Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and tìTP

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NJLC, Volume 3: Number 2, December 2009 Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and TP Calisto Mudzingwa and Mario Chávez-Peón, University of British Columbia Abstract The goal of this study is to identify, describe and analyze the morpho-syntactic properties of Shona auxiliaries, rí, vá, nga and tì. T"#%!"# i(2$-&" ?F]UG>. &( #$-!6 explores these auxiliaries in detail. The following research question was addressed: What accounts for the cluster of morpho-syntactic properties exhibited by the Shona auxiliaries, rí, vá, nga and l a" ’23-" $,’$ $,"#" ’-=%0%’2%"# :’00 %&$( $8( 10’##"#E $," B#/"1$-’0 ’-=%0%’2%"#. $," J2(32"##%9" and Inceptive vá; the Tensed auxiliaries: ngà and . and pattern together in that they: (i) occur with a Subject Marker ?[@>V ?%%> !( &($ (11-2 8%$, $"&#" ;’2S%&3V ?%%%> $’S" ’& %&4&%$%9’0 1(;/0";"&$) ngà and on the other hand, pattern together in that they: (i) permit multiple occurrence (: [@#V ?%%> 1(e(11-2 8%$, (9"2$ $"&#" ;’2S%&3V ?%%%> 1(e(11-2 8%$, $," B#/"1$-’0 B-=%0%’2%"#V ?%9> $’S" +J 1(;/0";"&$#) a" /2(/(#" $,’$ $," ’-=%0%’2%"#. rí, vá, nga and ’2" :-&1$%(&’0 ,"’!#V B#/"1$-’0 ’-=%0%’2%"# ’2" %&$2(!-1"! -&!"2 $," :-&1$%(&’0 head Aspect, and the Tensed auxiliaries under Aux. Every auxiliary co-occurs with a [@) +," !%#$2%5-$%(& (: $," [@ 2"P"1$# $,’$E ?%> [@ %# /2"#"&$ %: $," 9"25’0 :(2; %# 4&%$") ?%%> B 4&%$" 9"25’0 :(2; %# ’ +J J,’#". ’&! "’1, +J /,’#" %# ’##(1%’$"! 8%$, (&" [@) The study contributes to a deeper understanding of Shona auxiliaries and to the recalcitrant issue of multiple subject marking in Bantu, as well as to language typology. 1. Introduction The goal of this study is to identify, describe and analyze the morpho-syntactic /2(/"2$%"# (: [,(&’ ’-=%0%’2%"#E J2(32"##%9" rí, and Inceptive vá; T"&#"! ’-=%0%’2%"#V ngà and subordinative +J F 44 iJ+) T"#%!"# i(2$-&" ?F]WW. F]UG>. $( $," 5"#$ (: (-2 knowledge, there is no study that explores these auxiliaries in detail. We argue that these auxiliary elements fall into two classes, according to distributional 12%$"2%’) b& $," (&" ,’&!. $," ’#/"1$-’0 ’-=%0%’2%"# ?’-="#>. $," J2(32"##%9" and Inceptive B B pattern together in that they: (i) occur with a Subject Marker. (ii) do not occur with tense marking. ?%%%> %&$2(!-1" ’ fJ 1(;/0";"&$ %& $," :(2; (: ’& %&4&%$%9") This is illustrated in examples (1) and (2) for progressive ri and inceptive vá, where == TPPT %+ D*04( 4&,+ /* /)C’, E*.+FGC:&+ 8H9)C&’+6 8*0I4C. J044+534C’,6 K0’’C: L4CM0: NC’.F .*’6 M*: 9*22+’/.6 .0II+./&*’. C/ C44 /)+ (&MM+:+’/ ./CI+. *M 9*2&’I 0O D&/) /)&. OCO+:< %+ D*04( C4.* 4&,+ /* +P/+’( *0: I:C/&/0(+ /* G&,+ QC::&+ M*: &’.&I)/M04 (&.90..&*’.< 144 2&./C,+. :+2C&’ *0: :+.O*’.&3&4&/5< 222

Transcript of Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and tìTP

Shona auxiliaries: ri, va, nga, an.......

NJLC, Volume 3: Number 2, December 2009

Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and tìTP

Calisto Mudzingwa and Mario Chávez­Peón, University of British Columbia

Abstract

The goal of this study is to identify, describe and analyze the morpho­syntactic

properties of Shona auxiliaries, rí, vá, nga and tì. T"#%!"#*i(2$-&"*?F]UG>.*&(*#$-!6*explores these auxiliaries in detail. The following research question was addressed:

What accounts for the cluster of morpho­syntactic properties exhibited by the Shona

auxiliaries, rí, vá, nga and tìl*a"*'23-"*$,'$*$,"#"*'-=%0%'2%"#*:'00*%&$(*$8(*10'##"#E*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#.*$,"*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive vá; the Tensed auxiliaries: ngà and tì. rí and vá pattern together in that they: (i) occur with a Subject Marker ?[@>V*?%%>*!(*&($*(11-2*8%$,*$"&#"*;'2S%&3V*?%%%>*$'S"*'&*%&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$)*ngà and tì on the other hand, pattern together in that they: (i) permit multiple occurrence (:* [@#V* ?%%>* 1(e(11-2* 8%$,* (9"2$* $"&#"*;'2S%&3V* ?%%%>* 1(e(11-2* 8%$,* $,"*B#/"1$-'0*B-=%0%'2%"#V ?%9>*$'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#)*a"*/2(/(#"*$,'$*$,"*'-=%0%'2%"#.*rí, vá, nga and tì*'2"*:-&1$%(&'0*,"'!#V*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*'2"*%&$2(!-1"!*-&!"2*$,"*:-&1$%(&'0*head Aspect, and the Tensed auxiliaries under Aux. Every auxiliary co­occurs with a [@)*+,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*[@*2"P"1$#*$,'$E*

?%>**[@*%#*/2"#"&$*%:*$,"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*4&%$")

?%%>**B*4&%$"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*'*+J*J,'#".*'&!*"'1,*+J*/,'#"*%#*'##(1%'$"!*8%$,*(&"*[@)*

The study contributes to a deeper understanding of Shona auxiliaries and to the

recalcitrant issue of multiple subject marking in Bantu, as well as to language

typology.

1. Introduction

The goal of this study is to identify, describe and analyze the morpho­syntactic

/2(/"2$%"#*(:*[,(&'*'-=%0%'2%"#E*J2(32"##%9"*rí, and Inceptive vá; T"&#"!*'-=%0%'2%"#V*ngà and subordinative tì+J F44iJ+)*T"#%!"#*i(2$-&"*?F]WW.*F]UG>.*$(*$,"*5"#$*(:*(-2*knowledge, there is no study that explores these auxiliaries in detail.

We argue that these auxiliary elements fall into two classes, according to distributional

12%$"2%')*b&*$,"*(&"*,'&!.*$,"*'#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*?'-="#>.*$,"*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive váB

Bpattern together in that they:

(i) occur with a Subject Marker.

(ii) do not occur with tense marking.

?%%%>**%&$2(!-1"*'*fJ*1(;/0";"&$*%&*$,"*:(2;*(:*'&*%&4&%$%9")

This is illustrated in examples (1) and (2) for progressive ri and inceptive vá, where

==" TPPT"%+"D*04("4&,+"/*"/)C',"E*.+FGC:&+"8H9)C&'+6"8*0I4C."J044+534C',6"K0''C:"L4CM0:"NC'.F.*'6"M*:"9*22+'/.6".0II+./&*'."C/"C44"/)+"(&MM+:+'/"./CI+."*M"9*2&'I"0O"D&/)"/)&."OCO+:<"%+"D*04("C4.*"4&,+"/*"+P/+'("*0:"I:C/&/0(+"/*"G&,+"QC::&+"M*:"&'.&I)/M04"(&.90..&*'.<"144"2&./C,+.":+2C&'"*0:"":+.O*'.&3&4&/5<

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8"* #""* $,"* N#3* #-5d"1$*;'2S"2 a­, the absence of overt tense marking and the /2"#"&1"*(:*$,"*%&4&%$%9"*/2"4= ku­ on the main verb famba H8'0SI)

(1) à­rí kú­fámb­á

* N#3­PROG.AUX INF­walk­fv

* H[c,"*%#*8'0S%&3I

(2) à­vá kú­fámb­á

* N#3e AUX INF­walk­fv

* H[c,"*%#*'5(-$*$(*8'0SI

On the other hand, the Tensed auxes ngà and subordinative tì pattern together in that they:

(i) permit multiple occurrence of Subject Markers.

(ii) co­occur with overt tense marking.

* ?%%%>** 1(e(11-2*8%$,*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-="#*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive váB.

* ?%9>** $'S"*'*+J*1(;/0";"&$)

+,%#*%#*%00-#$2'$"!*%&*"=';/0"#*?N>*'&!*?G>*5"0(8.*8,"2"*%&*"'1,*"=';/0"*$,"2"*'2"*$8(*(9"2$*[@#)* O&*"=';/0"*?N>* $,"2"* %#*'*[@*$,'$* %&$2(!-1"#*$,"*$"&#"!*'-=*nga and the other which introduces the aspectual auxiliary ri)*[%;%0'206.* %&*?G>*(&"*[@*introduces the tensed auxiliary ti and the other introduces the auxiliary ri. Related to double subject marking is the fact that the auxiliaries nga and ti can co­occur with $,"*'#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#)*O&*5($,*"=';/0"#*?N>*'&!*?G>.*$,"*'-="#*nga and ti occur with the overt tense marker ka)*Q(&#%!"2*"=';/0"#*?N>*'&!*?G>.

?N> à­kà­ngà à­rí kú­fámb­á

* N#3ePAST­AUX** * N#3­PROG.AUX INF­walk­fv

* H[c,"* 8'#* 8'0S%&3I

(G) à­kà­ti à­rí kú­fámb­á à­kà­ón­á nyóká

* N#3eRP­AUX*N#3­AUX INF­8'0Se:9*N#3e RP­see­fv cl9.snake

Ha,"&*#c,"*8'#*8'0S%&3.*#c,"*#'8*'*#&'S"I

1.1. Research Question

What accounts for the cluster of morpho­syntactic properties exhibited by Shona

'-=%0%'2%"#l*

@(2"*#/"1%41'006E

(i) What accounts for the cluster of morpho­syntactic properties exhibited by the

B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*?J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive vá)

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(ii) What accounts for the cluster of morpho­syntactic properties exhibited by

the Tensed auxiliaries (ngà and tì)

2. The Proposal

We propose that all Shona auxiliaries have the status of functional heads:

?%>** B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*?J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive vá) are introduced under the functional head Aspect

(ii) Tensed auxes (ngà and subordinative tì) are introduced under the

functional head Aux.

B#*:(2*$,"*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?[@>.*%$#*!%#$2%5-$%(&*2"P"1$#*$,"*:(00(8%&3*1(&#$2'%&$*(&*4&%$"&"##E*

?W>* i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2E

?%>** O&*[,(&'.*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*%#*/2"#"&$*%:*$,"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*4&%$")

(ii) A verbal form is a main verb or an auxiliary verb.

?%%%>** B*4&%$"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*'*+J*J,'#".*'&!*"'1,*+J*/,'#"*%#*'##(1%'$"!*8%$,**(&"* [-5d"1$* @'2S"2)* O:* $,"2"* '2"* $8(* +J* J,'#"#.* $,"2"* '2"* $8(* [-5d"1$*Markers.

A single syntactic representation can account for the auxiliaries.

3. Auxiliaries are not main verbs.

T":(2"*$2"'$%&3*%&*!"$'%0*$,"*$8(*#-510'##"#*(:*[,(&'*'-=%0%'2%"#.*8"*42#$*"#$'50%#,*$,"*ways in which auxiliaries differ from main verbs. The analysis of Shona auxiliaries

as functional heads predicts that they will differ from main verbs, and they do so

with respect to:

(i) prosody

(ii) morphology

(iii) syntax

(iv) semantics

We consider each of these properties in turn.

3.1 Prosody

3.1.1 Main Verb Prosody

The main verb roots in Shona, like in other Bantu languages almost invariably end

-/*8%$,*'*1(&#(&'&$*?[8',%0%.*T'$%5(*'&!*g($$0'&!*F]]DV*Q%5";5'.*76;'&*F]]WV*^-6%'.*@'20(*CDDW>)*+,"*[,(&'*9"25*2(($#*'2"*(:*$,"*:(00(8%&3*/2(#(!%1*#,'/"V*Q.*

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QfQ.*QfQfQ)*B*4&'0*(2*$,";"*9(8"0 a is always added to satisfy the phonotactics of the language, since Shona does not allow closed syllables. This suggests that

;'%&*9"25#*%&*[,(&'*'2"*5%;(2/,";%1V*$,"6*'2"*;'!"*-/*(:*$,"*9"25*2(($*'&!*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0) Q(&#%!"2*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?M>.*5"3%&&%&3*8%$,*9"25*2(($#*(:*$,"*/2(#(!%1*shape C.

?M>** ?'>** /­á

give­FV

* * H3%9"I

* ?5>** #&J3J­á

arrest­ FV

* * H'22"#$I

* ?!>* 92&J3J­à

* * 1(-&$c2"'!eFV

* * H1(-&$c2"'!I

3.1.2. Auxiliary Prosody

Unlike main verbs, auxiliaries are CV, and mono­morphemic. Consider the examples

%&*?L'e:>)

?L>** ?'>* 2******

PROG. AUX

(b) vá

INCEP­AUX

* ?1>* *&J3Jà

(d) tì

3.2. Morphology

The morphology of both the main verbs and the auxiliaries support the claims that

the main verbs are bi­morphemic and auxiliaries are mono­morphemic. First, let us

look at the morphology of the main verbs.

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3.2.1. Main verb Morphology

O&*;'%&*9"25#.*%$*%#*/"2;%##%50"*$(*%&#"2$*'*#-:4='0*"=$"&#%(&?#>*5"$8""&*$,"*9"25*2(($*'&!*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0)*B#*'&*%00-#$2'$%(&.*1(&#%!"2*"=';/0"#*%&*?U>*%&*8,%1,*$,"*/'##%9"*;(2/,";"*c­w­/ 8,%1,*,'#*$,"*'00(;(2/,*ce%8ec*%#*-#"!)

?U>** ?'>** à­rí kù­p­íw­á

* N#3ePROG.AUX INF­give­PASSIVE­FV

* [c,"*%#*5"%&3*3%9"&

(b) à­chà­tì à­súng­íw­á, à chà­gàr­à ø­pàsí

* N#3eFUT­AUX**N#3­arrest­PASSIVE­FV 3sg­FUT­sit­FV 10FLe!(8&

a,"&*#c,"*8%00*5"*'22"#$"!*#c,"*8%00*#%$*!(8&)

(c) à­chà­ngà à­vá­kù­vèrèng­ìw­à

* N#3eFUT­PROG.AUX**N#3­AUX­INF­count­PASSIVE­FV

* [c,"*8%00*5"*%&*$,"*/2(1"##*(:*5"%&3*1(-&$"!c*[c,"*8%00*5"*'5(-$*$(*5"*1(-&$"!)

3.2.2 Auxiliary Morphology

_&0%S"*;'%&*9"25#.*&(*#-:4='0*"=$"&#%(&#*1'&*5"*%&#"2$"!*5"$8""&*$,"*1(&#(&'&$*and vowel. The examples in (9) illustrate that the passive morpheme cannot be

inserted between the consonant (C) and vowel (V) that make up the auxiliary.

?]>*?'>* *à­r­íw­í kù­p­á

* N#3ePROG.AUX­PASSIVE­FV INF­give­FV

?1>** à­chà­ng­ìw­à à­vá­kù­súng­á

* N#3eFUT­PROG.AUX­PASSIVE­FV*N#3ePROG.AUX­INF­arrest­FV

?!>** e1,e$ew­à à­súng­á à­chà­gàrà ø­pàsí

* N#3eFUT­PROG.AUX­PASSIVE­FV**N#3e'22"#$eFV 3SG­FUT­#%$e10FLe!(8&

3.3 Syntax

This section illustrates how the syntax of the main verbs and that of the auxiliaries

differ. First, we provide the syntax of the main verbs.

3.3.1 Main verb Syntax

The main verbs can occur in imperatives. In these constructions, it is not permissible

$(* ,'9"* '* [-5d"1$*@'2S"2)* J2"!%1$'506.* $,%#*;"'&#* $,'$* $,"* 9"25#* '2"* &(&e4&%$")*Consider the following examples in (10).

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(10) (a) p­á

give­FV

give!

(b) súng­á

arrest­ FV

arrest!

(c) vèrèng­à

count­ FV

count!

3.3.2 Auxiliary Syntax

Unlike the main verbs, auxiliaries cannot occur in imperatives. This means that

auxiliaries only occur %&*4&%$"*1(&#$2-1$%(&#V* $,"6*'08'6#*2"R-%2"*'*[@)*Q(&#%!"2*the example in (11).

*?FF>** ?'>* *2

* ?5>** vá

* ?1>** &3

* ?!>** $

3.4 Semantics

^'#$06.*$,"*;'%&*9"25#*'&!*$,"*'-=%0%'2%"#*!%::"2*%&*$,"%2*#";'&$%1#)*a"*42#$*0((S*'$*the semantics of the main verbs.

3.4.1 Main verb Semantics

f"25#* '2"* 1(&$"&$* 8(2!#)* +,"6* 1'&* $'S"* <J* 1(;/0";"&$#* '&!* 1'&* '##%3&*theta roles. These semantic characteristics of main verbs are well illustrated in

32';;'$%1'0%K'$%(&* #$-!%"#*8,%1,* %00-#$2'$"* $,'$* (&"* (:* $,"* !"4&%&3* /2(1"##"#* (:*auxiliation is semantic loss: a gradual process in which main verbs gradually function like auxiliaries through the loss of semantic content of the verb. This has

5""&*'##%3&"!*!%::"2"&$*0'5"0#V*#";'&$%1*0(##*?7"%&"*F]]N.*X-$"9'*CDDF>V*#";'&$%1*50"'1,%&3*?B&!"2#(&*CDDM>V*#";'&$%1*!"/0"$%(&*?^",;'&*F]UC>)Consider the examples in (12) which indicate that main verbs of different phonological

#,'/"#*1'&*'##%3&*$,";'$%1*2(0"#*'&!*1'&*$'S"*<J#)*

(12) (a) A­kà­p­á mbàvhá

* * N#3e3%9"eFV cl9­thief

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* [c,"*3'9"*$,"*$,%":)

(b) A­kà­súng­á mbàvhá

* N#3eRP­arrest­FV cl9­thief

* [c,"*'22"#$"!*$,"*$,%":)

(d) A­kà­vèrèng­à mbàvhá

* N#3eRP­count­FV cl9­thief

* [c,"*1(-&$"!*$,"*$,%"9"#)

3.4.2 Auxiliary Semantics

_&0%S"* $,"* ;'%&* 9"25#.* '-=%0%'2%"#* '2"* :-&1$%(&* 8(2!#* '&!* 1'&&($* $'S"* <J*1(;/0";"&$#)*+,"6*1'&&($*'##%3&*$,"$'*2(0"#*5"1'-#"*$,"6*'2"*#";'&$%1'006*H0%3,$I*(Kuteva 2001).

Q(&#%!"2*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?FN>)

?FN>** ?'>** à­rí mbàvhá

* * N#3ePROG. AUX cl9­thief

* * ?5>* à­vá mbàvhá

* * N#3­INCEP­AUX cl9.thief

* ?1>* à­kà­ngà mbàvhá

* * N#3eRP­AUX­cl9­thief.

* ?!>* à­kà­tì mbàvhá

** * N#3eRP­AUX cl9­thief

By way of summary, we provide Table 1 below showing the differences between

main verbs and auxiliaries.

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Table 1. Auxiliaries are not main verbs.

(a)

SM

(b)

T

(c)

Phonology

J2(#(!%1 Shape

(d)

morphology

(extensions)

(e)

Semantics<J*Complement

Main Verbs J J v)Qy J J

Aspectual Auxes vá J x CV x x

rí J x CV x x

ngà J J CV x x

tì J J CV x x

4. Shona has two classes of auxiliaries

This section explores in detail the distributional differences amongst the two classes

(:* '-=%0%'2%"#E* B#/"1$-'0* '-="#* ?J2(32"##%9"* rí, Inceptive vá) and the Tensed auxiliaries (ngà and sub­ordinative tì).

4.1. Aspectual Auxiliaries

g"1'00*$,'$*2"3'2!%&3*$,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#.*$,"*J2(32"##%9"*rí and the Inceptive vá, we mentioned that they:

(i) occur with a Subject Marker

(ii) do not occur with tense marking

?%%%>** %&$2(!-1"*'*fJ*1(;/0";"&$*%&*$,"*:(2;*(:*'&*%&4&%$%9"

Q(&#%!"2*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?FG>*8,%1,*%00-#$2'$"*$,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*/2(32"##%9"*rí. In ?FG'>.*rí (11-2#*8%$,*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*'&!*%#*;'2S%&3*$,"*/2(32"##%9"*?%;/"2:"1$%9">V*%&!%1'$%&3*$,'$*$,"*'1$%9%$6*%#*#$%00*%&1(;/0"$"*'$*$,"*$%;"*(:*-$$"2'&1")*k=';/0"*?FG5>.*establishes that rí*1'&&($*(11-2*8%$,(-$*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*?FG1>*%00-#$2'$"#*$,'$*$,"*progressive rí cannot occur with an overt tense marker (remote past –kaV*!%#$'&$*future –chaeV*,'5%$-'0*/'#$*i; habitual no). Despite the lack of an overt tense marker, #"&$"&1"#*8%$,*$,"*J2(32"##%9" rí have a present tense reading. Finally, example ?FG!>*%00-#$2'$"#*$,'$*rí 1'&*$'S"*%&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$V*8,"2"'#*?FG"*A*:>*%00-#$2'$"*$,'$* %$* 1'&&($* $'S"*'*4&%$"*1(;/0";"&$* ?'#*!"4&"!*56* $,"*'5%0%$6* $(*(11-2*8%$,*'*subject marker).

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?FG>*?'>* à­rí kù­dy­á

* NSG PROG.AUX INF­eat­FV

* [c,"*%#*"'$%&3)

?5>* rí kù­dy­á

PROG.AUX.AUX INF­eat­FV

?1>* à­kà/chà/ì/nò­vá kù­dy­á

NSG­TENSE­PROG.AUX INF ­eat­FV

(d) à­rí [BINFVPB

kù­dy­á]

* NSG PROG.AUX INF ­eat­FV

* [c,"*%#*"'$%&3)

?">* à­rí [BTPB à­rí kù ­dy­á]

* NSG PROG.AUX*****NSG PROG.AUX INF ­eat­FV

(f) à­rí [BTP Bà­dy­á]

* NSG PROG.AUX NSG­eat­FV

+,"*"=';/0"#* %&* ?FW>* %00-#$2'$"* $,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:* $,"* O&1"/$%9"*váB.B In ?FW'>.*vá

(11-2#* 8%$,* '* [-5d"1$* @'2S"2* '&!* %#* ;'2S%&3* $,"* %&1"/$%9"V* %&!%1'$%&3* $,'$* $,"*'1$%9%$6*%#*'5(-$*$(*5"3%&*(2*,'#*d-#$*5"3'&*'$*$,"*$%;"*(:*-$$"2'&1")*k=';/0"*?FW5>*demonstrates that vá 1'&&($*(11-2*8%$,(-$*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*?FW1>*#,(8#*$,'$*$,"*Inceptive vá cannot occur with an overt tense marker (remote past –kaV* !%#$'&$*future –chaeV*,'5%$-'0*/'#$*i; habitual no). Despite the lack of an overt tense marker, the sentence with the Inceptive vá*,'#*'*/2"#"&$*$"&#"*2"'!%&3)*^'#$06.*"=';/0"*?FW*e & f) establishes that vá*1'&&($*$'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#*5-$*%&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$#*?FW'>)

?FW>*?'>*à­vá [BINFVPB

kù­dy­á ]

3SG–INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV

* [c,"*%#*d-#$*%&*$,"*/2(1"##*(:*"'$%&3c*[c,"*%#*'5(-$*$(*"'$)

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?5>** 9*************Se!6e*

INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV

?1>* à­kà/chà/ì/nò­vá kù­dy­á

* NSG–TENSE­INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV

(e) *à­vá [BTPB à rí kù­dy­á]

3SG ­INCEP.AUX*******NSG­PROG.AUX INF ­eat­FV

(f) *à­vá [BTPB à­dy­á]

* NSG ­INCEP.AUX**NSG ­eat­FV

G)F)F* B&'06#%#*(:*B#/"1$-'0*B-=%0%'2%"#)

A single syntactic structure given in Figure 1 accounts for the distributional properties

(:*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#)*+,"*#"&$"&1"#*%&*?FW>*,'9"*$,"*#$2-1$-2"*%&*i%3-2"*F)

?FM>*?'>** à­rí [BINFPB kù­dy­á chi­ngwa]

3SG–PROGR.AUX INF­eat­FV CL7­bread

She is eating bread

(b) à­vá [BINFVPB

kù­dy­á chi­ngwa]

3SG–INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV CL7­bread

She has just started eating bread.

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Figure 1. Aspectual Auxiliaries

+J***********************************************

SMBcopyB

T’

*************************************+****************B#/J****************************************************************************************

ø

SMBcopyB

******B#/JI****************************************

S aS ­

******************************************************B#/*********O&:J****************************************

********************************************************2%c9'*****************************************************

SMBcopyB

**O&:9JI***************************************************

Sa

***********************************************************************O&:********fJ********************************************

ku­

SMB B*******fI****************************************

S a

**************************************************************************************f**************<J*******************************************************************************************************************

R FV NP

­dy­ a

******************************************************************************************************Y****************************

mushonga

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g"'!%&3*$,%#*$2""*:2(;*5($$(;*-/.*$,"*9"25*2(($*?g>*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0*?if>.*$(*:(2;*f*?$,"*9"25*#$";>)*f*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J.*$(*:(2;*fI)*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*$(*:(2;*'*fJ)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"* INF (ku) to form the INFP’. The INFP’ merges with the copy of the SM to form INFJ)*+,"*INFJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*;'2S"2*to have the ASPP’. The ASPP’ merges with the SM copy to form an ASPP. The ASPP

;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,%#*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@*1(/6*$(*,'9"*'*+J*/,'#")*O&*'11(2!'&1"*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?W>.*(&06*$,"*[@*associated with Tense is pronounced, all other SMs are deleted.

+,-#.*$,"*!"0"$%(&*(:*$,"*[@*%#*/2"!%1$'50")*O$*%#*(&06*2"$'%&"!*8,"&*$,"2"*%#*'*+J*J,'#")*[%&1"*$,"2"*%#*(&06*(&"*+J*J,'#".*$,"2"*%#*'0#(*'*#%&30"*(9"2$*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*

4.2. Tensed Auxiliaries: nga and tì

We mentioned that the Tensed auxes ngà and subordinative ti pattern together in that they:

(i) permit multiple occurrence of Subject Marker

(ii) co­occur with overt tense marking

(iii) co­occur with the aspectual auxes progressive ri and inceptive váB1

?%9>** $'S"#*'*+J*1(;/0";"&$)

+,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?FL>*!";(&#$2'$"*$,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*+"&#"!*'-=%0%'2%"#*ngà and tì. ?FL'>*#,(8#*$,'$*ngà and tì*(11-2*8%$,*!(-50"*[-5d"1$*@'2S%&3)*k=';/0"*?FL5*A*1>*establishes thatB Bngà and tì 1'&&($*(11-2*8%$,*'*#%&30"*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*B#*:(2*?FL!>*it demonstrates that ngà and tì obligatorily require an overt tense marker (remote past ­kaeV*!%#$'&$*:-$-2"*chaeV*,'5%$-'0*/'#$*ieV*,'5%$-'0*eno­).*i%&'006.*"=';/0"#*?FL*"*A*:>*#,(8*$,'$*$,"*+"&#"!*'-="#*1'&*$'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#)*+,"6*1'&*1(e(11-2*8%$,*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#.*9%K)*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive váB.

?FL>*?'>* àe1,e&3c$|*à­vá kù­dy­á mù­shòngá

3SG­FUT­AUX*NSG­INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"e

I will be taking medicine.

When I will be taking medicine…….

* ?5>* àe1,e&3c$|*9**Se!6e*;e#,&3

3SG­FUT­AUX INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"e

* ?1>* àe1,e&3c$|*9***Se!6e*;e#,&3

3SG­FUT­AUX INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"

* ?!>* àe&3c$|*à­vá kù­dy­á mù­shòngá

* * NSG­AUX 3SG­AUX INF­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"

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(">* e1,e&3c$|*[BTPBà­rí kù­dy­á]

NSG­ FUT­AUX**N#3ePROG.AUX INF­eat­FV

* * [c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&"

* * a,"&*#c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&"v)

(f) à­chà­&3c$| [BTPB à­dy­á mù­shòngá]

NSG­FUT­AUX*NSG­eat­FV 10Ne;"!%1%&"

* * [c,"*8%00*,'9"*$'S"&*;"!%1%&")

* * a,"&*#c,"*,'9"*"'$"&v

4.2.1. Analysis of Tensed Auxiliaries

The tensed auxiliaries, ngà and subordinative tì share the following characteristics. They: (i) allow for the stacking of auxiliaries in that they co­occur with Aspectual

auxiliaries (ii) can co­occur with main verbs (ii) allow double subject marking (iii)

'00(8*(&"*+J*$(*5"*1(&$'%&"!*%&*'&($,"2)*+,"#"*1,'2'1$"2%#$%1#*'2"*#,(8&*%&*i%3-2"*2 below.

Figure 2. Characteristics of tensed auxiliaries.

TP2

SMBcopyB

****+I****************

T AuxP

­cha­

SMBcopyB

S S SaS A-=JI****************************************

Aux TP1

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nga/ tì

SMBcopyB

T’

T X

ø

g"'!%&3*$,"*$2""*:2(;*5($$(;*-/.*s.*8,%1,*1(-0!*"%$,"2*5"*'*;'%&*9"25*1(&$'%&"!*8%$,*'&*O&4&%$%9'0*J,2'#"*(2*'&*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'26*J,2'#".*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*+I)*+I*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JF)*+JF*;"23"#*8%$,*B-=*$(*:(2;*B-=JI)*B-=JI*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6* $(* :(2;*B-=J)*B-=J*;"23"#*8%$,*+* $(* :(2;*+I*8,%1,*4&'006*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JC)*

+,"*[@#*&($* '##(1%'$"!*8%$,*+J#*'2"* !"0"$"!* %&* '11(2!'&1"*8%$,* $,"* 4&%$"&"##*constraint.

The full analysis of tensed auxes can be represented using two syntactic structures.

B0$,(-3,*$,"*$"&#"!*'-=%0%'2%"#* $'S"*+J#*'#*1(;/0";"&$#.* $,"* %&$"2&'0*#$2-1$-2"#*(:*$,"#"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#*!%::"2*!"/"&!%&3*(&*$,"*9'0-"*(:*s*?i%3-2"*C>)*+,"*9'0-"*(:*s*1(-0!*"%$,"2*5"*'&*B#/"1$-'0*J,2'#"*(2*'&*O&4&%$%9'0*J,2'#"*1(&$'%&%&3*'*;'%&*9"25)*+,"* #"&$"&1"#* %&* ?FU'*A*5>*8,%1,*,'9"* $,"* #$2-1$-2"* %&*i%3-2"*N*,'9"*'&*O&4&%$%9'0*J,2'#"*1(&$'%&%&3*'*;'%&*9"25*%&*+JC*'&!*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*F]?'*A*5>*,'9"*'&*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'26*1(&$'%&"!*%&*+JC*'2"*#,(8&*%&*i%3-2"*G)

?FU>*?'>** à­kà­ngà à­ka­dy­á mù­shòngá

3SG­FUT­AUX*NSG­RP­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"

* * [c,"*8%00*,'9"*$'S"&*;"!%1%&"

(b) à­chà­ tì à­dy­á mù­shòngá…

3SG­FUT­AUX*NSG­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"

* * a,"&*[c,"*8%00*,'9"*$'S"&*;"!%1%&"v

(19) (a) à­kà­ngà à­vá kù­dy­á mù­shòngá

3SG­FUT­AUX*NSG­INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&")

* * [c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&")

(b) à­kà­tì à­vá kù­dy­á mù­shòngá

3SG­FUT­AUX*NSG­INCEP.AUX INF­eat­FV*10Ne;"!%1%&"e

* * a,"&*#c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&"…….

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Figure 3. Tensed Auxiliaries: Main verbs in TP2

TP2

SMBcopyB T’

T AuxP

SmBcopyB AuxP’

SaS

******************************************************$%**************+JF****************************************************

SMBcopyB

***********+I******************************************************

*********************************************************************+************fJ********************************************

­ka­

SM

Sa[*************fI****************************************

******************************************************************************************************<J*************************************************************************************************************************

V

*****************************YJ*************

******************************************************************************g*************i*******Y***************************************************************************************** ­dy­ ­a

mushonga

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g"'!%&3*$,%#*$2""*5($$(;*-/.*$,"*2(($*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0.*$(*,'9"*'*f.*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J.*$(*,'9"*'*fI)*+,"*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*+"&#"*;'2S"2*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,"*+I*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*'*+JF)**+,"*'-=%0%'26*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*+JF*$(*:(2;*B-=JI*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*B-=J)*B-=J*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*+I)*i%&'006.*+I*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JC)*O&*0%&"*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*'00*($,"2*[@*'2"*!"0"$"!*8%$,*$,"*exception of the two SMs associated with Tense.

Figure 4. Tensed Auxiliaries: Aspectual in TP1

TP2

SMBcopyB

*****+I****************

T AUXP

­cha­

SMBcopyB

S S SaS A-=JI**

*B-=*********+JF*********

nga/ tì

SMBcopyB

T’

T ASPP

ø

SMBcopyB

ASPP’

S a

Asp INFP

********************************************************2%c9'*****************************************************

SMBcopyB

SaS INFP’

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INF ****fJ********************************************

­ku­

*****fI**************************

SSMSBS SB

S a

******************************************************************************f**************<J********************************************************************************************************************

YJ

R FV

*****************************************************************************e!6e****'***********Y

mushonga

The tree should be read from bottom up, and as follows: the verb root merges with

$,"*if.*$(*,'9"*f)*f*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J*?1(;/0";"&$>.*$(*:(2;*fI)*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*$(*:(2;*'*fJ)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*INF*?%&4&%$%9">*$(*:(2;*$,"*INFP’. The INFP’ merges with the Aspectual marker to have the ASPP’. The ASPP’ merges with the

SM copy to form an ASPP. The ASPP*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,%#*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@*1(/6*$(*,'9"*'*+J*J,'#")*+JF*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*B-=*$(*:(2;*B-=JI.*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@*$(*:(2;*B-=J)*+,"*B-=J*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+I*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JC)*O&*'11(2!'&1"*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?W>.*(&06*$,"*[@#*'##(1%'$"!*8%$,*9"25#*'2"*/2(&(-&1"!*'00*($,"2*[@#*'2"*!"0"$"!)*O&*'11(2!'&1"*8%$,*$,%#*1(&#$2'%&$.*$8(*+J*J,'#"#.*$2'&#0'$"*%&$(*two overt SM markers.

Our analysis accounts for the data in which the SM of the subordinate clause and

that of the tensed auxiliary ti agrees in both number and person. In our analysis, the SM that introduces the auxiliary ti is a copy of the subject marker of the subordinate 10'-#".*+JF)*+,%#* %#* %00-#$2'$"!*(&1"*'3'%&.* %&* $,"*"=';/0"*5"0(8)*+,"*[@#* $,'$*agree are in bold.

*?FU>*?'>* nTTP2B a­ka­ti [B

TP1B a­pind­a [B

CPB v­a­ka­gar­a]]]

** * N#3eRPe'-=**N#3)/'#$e3"$*%&e:9**C/0e/'#$eRP­sit­down­fv

* * a,"&*#c,"*"&$"2"!*$,"6*#'$*!(8&)

(b) [BTP2Bva­ka­ti [B

TP1Bva­pind­a [B

CPBa­ka­gar­a]]]

2pl­RPe'-=**C/0e3"$*%&e:9**N#3e/'#$eRP­sit­fv

when they entered he sat down.

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The analysis fails to account for some data involving the auxiliary tì. These are data where the Subject Markers that introduces ti, '&!*(:*+JC*'2"*!%::"2"&$)*+,"*[@*(:*+JC*'32""#*8%$,* $,"*[@*(:* $,"*;'$2%=*10'-#")*Q(&#%!"2* $,"*"=';/0"#* %&*CF)*+,"*SMs that agree are in bold.

(21) (a) [BTP2B a­ka­ti [B

TP1B v­a­pind­a [B

CPB a­ka­gar­a]]]

** * N#3eRPe'-=*N/0e/'#$e3"$*%&e:9**N#3e2/e#%$e:9

* * 8,"&*$,"6*"&$"2"!*#c,"*#'$*!(8&)

(b) [BTP2Bva­ka­ti [B

TP1Ba­pind­a [B

CPB va­ka­gar­a]]]

* * N/0eRPe'-=*N#3)/'#$e3"$*%&e:9**N/0eRP­sit­fv

* * 8,"&*$,"6*"&$"2"!*#c,"*#'$*!(8&)

Below is a tree that illustrates how our analysis fails to account for the data in 20

(a & b).

Figure 5. Tensed Auxiliaries: Aspectual auxes in TP1.

TP2

SMBcopyB

****+I****************

T AuxP

­cha­

SMBcopyB

S S SaS A-=JI**

*B-=***************+JF*********

nga/ tì

SM T’

va­

T ASPP

ø

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SMBcopyB

ASPP’

S a

Asp INFP

*2%c9'*****************************************************

SMBcopyB

SaS INFP’

INF ****fJ********************************************

­ku­

********************************************************************************************fI**************************

SSMSBS SB

S a

************************************************************************************f**************<J********************************************************************************************************************

YJ

R FV

**************************************************************************e!6e**********e'*********Y

mushonga

The tree should be read from bottom up, and as follows: the verb root merges with

$,"*if.*$(*,'9"*f)*f*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J*?1(;/0";"&$>.*$(*:(2;*fI)*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*$(*:(2;*'*fJ)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*INF*?%&4&%$%9">*$(*:(2;*$,"*INFP’. The INFP’ merges with the Aspectual marker to have the ASPP’. The ASPP’ merges with the

SM copy to form an ASPP. The ASPP*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+I*B11(2!%&3*$(*(-2*'&'06#%#.*+I*#,(-0!*;"23"*8%$,*'*[@*1(/6*$(*,'9"*'*+J*J,'#")*+,"*[@*'9'%0'50"*%#*not a copy, and our analysis fails to account for such data.

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4.2.3. Summary

+(* 2"1'/.* +,"*B#/"1$-'0* '-=%0%'2%"#* ?J2(32"##%9"* rí and the Inceptive vá ) and the Tensed Auxiliaries (ngà & the surbodinative tì ) differ with regards to Subject Marking, Tense Marking, whether the auxiliaries encode Aspect or not, and the type

of complement that they take. As a summary, we provide Table 2, showing how the

auxiliaries behave with regards to these distributional properties.

Table 2. Differences amongst Auxiliaries

(a)

SM

(b)

T

(c)

Aspect

(d)

Qb@J^k@kY+

single double

overt not

overt Y(&ei%&%$"?INFP) Finite

?+J>

Aspectual

Auxes

rí ! x x ! ! ! x

vá ! x x ! ! ! x

Tensed

Auxes

ngà x ! ! x x x !

tì x ! ! x x x !

5. Consequences of Analysis

The discussion and analysis of Shona auxiliaries would not be comprehensive

without an analysis of the main verbs and negation. The analysis of the main verbs

highlights the differences between main verbs and auxiliaries discussed in Section

C)*Y"3'$%(&*%&*[,(&'*;(#$06* %&9(09"#*'&*'-=%0%'26.*'&!*'*!%#1-##%(&*'&!*'&'06#%#*of negation sheds more light to the distributional properties of auxiliaries. First, we

'&'06K"*$,"*;'%&*9"25#*%&*$,"*':42;'$%9".*:(00(8"!*56*'&*'&'06#%#*(:*$,"%2*&"3'$%(&.*'&!*4&'006.* $,"*&"3'$%(&*(:*5($,*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*?J2(32"##%9"*rí & Inceptive và and Tensed auxiliaries (ngà and subordinative tì).

5.1. Main verbs

The distributional properties for the main verbs are that they:

?%>** 1'&*5"*4&%$"*'&!*&(&e4&%$"*?%;/"2'$%9"#>)

?%%>** (11-2*8%$,*[@*8,"&*4&%$")

(ii) occur with tense marking.

?%%%>** $'S"#*<J*1(;/0";"&$)

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The structure that accounts for these distributional properties is 3%9"&*%&*i%3-2"*M*below, and example (12a) repeated here as 19(a) is shown in the tree:

(19) (a) A­kà­p­á*****Ye;59,

* * N#3e3%9"eFV cl9­thief

* * [c,"*3'9"*$,"*$,%":)

+,"*:(00(8%&3*#$2-1$-2"*'11(-&$#*:(2*$,"*;'%&*9"25#*%&*':42;'$%9"*#"&$"&1"#)

Figure 5. The Main Verbs

*****************************************************************************+J*****************************************************

SMBcopyB

**********+I******************************************************

*****************************************************************************+************fJ********************************************

­ka­

SM

Sa[***************fI*********************************************************

**********************************************************************************************************<J*************************************************************************************************************************

V

*********************************YJ*************

*****************************************************************************************g***************i*******Y

­p­ ­a

mbavha

g"'!%&3*$,%#*$2""*5($$(;*-/.*$,"*2(($*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0.*$(*,'9"*'*f.*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J.*$(*,'9"*'*fI)*+,"*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*+"&#"*;'2S"2*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,"*+I*4&'006*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*'*+J)*O&*,'2;(&6*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*1(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?W>.*(&06*$,"*[@*associated with a verb is pronounced and the other one is deleted.

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NJLC, Volume 3: Number 2, December 2009

Compared with the auxiliaries, the main verbs have less structure. They have one

Functional head, T, whereas the Aspectual auxes have two, namely, aspectual

marker and a zero tense marker. On the other hand, the Tensed auxes have more

functional heads, viz. Aspectual marker, Tense marker and an Auxiliary.

Conclusion

Shona, auxiliaries fall into two classes: The Aspectual auxiliaries comprising the

J2(32"##%9"*rí, and Inceptive vá and the Tensed Auxiliaries ngà and subordinative tì)*B* 1(;;(&* :"'$-2"* #,'2"!* 56* $,"* '-=%0%'26* %#* 4&%$"&"##V* $,"* 2"R-%2";"&$* (:* '*[@)*7(8"9"2.*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*'00(8*#%&30"*[-5d"1$*@'2S%&3*8,"2"'#*$,"*tensed auxiliaries obligatorily require double Subject Marking. The fact that Tensed

auxiliaries ngà and subordinative tì allows double Subject marking has to do with $,"* :'1$* $,'$* $,"6* $'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#)* O&*[,(&'.*"9"26*+J*J,'#"* 2"R-%2"#*'&*overt Subject Marker. Likewise, the fact that the Aspectual auxiliaries only allow for

'*#%&30"*[-5d"1$*@'2S%&3*%#*1(&#%#$"&$*8%$,*$,"*(5#"29'$%(&*$,'$*$,"6*$'S"*O&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$#*'&!*(&06*,'9"*'*#%&30"*+J*J,'#")*

References

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Anderson, J. (1990). On the status of auxiliaries in notational Grammar. Journal of Linguistics*CME*NGFeNMC)

T'S"2.*Q)^)*?F]LD>)*[$2"##*0"9"0*'&!*'-=%0%'26*5",'9%(-2*%&*k&30%#,)*Linguistic Inquiry C].*FMLeFUF)

T'$%5(.*7).*'&!*g($$0'&!.*i)*?F]]C>)*+,"*;%&%;'0%$6*1(&!%$%(&*%&*[8',%0%*8(2!*:(2;#)*Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere C]E*FCeGG)*

i(2$-&".*Z)*?F]WW>)*An analytical grammar of Shona. London: Longman.

i(2$-&".*Z)*?F]UC>)*Shona Grammatical constructions ?*NJ2!J*"!)>)*C*f(0#).*7'2'2"E*Mercury.

7"%&".*T)*?F]]N>)*Auxiliaries: Cognitive forces and grammaticalization)*Y"8*j(2S*E*b=:(2!*_&%9"2#%$6*J2"##)

7'"3";'&.*^)*?F]]W>)*The Syntax of Negation. Cambridge: Cambridge University J2"##)

76;'&.*^)*?F]]W>)*@%&%;'0%$6*'&!*$,"*/2(#(!%1*;(2/,(0(36*(:*Q%5";5'*%;52%1'$%(&)*Journal of African languages and Linguistics*FME*NeN]

Kim, J. (2000). The grammar of negation: A constraint based approach. Stanford, Q'0%:(2&%'E*Q[^O*J-50%1'$%(&#)

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NJLC, Volume 3: Number 2, December 2009244

Kuteva, T. (2001). Auxiliation)*b=:(2!E*b=:(2!*_&%9"2#%$6*J2"##)*

^'5(9.*a)*?F]LC>)*Y"3'$%9"*'$$2'1$%(&*'&!*&"3'$%9"*1(&1(2!*%&*k&30%#,)*Language GUE*LLNeUFU)

Ouhalla, J. (1990). Sentential negation, relativized minimality and the aspectual

status of auxiliaries. The Linguistics Review*LE*FUNeCNF)

@'20(.*g)*@)* ?CDDW>)*Qfe2(($* "=/'&#%(&* %&* $,2""*^-6%6'* 0'&3-'3"#)*Unpublished manuscript.