Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and tìTP
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Transcript of Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and tìTP
Shona auxiliaries: ri, va, nga, an.......
NJLC, Volume 3: Number 2, December 2009
Shona auxiliaries: rí, vá; ngà and tìTP
Calisto Mudzingwa and Mario ChávezPeón, University of British Columbia
Abstract
The goal of this study is to identify, describe and analyze the morphosyntactic
properties of Shona auxiliaries, rí, vá, nga and tì. T"#%!"#*i(2$-&"*?F]UG>.*&(*#$-!6*explores these auxiliaries in detail. The following research question was addressed:
What accounts for the cluster of morphosyntactic properties exhibited by the Shona
auxiliaries, rí, vá, nga and tìl*a"*'23-"*$,'$*$,"#"*'-=%0%'2%"#*:'00*%&$(*$8(*10'##"#E*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#.*$,"*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive vá; the Tensed auxiliaries: ngà and tì. rí and vá pattern together in that they: (i) occur with a Subject Marker ?[@>V*?%%>*!(*&($*(11-2*8%$,*$"&#"*;'2S%&3V*?%%%>*$'S"*'&*%&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$)*ngà and tì on the other hand, pattern together in that they: (i) permit multiple occurrence (:* [@#V* ?%%>* 1(e(11-2* 8%$,* (9"2$* $"&#"*;'2S%&3V* ?%%%>* 1(e(11-2* 8%$,* $,"*B#/"1$-'0*B-=%0%'2%"#V ?%9>*$'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#)*a"*/2(/(#"*$,'$*$,"*'-=%0%'2%"#.*rí, vá, nga and tì*'2"*:-&1$%(&'0*,"'!#V*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*'2"*%&$2(!-1"!*-&!"2*$,"*:-&1$%(&'0*head Aspect, and the Tensed auxiliaries under Aux. Every auxiliary cooccurs with a [@)*+,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*[@*2"P"1$#*$,'$E*
?%>**[@*%#*/2"#"&$*%:*$,"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*4&%$")
?%%>**B*4&%$"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*'*+J*J,'#".*'&!*"'1,*+J*/,'#"*%#*'##(1%'$"!*8%$,*(&"*[@)*
The study contributes to a deeper understanding of Shona auxiliaries and to the
recalcitrant issue of multiple subject marking in Bantu, as well as to language
typology.
1. Introduction
The goal of this study is to identify, describe and analyze the morphosyntactic
/2(/"2$%"#*(:*[,(&'*'-=%0%'2%"#E*J2(32"##%9"*rí, and Inceptive vá; T"&#"!*'-=%0%'2%"#V*ngà and subordinative tì+J F44iJ+)*T"#%!"#*i(2$-&"*?F]WW.*F]UG>.*$(*$,"*5"#$*(:*(-2*knowledge, there is no study that explores these auxiliaries in detail.
We argue that these auxiliary elements fall into two classes, according to distributional
12%$"2%')*b&*$,"*(&"*,'&!.*$,"*'#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*?'-="#>.*$,"*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive váB
Bpattern together in that they:
(i) occur with a Subject Marker.
(ii) do not occur with tense marking.
?%%%>**%&$2(!-1"*'*fJ*1(;/0";"&$*%&*$,"*:(2;*(:*'&*%&4&%$%9")
This is illustrated in examples (1) and (2) for progressive ri and inceptive vá, where
==" TPPT"%+"D*04("4&,+"/*"/)C',"E*.+FGC:&+"8H9)C&'+6"8*0I4C."J044+534C',6"K0''C:"L4CM0:"NC'.F.*'6"M*:"9*22+'/.6".0II+./&*'."C/"C44"/)+"(&MM+:+'/"./CI+."*M"9*2&'I"0O"D&/)"/)&."OCO+:<"%+"D*04("C4.*"4&,+"/*"+P/+'("*0:"I:C/&/0(+"/*"G&,+"QC::&+"M*:"&'.&I)/M04"(&.90..&*'.<"144"2&./C,+.":+2C&'"*0:"":+.O*'.&3&4&/5<
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8"* #""* $,"* N#3* #-5d"1$*;'2S"2 a, the absence of overt tense marking and the /2"#"&1"*(:*$,"*%&4&%$%9"*/2"4= ku on the main verb famba H8'0SI)
(1) àrí kúfámbá
* N#3PROG.AUX INFwalkfv
* H[c,"*%#*8'0S%&3I
(2) àvá kúfámbá
* N#3e AUX INFwalkfv
* H[c,"*%#*'5(-$*$(*8'0SI
On the other hand, the Tensed auxes ngà and subordinative tì pattern together in that they:
(i) permit multiple occurrence of Subject Markers.
(ii) cooccur with overt tense marking.
* ?%%%>** 1(e(11-2*8%$,*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-="#*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive váB.
* ?%9>** $'S"*'*+J*1(;/0";"&$)
+,%#*%#*%00-#$2'$"!*%&*"=';/0"#*?N>*'&!*?G>*5"0(8.*8,"2"*%&*"'1,*"=';/0"*$,"2"*'2"*$8(*(9"2$*[@#)* O&*"=';/0"*?N>* $,"2"* %#*'*[@*$,'$* %&$2(!-1"#*$,"*$"&#"!*'-=*nga and the other which introduces the aspectual auxiliary ri)*[%;%0'206.* %&*?G>*(&"*[@*introduces the tensed auxiliary ti and the other introduces the auxiliary ri. Related to double subject marking is the fact that the auxiliaries nga and ti can cooccur with $,"*'#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#)*O&*5($,*"=';/0"#*?N>*'&!*?G>.*$,"*'-="#*nga and ti occur with the overt tense marker ka)*Q(&#%!"2*"=';/0"#*?N>*'&!*?G>.
?N> àkàngà àrí kúfámbá
* N#3ePASTAUX** * N#3PROG.AUX INFwalkfv
* H[c,"* 8'#* 8'0S%&3I
(G) àkàti àrí kúfámbá àkàóná nyóká
* N#3eRPAUX*N#3AUX INF8'0Se:9*N#3e RPseefv cl9.snake
Ha,"&*#c,"*8'#*8'0S%&3.*#c,"*#'8*'*#&'S"I
1.1. Research Question
What accounts for the cluster of morphosyntactic properties exhibited by Shona
'-=%0%'2%"#l*
@(2"*#/"1%41'006E
(i) What accounts for the cluster of morphosyntactic properties exhibited by the
B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*?J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive vá)
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(ii) What accounts for the cluster of morphosyntactic properties exhibited by
the Tensed auxiliaries (ngà and tì)
2. The Proposal
We propose that all Shona auxiliaries have the status of functional heads:
?%>** B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*?J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive vá) are introduced under the functional head Aspect
(ii) Tensed auxes (ngà and subordinative tì) are introduced under the
functional head Aux.
B#*:(2*$,"*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?[@>.*%$#*!%#$2%5-$%(&*2"P"1$#*$,"*:(00(8%&3*1(&#$2'%&$*(&*4&%$"&"##E*
?W>* i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2E
?%>** O&*[,(&'.*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*%#*/2"#"&$*%:*$,"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*4&%$")
(ii) A verbal form is a main verb or an auxiliary verb.
?%%%>** B*4&%$"*9"25'0*:(2;*%#*'*+J*J,'#".*'&!*"'1,*+J*/,'#"*%#*'##(1%'$"!*8%$,**(&"* [-5d"1$* @'2S"2)* O:* $,"2"* '2"* $8(* +J* J,'#"#.* $,"2"* '2"* $8(* [-5d"1$*Markers.
A single syntactic representation can account for the auxiliaries.
3. Auxiliaries are not main verbs.
T":(2"*$2"'$%&3*%&*!"$'%0*$,"*$8(*#-510'##"#*(:*[,(&'*'-=%0%'2%"#.*8"*42#$*"#$'50%#,*$,"*ways in which auxiliaries differ from main verbs. The analysis of Shona auxiliaries
as functional heads predicts that they will differ from main verbs, and they do so
with respect to:
(i) prosody
(ii) morphology
(iii) syntax
(iv) semantics
We consider each of these properties in turn.
3.1 Prosody
3.1.1 Main Verb Prosody
The main verb roots in Shona, like in other Bantu languages almost invariably end
-/*8%$,*'*1(&#(&'&$*?[8',%0%.*T'$%5(*'&!*g($$0'&!*F]]DV*Q%5";5'.*76;'&*F]]WV*^-6%'.*@'20(*CDDW>)*+,"*[,(&'*9"25*2(($#*'2"*(:*$,"*:(00(8%&3*/2(#(!%1*#,'/"V*Q.*
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QfQ.*QfQfQ)*B*4&'0*(2*$,";"*9(8"0 a is always added to satisfy the phonotactics of the language, since Shona does not allow closed syllables. This suggests that
;'%&*9"25#*%&*[,(&'*'2"*5%;(2/,";%1V*$,"6*'2"*;'!"*-/*(:*$,"*9"25*2(($*'&!*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0) Q(&#%!"2*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?M>.*5"3%&&%&3*8%$,*9"25*2(($#*(:*$,"*/2(#(!%1*shape C.
?M>** ?'>** /á
giveFV
* * H3%9"I
* ?5>** #&J3Já
arrest FV
* * H'22"#$I
* ?!>* 92&J3Jà
* * 1(-&$c2"'!eFV
* * H1(-&$c2"'!I
3.1.2. Auxiliary Prosody
Unlike main verbs, auxiliaries are CV, and monomorphemic. Consider the examples
%&*?L'e:>)
?L>** ?'>* 2******
PROG. AUX
(b) vá
INCEPAUX
* ?1>* *&J3Jà
(d) tì
3.2. Morphology
The morphology of both the main verbs and the auxiliaries support the claims that
the main verbs are bimorphemic and auxiliaries are monomorphemic. First, let us
look at the morphology of the main verbs.
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3.2.1. Main verb Morphology
O&*;'%&*9"25#.*%$*%#*/"2;%##%50"*$(*%&#"2$*'*#-:4='0*"=$"&#%(&?#>*5"$8""&*$,"*9"25*2(($*'&!*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0)*B#*'&*%00-#$2'$%(&.*1(&#%!"2*"=';/0"#*%&*?U>*%&*8,%1,*$,"*/'##%9"*;(2/,";"*cw/ 8,%1,*,'#*$,"*'00(;(2/,*ce%8ec*%#*-#"!)
?U>** ?'>** àrí kùpíwá
* N#3ePROG.AUX INFgivePASSIVEFV
* [c,"*%#*5"%&3*3%9"&
(b) àchàtì àsúngíwá, à chàgàrà øpàsí
* N#3eFUTAUX**N#3arrestPASSIVEFV 3sgFUTsitFV 10FLe!(8&
a,"&*#c,"*8%00*5"*'22"#$"!*#c,"*8%00*#%$*!(8&)
(c) àchàngà àvákùvèrèngìwà
* N#3eFUTPROG.AUX**N#3AUXINFcountPASSIVEFV
* [c,"*8%00*5"*%&*$,"*/2(1"##*(:*5"%&3*1(-&$"!c*[c,"*8%00*5"*'5(-$*$(*5"*1(-&$"!)
3.2.2 Auxiliary Morphology
_&0%S"*;'%&*9"25#.*&(*#-:4='0*"=$"&#%(&#*1'&*5"*%&#"2$"!*5"$8""&*$,"*1(&#(&'&$*and vowel. The examples in (9) illustrate that the passive morpheme cannot be
inserted between the consonant (C) and vowel (V) that make up the auxiliary.
?]>*?'>* *àríwí kùpá
* N#3ePROG.AUXPASSIVEFV INFgiveFV
?1>** àchàngìwà àvákùsúngá
* N#3eFUTPROG.AUXPASSIVEFV*N#3ePROG.AUXINFarrestFV
?!>** e1,e$ewà àsúngá àchàgàrà øpàsí
* N#3eFUTPROG.AUXPASSIVEFV**N#3e'22"#$eFV 3SGFUT#%$e10FLe!(8&
3.3 Syntax
This section illustrates how the syntax of the main verbs and that of the auxiliaries
differ. First, we provide the syntax of the main verbs.
3.3.1 Main verb Syntax
The main verbs can occur in imperatives. In these constructions, it is not permissible
$(* ,'9"* '* [-5d"1$*@'2S"2)* J2"!%1$'506.* $,%#*;"'&#* $,'$* $,"* 9"25#* '2"* &(&e4&%$")*Consider the following examples in (10).
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(10) (a) pá
giveFV
give!
(b) súngá
arrest FV
arrest!
(c) vèrèngà
count FV
count!
3.3.2 Auxiliary Syntax
Unlike the main verbs, auxiliaries cannot occur in imperatives. This means that
auxiliaries only occur %&*4&%$"*1(&#$2-1$%(&#V* $,"6*'08'6#*2"R-%2"*'*[@)*Q(&#%!"2*the example in (11).
*?FF>** ?'>* *2
* ?5>** vá
* ?1>** &3
* ?!>** $
3.4 Semantics
^'#$06.*$,"*;'%&*9"25#*'&!*$,"*'-=%0%'2%"#*!%::"2*%&*$,"%2*#";'&$%1#)*a"*42#$*0((S*'$*the semantics of the main verbs.
3.4.1 Main verb Semantics
f"25#* '2"* 1(&$"&$* 8(2!#)* +,"6* 1'&* $'S"* <J* 1(;/0";"&$#* '&!* 1'&* '##%3&*theta roles. These semantic characteristics of main verbs are well illustrated in
32';;'$%1'0%K'$%(&* #$-!%"#*8,%1,* %00-#$2'$"* $,'$* (&"* (:* $,"* !"4&%&3* /2(1"##"#* (:*auxiliation is semantic loss: a gradual process in which main verbs gradually function like auxiliaries through the loss of semantic content of the verb. This has
5""&*'##%3&"!*!%::"2"&$*0'5"0#V*#";'&$%1*0(##*?7"%&"*F]]N.*X-$"9'*CDDF>V*#";'&$%1*50"'1,%&3*?B&!"2#(&*CDDM>V*#";'&$%1*!"/0"$%(&*?^",;'&*F]UC>)Consider the examples in (12) which indicate that main verbs of different phonological
#,'/"#*1'&*'##%3&*$,";'$%1*2(0"#*'&!*1'&*$'S"*<J#)*
(12) (a) Akàpá mbàvhá
* * N#3e3%9"eFV cl9thief
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* [c,"*3'9"*$,"*$,%":)
(b) Akàsúngá mbàvhá
* N#3eRParrestFV cl9thief
* [c,"*'22"#$"!*$,"*$,%":)
(d) Akàvèrèngà mbàvhá
* N#3eRPcountFV cl9thief
* [c,"*1(-&$"!*$,"*$,%"9"#)
3.4.2 Auxiliary Semantics
_&0%S"* $,"* ;'%&* 9"25#.* '-=%0%'2%"#* '2"* :-&1$%(&* 8(2!#* '&!* 1'&&($* $'S"* <J*1(;/0";"&$#)*+,"6*1'&&($*'##%3&*$,"$'*2(0"#*5"1'-#"*$,"6*'2"*#";'&$%1'006*H0%3,$I*(Kuteva 2001).
Q(&#%!"2*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?FN>)
?FN>** ?'>** àrí mbàvhá
* * N#3ePROG. AUX cl9thief
* * ?5>* àvá mbàvhá
* * N#3INCEPAUX cl9.thief
* ?1>* àkàngà mbàvhá
* * N#3eRPAUXcl9thief.
* ?!>* àkàtì mbàvhá
** * N#3eRPAUX cl9thief
By way of summary, we provide Table 1 below showing the differences between
main verbs and auxiliaries.
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Table 1. Auxiliaries are not main verbs.
(a)
SM
(b)
T
(c)
Phonology
J2(#(!%1 Shape
(d)
morphology
(extensions)
(e)
Semantics<J*Complement
Main Verbs J J v)Qy J J
Aspectual Auxes vá J x CV x x
rí J x CV x x
ngà J J CV x x
tì J J CV x x
4. Shona has two classes of auxiliaries
This section explores in detail the distributional differences amongst the two classes
(:* '-=%0%'2%"#E* B#/"1$-'0* '-="#* ?J2(32"##%9"* rí, Inceptive vá) and the Tensed auxiliaries (ngà and subordinative tì).
4.1. Aspectual Auxiliaries
g"1'00*$,'$*2"3'2!%&3*$,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#.*$,"*J2(32"##%9"*rí and the Inceptive vá, we mentioned that they:
(i) occur with a Subject Marker
(ii) do not occur with tense marking
?%%%>** %&$2(!-1"*'*fJ*1(;/0";"&$*%&*$,"*:(2;*(:*'&*%&4&%$%9"
Q(&#%!"2*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?FG>*8,%1,*%00-#$2'$"*$,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*/2(32"##%9"*rí. In ?FG'>.*rí (11-2#*8%$,*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*'&!*%#*;'2S%&3*$,"*/2(32"##%9"*?%;/"2:"1$%9">V*%&!%1'$%&3*$,'$*$,"*'1$%9%$6*%#*#$%00*%&1(;/0"$"*'$*$,"*$%;"*(:*-$$"2'&1")*k=';/0"*?FG5>.*establishes that rí*1'&&($*(11-2*8%$,(-$*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*?FG1>*%00-#$2'$"#*$,'$*$,"*progressive rí cannot occur with an overt tense marker (remote past –kaV*!%#$'&$*future –chaeV*,'5%$-'0*/'#$*i; habitual no). Despite the lack of an overt tense marker, #"&$"&1"#*8%$,*$,"*J2(32"##%9" rí have a present tense reading. Finally, example ?FG!>*%00-#$2'$"#*$,'$*rí 1'&*$'S"*%&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$V*8,"2"'#*?FG"*A*:>*%00-#$2'$"*$,'$* %$* 1'&&($* $'S"*'*4&%$"*1(;/0";"&$* ?'#*!"4&"!*56* $,"*'5%0%$6* $(*(11-2*8%$,*'*subject marker).
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?FG>*?'>* àrí kùdyá
* NSG PROG.AUX INFeatFV
* [c,"*%#*"'$%&3)
?5>* rí kùdyá
PROG.AUX.AUX INFeatFV
?1>* àkà/chà/ì/nòvá kùdyá
NSGTENSEPROG.AUX INF eatFV
(d) àrí [BINFVPB
kùdyá]
* NSG PROG.AUX INF eatFV
* [c,"*%#*"'$%&3)
?">* àrí [BTPB àrí kù dyá]
* NSG PROG.AUX*****NSG PROG.AUX INF eatFV
(f) àrí [BTP Bàdyá]
* NSG PROG.AUX NSGeatFV
+,"*"=';/0"#* %&* ?FW>* %00-#$2'$"* $,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:* $,"* O&1"/$%9"*váB.B In ?FW'>.*vá
(11-2#* 8%$,* '* [-5d"1$* @'2S"2* '&!* %#* ;'2S%&3* $,"* %&1"/$%9"V* %&!%1'$%&3* $,'$* $,"*'1$%9%$6*%#*'5(-$*$(*5"3%&*(2*,'#*d-#$*5"3'&*'$*$,"*$%;"*(:*-$$"2'&1")*k=';/0"*?FW5>*demonstrates that vá 1'&&($*(11-2*8%$,(-$*'*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*?FW1>*#,(8#*$,'$*$,"*Inceptive vá cannot occur with an overt tense marker (remote past –kaV* !%#$'&$*future –chaeV*,'5%$-'0*/'#$*i; habitual no). Despite the lack of an overt tense marker, the sentence with the Inceptive vá*,'#*'*/2"#"&$*$"&#"*2"'!%&3)*^'#$06.*"=';/0"*?FW*e & f) establishes that vá*1'&&($*$'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#*5-$*%&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$#*?FW'>)
?FW>*?'>*àvá [BINFVPB
kùdyá ]
3SG–INCEP.AUX INFeatFV
* [c,"*%#*d-#$*%&*$,"*/2(1"##*(:*"'$%&3c*[c,"*%#*'5(-$*$(*"'$)
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?5>** 9*************Se!6e*
INCEP.AUX INFeatFV
?1>* àkà/chà/ì/nòvá kùdyá
* NSG–TENSEINCEP.AUX INFeatFV
(e) *àvá [BTPB à rí kùdyá]
3SG INCEP.AUX*******NSGPROG.AUX INF eatFV
(f) *àvá [BTPB àdyá]
* NSG INCEP.AUX**NSG eatFV
G)F)F* B&'06#%#*(:*B#/"1$-'0*B-=%0%'2%"#)
A single syntactic structure given in Figure 1 accounts for the distributional properties
(:*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#)*+,"*#"&$"&1"#*%&*?FW>*,'9"*$,"*#$2-1$-2"*%&*i%3-2"*F)
?FM>*?'>** àrí [BINFPB kùdyá chingwa]
3SG–PROGR.AUX INFeatFV CL7bread
She is eating bread
(b) àvá [BINFVPB
kùdyá chingwa]
3SG–INCEP.AUX INFeatFV CL7bread
She has just started eating bread.
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Figure 1. Aspectual Auxiliaries
+J***********************************************
SMBcopyB
T’
a
*************************************+****************B#/J****************************************************************************************
ø
SMBcopyB
******B#/JI****************************************
S aS
******************************************************B#/*********O&:J****************************************
********************************************************2%c9'*****************************************************
SMBcopyB
**O&:9JI***************************************************
Sa
***********************************************************************O&:********fJ********************************************
ku
SMB B*******fI****************************************
S a
**************************************************************************************f**************<J*******************************************************************************************************************
R FV NP
dy a
******************************************************************************************************Y****************************
mushonga
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g"'!%&3*$,%#*$2""*:2(;*5($$(;*-/.*$,"*9"25*2(($*?g>*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0*?if>.*$(*:(2;*f*?$,"*9"25*#$";>)*f*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J.*$(*:(2;*fI)*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*$(*:(2;*'*fJ)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"* INF (ku) to form the INFP’. The INFP’ merges with the copy of the SM to form INFJ)*+,"*INFJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*;'2S"2*to have the ASPP’. The ASPP’ merges with the SM copy to form an ASPP. The ASPP
;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,%#*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@*1(/6*$(*,'9"*'*+J*/,'#")*O&*'11(2!'&1"*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?W>.*(&06*$,"*[@*associated with Tense is pronounced, all other SMs are deleted.
+,-#.*$,"*!"0"$%(&*(:*$,"*[@*%#*/2"!%1$'50")*O$*%#*(&06*2"$'%&"!*8,"&*$,"2"*%#*'*+J*J,'#")*[%&1"*$,"2"*%#*(&06*(&"*+J*J,'#".*$,"2"*%#*'0#(*'*#%&30"*(9"2$*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*
4.2. Tensed Auxiliaries: nga and tì
We mentioned that the Tensed auxes ngà and subordinative ti pattern together in that they:
(i) permit multiple occurrence of Subject Marker
(ii) cooccur with overt tense marking
(iii) cooccur with the aspectual auxes progressive ri and inceptive váB1
?%9>** $'S"#*'*+J*1(;/0";"&$)
+,"*"=';/0"#*%&*?FL>*!";(&#$2'$"*$,"*!%#$2%5-$%(&*(:*$,"*+"&#"!*'-=%0%'2%"#*ngà and tì. ?FL'>*#,(8#*$,'$*ngà and tì*(11-2*8%$,*!(-50"*[-5d"1$*@'2S%&3)*k=';/0"*?FL5*A*1>*establishes thatB Bngà and tì 1'&&($*(11-2*8%$,*'*#%&30"*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2)*B#*:(2*?FL!>*it demonstrates that ngà and tì obligatorily require an overt tense marker (remote past kaeV*!%#$'&$*:-$-2"*chaeV*,'5%$-'0*/'#$*ieV*,'5%$-'0*eno).*i%&'006.*"=';/0"#*?FL*"*A*:>*#,(8*$,'$*$,"*+"&#"!*'-="#*1'&*$'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#)*+,"6*1'&*1(e(11-2*8%$,*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#.*9%K)*J2(32"##%9"*rí and Inceptive váB.
?FL>*?'>* àe1,e&3c$|*àvá kùdyá mùshòngá
3SGFUTAUX*NSGINCEP.AUX INFeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"e
I will be taking medicine.
When I will be taking medicine…….
* ?5>* àe1,e&3c$|*9**Se!6e*;e#,&3
3SGFUTAUX INCEP.AUX INFeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"e
* ?1>* àe1,e&3c$|*9***Se!6e*;e#,&3
3SGFUTAUX INCEP.AUX INFeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"
* ?!>* àe&3c$|*àvá kùdyá mùshòngá
* * NSGAUX 3SGAUX INFeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"
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(">* e1,e&3c$|*[BTPBàrí kùdyá]
NSG FUTAUX**N#3ePROG.AUX INFeatFV
* * [c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&"
* * a,"&*#c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&"v)
(f) àchà&3c$| [BTPB àdyá mùshòngá]
NSGFUTAUX*NSGeatFV 10Ne;"!%1%&"
* * [c,"*8%00*,'9"*$'S"&*;"!%1%&")
* * a,"&*#c,"*,'9"*"'$"&v
4.2.1. Analysis of Tensed Auxiliaries
The tensed auxiliaries, ngà and subordinative tì share the following characteristics. They: (i) allow for the stacking of auxiliaries in that they cooccur with Aspectual
auxiliaries (ii) can cooccur with main verbs (ii) allow double subject marking (iii)
'00(8*(&"*+J*$(*5"*1(&$'%&"!*%&*'&($,"2)*+,"#"*1,'2'1$"2%#$%1#*'2"*#,(8&*%&*i%3-2"*2 below.
Figure 2. Characteristics of tensed auxiliaries.
TP2
SMBcopyB
****+I****************
a
T AuxP
cha
SMBcopyB
S S SaS A-=JI****************************************
Aux TP1
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nga/ tì
SMBcopyB
T’
a
T X
ø
g"'!%&3*$,"*$2""*:2(;*5($$(;*-/.*s.*8,%1,*1(-0!*"%$,"2*5"*'*;'%&*9"25*1(&$'%&"!*8%$,*'&*O&4&%$%9'0*J,2'#"*(2*'&*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'26*J,2'#".*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*+I)*+I*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JF)*+JF*;"23"#*8%$,*B-=*$(*:(2;*B-=JI)*B-=JI*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6* $(* :(2;*B-=J)*B-=J*;"23"#*8%$,*+* $(* :(2;*+I*8,%1,*4&'006*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JC)*
+,"*[@#*&($* '##(1%'$"!*8%$,*+J#*'2"* !"0"$"!* %&* '11(2!'&1"*8%$,* $,"* 4&%$"&"##*constraint.
The full analysis of tensed auxes can be represented using two syntactic structures.
B0$,(-3,*$,"*$"&#"!*'-=%0%'2%"#* $'S"*+J#*'#*1(;/0";"&$#.* $,"* %&$"2&'0*#$2-1$-2"#*(:*$,"#"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#*!%::"2*!"/"&!%&3*(&*$,"*9'0-"*(:*s*?i%3-2"*C>)*+,"*9'0-"*(:*s*1(-0!*"%$,"2*5"*'&*B#/"1$-'0*J,2'#"*(2*'&*O&4&%$%9'0*J,2'#"*1(&$'%&%&3*'*;'%&*9"25)*+,"* #"&$"&1"#* %&* ?FU'*A*5>*8,%1,*,'9"* $,"* #$2-1$-2"* %&*i%3-2"*N*,'9"*'&*O&4&%$%9'0*J,2'#"*1(&$'%&%&3*'*;'%&*9"25*%&*+JC*'&!*$,"*"=';/0"#*%&*F]?'*A*5>*,'9"*'&*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'26*1(&$'%&"!*%&*+JC*'2"*#,(8&*%&*i%3-2"*G)
?FU>*?'>** àkàngà àkadyá mùshòngá
3SGFUTAUX*NSGRPeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"
* * [c,"*8%00*,'9"*$'S"&*;"!%1%&"
(b) àchà tì àdyá mùshòngá…
3SGFUTAUX*NSGeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"
* * a,"&*[c,"*8%00*,'9"*$'S"&*;"!%1%&"v
(19) (a) àkàngà àvá kùdyá mùshòngá
3SGFUTAUX*NSGINCEP.AUX INFeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&")
* * [c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&")
(b) àkàtì àvá kùdyá mùshòngá
3SGFUTAUX*NSGINCEP.AUX INFeatFV*10Ne;"!%1%&"e
* * a,"&*#c,"*8%00*5"*$'S%&3*;"!%1%&"…….
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Figure 3. Tensed Auxiliaries: Main verbs in TP2
TP2
SMBcopyB T’
T AuxP
SmBcopyB AuxP’
SaS
******************************************************$%**************+JF****************************************************
SMBcopyB
***********+I******************************************************
a
*********************************************************************+************fJ********************************************
ka
SM
Sa[*************fI****************************************
******************************************************************************************************<J*************************************************************************************************************************
V
*****************************YJ*************
******************************************************************************g*************i*******Y***************************************************************************************** dy a
mushonga
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g"'!%&3*$,%#*$2""*5($$(;*-/.*$,"*2(($*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0.*$(*,'9"*'*f.*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J.*$(*,'9"*'*fI)*+,"*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*+"&#"*;'2S"2*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,"*+I*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*'*+JF)**+,"*'-=%0%'26*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*+JF*$(*:(2;*B-=JI*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*B-=J)*B-=J*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*+I)*i%&'006.*+I*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JC)*O&*0%&"*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*'00*($,"2*[@*'2"*!"0"$"!*8%$,*$,"*exception of the two SMs associated with Tense.
Figure 4. Tensed Auxiliaries: Aspectual in TP1
TP2
SMBcopyB
*****+I****************
a
T AUXP
cha
SMBcopyB
S S SaS A-=JI**
*B-=*********+JF*********
nga/ tì
SMBcopyB
T’
a
T ASPP
ø
SMBcopyB
ASPP’
S a
Asp INFP
********************************************************2%c9'*****************************************************
SMBcopyB
SaS INFP’
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INF ****fJ********************************************
ku
*****fI**************************
SSMSBS SB
S a
******************************************************************************f**************<J********************************************************************************************************************
YJ
R FV
*****************************************************************************e!6e****'***********Y
mushonga
The tree should be read from bottom up, and as follows: the verb root merges with
$,"*if.*$(*,'9"*f)*f*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J*?1(;/0";"&$>.*$(*:(2;*fI)*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*$(*:(2;*'*fJ)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*INF*?%&4&%$%9">*$(*:(2;*$,"*INFP’. The INFP’ merges with the Aspectual marker to have the ASPP’. The ASPP’ merges with the
SM copy to form an ASPP. The ASPP*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,%#*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@*1(/6*$(*,'9"*'*+J*J,'#")*+JF*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*B-=*$(*:(2;*B-=JI.*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@*$(*:(2;*B-=J)*+,"*B-=J*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+I*;"23"#*8%$,*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*+JC)*O&*'11(2!'&1"*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*Q(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?W>.*(&06*$,"*[@#*'##(1%'$"!*8%$,*9"25#*'2"*/2(&(-&1"!*'00*($,"2*[@#*'2"*!"0"$"!)*O&*'11(2!'&1"*8%$,*$,%#*1(&#$2'%&$.*$8(*+J*J,'#"#.*$2'�'$"*%&$(*two overt SM markers.
Our analysis accounts for the data in which the SM of the subordinate clause and
that of the tensed auxiliary ti agrees in both number and person. In our analysis, the SM that introduces the auxiliary ti is a copy of the subject marker of the subordinate 10'-#".*+JF)*+,%#* %#* %00-#$2'$"!*(&1"*'3'%&.* %&* $,"*"=';/0"*5"0(8)*+,"*[@#* $,'$*agree are in bold.
*?FU>*?'>* nTTP2B akati [B
TP1B apinda [B
CPB vakagara]]]
** * N#3eRPe'-=**N#3)/'#$e3"$*%&e:9**C/0e/'#$eRPsitdownfv
* * a,"&*#c,"*"&$"2"!*$,"6*#'$*!(8&)
(b) [BTP2Bvakati [B
TP1Bvapinda [B
CPBakagara]]]
2plRPe'-=**C/0e3"$*%&e:9**N#3e/'#$eRPsitfv
when they entered he sat down.
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The analysis fails to account for some data involving the auxiliary tì. These are data where the Subject Markers that introduces ti, '&!*(:*+JC*'2"*!%::"2"&$)*+,"*[@*(:*+JC*'32""#*8%$,* $,"*[@*(:* $,"*;'$2%=*10'-#")*Q(&#%!"2* $,"*"=';/0"#* %&*CF)*+,"*SMs that agree are in bold.
(21) (a) [BTP2B akati [B
TP1B vapinda [B
CPB akagara]]]
** * N#3eRPe'-=*N/0e/'#$e3"$*%&e:9**N#3e2/e#%$e:9
* * 8,"&*$,"6*"&$"2"!*#c,"*#'$*!(8&)
(b) [BTP2Bvakati [B
TP1Bapinda [B
CPB vakagara]]]
* * N/0eRPe'-=*N#3)/'#$e3"$*%&e:9**N/0eRPsitfv
* * 8,"&*$,"6*"&$"2"!*#c,"*#'$*!(8&)
Below is a tree that illustrates how our analysis fails to account for the data in 20
(a & b).
Figure 5. Tensed Auxiliaries: Aspectual auxes in TP1.
TP2
SMBcopyB
****+I****************
a
T AuxP
cha
SMBcopyB
S S SaS A-=JI**
*B-=***************+JF*********
nga/ tì
SM T’
va
T ASPP
ø
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SMBcopyB
ASPP’
S a
Asp INFP
*2%c9'*****************************************************
SMBcopyB
SaS INFP’
INF ****fJ********************************************
ku
********************************************************************************************fI**************************
SSMSBS SB
S a
************************************************************************************f**************<J********************************************************************************************************************
YJ
R FV
**************************************************************************e!6e**********e'*********Y
mushonga
The tree should be read from bottom up, and as follows: the verb root merges with
$,"*if.*$(*,'9"*f)*f*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J*?1(;/0";"&$>.*$(*:(2;*fI)*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*$(*:(2;*'*fJ)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*INF*?%&4&%$%9">*$(*:(2;*$,"*INFP’. The INFP’ merges with the Aspectual marker to have the ASPP’. The ASPP’ merges with the
SM copy to form an ASPP. The ASPP*;"23"#*8%$,*+*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+I*B11(2!%&3*$(*(-2*'&'06#%#.*+I*#,(-0!*;"23"*8%$,*'*[@*1(/6*$(*,'9"*'*+J*J,'#")*+,"*[@*'9'%0'50"*%#*not a copy, and our analysis fails to account for such data.
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4.2.3. Summary
+(* 2"1'/.* +,"*B#/"1$-'0* '-=%0%'2%"#* ?J2(32"##%9"* rí and the Inceptive vá ) and the Tensed Auxiliaries (ngà & the surbodinative tì ) differ with regards to Subject Marking, Tense Marking, whether the auxiliaries encode Aspect or not, and the type
of complement that they take. As a summary, we provide Table 2, showing how the
auxiliaries behave with regards to these distributional properties.
Table 2. Differences amongst Auxiliaries
(a)
SM
(b)
T
(c)
Aspect
(d)
Qb@J^k@kY+
single double
overt not
overt Y(&ei%&%$"?INFP) Finite
?+J>
Aspectual
Auxes
rí ! x x ! ! ! x
vá ! x x ! ! ! x
Tensed
Auxes
ngà x ! ! x x x !
tì x ! ! x x x !
5. Consequences of Analysis
The discussion and analysis of Shona auxiliaries would not be comprehensive
without an analysis of the main verbs and negation. The analysis of the main verbs
highlights the differences between main verbs and auxiliaries discussed in Section
C)*Y"3'$%(&*%&*[,(&'*;(#$06* %&9(09"#*'&*'-=%0%'26.*'&!*'*!%#1-##%(&*'&!*'&'06#%#*of negation sheds more light to the distributional properties of auxiliaries. First, we
'&'06K"*$,"*;'%&*9"25#*%&*$,"*':42;'$%9".*:(00(8"!*56*'&*'&'06#%#*(:*$,"%2*&"3'$%(&.*'&!*4&'006.* $,"*&"3'$%(&*(:*5($,*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*?J2(32"##%9"*rí & Inceptive và and Tensed auxiliaries (ngà and subordinative tì).
5.1. Main verbs
The distributional properties for the main verbs are that they:
?%>** 1'&*5"*4&%$"*'&!*&(&e4&%$"*?%;/"2'$%9"#>)
?%%>** (11-2*8%$,*[@*8,"&*4&%$")
(ii) occur with tense marking.
?%%%>** $'S"#*<J*1(;/0";"&$)
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Shona auxiliaries: ri, va, nga, an.......
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The structure that accounts for these distributional properties is 3%9"&*%&*i%3-2"*M*below, and example (12a) repeated here as 19(a) is shown in the tree:
(19) (a) Akàpá*****Ye;59,
* * N#3e3%9"eFV cl9thief
* * [c,"*3'9"*$,"*$,%":)
+,"*:(00(8%&3*#$2-1$-2"*'11(-&$#*:(2*$,"*;'%&*9"25#*%&*':42;'$%9"*#"&$"&1"#)
Figure 5. The Main Verbs
*****************************************************************************+J*****************************************************
SMBcopyB
**********+I******************************************************
a
*****************************************************************************+************fJ********************************************
ka
SM
Sa[***************fI*********************************************************
**********************************************************************************************************<J*************************************************************************************************************************
V
*********************************YJ*************
*****************************************************************************************g***************i*******Y
p a
mbavha
g"'!%&3*$,%#*$2""*5($$(;*-/.*$,"*2(($*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*4&'0*9(8"0.*$(*,'9"*'*f.*8,%1,*%&*$-2&*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*<J.*$(*,'9"*'*fI)*+,"*fI*;"23"#*8%$,*'*[@)*+,"*fJ*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*+"&#"*;'2S"2*$(*:(2;*'*+I)*+,"*+I*4&'006*;"23"#*8%$,*$,"*[@*1(/6*$(*:(2;*'*+J)*O&*,'2;(&6*8%$,*$,"*i%&%$"&"##*1(&#$2'%&$*(&*[-5d"1$*@'2S"2*?W>.*(&06*$,"*[@*associated with a verb is pronounced and the other one is deleted.
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Compared with the auxiliaries, the main verbs have less structure. They have one
Functional head, T, whereas the Aspectual auxes have two, namely, aspectual
marker and a zero tense marker. On the other hand, the Tensed auxes have more
functional heads, viz. Aspectual marker, Tense marker and an Auxiliary.
Conclusion
Shona, auxiliaries fall into two classes: The Aspectual auxiliaries comprising the
J2(32"##%9"*rí, and Inceptive vá and the Tensed Auxiliaries ngà and subordinative tì)*B* 1(;;(&* :"'$-2"* #,'2"!* 56* $,"* '-=%0%'26* %#* 4&%$"&"##V* $,"* 2"R-%2";"&$* (:* '*[@)*7(8"9"2.*$,"*B#/"1$-'0*'-=%0%'2%"#*'00(8*#%&30"*[-5d"1$*@'2S%&3*8,"2"'#*$,"*tensed auxiliaries obligatorily require double Subject Marking. The fact that Tensed
auxiliaries ngà and subordinative tì allows double Subject marking has to do with $,"* :'1$* $,'$* $,"6* $'S"*+J*1(;/0";"&$#)* O&*[,(&'.*"9"26*+J*J,'#"* 2"R-%2"#*'&*overt Subject Marker. Likewise, the fact that the Aspectual auxiliaries only allow for
'*#%&30"*[-5d"1$*@'2S%&3*%#*1(&#%#$"&$*8%$,*$,"*(5#"29'$%(&*$,'$*$,"6*$'S"*O&4&%$%9'0*1(;/0";"&$#*'&!*(&06*,'9"*'*#%&30"*+J*J,'#")*
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T'$%5(.*7).*'&!*g($$0'&!.*i)*?F]]C>)*+,"*;%&%;'0%$6*1(&!%$%(&*%&*[8',%0%*8(2!*:(2;#)*Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere C]E*FCeGG)*
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i(2$-&".*Z)*?F]UC>)*Shona Grammatical constructions ?*NJ2!J*"!)>)*C*f(0#).*7'2'2"E*Mercury.
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7'"3";'&.*^)*?F]]W>)*The Syntax of Negation. Cambridge: Cambridge University J2"##)
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Kim, J. (2000). The grammar of negation: A constraint based approach. Stanford, Q'0%:(2&%'E*Q[^O*J-50%1'$%(&#)
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Kuteva, T. (2001). Auxiliation)*b=:(2!E*b=:(2!*_&%9"2#%$6*J2"##)*
^'5(9.*a)*?F]LC>)*Y"3'$%9"*'$$2'1$%(&*'&!*&"3'$%9"*1(&1(2!*%&*k&30%#,)*Language GUE*LLNeUFU)
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@'20(.*g)*@)* ?CDDW>)*Qfe2(($* "=/'&#%(&* %&* $,2""*^-6%6'* 0'&3-'3"#)*Unpublished manuscript.