 1970).

A Northern Territory social worker, the Uniting Church Minister Reverend Bernie Clark,

presented a paper to the 1969 AASW national conference, which examined education and

employment opportunities for Indigenous Australians in the NT. Clark argued that social

workers needed community development skills, rather than casework skills, to effectively

engage with Indigenous communities (Clark, 1969).

That same year the W.A. Branch held a seminar on Indigenous welfare, which was

addressed by an Anthropology academic, two government bureaucrats and five social

workers. An Indigenous social worker, Margaret Valadian, criticized the AASW for

failing to contribute to Indigenous welfare policy debates and reform, or convey the

positives of the Indigenous community to the wider society. Additionally, the President

of the AASW W.A. Branch, Mrs Lewi, expressed regret that so few social workers were

employed in Aboriginal welfare, and urged social work graduates to develop greater

knowledge and expertise in this area (AASW Western Australian Branch, 1969). A 1970

article by a social worker employed by the Council of Aboriginal Women of South

Australia strongly critiqued the prevailing assimilationist policy, and instead urged social

workers to support Indigenous claims for land rights and cultural self-determination

(LeSueur, 1970).

A small number of social workers were employed by the Victorian Aborigines Welfare

Board and its successor, the Ministry for Aboriginal Affairs, in the late 1960s/early

1970s. It appears that some of these social workers attained key positions in the Ministry,

and were influential in promoting an ideological shift in policy from assimilation to self-

determination (Boas, 1979; Renkin, 2006).

Later in 1975, Indigenous activist Charles Perkins and representatives of the Aboriginal

Legal Service, Peter Faris and Phil Moland, were invited to address the 14th national

AASW Conference held at Monash University in Melbourne.

The John Tomlinson Affair

The John Tomlinson Affair involved a Northern Territory social worker who defied

Ministerial instructions, and organized for a 7 year old Indigenous girl to be taken from

white foster carers and returned to her natural parents. The girl, Nola Bambiaga, had

originally been voluntarily placed with the white family as an infant by her parents, due

to health problems. But the NT Welfare Department had ignored repeated requests from

her family for her return, and the Commonwealth Minister for Aboriginal Affairs,

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Gordon Bryant, had asked workers to maintain the existing placement. Tomlinson and his

colleagues, most of whom were originally from the Southern states, elected instead to

return Nola to her natural family. Tomlinson was then demoted, following a departmental

inquiry which found him guilty of refusing orders from the Minister and misleading the

Director of the Welfare Branch (Davis, 1974; Haebich, 2000; Tomlinson, 1979; 2014).

However, his actions were defended by prominent Queensland social work academic and

former AASW National President (from 1970-72) Edna Chamberlain. She emphasized

the importance of maintaining Indigenous families, protecting the cultural identity of

Indigenous children, and establishing Aboriginal-directed health, education and welfare

services to support Indigenous families and recruit Indigenous foster carers

(Chamberlain, 1973).

In January 1974, the six social workers employed by the Department of Aboriginal

Affairs in the Northern Territory called the first ever social work strike, to protest

Tomlinson’s demotion from acting regional social worker to base-grade social worker.

They also attacked the inadequate services and policies of the Department, such as the

widespread removal of Indigenous children from their families without any legal process,

and demanded the employment of more social workers plus Indigenous welfare officers,

and the extension of foster care payments to Indigenous carers at the same rate as paid to

white carers. The strike was supported by the Northern Territory Branch of the AASW

led by President Colin Clague, although the national AASW, which was still a registered

industrial union, adopted an ambivalent approach, warning that ‘such strikes can create

employer resistance and destroy professional reputations’. Nevertheless, the national

membership contributed over $300 to a Fighting Fund established to assist the strikers

(Irwin, 1974: 12).

The strike continued for three weeks, but eventually the strikers returned to their jobs

after assurances from managers in their Department. However, it appears these

commitments were not fulfilled. The national AASW later commented that ‘while the

strikers were acting on behalf of clients, with the best of motives, their objectives and

methods of conducting the strike were unrealistic. In particular, their list of demands

contained too many items of major policy requiring decisions perhaps going as high as

Federal Cabinet’ (AASW, 1974).

Social workers and the Stolen Generations of Aboriginal Children

A number of commentators have suggested that professional social workers participated

directly, or at least indirectly via their professional silence, in the forcible removal of

Indigenous children from their families between 1910 and 1970 (Fejo-King, 2013;

Gilbert, 2005; Harms et al, 2008). For example, Bennett et al (2013) argue that ‘social

workers (or people known as social workers)’ played a ‘major role’ in developing

Indigenous welfare policies and practices that involved ‘instruments of social control’.

These practices provoked significant ‘distrust and suspicion of social workers’ within

many Indigenous families and communities (pp.19-20). They add that ‘social workers are

often feared, particularly due to their association with Aboriginal child removals’ (p.218).

6

But understanding the precise nature of the relationship between social workers and the

Stolen Generations is dependent on a number of contested interpretations and definitions.

Firstly, are we talking only about qualified social workers who were members of the

AASW, or are we talking about anybody who called themselves a social worker or

welfare officer in that historical period? As Healy notes, it is likely that few, if any, of the

persons employed in child welfare departments prior to the 1970s had professional

education or training (2012). Indeed, Lawrence estimated that, in 1954, just 40 social

workers worked in state government child welfare services, of whom 33 were in New

South Wales. It was only in the late 1950s that the Victorian government began to

employ social workers in its child welfare services. At this time, there were no social

workers employed in child welfare in Queensland, and no reference at all is made by

Lawrence to social workers in the Northern Territory (Lawrence, 1965: 168).

Secondly, do Indigenous communities historically, or today, make any distinction

between qualified social workers and other welfare personnel? Thirdly, does the term

‘Stolen Generations’ only refer to the period when Indigenous children were removed

without legal accountability by police and other welfare authorities, or does it also

include the continuing large-scale removal by professional child protection authorities of

large numbers (Baidawi, Mendes & Saunders 2013) of Indigenous children?

If we only refer to qualified social workers from 1910-70, then the evidence for social

work complicity seems mostly hidden and partial at best. The official ‘Bringing them

home report’ makes very few references to social workers. There is one statement by

long-time Indigenous child welfare activist, Molly Dyer, regarding ‘social workers’ from

the Victorian Aborigines Welfare Board allegedly policing the homes of Aboriginal

families in the 1950s (p.33), but it is unclear whether this refers to professional social

workers. The report also attacks social workers for lacking understanding of childrearing

values in Indigenous societies (Wilson, 1997). A study of Indigenous experiences of child

separations refers mainly to the role played by the police and welfare organisations in

removing children. It implies that some of the welfare officers had social work training,

but only names one particular social worker who worked briefly in Aboriginal welfare in

Victoria from 1965, and then returned again in 1970 (Mellor & Haebich, 2002: 140-143).

Part Two 1975-1996

At the end of 1975, the AASW membership voted to split the association (which still held

formal trade union registration under the Conciliation and Arbitration Act) into two

separate bodies: 1) A trade union to be known as the Australian Social Welfare Union

(ASWU), which would represent all social welfare workers rather than just qualified

social workers and would participate in political and social policy debates; and 2) The

remaining professional association, which would concentrate on professional education

and accreditation issues. The split reflected a number of factors, including ongoing

divisions over political and social action, and pressures to broaden the membership of the

AASW to include all social welfare workers (Davis, 1987; Hayes, 1992).

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The split with the ASWU inevitably left the AASW weakened in terms of numbers and

resources, and there was little organized commitment to social action and reform over the

next two decades (Mendes, 2003). During this period, a number of Indigenous issues

became prominent in public policy discourse, including land rights claims, evidence of

Indigenous disadvantage, the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, the

introduction of the Native Title Act, and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity

Commission inquiry into the removal of Indigenous children. Peak welfare groups such

as the Australian Council of Social Service became increasingly involved in advocacy for

Indigenous rights, and formed close partnerships with Indigenous organisations such as

the Secretariat for National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care (SNAICC) (Mendes,

2011).

Additionally, the emerging Indigenous child welfare organisations publicized concerns

about the continuing over-representation of Indigenous children in out-of-home care, and

specifically criticized the role played by social workers in child welfare policy and

practice. Social workers had by then become a significant professional group in most

State and Territory child welfare departments. For example, by 1978, social workers held

all major policy and administrative positions in the Victorian Social Welfare Department,

and as late as 1994 social workers still held most senior management positions in child

protection (Marciewicz, 1996a: 28; 1996b: 12).

Indigenous groups argued that white social workers were applying culturally insensitive

practices that contributed to the disproportionate removal of Indigenous children from

their parents and broader kin networks. Over time their advocacy led to significant

changes in Indigenous child welfare policy, including the introduction of the Aboriginal

Child Placement Principle by most jurisdictions. This Principle holds that children should

be placed with Indigenous carers if at all possible (Briskman, 2003; Wilson, 1997).

For example, a 1976 national conference on adoption critiqued the practices of white

social workers, who tended to place Indigenous children with white foster parents.

Participants argued that Indigenous families were reluctant to foster children because of

the middle class standards imposed by white social workers (Sommerlad, 1976). Another

conference, convened by the Victorian Aboriginal Child Care Agency in 1979, spoke of

the ongoing distrust and limited communication between Indigenous communities and

the child welfare system. Conference participants emphasized the importance of

substantial Indigenous participation in service delivery. Concern was expressed that

white social workers were only consulting with Indigenous agencies in a tokenistic way,

and/or abdicating case management responsibility to Indigenous workers without

adequate resourcing. Social workers were urged to recognize the strengths of Indigenous

extended families, and the specific cultural needs of Indigenous children (Jackson, 1979).

Another tension between white social workers and Indigenous Australians seems to have

existed around qualifications and eligibility for AASW membership. According to Fejo-

King (2013), a number of Indigenous practitioners acquired either a Community

Development Certificate or an Associate Diploma in Social Work in the 1970s via the

South Australian Institute of Technology, but were denied AASW membership because

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they did not have a university degree. It was not until the mid-1980s that most Indigenous

practitioners were able to secure university social work degrees.

From the available literature, it seems that the AASW had little to say on these key

Indigenous policy debates. One exception was a commitment by the Victorian Branch in

1980 to address the ‘disadvantages suffered by the Aboriginal people of Australia’

(AASW Victorian Branch, 1980: 5). But no action appears to have been taken to progress

this concern.

Two consecutive Norma Parker addresses by National President Sheila Truswell made

significant reference to Indigenous issues, including the Stolen Generations of Aboriginal

children, deaths in custody, forced assimilation, and the need for self-determination

(1987; 1989). In her 1989 address, Truswell urged social workers to ‘redefine how we

work with Aboriginals…we need to listen to what they themselves are saying, not only

about their own needs and aspirations, but also the needs and special relationship they

have built with this land, in order to repair the damage our ancestors have done to them,

and to it’ (p.6).

There were a couple of brief references in AASW National Bulletins (September and

December 1994) to proposed policy action on Indigenous issues including, specifically,

the Native Title Act, but no evidence that any outcomes resulted. The 1995 NPA by

Imelda Dodds mentioned in passing that the AASW needed to rebuild links with

Indigenous social workers ‘whom from our discussions have said quite clearly that they

have yet to see the value and importance of the linkage with the Association’ (p.7).

Additionally, one social worker from Alice Springs presented a paper at the 1995 national

conference urging practitioners to develop an alternative framework for practice with

Indigenous people to that proposed by white culture (Mitchell, 1995).

Only seven articles on Indigenous issues appeared in Australian Social Work (McMahon,

2002). Three were overtly critical of social work practice. One of them, by a Western

Australian practitioner, suggested that most social workers conformed to the general

racist prejudices held by society towards Aboriginal people. Instead, he recommended an

alternative social work practice based on understanding the cultural needs and concerns

of Indigenous Australians (McMahon, 1990).

Former NT practitioner and long-time Indigenous rights activist, John Tomlinson (1986),

attacked the continuing over-representation of Indigenous children in state care. He

suggested an alternative community development model of child welfare, whereby

Indigenous-controlled organisations were funded to provide a culturally sensitive child

care service. Similarly, Victorian rural practitioners Freedman & Stark (1993) argued

against the placement of Indigenous children in a white foster care, and argued instead

for the establishment of a culturally appropriate Indigenous foster care service based on

the Aboriginal Child Placement Principle.

Part Three 1997-2014

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This period saw a much greater engagement of the AASW with Indigenous affairs, as

reflected in supportive policy statements, the inclusion of Indigenous concerns in

significant AASW practice and education documents, and attempts to promote

Indigenous participation in AASW activities. The turning point appears to have been the

National inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children

from their families, and the Bringing them home report. The AASW presented a

submission to the Inquiry, which acknowledged the role social workers had played in the

removal of Indigenous children (AASW National Bulletin, June 1997).

The AASW statement noted:

‘We know and sincerely regret that social workers, and unqualified workers known as

Social Workers, were actively involved in the removal of Aboriginal children from their

families even up to relatively recent times. As far as we are aware, our professional

association has not made any comment or apology about the involvement of social

workers in the separation of families which has had such a dramatic impact on aboriginal

communities…The Association acknowledges that social workers were involved in the

forced separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families in

every state and territory in Australia during this century’ (Wilson, 1997: 291-92; AASW

National Bulletin, February 1997).

This statement was also presented to, and endorsed by, the International Federation of

Social Workers conference held in Jerusalem in 1998.

Additionally, in August 1997, the AASW voted to co-sign the ACOSS Statement of

Apology for the ‘damage caused by the forcible separation of Aboriginal and Torres

Strait Islander children from their families’. The statement noted that ‘we feel a particular

sense of responsibility for the consequences of these racist policies because their

implementation required the active involvement of community welfare organisations’

(AASW National Bulletin, August 1997: 14).

The AASW was active in promoting reconciliation with Indigenous Australians. The

AASW criticized the Commonwealth Government for refusing to apologize to

Indigenous Australians for the Stolen Generations, and AASW representatives

participated in the May 1997 Aboriginal Reconciliation Convention (AASW National

Bulletin, June 1997; August 1997). Additionally, a significant group of AASW members

participated in the Reconciliation Marches held in Melbourne and Sydney in May 2000.

The AASW issued a press release calling on the Australian Government to work

collaboratively with Indigenous people to identify new solutions to social and health

problems. The statement argued that:

‘It is only when we, as a nation, have recognized the immense suffering that has

been inflicted upon the Aboriginal peoples, and the dispossession of their land,

that we can begin a clear process of healing and reconciliation’ (AASW National

Bulletin, June 2000: 10).

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The AASW formed a Reconciliation and Indigenous Issues Working Party in 2001,

comprising both white and Indigenous social workers, to advance reconciliation. The

Working Party aimed to assist ‘Indigenous Australians to deal with poverty and the

trauma of the past history of neglect, discrimination, prejudice, dispossession and

displacement’. The group acknowledged that:

‘social work had often been seen as an agent of control, implementing

government policies that were neglectful and damaging, although in fact social

workers were more often dealing with the outcomes of these policies’.

In contrast, this group would aim to ‘address past and current wrongs’ by advocating for

improved funding and services for Indigenous Australians (AASW National Bulletin,

December 2001: 11).

A further statement by the group noted that social work had a poor image amongst

Indigenous Australians due to its association with the past removal of children by

churches and welfare officers. However, there was now an opportunity for social workers

to engage more positively with Indigenous people in the future by employing culturally

relevant strategies to assist their communities (AASW National Bulletin, December

2002: 12).

In September 2004, the group issued an Acknowledgement Statement to Aboriginal and

Torres Strait Islander People. The statement acknowledged that social workers had

historically colluded with assimilationist policies, including the coerced removal of

children from their families. The statement promised that contemporary social workers

would collaborate with Indigenous Australians to strengthen their family and community

structures, and advance improved social, cultural and economic outcomes (AASW

National Bulletin, September 2004).

In 2007, the AASW welcomed the 40th anniversary of the referendum, which granted

voting rights to Indigenous Australians. The Association promised to continue working to

oppose racial discrimination, and to promote policy reform (AASW National Bulletin,

Winter 2007). The AASW welcomed the Labor Government’s Apology to Indigenous

Australians in February 2008. The Association expressed hope that ‘it will go some way

towards healing the spiritual, social, emotional and cultural hurts that have affected

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’ (AASW, 2008c). In February 2012, on the

fourth anniversary of the National Apology to Indigenous Australians for the forced

removal of children, the AASW paid its respects to Indigenous people, and regretted the

role played by child welfare workers in implementing unjust policies (AASW, 2012a).

The AASW developed a Reconciliation Action Plan, in 2013, to enhance relationships

between the AASW and Indigenous Australians, and also between Indigenous and non-

Indigenous social workers. The Plan aims to incorporate Indigenous knowledge into

social work theory and practice, and to promote culturally aware practice. It seeks to

increase understanding by social workers of ‘the histories and culture of the First

11

Australians, to celebrate their achievement and resilience and to develop meaningful

relationships based on respect’ (AASW, 2013a:6).

A number of the Norma Parker addresses reiterated the AASW’s support for Indigenous

concerns. For example, Dodds (1997) expressed support for the reconciliation process,

called on the government to apologize to Indigenous Australians, and condemned the

racist attacks by Pauline Hanson MP and other politicians on the Indigenous community.

Similarly, Dodds (1999) condemned the historical violation of Indigenous human rights,

including the mass forced removal of their children, and documented the links between

contemporary Indigenous disadvantage and historical dispossession and trauma. She

urged social workers to work collaboratively with Indigenous Australians to demand their

rights, and emphasized the responsibility of the AASW to recognize the experiences of

their Indigenous members, and ‘support them in their struggle’ (p.4).

The AASW also supported Indigenous concerns in a number of discrete policy areas such

as land rights and child welfare. They opposed the Government’s Wik legislation, which

was intended to undermine the 1993 Native Title Act. The AASW made a submission to

the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Native Title, issued a press release, and also wrote

to all Federal parliamentarians in November 1997 arguing that the government’s

proposed amendments would unfairly remove the right of Indigenous people to negotiate

native title claims (AASW National Bulletin, October 1997; December 1997).

In response to reports documenting widespread child abuse and neglect within

Indigenous communities, the AASW recommended a structural and rights-based

response. The Association emphasized the importance of collaborating with Indigenous

groups to ‘build trust and deliver effective, culturally appropriate services’ (AASW

National Bulletin, October 2002: 29). The AASW responded to the Little children are

sacred report, and subsequent Northern Territory Emergency Response in 2007, by

criticizing discriminatory policies, such as compulsory income management, that served

to disempower Indigenous families. The AASW argued instead for a holistic approach,

that recognized the impact of trans-generational trauma and prioritized collaborative

partnerships with Indigenous communities (AASW National Bulletin, Spring 2007;

Autumn 2008).

Further AASW statements expressed concern about the continuing over-representation of

Indigenous children in state care (AASW National Bulletin, Autumn 2011). The AASW

also opposed an attempt by the NT Government to appoint Canadian social workers to

child welfare positions. The AASW and NCATSISWA co-authored a letter to the

Canadian Association of Social Workers, and the Commonwealth and State and Territory

Governments, expressing concern that international social workers would have

insufficient knowledge of Indigenous culture and history to practice in a competent way

(AASW, 2010a).

Additionally, the AASW issued Indigenous Health and Education and Employment

Position Papers in 2008, which recommended actions to address general Indigenous

socio-economic disadvantage in areas such as housing, sanitation, availability of fresh

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food, and access to a range of health services (AASW, 2008a; 2008b). And the

Association presented a submission to the Senate Select Committee on Regional and

Remote Indigenous Communities in 2009, which recommended a strengths-based

community development approach to reduce the gaps between Indigenous and non-

Indigenous communities (AASW, 2009).

The AASW also worked to develop more culturally responsive practice and education

statements. For example, a number of commentators had earlier criticized the absence of

a reference to Indigenous concerns and issues in the AASW Code of Ethics, and urged

that the Code be amended to recognize the importance of culturally relevant practice with

Indigenous people (Butler, 1997; Briskman & Noble, 1999; Fejo-King, 2011).

Initially, the AASW released a revised 1999 edition which included a recognition of

‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as the Indigenous people of Australia’, and

‘acknowledged the historical disadvantage suffered by Indigenous people and the

implications of this for social work practice’ (AASW, 1999: 9). A further revised Code

was issued in 2010, which recognizes the unique history, knowledge and culture of

Indigenous Australians. The Code, which features Indigenous artwork on the front cover,

includes a specific Preamble, which pays respect to Indigenous Australians.

The Preamble states:

‘Social workers acknowledge the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples,

the first Australians, whose lands, winds and waters we all now share, and pay

respect to their unique values, and their continuing and enduring cultures which

deepen and enrich the life of our nation and communities. Social workers commit

to acknowledge and understand the historical and contemporary disadvantage

experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the implication

of this for social work practice. Social workers are responsible for ensuring that

their practice is culturally competent, safe and sensitive’ (AASW, 2010b: 5).

The AASW also acted to include Indigenous-specific material in core social work

education curriculum standards, to facilitate culturally responsive practice. Some of the

key new features included recognition of the diverse experiences, knowledge and skills of

Indigenous people; respect for their culture; knowledge of their historical and

contemporary disadvantage; and the development of skills to collaborate with Indigenous

colleagues, and promote social justice for Indigenous Australians (AASW, 2012b;

Bessarab et al, 2014). Further, revised AASW practice standards were published in 2013,

which emphasize the need for social workers to recognize and respect the ‘strengths,

capacities and contributions that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples make to

society’ (AASW, 2013b: 11).

The increased engagement with Indigenous concerns was also reflected in greater

Indigenous content in Australian Social Work (Harms et al, 2011). For example,

McMahon (1997) reported sensitively on the stark findings of the Bringing them home

report, and the serious implications for social work education and practice. He

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highlighted the report’s recommendation for all professionals working with Indigenous

children and families to learn about the history and long-term effects of child removal.

Amongst other authors, Green & Baldry (2008) reflected on the development of

Indigenous social work theory and practice, and Bessarab & Crawford (2010) reported on

the findings of a consultation forum held by Indigenous child protection workers. Most

significantly, two special issues of Australian Social Work were published in March 2011

and June 2011 on Australian Indigenous Social Work and Social Policy, featuring

contributions from Indigenous and non-Indigenous social workers.

There is also evidence that a larger number of Indigenous people are becoming social

workers, and it is estimated that 4.4 per cent of the total number of social work students

are Indigenous (Bessarab et al 2014: 57). But, on the other hand, a number of authors

have noted a continuing suspicion of social workers within Indigenous communities,

particularly in relation to child protection interventions and the perceived threat of

removal of children (Bennett & Zubrzycki, 2003; Whyte, 2005; Harms et al, 2008;

Calma, 2011; Harms et al, 2011; Bennett et al, 2013).

The AASW has adopted a number of strategies to promote the participation of

Indigenous social workers in its activities. One strategy was to invite prominent

Indigenous social workers to address national conferences. For example, Stephanie

Gilbert, Bindi Bennett, Lorraine Parsons, Christine King and Raeleene Councillor

presented papers at the 2001, 2004 (jointly with International Federation of Social

Workers) and 2006 national AASW conferences.

Most significantly, Brian Butler from the Secretariat for National and Aboriginal Islander

Child Care (SNAICC) addressed the 1997 national conference. Butler argued that ‘the

social work profession has to accept that it was a part of the policies of the removal of our

children’. He emphasized that social workers were still involved in the disproportionate

removal of Indigenous children, and that social workers rarely collaborated with

Indigenous clients to challenge government policy. He added that ‘the complicit role that

social workers have played in the interference of our family lives has done great damage

to your reputation and your profession’. Butler urged the AASW to revise educational

documents so that Indigenous issues were placed at the forefront. He also recommended

that the AASW establish a Working Party including co-opted Indigenous members to

identify better policies for the future (Butler, 1997: 55, 58).

The AASW acted on some of Butler’s proposals. They amended their Constitution in

2010 to reserve a Board position for an Indigenous member, which was initially filled by

Glenice Garvie. They also formed an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social

Workers National Committee in 2008, in order to provide advice to the AASW Board on

Indigenous affairs and to promote a strong Indigenous presence within the AASW

(AASW National Bulletin, Spring 2010. This Committee contributed to the creation of

the designated Indigenous AASW Board position, and developed the new curriculum

standards. But the Committee was suspended in late 2012 pending further consultation

with Indigenous members, and is currently inactive. Equally, the dedicated Aboriginal

and Torres Strait Islander Director’s position remained vacant, as no nominations were

14

received at either the 2011 or 2012 elections, although an Indigenous social worker did

join the Board in mid 2013 (AASW National Bulletin, Summer 2012; Bennett, 2013).

These mixed outcomes suggest that the existing top-down AASW leadership structures

which privilege the views of AASW members over those of any other social workers may

not necessarily be conducive to facilitating Indigenous involvement. For example, one

prominent Indigenous researcher completed a study of barriers to effective participation

by Indigenous social workers in the AASW. Key constraints identified included the

financial costs of membership, the lack of a recognized voice for Indigenous members

within Association structures, and the lack of clarity about professional social work

identity. Proposed solutions included addressing racism within and beyond social work,

promoting more active participation by members, engaging in more public advocacy on

Indigenous issues, and designing structures to ensure that Indigenous involvement is

representative and not tokenistic (Bennett, 2013).

Separately to the AASW, the National Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

Social Workers Association (NCATSISWA) was formed in 2002 to promote social work

within the Indigenous community, to advocate on behalf of Indigenous Australians, to

progress reconciliation, and to facilitate the development of a professional identity for

Indigenous social workers (AASW National Bulletin, October 2002; NCATSISWA,

2013).

The establishment of NCATSISWA also seemed to reflect a concern that Indigenous

culture and experiences were not included in the AASW Code of Ethics and Practice

Standards (that is, at least prior to the recent revised documents), and that Indigenous

social workers were marginalized within the Association (Briskman, 2007; Fejo-King,

2011; Gonzalez et al, 2006). Equally, the NCATSISWA has a very inclusive membership

policy, which incorporates both AASW members and non-members and, indeed, some

Indigenous practitioners who don’t have formal social work degrees, which may better

facilitate collective activities and advocacy.

Regardless, the NCATSISWA and the AASW have worked cooperatively together on a

number of policy issues. For example, they presented a joint submission to the House of

Representatives Inquiry into Capacity Building in Indigenous Communities in 2003. The

two organisations also issued a joint media release commemorating Sorry Day in May

2003, which called for social, economic and political justice and self-determination for

Indigenous people (AASW National Bulletin, April 2003; June 2003).

Conclusion

The AASW has had only limited involvement with Indigenous issues for much of its

history. This is despite the fact that many social workers from at least the early 1970s

played key roles in practice with Indigenous families and communities in child welfare,

youth justice and other fields. To be sure, some individual social workers and some state

or territory branches were active in policy advocacy at various times. But the AASW per

15

se seems to have been relatively silent when it came to any significant analysis or critique

of government policies that lead to negative outcomes for Indigenous Australians.

The Bringing them home report, however, seems to have prompted a serious rethink

which lead the AASW to prioritize Indigenous policy concerns. Since the late 1990s, the

AASW has made a serious attempt to advocate for Indigenous rights, to incorporate

Indigenous culture into key social work practice and education documents, and to include

Indigenous social workers in Association activities. These actions have had some positive

impact in facilitating an improved relationship between social workers and Indigenous

Australians. Nevertheless, some tensions remain.

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(Associate Professor Philip Mendes is the Director of the Social Inclusion and Social

Policy Research Unit (SISPRU) in the Department of Social Work at Monash University.

He is grateful to Peter Renkin and John Tomlinson for providing relevant documents, to

Kerril Williams and a number of AASW staff in the Victorian and Canberra offices for

trying to uncover the mystery of the AASW archives, and to Alison Trewhella for

searching through the available archives: Philip.Mendes@monash.edu)