"Secrets and Lies? What stands true for media coverage of maritime events and incidents?"

Proceedings of the IAME 2013 Conference

July 3-5 – Marseille, France

Paper ID 249

"Secrets and Lies? What stands true for media coverage of maritime events and incidents?"

Ioannis Theotokas

Research on Shipping and Ports Laboratory (RESHIP)

Department of Shipping, Trade and Transport, University of the Aegean

2A Korai Str, 82100 Chios, Greece, +30 22710 35287

[email protected]

Ilias Bissias

Research on Shipping and Ports Laboratory (RESHIP)

Department of Shipping, Trade and Transport, University of the Aegean

2A Korai Str, 82100 Chios, Greece, +30 22710 35287

[email protected]

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to explore the image of shipping as communicated by selected

media. We have thus examined selected press coverage of important maritime events and

incidents during the years 2011 and 2012. A content analysis of newspaper articles was

conducted in order to explore the Media portrayal of 6 important events that have either

supported or undermined the shipping community’s social image. We have searched the

databases of the highest in circulation tabloid, quality and business European English

language newspapers for related articles. In total our research examined the databases of 5

leading newspapers.

This research’s main objective was to determine whether topics that have made the headlines

in the maritime Media have also attracted the attention of the general Media. Secondly, we

have focused on the ways that journalists have framed these events, elaborating mainly on

their attitudes towards the shipping industry.

Our research leads us to the conclusion that the shipping world attracts rather limited

reporting by the general Press. In this respect, contrary to general beliefs, sensationalism and

alarmism were reported only in one case whereas mixed or even indifferent tones and

attitudes by reporters were mostly recognized in all other cases examined. This paper is part

of a new annual ongoing research conducted by the University of the Aegean on social and

media attitudes towards the shipping industry.

Keywords: Corporate communications; image; crisis management; media.

mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]


THEOTOKAS, Ioannis; BISSIAS, Ilias

IAME 2013 Conference, July 3-5– Marseille, France 2

1. Introduction

In a recent interview to a Greek Maritime journal, Siim Kallas, European Commission Vice

President responsible for Transport, stated that in regards to the attitude and role of the Media

towards the shipping industry “we have to differentiate between general press and specialised

press. The maritime transport related press presents a balanced and comprehensive picture.

This might be different to the general press which seems to rather focus on larger scale events

and incidents, unfortunately often tragic disasters and accidents”. (Naftika Chronika, 2012)

The Vice President’s opinion of the Media is not isolated from the general perceptions held by

the Maritime Community. It has been continuously proclaimed in both shipping conferences

as well as the maritime media that newspapers with the largest circulation may be indifferent

and, to a certain extent, hostile towards the shipping community, focusing mainly on disasters

rather than the crucial role the maritime industry plays in the support of commerce, trade and

tourism.

However academic interest is nowadays escalating in respect to Media coverage in cases of

disaster and accident reporting. It is interesting to note that most academic research has been

conducted in the USA and Canada where most findings and conclusions do not necessarily

complement or even support some local or regional researches in other parts of the world

(Rybalko S., 2011). Its also notable that disasters in the transportation industry do not attract

the attention of the media: the only exception is the airline industry. Singer and Endreny

(1993) conducted an extensive study on how mass media reported on diseases, disasters,

hazards and risks. Their research concluded that Media reporting rarely emphasizes on annual

mortality figures but on the magnitude and sensational feature of each individual disaster. In

this respect car accidents that have greater annual mortality rates, but are less spectacular and

dramatic do not attract the Media’s attention .

Wilkins et al. (1987) conducted a study to analyze the role of mass media in risk

communication and found that news of disasters tends to be portrayed as melodrama but is

also based on the concept of novelty rather than on situational analysis: in this respect the

researchers also concluded that car accidents become only rarely major news stories, whereas

airline crashes and incidents are more likely to attract the Press’ attention.

Other studies have concluded that disasters are more likely to attract major press attention if

more victims are reported. The content of the disaster coverage focuses on human interest

stories of victims and survivors (Garner and Huff, 1997). At least two studies have also

concluded that in disaster reporting a tendency has been observed by the Media to exaggerate

the situation (Berger, 2001). In this respect Cobb and Primo (2003), found that media

coverage was intense right after an airplane crash, but as days passed by news stories became

shorter. Other studies have also insisted in time lines after an accident: in most studies it is




supported that news media aggressively cover an issue for a short time, after which coverage

progressively vanishes (Birkland, 1997)

Finally Barnhurst, et al. (1997) in their report on recent American journalsm and press

coverage examined accident reporting in recent years and concluded that newspaper coverage

on most issues might have become longer but according to their analysis accidents and

disasters’ articles were not as analytical as in other fields of reporting.

Against this backdrop, this study and analysis have been conducted with the aim to provide

factual data on how the media actually covered major shipping events in 2012. In this respect,

we focused on the European English language newspapers with largest circulation.

Specifically, the study asked the following questions:

(1) How has the general media covered, if at all, important maritime events, incidents and/ or

accidents during that period?

(2) Does coverage differ by media source or by type of media?

(3) What is the tone/ attitude of media coverage of these events?

(4) Is there a negative bias in coverage?

(5) Is shipping a special case in respect to media attention?

In the following sections we focus firstly on the theoretical background regarding media

content analysis. We then analyse the specific events of special interest for this particular

survey. In this context we distinguish between positive and negative events. We then

elaborate on our media context analysis findings and reach specific conclusions that answer

the above submitted questions.

2. Theoretical background

News in leading media has been shown to significantly affect the image of personalities,

companies, and organizations, as well as industries as a whole. The Media’s portrayal of

events seriously affects stock prices; leads to corporate collapses; causes falls in sales of

products; results in the resignation of senior office-holders, and even brings down Presidents

(MacNamara, 2005). However, it is important to understand the nature of media reports in

order to understand that media content may influence public attitudes, emotions and trust or

distrust, and how they influence or even change public policy (Slater & Rasinski, 2005).

Τhe newly developed media effects theory is a complex and ongoing field of research which

has already led to many research studies that allow us to conclude that the mass media have

significant impact on public awareness, perceptions and even behaviour. High ranking




practitioners, researchers, as well as theorists conclude that mass media sources are important

influences affecting reputation, corporate image and the success of marketing and

communication campaigns. (Macnamara 2005).

In this respect, understanding the content of editorial mass media is becoming increasingly

important yet troublesome for organizations involved in public communication. (Macnamara

2005). What makes however mass media interesting is their capacity to provide the public

with current information when the general public may lack experience on the topic being

reported. (Driedger et al. 2009)

2.1. Frame Theory

Despite the emerging role of Media communication, scholars have been studying for a long

time whether and, if so, to what extent the media can really influence the public’s attention

and attitudes. The literature is extensive but the conclusions are the subject of an ongoing

discussion. Most scholars would agree that the media do indeed have an indirect effect on the

public agenda; that is, people get a sense from the media about which agenda items are more

important than others: “not what to think, but what to think about.” (Brodie et al. 1998).

Equally important is how mass media stories are presented in the news. Fleras (2003) argues

that media constructions reinforce dominant ideologies and therefore draw attention to some

aspects of reality and away from others. They accomplish this in part by how they frame

stories. According to the framing theory, communicators such as journalists make judgments

about what messages to send. As a result, the messages they send are frames which are

manifested by the presence or absence of key words, phrases, images, or sources of

information (Entman, 1993).

Einsiedel and Thorne (1999) believe that a significant source of public information is mass

media. As such, understanding framing can be beneficial to public relations practitioners by

helping them as they try to better understand the ways that key stakeholders seek and process

information during a crisis situation (Wetz et al. 2010).

Frewer (1999) emphasizes that the way in which a risk is presented within the first 10 days of

coverage establishes the relevant traits of the risk story and that the reduced coverage after

this date simply reinforces any public risk perceptions created during this establishment

phase. A reporter may have substantial liberty in choosing among several frame packages

early in the history of an issue or event; later, the options available decrease as elites take

positions and the media content begins to show consensus in the frames selected (McLeod et

al. 2002).

According to a scientific experiment in Canada exploring public health risk framing, the

dominant frames established in the first 10 days were not significantly different than those

maintained throughout a full 1-year period following the event. This would indicate that a 10




day content analysis of press media should be sufficient to determine the dominant framing of

a risk event over a longer time period. (Driedger et al. 2009).

Dramatic shifts in science, changes in government policy, or other critical moments captured

within the chronology of a risk event can provide cues as to how media presentations, and

hence the dominant frames or availability heuristic, may change over the event’s life span. In

addition to the above, the researchers feel that a reduced media analysis using only the first 10

days is most appropriate when dealing with a high profile risk event as opposed to a low

profile risk issue that does not generate much media coverage. (Driedger et al. 2009)

2.2. Approaches to Content Analysis

Media content analysis is a specialized sub-set of content analysis, a well-established research

methodology. Neuendorf (2002) describes content analysis as “the primary message-centred

methodology”, while Yale and Gilly (1988) reported that “in the field of mass communication

research, content analysis has been the fastest growing technique”. With the arrival of

television in the 1950s, media content analysis proliferated as a research methodology in mass

communication studies and social sciences. Media content analysis has been a primary

research method for studying portrayals of violence, racism and women in television

programming as well as in films (Macnamara, 2005).

Qualitative content analysis relies heavily on researcher ‘readings’ and interpretation of media

texts. Qualitative content analysis has been limited to small samples of media content and thus

has been continuously criticized by some researchers as both unscientific and unreliable

(Macnamara, 2005) .

Neuendorf (2002) argues that quantitative media content analysis should be conducted in

accordance with ‘the scientific method’. Any research should thus involve the following

elements:

a) Objectivity/intersubjectivity. Αccording to most scholars and researchers objectivity, or

intersubjectivity, is maximised through several techniques, most notably by selecting a

representative sample.

b) A priori design. In media content analysis, a priori design is operationalised in a Coding

System. A key component of a Coding System is a comprehensive written Code Book or

Coding List. This contains the list of variables (units of analysis) to be researched and

provides researchers involved in the project with a consistent framework for conducting the

research.

Newbold et al. (2002) propose a Sampling for media content analysis that comprises three

steps, i.e. selection of media forms (i.e. newspapers, magazines, radio, TV, film) and genre




(news, current affairs, drama, soap opera, documentary, and so on); selection of issues or

dates (the period); sampling of relevant content from within those media.

According to Macnamara (2001) qualitative content analysis can, to some extent, be

incorporated within or conducted simultaneously with quantitative content analysis. For

instance positive and negative words and phrases can be analysed to identify the tone of text.

Also, analysts can record notations during coding in relation to contextual factors.

While quantitative content analysis has its complexities and requires considerable statistical

rigor to comply with the requirements of scientific research, the coding task in quantitative

analysis is predominantly “one of clerical recording”, according to Potter and Levine-

Donnerstein (1999). In comparison, they note that “objectivity is a much tougher criterion to

achieve with latent than with manifest variables” as studied in qualitative content analysis.

(Macnamara, 2005)

Miles and Huberman (1994) argue that sampling strategies for qualitative research should be

driven by a conceptual question, not by concern for “representativeness”. They suggest

instead, three techniques which can be used together to yield rich results in qualitative

analysis, i.e. selecting apparently typical/representative examples; selecting

negative/disconfirming examples; and selecting exceptional or discrepant examples

3. Events and incidents analysed

We focused on 6 topics that made headline news in national, regional as well as international

maritime websites. We selected incidents that made front page news stories and/ or editorial

features in leading international maritime newspapers, magazines and their websites (eg

Lloyd’s List, TradeWinds, Fairplay) as well as local maritime press in Greece (Naftiliaki,

Naftika Chronika, the Sea Nation etc.) and were selected as important topics by a panel of 5

maritime journalists and three academics.

The 6 topics were crucial points of reference for the maritime press as they demonstrated and

portrayed positive or negative images of shipping. All incidents involved European

companies, vessels, institutions and/ or organizations and took place either in European

territory and waters or on board vessels carrying European flags.

3.1. Events leading to a positive image of shipping

a) European Maritime Day

The European Maritime Day is the European Parliament’s and Commission’s main initiative

in regards to the amelioration of the social image of Shipping and the communication of




Europe’s maritime heritage and tradition. The European Maritime Day is celebrated annually

across Europe on 20 May. It was an initiative by former European Parliament Vice President

Mrs Rodi Kratsa Tsagaropoulou, a Greek MEP. The main event is the European Maritime

Day Conference, held in a different region each year. In 2011 it was held in Gdansk, Poland

in 2012 it was held in Gothenburg, Sweden, in 2013 it will be held in Valetta, Malta, and in

2014 in Bremen, Germany.

The Maritime Day was officially launched on 20 May 2008 in Strasbourg where the President

of the European Parliament Hans-Gert Pöttering, Council President Janez Janša, and

Commission President José Manuel Barroso signed a Joint Tripartite Declaration

(http://ec.europa.eu/maritimeaffairs/maritimeday/index_en.htm).

b) Maersk’s Triple E

According to a Press Release issued by the Press office of A.P. Moller- Maersk on 21-Feb-

2011, the Triple-E vessel “is a giant. At 400 metres in length and with a capacity for 18,000

twenty-foot containers (TEU), it is the new benchmark for size in the shipping industry. The

vessel's purpose is encapsulated in the name: Triple-E –Economy of scale, Energy efficient

and Environmentally improved. The vessel’s enormous capacity enables Maersk Line to

move the greatest number of containers possible for its customers in the most energy efficient

way and with the smallest CO2 footprint. Combined with an energy saving propulsion

system, its size is a major factor in its industry best efficiency and performance.

The Triple-E is the largest vessel of any kind in operation today: it is actually the longest and

widest container vessel possible based on port restrictions. Its capacity of 18,000 TEU is a

significant increase of the current 15,500 TEU capacity record held by the Emma Mærsk

class. The normal operation of the vessel will be with a crew of 19 seafarers. It is, however,

possible to operate the giant with a crew of 13. The vessel’s top speed is 23 knots. Maersk’s

order of ten 18,000 TEU Containerships on February 2011 made headlines on the local and

international maritime press.

c) The Maritime Labour Convention

The International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) Maritime Labour Convention 2006

consolidates and updates over 65 international labour standards related to seafarers adopted

over the last eighty years, in order to secure the right of all seafarers to decent employment. It

has been designed to become a global instrument known as the "fourth pillar" of the

international regulatory regime for quality shipping, along with three other key maritime

Conventions of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) namely safety at sea

(SOLAS), training, certification and watch keeping standards (STCW) and environmental

protection (MARPOL).

It has two primary purposes:




- To bring the system of protection contained in existing labour standards closer to the

workers concerned, in a form consistent with the rapidly developing globalised sector.

- To improve the applicability of the system, so that ship-owners (including super yacht

owners) and governments interested in providing decent conditions of work do not

have to bear an unequal burden in ensuring protection.

The Convention was adopted in February 2006. It was decided that the Convention would

come into force once either 30 MLC members or members representing at least 33% of the

world’s gross tonnage ratify it. In August 2012 this was achieved and shipping companies

have started to develop crew management systems in accordance with the provisions of the

Convention. The MLC will come into force on 20 August 2013

(http://www.ilo.org/global/standards/maritime-labour-convention/lang--en/index.htm). The

new Convention is intended to achieve increased compliance by operators and owners of

ships and to strengthen enforcement of standards through mechanisms which operate at all

levels. (Information provided by ILO)

3.2 Events leading to a negative image of shipping

a) The Costa Concordia case

On January 13, 2012, the Costa Concordia carrying more than 4,000 passengers and crew,

few hours after leaving the Italian port of Civitavecchia, hit a rock off the coast of Giglio, an

island on Italy's Tuscan coast. Several hours later, the ship capsized resulting in the death and/

or drowning of thirty-two passengers and crew. According to local and international press the

Concordia’s Captain Francesco Schettino ordered while sailing close the island of Giglio to be

steered close to its shore as a "salute". According to the local Coast Guard’s archives at 21:45,

local time, the Concordia hits a rocky outcrop. The ship was holed on the left-hand side and

started taking on water and thus begun to tilt. Engine rooms awere flooded and power was

lost. Costa Concordia crew member told at first the Italian coastguard "we have a blackout"

Positioning data showed the Costa Concordia turned back towards the island's port soon after

22:00. It seems the ship then begun to list in the opposite direction. The Captain’s reluctance

to specify to the local coastguard authorities the extent of the damage was one of the main

new stories during the reporting by the Press . The conversation between the captain and the

crew that followed the disaster were recorded by the black box voice recorder and were the

main source of numerous press reports and speculations.

b) The sinking of a boat carrying illegal immigrants on the Aegean Sea

http://www.ilo.org/global/standards/maritime-labour-convention/lang--en/index.htm




On 7 September 2012 a small vessel of unknown origins carried more than 100 illegal

economic immigrants from the coasts of Turkey, near the city of Izmir, to an unknown

destination in Greece (possibly the islands of Chios or Samos). The 25 meter long boat, with

two Turkish members of crew that were later arrested, sunk for unknown reasons. The

disaster led to the death and/ or drowning of more than 60 passengers, most of them children

and adolescents of Palestinian, Syrian and Iraqi or Kurdish origin. The tragic disaster led to

widespread press coverage in both Greek and Turkish Media attacking the continuous illegal

trafficking by sea of people in the Mediterranean area (Information provided by Reuters,

September 2012).

c) Τhe pirate attack on the Jascon

On the 4th of August 2012 pirates attacked the ‘Jascon’, a ship being used by an oil servicing

company in the waters off south-eastern Nigeria. The pirate attack led to the killing of two

Nigerian naval guards and the kidnapping of four foreign nationals of Malaysian, Iranian,

Thai and an Indonesian origin.

The attack took place around 33 nautical miles off the coast of Bonny, Nigeria's main oil

export terminal. Netherlands-based Sea Trucks Group, the operator of the ‘Jackson’,

confirmed that four of its staff had been seized and that two other security guards were also

wounded (but not killed according to the initial press release) in the attack. According to

analysts and press reports, security in the areas of the Nigerian Delta Region and the Gulf of

Guinea is still fragile as the situation remains volatile and inflamed by organised crime and

local political rivalries that lead to criminal behaviour including escalating piracy attacks,

violent kidnappings and armed robberies especially against foreign citizens.

Piracy, looting of cargoes and kidnapping of foreign crews in the Delta are increasingly

common and West Africa's oil-rich Gulf of Guinea is nowadays as dangerous as Somalia for

the risk of pirate attacks. Nigerian pirates usually release kidnapped crew members after their

cargo has been looted, rather than held for ransom as in the case of Somali attacks. This

incident did not take place in European waters but involved a European company and

involved European citizens.

4. Methodology

Our content analysis focused solely on specific English language newspapers with the largest

circulation and their websites. UK newspapers and their websites have the largest circulation

and readership in Europe and as such are considered as a point of reference for most

journalists around Europe. According to comScore Inc. in November 2011, 181.5 million

unique people in Europe visited Newspaper sites, an increase of 9 percent from the previous




year. Five Uk newspapers are among the ten top selling newspapers in Europe making the UK

the only national media industry with such a vast readership across Europe.

Furthermore the UK continues to be one of the leading maritime powers of the word, and as

such, public is expected to be interested on news that are considered as important by the

maritime community. After all, London is the maritime capital of the Europe, if not the world.

According to the Chamber of Shipping, the shipping industry supports over 268,000 UK jobs,

including direct shipping-related employment and the jobs associated with the shipped import

of goods (www.http://www.ukchamberofshipping.com/training/). It is thus anticipated that

news on international shipping events or incidents, either of positive or non-positive impact, is

expected to attract the interest of wide numbers of people. Taking this as a starting point, the

research focuses on the way the media in the UK approached those events and incidents It

should be noted that the chosen events and incidents were not directly related to or affected

the general public of the UK. Thus, one could suppose that the UK newspapers were not

‘forced’ to provide publicity on them. The media chosen for the content analysis and their

readership were the following:

1- Tabloid daily newspapers: The Sun, the highest-selling "tabloid" in the United Kingdom,

sells on average of 2,751,219 and The Daily Mirror, the second largest "tabloid" in the United

Kingdom with an average of 1,122,563 daily sales.

2- "Quality" daily newspapers: The Daily Telegraph the highest-selling "quality" newspaper

in the United Kingdom, sells on average of 576,378 and The Times with a circulation of

394,102 copies, the second highest in Britain and the largest in London.

3- Business newspapers: The Financial Times is Europe’s highest- selling English language

business newspaper Its circulation in print format has an average daily circulation of three

hundred and five thousand copies worldwide (the British edition has a daily circulation of

eighty eight thousand copies). FT.com has 4 million registered users and 250,000 digital

subscribers, as well as 585,681 paying users.

4.1 Procedures

The procedures applied were consistent with those employed by others who have conducted

content analyses of press and web media (Reason, 2007, Culley et al., 2010; Angelique &

Cunningham, 2006; Smith, McCarthy, McPhail, & Augustyn, 2001). Using the keywords of

the 6 main issues under exploration, we conducted a database search of newspapers from

January 2012 through to December 2012. Our research was conducted at the British Library

News Archive in London, UK.

http://www.ukchamberofshipping.com/training/




To ensure that we obtained a pool of articles appropriate for our purposes, we developed

criteria for selection and further analysis. We analysed only those articles explicitly focused

on the 6 main topics under consideration. Articles that simply referred to those issues or

discussed them as a secondary storyline were omitted. The research was conducted at two

different levels, i.e. reviewing manually relevant newspaper archives at the British Library

News Archive in London, UK, and researching the NewsBank services archives hosted in

the British Library

4.2 Coding scheme

The media analysis was based on all articles that focused primarily on the 6 events/ accidents/

incidents that we considered of significant importance regarding the maritime industry’s

public image. As already stated, all 6 events made front page headlines and received

considerable publicity in the specialised maritime press. The initial research focused on

articles that appeared in the above media from January 1, 2011 through December 31, 2012.

Our primary examination followed the 10 day rule as analysed by Fewer (2009), thus a

special focus was given to the ten day period of coverage after the demonstration or

appearance of each event as well as other significant events that followed those specific story

lines.

The coding scheme for this exercise consisted of two parts:

- The first recorded whether the 6 topics under examination had been reported in the

general media,

- The second noted, through the articles cited, recurring attitudes and perceptions

towards the shipping industry.

In general, one coder, experienced in Maritime Media and Maritime Journalism, was in

charge of the content analysis, thus limiting the possibilities of misinterpretation of the initial

Coding Book. The search yielded approximately 310 articles that met initial search criteria

and this was supplemented with the review of press releases issued by any organization

involved in the event or incident. Each article abstract was initially reviewed for content, to

ensure relevance to analysis and each article was assessed for overall content, format,

messages and tone.

To allow extensive quantitative examination of the press archive, all the articles had to be

rendered into a form that enabled statistical comparison. This was achieved through the

establishment of a coding scheme, which was finalized before embarking on the analysis.

First for each cutting it was decided to routinely record in a numerical code coding the date of

publication, the publishing newspaper or web service, the length of article, i.e. Short Articles




(-300 words), Standard (301 -500 words), Long page (500 words+), and finally the type of

article, i.e. Cartoon , Editorial, Interview, Letter to the Editor, News/report, Opinion/

Comment/ Analysis, Small Comment, and Public Statement by public figure

The categorization and coding of information was based on Reason’s methodology

(Reason2007). In respect to tones and attitudes (qualitative assessment) the analysis was

based mostly on Macnamara’s (2005) and Romenti’s et al (2010) studies on the contextual

meaning of a message, thus emphasizing on adjectives used in the reviewed articles as well as

metaphors, viewpoints of the narrator, tonal qualities (ie sarcasm, aggressiveness), visual

imagery etc.

5. Results and discussion

In total, 61 articles focused explicitly on the six main themes:

- None was reported for the European Maritime Days

- None was reported for the new MLC Labour Convention

- None was reported on the sinking of the boat carrying illegal immigrants in the Aegean Sea

- 9 on Maersk’s Triple E order (14,8%)

- 50 on the Costa Concordia disaster (82%)

- 2 on the Pirates attack in the Nigerian Delta (3,8%)

Of the 61 articles, most were news articles (47 in total – 77%), and a limited number (14 in

total – 23%) were opinions or comments (2 in the case of Maersk and 12 in the case of the

Costa Concordia). None were editorials, special reports or special issues. 25 articles (41%)

were front page in the case of the Costa Concordia. None were front page articles in the case

of all the other events or incidents under examination. Indeed no other news line under our

examination got front, inside front, inside back or last page coverage. Most articles were short

to medium, even in the case of the Costa Concordia disaster. More specifically, in the Costa

Concordia case most articles were medium (with some but few long articles as an exception),

in the Maersk news line articles were mostly medium sized and in the Nigerian Delta piracy

attack both articles were short.

We textually analysed all news articles for content and more specifically in relation to

attitudes and tones developed by the authors. Accordingly, we examined whether news

articles contained text that had positive, negative or neutral tones towards (a) the shipping

industry in general and (b) specific shipping organizations or companies in particular.




Indifferent tones were found in the vast majority of the new stories in relation to the shipping

industry in general. In respect to the Costa Concordia disaster in particular, articles were

mostly (if not heavily) negative in tone towards both the company and its crew and neutral in

attitudes towards the shipping industry, (i.e. arguments from individuals or groups cited

explicitly against the company and/ or the crew but not the shipping industry or maritime

cluster as a whole). As more factual information was gathered even quality newspapers

appeared mostly negative towards the shipping company and its crew but not against the

shipping industry and its key players as a whole where attitudes remained neutral if not

indifferent.

The Maersk Triple E and the Nigerian Piracy attack articles focused on informational text and

represented information that had no biased or subjective content and notions. Three articles on

the Maersk Triple E were over supportive towards the company and its strategies but all

analysed were indifferent in respect to the maritime industry. In respect to the Nigerian Delta

piracy case all articles were neutral in respect both to the company and crew as and the

shipping industry and cluster as a whole.

The central finding of this research determined that the General Press does not follow a

specific pattern or strategic and/ or emotional stand towards the maritime industry. Although

the European Maritime Day’s celebrations in 2011 and 2012, received no coverage and no

widespread publicity, technological innovations and excellence such as the Maersk E class

orders received wide spread coverage and positive tones by journalists. Erroneously, the

ILO’s much publicised Convention received no press coverage as well. The lack of media

coverage of such an important convention that changes the everyday life of both mariners and

the shipping industry as a whole demonstrates the press’ limited knowledge as well as interest

towards the maritime profession and its challenges and complexities. It is obvious that similar

conventions that reshape labour conditions of onshore professions (or even in the air transport

industry) would have been much more publicised and criticized.

Most leading newspapers did not host press coverage of the above events. This was a

somewhat surprising result. Our research does show a limited imbalance in the Media’s

approach, in favour of catastrophic and disastrous events and accidents, but not in the length

and the extent as was initially anticipated. Although the Costa Concordia disaster made

headline news with negative articles appearing in almost all newspapers under examination,

other catastrophic incidents or maritime accidents were either totally ignored by the general

press or received limited attention and exposure. As anticipated the Costa Concordia disaster

took place in Europe, involved British passengers and Crew, and belonged to an international

shipping company with strong links with the UK market.

Although negative articles appear against specific shipping companies and their crews,

indifferent attitudes towards the shipping industry and/ or the maritime cluster were found in

all cases reported and analysed in this research. The 10 day rule of coverage was of relevance




to our study. All framing and reporting of storylines were formulated and published within

these 10 day time limits.

5.1 Limitations

This study analysed 6 important events in the shipping industry that received widespread as

well as front page coverage in both international as well as national maritime press. The

analysis focused on specific top selling English language newspapers with large circulations

(tabloid, quality, business, and middle class newspapers). A more extensive approach to more

events and accidents or incidents of significant magnitude within the shipping community

may be of importance. In this respect, further research and analysis on leading newspapers

and websites of other Member States of the EU, in particular those with a considerable

maritime tradition (such as France, Germany and Spain) may be of relevance to our findings.

One of our 6 selected events did directly involve British citizens or territory, or Seas of the

UK, or its neighbouring States (in the Costa Concordia case). A further examination of

maritime events, incidents or disasters that meet the above mentioned local criteria might also

lead to further interesting and more conclusive results. Nevertheless, most English language

newspapers do not always limit their editorial coverage to events of local or national character

and/ or importance. As expected, business newspapers such as the Financial Times, with vast

international readership, do not limit their news coverage to British audiences.

In this respect, it would also be of interest to examine in the near future if ocean going

shipping receives less press coverage than passenger and cruise shipping. A more detailed

examination of both positive and negative events in these two sectors may be of importance.

5. Conclusions

The purpose of this study was to explore the image of shipping as communicated by selected

media and identify whether the Shipping industry receives the press’ special attention in

respect to other industries of the transport sector. We have thus focused on 6 important

maritime events in the Maritime industry. Our research demonstrates that the press coverage

of this particular industry in the largest circulation newspapers hosted in the English language

is far more complicated than any other form of transport, and in particular road and air

transport.

From our research one could proclaim that the ocean going shipping industry does not, in

almost all instances, make headlines in the general press. Disasters in coastal shipping, under

specific circumstances, do however attract widespread attention. In one specific ferry industry




accident that we examined negative tones and attitudes in press reporting appeared

widespread in all types of Media.

Big maritime disasters that do not involve coastal shipping or the ferry industry in Europe did

not receive the extended press coverage as anticipated in the large international newspapers.

Hence disasters that have no European casualties and no considerable environmental effects

within European waters seem yet again to be of less interest to the English Media. This

finding is consistent to previous research held by our team in previous years.

As anticipated, what generally makes headline news in the Maritime Press does not receive

interest of the same magnitude in the General press. In this respect journalists seem rather

detached, if not indifferent, towards events that support or ameliorate the public image of

shipping. It is thus apparent that contributors and columnists in the General Media might still

today have a limited knowledge on the importance and contribution of shipping to the world

economy and thus a limited interest for informing the public for important evolutions as for

example triple E and MLC.

What is of considerable interest in our findings is that even the above mentioned extremely

limited reporting by the Press in issues or disasters in the ocean going shipping industry does

not show any considerable or excessive bias on the part of the authors in their reporting. On

the contrary, in all events examined, mixed tones and attitudes were mostly recognized.

Contrary to general beliefs, even in the Costa Concordia disaster the Press show an indifferent

attitude towards this specific industry and its cluster as a whole. In comparison to other

academic studies in respect to disaster reporting our findings do no support the notion that the

media tend to overtly exaggerate the situation (Berger C., 2001).

If we abide to the humanist approach to content analysis (Macnamara, J., 2005) that looks

backwards from media content and tries to identify what the Media says about the society and

culture producing it, we may come up with the axiom that what the above examined media

content analysis reveals as a ‘truth’ about this society is some sort of aloofness towards the

maritime industry and its everyday life.

Our results are similar to Singer and Endreny’s study (1993): we thus also support the finding

that Media reporting emphasizes on the magnitude and sensational feature of each individual

disaster. In this respect shipping disasters and accidents per se do not attract the media’ s

attention. The Shipping industry is somewhat ‘treated’ in an equal manner as the road

transport industry but receives less attention than the airline industry.

In this respect our study does not support other researches where scholars demonstrated that

disasters tend to be portrayed as melodramas. Accordingly we do not also support other

academic results where it has been demonstrated that press attention is driven by the number

of victims.




Acknowledgements

This paper is part of a new annual ongoing research conducted by the University of the

Aegean on social and media attitudes towards the shipping industry. The methodology

employed in this analysis was developed in the context of the research project “KNOWME”

which has received funding from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme

FP7/2007-2013 under grant agreement n° MOVE/FP7/265966/"KNOW-ME".

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