Sports mega-events and Islam: An introduction

Karl Russell, Noelle O’Connor, Katherine Dashper and Thomas

Fletcher

In Sports events, society and culture. Edited by Katherine Dashper,

Thomas Fletcher and Nicola McCullough. Routledge, 2014.

Introduction

Events are embedded within the socio-cultural milieus of their

host communities (Ferdinand and Shaw, 2012; Getz, 2012). Many

of the world’s international sporting events, staged since the

Second World War, have predominantly emerged and been hosted

within Europe, North America, Japan and Australia. This is, in

part, due to the success and growth within these post war

nations’ economies. These regions of the world, collectively

known as the ‘developed’ or ‘western’ world, have largely

adopted or have acknowledged Christianity as their main

religion. As such their societies have developed a series of

value systems which are based upon Christian-led beliefs

witnessed in the worship of Jesus Christ, the adherence of

Sunday as a day of worship, modest dress codes, traditional

gender roles in both domestic and working situations, and the

acknowledgment of Christian significant religious dates and

holidays (Weber, 1992). International sports governing bodies

for the majority of ‘major’ sports, such as football, rugby

and tennis, were founded in western states and so were also

loosely based around Christian values. As Gupta (2009: 1779)

argues “Because western nations were the founder members of

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most international sporting associations they dominated these

bodies and set the rules for a sport, dominated its finances,

and determined the location of major international events”.

However, recent global changes, such as shifting economic

power, have seen a trend towards many ‘emerging’ regions

outside of the western world hosting, and/or actively seeking

to host, international sporting events.

One such emerging region is the Middle East. The Middle East

is largely composed of Islamic countries. It is the

geographical home to economically powerful nations such as the

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA, a member of the G20), United

Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Bahrain, where “wealth,

economic growth and diversification, based on the sale of

natural resources such as oil and liquefied gas that ‘continue

to drive the Gulf Economy’ (O’Sullivan, 2008: p.1), has seen

their global profiles raised dramatically in terms of their

political, economic and socio-cultural influence” (Russell and

O’Connor, 2013: 206).Today the region plays host to many

international sporting events, such as Formula One motor

racing staged in Bahrain and Abu Dhabi, international golfing

and tennis events staged in Qatar and Dubai, and international

cycling road racing staged in Oman. A review of the current

literature has focused on examining the economic suitability

of Islamic countries in relation to hosting international

sporting events (Scharenberg, 1999; Randeree, 2011). However,

to date, little attention has been given to examining the

socio-cultural beliefs and values within Islam - many of which

are fundamental to everyday life within non-secular Islamic

countries - and the challenges these may present (to both the

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host nation and the event) when an international sporting

event is staged in a non-secular Islamic country.

In this chapter we begin to consider some of the complexities

of hosting major international sporting events in non-secular

Islamic countries. We begin by considering the historical

relationship between religion and sporting events. We then go

on to identify emerging sports events markets, focusing

particularly on the Middle East, and consider various ways in

which event managers need to be culturally sensitive to the

teachings and practices of Islam when staging major sports

events in non-secular Islamic countries. We suggest that, due

to the imperatives of global sport and the need to attract new

audiences and investors, there is a need to expand sporting

events into hitherto uncharted territories. This will require

a reconsideration of many of the hegemonic ideological

assumptions around which international sports events are

currently conceptualised. As Maguire (1999) has long argued,

the globalisation of sport has led to the domination of the

west over non-western countries. However, recent tendencies to

award the hosting of major international sports events to non-

western nations suggests that the tide is now turning.

Therefore, this chapter is a timely introduction to some of

the issues and complexities associated with hosting major

international sports events outside of the traditional power

block of the western world.

Religion and sporting events

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The popularity of modern day large scale international

sporting events can be traced back to the inter-war period

after the First World War (Riordan and Kruger, 1999). During

this period (within Europe and the USA) public interest in

sport increased, resulting in growth in the popularity and

prominence of sporting tournaments. This period also

witnessed the expansion of sport as a commercialised product,

leading to greater participation and more sporting

competitions, as well as growth in the number of international

sporting tournaments. This era became known as the period of

the ‘universalisation of sport’ (Riordan and Kruger, 1999). As

sport and sports events became more popular and prominent,

divisions along the lines of class, gender, ‘race’, and -

importantly for our discussion here - religion, became

increasingly apparent.

The contemporary events literature is dominated by examples of

international sporting events staged within the developed

(western) world (Riordan and Kruger, 1999; Pfister 2000; Getz,

2008; Randeree, 2011). A contributing factor towards this

relates to the Cold War era when the capitalist west and the

communist states of the east used sport, sporting events and

sporting victories to emphasise their political ideologies,

social dominance and religious right; a propaganda campaign

which the west arguably won (Wagg and Andrews, 2006). This

politicisation of sport placed it at the top of political and

economic agendas (Riordan and Kruger, 1999). During the post-

Second World War period, sport and sporting events became

increasingly commercialised throughout the western world.

Historical accounts of the emergence and development of modern

sport and sporting events are strongly rooted in western

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societies and cultures (e.g. Holt, 1990). As such, the

emergence and initial development of international sporting

events took place within capitalist states based (sometimes

loosely) on Christian ethics and beliefs. It is within this

context that popular sport first took shape and developed

(Riordan and Kruger, 1999; Scharenberg, 1999). This context

shaped the development of sport and sporting events in a

number of ways, including: the observance of Sunday as the day

of worship and rest throughout most of the twentieth century;

the avoidance of Christian dates of celebration, such as

Christmas and Easter, within the sporting calendar; and,

widespread sex-segregation in the organisation of most

sporting activities and competitions to reflect western

Christian value systems related to traditional gender roles

and expectations (Pfister, 2010a, 2010b).

Over the last hundred years the centrality of the Christian

church to many western states has diminished, resulting in a

number of social changes that have impacted on sport and

sports events. The sanctity of Sunday as a day of worship and

rest has been called into question, and sporting events are

now regularly scheduled on Sundays and close to Christian

religious holidays. For example, Formula One, tennis (e.g.

the French Open, Wimbledon), FIFA World Cup games, Olympic and

Paralympic events, all take place on Sunday, the traditional

Christian day of worship. The role of women in society at

large and sport in particular has changed dramatically and,

although still lagging far behind that of male sports and

athletes, this has resulted in increased female sporting

participation and increased visibility and celebration of

female athletes (Pfister, 2010a; Dashper, 2012). In addition

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there has been an increase in sports and sporting governing

bodies making rules that ban participants from performing any

acts related to ‘shows of faith’ or secularism (Amara, 2012).

All of these changes have contributed to increases in sports

participation and attraction of global media audiences.

International sporting events have become increasingly

commercialised, and (predominantly) western sponsors now use

these events to target global audiences. The Olympic Games and

FIFA World Cup global sponsors, for example, include companies

such as Adidas, Coca Cola, McDonalds, Visa and Kodak; all of

which are major western companies. However, recent ‘shifts’ in

the world’s economic power bases are arguably changing this

status quo. The rising prominence of India in sports such as

cricket are a prime example of this (see Gupta, 2004; Rumford,

2007).

Emerging markets and international sporting events

Major international sports events have been staged in non-

Western countries for some time. For example: Tokyo Olympics,

1964; Mexico Olympics, 1968; Seoul Olympics, 1988; FIFA World

Cup in Uruguay 1930, Brazil, 1950, Mexico 1986, Japan/South

Korea, 2002, and South Africa, 2010. However, for many, the

Beijing Olympics set in motion a new social and political

agenda for considering the role of non-Western nations on the

major international sports events circuit (Palmer, 2013: 114).

Russell and O’Connor (2013) suggest that Beijing 2008 can be

regarded as a major turning point in Olympic history. To

iterate this they identify how the Games attracted over 10,000

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athletes and millions of ‘cultural sports tourists’ in person,

in addition to billions via many media sources. Moreover, an

estimated 4.3 billion people (63% of the world’s population)

in 220 territories are thought to have viewed the event

(Russell and O’Connor, 2013: 207). They also argue that the

‘success’ of Beijing has encouraged other ‘Eastern’

nations/cities to announce to the IOC their credentials,

willingness and readiness to ‘bid’ to be host cities for

future Olympics.

Indeed, emerging nations from Asia, South America and the

Middle East are now actively seeking, and are being courted by

event owners and organisers, to be potential future hosts and

venues for all types of international sporting events; many of

which attract global media audiences. Countries such as China

(Beijing Olympics and Paralympics,2008; Shanghai Diamond

League (track and field), annual), India (Commonwealth Games

2010), Bahrain (Formula One - annual), and Russia (UEFA

Champions League Final, 2010) have all recently staged major

sporting events. Brazil will also host future mega sporting

events with the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and the Olympic and

Paralympic Games in 2016 being staged there.

While the debate is ongoing as to what benefit the staging or

hosting of an international sporting event can actually bring

to a country or a city, especially one in the ‘emerging’

world, it is clear that in playing host to such sporting

events, countries and cities are seeking to elevate their

global image (Matheson, 2006; Rein and Shields, 2006; Konrad-

Adenauer-Stiftung, 2011). Cornelissen (2012: 78), for example,

argues that sporting events are increasingly “seen as

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opportunities to project or ‘show-case’ [a country’s] achieved

levels of modernity to the outside world”. Referring

specifically to the Global South, Darnell (2012: 105) argues

that, “sports mega-events … are used to showcase successful

development, particularly for states struggling for legitimacy

within competitive globalisation”.

This global shift in the hosting of international sporting

events outside of the west is set to continue. Bang (2011: 1)

suggests that “the biggest events are leaving Europe and North

America”. Evidence of this dramatic shift can be provided by

the Danish Institute for Sports Studies Research which

demonstrates that only 23% of major international events, such

as the Olympic and Paralympic Games and world championship

tournaments in football, athletics and swimming, will be held

within western countries after 2010. The remaining 77% of

these events will be held within countries from the Middle

East, Asia, Africa (south of the Sahara Desert) and

Central/South America (Bang, 2011).

This shifting pattern can be conceptualised through the idea

of ‘post-westernisation’ (Rumford, 2007). For Rumford this

shift is not simply about the decreasing salience of the idea

of the west as a reference point for political identification

and global leadership, rather, it can be characterised through

a series of processes. Firstly, he suggests that post-

westernisation signals the increasing “lack of unity within

those countries formerly considered to have a common ‘Western’

world view” (Rumford, 2007: 205). Secondly, post-

westernisation signifies the co-existence of multiple

‘modernities’ – western, post-communist, Islamic – as opposed

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to an assumed dominance of the west over the rest. Finally,

post-westernisation involves recognition of a ‘new East’

capable of “shaping global affairs previously seen as the

preserve of the West” (Rumford, 2007: 206). For example,

cricket has witnessed a shift in decision-making power from

the west – England in particular – to non-western former

peripheries of the game, principally India. It is our

contention here that power shifts within global sport are

becoming increasingly visible, which necessitates further

consideration and exploration of potential issues arising when

events are staged in these regions.

Middle Eastern countries and international sporting events

Some Islamic states are actively pursuing opportunities to

host international sports events. Today, Bahrain, United Arab

Emirates (UAE), Oman, Qatar and Iran are proving to be

attractive hosts for staging a range of international sporting

events. The financial case can be easily made for staging an

international sporting event within economically wealthy

Islamic countries such as Bahrain, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

(KSA), Qatar and the UAE (Randeree, 2011). However, socio-

cultural factors are also important to the success (or

otherwise) of international sporting events, and have not

hitherto been examined in this context. Arzt (1996: 140) notes

that the above mentioned Middle Eastern states have officially

proclaimed Islam to be the state religion. Therefore, the

value systems and everyday lives of citizens within these

countries are influenced by Islamic values and beliefs, and

not by Christianity. The beliefs and values of Islam, which

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are reflected in the social and cultural practices of Islamic

nations, differ in many respects from the Christian-influenced

social and cultural environments of western nations which have

traditionally staged international sporting events. Thus, as

we argue in this chapter, staging international sporting

events in different social and cultural contexts, such as

those offered by non-secular Islamic states, may expose

conflicts between the Christian-based ethics and values that

underpin the ethos of those events, and the Islamic values of

host nations.

Some of the social and cultural challenges of hosting

international sporting events within non-secular Islamic

countries are already coming to the fore and receiving

attention within the general media. Recent examples of this

are: negative coverage of issues surrounding the availability

of alcohol during the Qatar 2022 FIFA World Cup (Wilson,

2010); the use of rose water and not traditional champagne at

the celebration of the winners of the Bahrain Grand Prix; the

use of inappropriate language as witnessed by Formula One

drivers at the end of the 2013 Abu Dhabi Grand Prix (Duncan,

2012); and the participation of female Muslims and the mixing

of men and women at international sporting events

(Scharenberg, 1999; Pfister, 2000; Pfister, 2010b). On all of

these issues there appears to be something of a west-east

dichotomy. Many of these examples are, effectively, ‘non-

issues’ in the west, but require a certain amount of cultural

sensitivity when events take place outside of western

contexts. Writing specifically about mega-events in BRIC

countries, Palmer (2013: 114-115) argues that research is only

now “registering the social, symbolic, political and policy

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import of these ‘other’ events in ‘other’ countries.” In the

next section we begin to consider some of the key elements of

Islam that event managers should consider when staging major

international sporting events in non-secular Islamic

countries.

The socio-cultural implications of hosting international

sporting events within non-secular Islamic countries

Middle Eastern countries such as Bahrain, Iran, KSA, Oman,

Qatar and the UAE, are all Islamic non-secular states. Islamic

beliefs and values are regarded as a way of life for

practicing Muslims. As stated, most international sporting

events have evolved from within the western world, where

athletic dress codes are quite relaxed, dietary rules provide

for all, alcohol is often served and men and women regularly

interact in public. In addition, many of these sporting events

observe the Gregorian calendar and are loosely structured

around Christian holidays and celebration. Therefore, when

these sporting events are hosted by non-secular Islamic

countries, it may be that a process of social and cultural

understanding and evolution is required to preserve the

integrity of the host country and the appeal of the sporting

event to both existing western markets and new markets from

within the Islamic world. The question needs to be posed: what

potential issues could arise when international sporting

events are staged within non-secular Islamic countries? To

examine this issue more closely, a brief examination of

certain Islamic beliefs and values is required as a basis for

understanding what adaptations (if any) may be needed for the

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hosting and staging of international sporting events within

non-secular Islamic countries.

The religious life of Muslims is based on adherence to the

Five Pillars of Islam. These are considered to represent the

obligations and responsibilities of all Muslims towards God

(Allah) and also towards their fellow men. Adherence to the

Five Pillars of Islam should be at the forefront of a Muslim’s

thoughts and actions at all times. The Five Pillars of Islam

are:

Shahadah (declaration of faith)

Salah (daily prayers)

Saum (fasting during the lunar month of Ramadan and other

important Islamic important)

Hajj (the pilgrimage to Makkah)

Zakah (a share of one’s surplus wealth given to those in

need of it) (Uddin, 1991).

In accordance with these Five Pillars, Muslims should also

adopt a set of beliefs, values and principles in accordance

with the teaching of the Qur’an. While many Islamic religious

beliefs, values and principles are related to personal (and

private) life, some apply to the behaviour of Muslims in

public life. Islamic religious beliefs, values and principles

that have relevance to international sporting events include

(though are not restricted to): gender segregation, dress

codes and female modesty, and dietary rules.

It is the combination of three of the Five Pillars - (1)

Shahadah, (2) Salah, (3) Saum - and the three Islamic cultural

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beliefs and values related to gender segregation, dress code,

and dietary rules, that present particular challenges when

international sporting events are hosted and staged within

non-secular Islamic countries. Space does not allow for an

exhaustive appraisal of the intricacies of Islam and its

teachings, and we acknowledge that our discussion is only

preliminary and that there is much more research to do on this

topic. However our aim here is to signpost some key areas for

future research, and so our analysis is necessarily succinct.

Shahadah (declaration of faith)

The first of the Five Pillars is the profession of faith, or

Shahadah, which is a testimony demonstrated through prayer, to

the belief that there is no God other than Allah, and Muhammad

(pbuh) is the messenger or prophet of Allah (Uddin, 1991;

Hattstein, 2006).

Salah (daily prayers)

The second Pillar is traditionally regarded as prayer (Salah)

to be performed five times a day. These prayers are to take

place at prescribed times: 1) before sunrise (Fajr); 2) after

the sun has passed its zenith or highest point at noon (Zuhr);

3) after mid-afternoon (Asr); 4) after sunset (Maghrib); and

5) after the onset of night (Isha). The community is summoned

to prayer by the Muezzinm who calls from a tower of the

mosque. Prior to prayer, the worshippers must perform a series

of ritual ablutions called ‘Wudu’, the purpose of which is to

prepare the worshipper to approach God in a state of external

and internal purity (Hattstein, 2006). Prayer can be

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performed by Muslims wherever they happen to be at the time.

However, crucially, wherever they are in the world, a Muslim

must face Makkah – the spiritual home of Islam - and the

prayers involve both body and mind in a series of bows and

prostrations that are performed together with recitations of

the Qur’an and praises to Allah. The Friday midday prayer,

which in Islam is the Holy day of the week, is regarded as the

most important prayer time.

Saum (fasting during the lunar month of Ramadan and other important Islamic

dates)

The ritual of fasting (Saum) is the third Pillar. Fasting is

to be observed by Muslims during the Islamic month of Ramadan.

This is a lunar month and is the ninth month of the year.

During the month of Ramadan Muslims must fast from sunrise

until sunset (Uddin, 1991). This fast is an abstinence from

eating, drinking, consumption of tobacco, or having sexual

relations (Hattstein, 2006). However, certain groups are

exempt from fasting, including, for example, the sick, and

pregnant women, or those who undertake heavy labour, as well

as Muslims who have travelled or are travelling. The Islamic

calendar and its important dates differ to the Gregorian

calendar of western societies and countries. Key dates and

holidays are related to such occasions as Ramadan, Hajj, Eid

and the Islamic New Year; all of which are lunar events, and

so do not take place on the same calendar dates each year.

In addition to the three aforementioned Pillars, we have

decided to focus on three key issues influenced by Islamic

values and beliefs. We acknowledge that there are many more

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important aspects of Islam, but due to space constraints we

have limited our discussion to three issues that have most

relevance to sports events.

Gender segregation

Islam holds that men and women are equal in the sight of God

(Badawi, 2011). Some forms of Islam require men and women to

maintain their own social groups and gatherings, segregated by

gender (Bleher, 2009). Within Islam, in accordance with

Sharia Law, the head of the household (the husband) decides on

all major issues pertinent to the family. His duty as head of

the family extends to economically maintaining his wife or

wives and, in return, his wife or wives are committed to

obedience (Pfister, 2010b). One of the main points regulated

through female deference to the male head of the household is

the regulation of sexuality, which is controlled by gender

segregation. The degree of segregation may differ between

different Muslim societies and countries, and their

interpretation of the Qu’ran (Russell and O’Connor, 2013). In

some interpretations this can prevent women from having any

contact with males from outside of the family. The head of the

household can also determine what the other members are

allowed and not allowed to do outside of the home. This can

include sporting participation or being a spectator at

sporting events. Sport has long been a masculine-dominated

institution and many women have struggled for greater female

sporting participation, inclusion and recognition (Hargreaves,

1994). Whilst many people celebrate the gains made by female

sports and athletes, for some Muslim women sport can be an

unappealing environment that conflicts with religious,

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cultural and social preferences for female modesty and gender

segregation (Zamin, 1997; see also Bains, this volume).

Dress code and female modesty

The London 2012 Olympic Games witnessed for the first time

participation of female Muslim athletes from Qatar, Saudi

Arabia and Brunei. Their participation illuminated a number of

underlying tensions between the IOC (and other sporting

bodies) who promote mass participation, and ‘home’ politics,

which had, even in the run up to the Games, actively

discouraged participation of females in sport. There is a

growing body of literature into Muslim women’s experiences of

and participation in sport (Hargreaves, 2007; Kay, 2007). This

has focused on the following areas: religion; patriarchy and

male power; and, veiling and the body. Islam advocates that

women and girls should adopt a modest dress code when seen in

public and to maintain this they may have to cover their

bodies; something that works to guarantee gender differences

and social hierarchies (Pickthall, 2011). The extent to which

female modesty is regulated through dress is a complex issue

and beyond the scope of this chapter. However, issues to do

with dress code and female modesty may have implications for

staging international sports events in non-secular Islamic

countries in the following ways: clothing of female athletes;

mixing of male and female athletes; spectators – dress and

segregated viewing areas; and, media images and sponsorship

messages associated with the event.

Dietary rules (food and alcohol consumption)

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Islamic religious beliefs and values related to food and drink

dictate what food can be lawfully consumed by Muslims (Bachok

et al., 2012). Referring to readings from the Qur’an,

Pickthall (2011: 64) states, “Forbidden to (for food) are

carrion and blood and swineflesh, and that which has been

dedicated to any other than Allah”. Muslims will only eat

meat where the blood of the animal has been allowed to drain

fully from the animal’s body (Bleher, 2009). This is known as

Zabiha (halal) method where the food has been prepared,

stored, manufactured, slaughtered and served in a manner

prescribed by Shariah Law. Islam also forbids the consumption

of anything which might interfere with the perception of the

senses or blurring of judgment, like alcohol or mind altering

drugs (Bleher, 2009; Bachok et al, 2012). Some more liberal

Muslim countries adopt a more relaxed approach to the sale and

consumption of alcohol, while in other non-secular Muslim

countries like the KSA and Iran it is illegal to possess and

to consume alcohol, both by Muslims and non-Muslims (discussed

further below).

Discussion

International sporting events cost millions - and in some

cases billions - of pounds to host and stage (Horne and

Whannel, 2012). The global economic crisis which started in

2008, and the resulting lack of financial liquidity in much of

the western world, means that western governments are finding

it increasingly hard to justify the spend needed to host and

stage major international sporting events. The recent world

global shift in political influence and economic power, and a

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greater tolerance towards socio-cultural differences, has

created a situation where many emerging nations are regarded

as financially lucrative potential host cities for

international sporting events. Islamic countries such as KSA,

Qatar, Bahrain, and the UAE, are economically wealthy and have

the financial liquidity to stage major international sporting

events. According to Russell and O’Connor (2013: 209), “The

financial liquidity available to the emerging countries of the

Middle East and East Asia have put these nations, with their

mainly Muslim populations, at the forefront of those seeking

to stage mega-events, becoming active participants within such

events and the opening of new media audiences and markets that

have often been untapped”. This has brought into focus a

number of potential social, cultural and political challenges

and issues associated with non-secular Islamic nations staging

major international sporting events.

Many international sporting events, such as those associated

with international tennis, athletics, golf, cycling, and

Formula One, are currently being staged in Qatar, UAE and

Bahrain. Most recently, the economic and financial strength of

many non-secular Islamic countries has led to the decision to

award the FIFA 2022 World Cup to Qatar. This will be the

first time that a mega sporting event will be hosted and

staged within a non-secular Islamic state. Mindful of this

fact, international sporting events may well need to take into

account and, in some cases, adapt, elements of the event as a

result of some significant issues related to the Islamic

world’s beliefs and values, as outlined in this chapter. These

include: Shahadah (declaration of faith), Salah (daily

prayers), Saum (fasting), gender segregation, dress codes and

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dietary rules. We will now spend some time unpacking each of

these.

Today it is common place for athletes, especially successful

ones, to demonstrate signs of their religious faith and

beliefs in public. Lionel Messi, when he scores a goal, points

towards the sky and offers a prayer in a religious gesture.

Mohammed Farrar is often witnessed going to his knees after a

race victory to give praise, and Usain Bolt is often seen

after a race victory pointing to the sky and mouthing the

words ‘thank you God’. Other actions by sports participants

include: athletes touching the ground, followed by crossing

themselves; pointing to the sky; and openly praying. In many

sports, such as football and judo, shows of religious faith

and the wearing of garments determined by religion (such as

the head scarf or hijab) are banned (Ferris-Lay, 2012).

However, pressure from many quarters has forced some sporting

federations to re-visit their rules and regulations. The

International Judo Federation (IJF) is one organisation that

has recently made changes to its policies. In this instance,

the Federation revised its policy towards the Muslim head

scarf to allow Saudi Arabian female Judo competitor, Wojdan

Ali Seraj Abdulrahim Shaherkanim, to wear one of an approved

design during competition at the London 2012 Olympic Games.

Originally, the IJF had banned the head scarf on the basis of

athlete safety, despite the fact that the Asian Judo

Federation has previously allowed Muslim women to wear the

head scarf during major competitions (Magnay, 2012). However,

such revisions are not necessarily welcomed by all. Some

sports bodies have suggested for instance, that sporting

attire, designed to maintain the modesty of female Muslim

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athletes, may in fact give a competitor an unfair advantage

over their rivals. This was the case when Muslim female

swimmers began to wear a full body suit, which the swimming

federations subsequently banned (Pfister, 2000). These

decisions can have significant consequences. FIFA’s decision

to ban the hijab in 2007 led to the Saudi Arabian women’s

football team missing out on qualification rounds for the 2012

Olympic Games. Notably, FIFA have changed this rule and now

allow female players to wear approved hijabs, although this

was too late for the Saudi women’s team (Reuters, 2012). As a

result, pressure is mounting from both the athletes themselves

and concerned governing bodies for rule changes to allow for

such garments to be worn in other competitions to preserve the

modesty of Muslim females in accordance with their religious

beliefs and values.

Certain international sporting events may also offend some

Muslims and it would be deemed culturally unsuitable to not

only take part in, but also to watch those events. Here we are

referring specifically to the attire of athletes within those

sports. Examples of such sports are female beach volleyball,

female tennis and female swimming events, which may, due to

the dress codes often associated with the sports and worn by

athletes taking part in these events, expose certain parts of

the body that may cause offence to Muslim viewers. It is not

unreasonable to assume that Muslims would boycott such events

if they took place in non-secular Islamic countries, thereby

discrediting these events, and creating an uneasy atmosphere

for athletes and spectators

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In respect of the Islamic call to daily prayers, event

organisers have to ensure mosques or multi-faith prayer rooms

are available for worship. This will allow Muslim athletes the

opportunity to join communally to conduct their five daily

prayers while taking part in the event itself. However, the

call for prayer need not hold up an event. The call does not

mean athletes have to pray at that particular moment, as long

as they manage to find a time to pray before the next call to

prayer goes out. Sports event organisers would thus need to

ensure that competition programmes were organised in such a

way that allows Muslim competitors sufficient time for prayer,

in addition to their sporting activities.

International sporting events that conform to the Gregorian

calendar may have to be re-scheduled in accordance with the

Islamic calendar and important Islamic dates. This is not

necessarily a simple task because many of these ‘important’

dates are dependent upon the sighting of the moon and are

therefore not fixed dates from one year to the next. In

addition, important Islamic dates related to holidays, birth

celebrations and New Year all differ to the calendar used in

the west and could present logistical problems if sports event

organisers are not aware of them. The practice of Ramadan is a

case in point. Ramadan is a traditional period for fasting and

any attempt to host an international sporting event during

this holy Islamic month may meet with some resistance. This

consideration is particularly relevant for non-secular Islamic

states, as hosting during this time could be interpreted as a

clear disregard of important Islamic dates that are to be

respected as holy and as times for religious reflection and

practice. Mindful of this, members of the sports and the

21

sports events industry(ies) need to become acquainted with

Islamic beliefs and values, and must reflect (and encourage

others to reflect) critically on the challenges these present.

As numbers of Muslim female athletes and female spectators are

growing, some other aspects of international sporting events

may prove problematic. Gender segregation in terms of sport,

accommodation, eating areas and within spectating and

socialising areas, may have to be tolerated and implemented,

in accordance with the teachings of Islam. Practically this

would require areas for females and males only, and family

areas being implemented in respect of some of the beliefs and

values of Islam. Attempts to force gender integration at

sports events within non-secular Islamic states could create

tensions and frictions, and could be considered offensive and

a clear breach of Islamic teaching and practices. This could

result in (Muslim) females playing no part in the sporting

event.

In the history of the Western world, modern sports cultures,

leisure and alcohol have been intimately linked (Fletcher and

Spracklen, 2013). Some sports, for example football, rugby and

cricket, are closely associated with alcohol, both in terms of

their leisure culture and sponsorship. In Western countries,

where alcohol is permissible by law and tradition, and a part

of popular culture, the consumption of alcohol is seen as

crucial to human interaction and sociality (Fletcher and

Spracklen, 2013). Indeed, the drinking of alcohol is a key

leisure ritual, and in sport, as in any other part of leisure

where sociality is important, drinking and buying drinks is an

accepted part of the subcultural practice. It is common, for

22

example, for spectators to consume alcohol (often to excess)

within grounds and stadia where events are staged (Collins and

Vamplew, 2002). However, this ritual is not, and cannot, be

enjoyed by all. Within non-secular Islamic countries where

alcohol is not tolerated this culture of drinking may present

conflicts; between spectators in and outside the venues and,

in some cases, with sponsors, such as Budweiser which has

traditionally used sports events like the FIFA World Cup to

showcase its products. The lack of availability and tolerance

of alcohol in non-secular Islamic countries is an important

issue to consider in that it may discourage some (western)

fans from travelling to an Islamic country to actually attend

the event. Moreover, there is evidence of western travellers

getting into difficulty – some have been heavily fined and

even jailed – for consuming alcohol in non-designated areas

(dba, n.d). Some Islamic countries have relaxed their policies

towards alcohol consumption. For example, some have

established designated areas to allow non-Muslims to enjoy

alcohol in public places – events for example - and in some

international hotels. However, general public consumption,

i.e. in the streets or outside licenced designated bars, will

likely not be encouraged, and would result in trouble for

western travellers not necessarily accustomed to local

cultural expectations (Widen, 2013).

This debate is timely given the current discussions over the

legitimacy of Qatar as host for the 2022 FIFA World Cup

(alongside concerns for the staging of the event during the

Qatar summer months). While various forms of non-alcoholic

products can be used, consumed and promoted, event organisers

face challenges from a number of places over how to deal with

23

the questions of alcohol consumption and alcohol sponsors when

staging international sporting events in non-secular Islamic

countries. In addition, event organisers would have to be

mindful not to offer Muslims non-halal foods, and halal foods

would have to be clearly signed with suppliers checking to

ensure only halal products are used as ingredients.

Thus, some adaptations may be needed when major sports events

are hosted in non-secular Islamic countries. There is some

evidence to suggest that international sports events rights

holders, e.g. FIFA, are willing to make such changes to

accommodate Islamic beliefs and values in relation to matters

such as public shows of faith, worship, respect of the Islamic

calendar and important dates, dress codes and the public

consumption of alcohol, in order to ensure international

sporting events can be hosted and staged within non-secular

Islamic countries. This is important if event organisers,

rights holders and partners are seeking greater participation

of Muslims in international sporting events, as well as

greater spectator bases from within the Muslim world.

Furthermore, as the first mega-sports event to be staged

within a non-secular Islamic state (FIFA Qatar World Cup,

2022) approaches, factors associated with Islam that may clash

with the culture of the event will need to be raised and

discussed. Suitable solutions and compromises may need to be

found to ensure both the integrity of the host nation and that

of the event itself are maintained.

We acknowledge that the content of this chapter is

preliminary. As we have stressed throughout, a critical

appraisal of the many intricacies within Islam, and of

24

sporting events too, are beyond the scope of this chapter. Our

intention was not necessarily to provide answers to our

observations. Rather, our intention was to provoke others to

engage in work on this topic. At the very least, our aim was

to shed light on some of the ‘back stage’ (Goffman, 1959)

‘anticipatory concerns’ (Palmer, 2013) that surround hosting

major sporting events in non-Secular Islamic countries. In so

doing, we hope these are now ‘front stage’ (Goffman, 1959) and

ready for further interrogation.

Palmer (2013: 150) summarises our main contention by arguing

that “as new countries appear on the mega-event circuit,

systems, policies and regimes that were previously ‘closed’

become subject to scrutiny . . . [meaning that] what were once

largely domestic policy concerns are now situated within a

wider milieu of exogenous policies, politics and pressures

that circulate globally.” Therefore, it is important that

individuals and organisations involved in major international

sports events become more culturally aware, thus ensuring they

can anticipate challenges brought about by local traditions,

customs, beliefs and lifestyles of host communities.

Adaptations and compromises on the behalf of both the host

community and event rights holders may be necessary for the

future success and development of major international sporting

events, within and beyond non-secular Islamic countries.

25

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