Schiffmann & Reiner (2010) - Welcome to Hell
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Transcript of Schiffmann & Reiner (2010) - Welcome to Hell
Welcome
to
Hell
“This is a mean place where bad things are happening.”
A V i s i t t o M u m i a A b u - J a m a l
– Anton Reiner and Michael Schiffmann –
1
“This Is a Mean Place Where Bad Things Are Happening”
A Visit to Mumia Abu-Jamal
– Anton Reiner and Michael Schiffmann –
Om April 29, 2010, the two Mumia activists Anton Reiner (Berlin) and Michael Schiffmann (Hei-
delberg) had the opportunity to visit Mumia Abu-Jamal on death row in the prison SCI Greene in
Waynesburg. They were accompanied by Linn Washington, a friend and supporter of Mumia for
many years. After the visit had become reality after a period of intense preparations, the three
could converse with Mumia for almost six hours on his everyday life, his work as a journalist, his
political interests, his assessments of the coming court decisions in his case, and on the world-
wide Free Mumia movement.
In the following, a report by Anton and Michael.
Entering SCI Greene
After a brief night in a nearby motel which we spent in sur-
prisingly deep sleep despite our excitement, a few minutes
before 9 AM we arrive at a traffic sign with a highly ironic
name, signaling that we have reached the right address: State
Correctional Institution Greene, Waynesburg, Progress Drive
169-175.
Situated in a valley, the prison extends over a large area. There
are bright tiled roofs on low buildings without windows visible
from the outside, two fences with sharp barbed wire glaring in the sun, and a parking lot sur-
rounded by cameras – these are the first signs to greet us. The lobby strikes us as quite unspec-
tacular and somehow reminds us of a hospital, but the bureaucratic procedures that follow quick-
ly bring back to our minds where we actually are.
At the reception, Linn explains the purpose of our visit, we hand in our passports, sign the visitor
list, empty our pockets of all metal (but can keep some
small change for the beverage machines in the visitor
area in a little extra bag). They make us leave behind,
among other things, a pullover sweatshirt, because it
has a hood, and hoods are not allowed. After a little
while we are subjected to the entrance visitations.
Various signs tell us that we are not allowed to take
cameras, taping devices, notepads or pens with us,
and the enforcement officers supplement this by fur-
ther instructions. After this, we are taken further “into
the belly of the beast”: We pass an X-ray gate, are tested for drugs with a sensor, wait once
more in a medium-sized room, go through another X-ray gate, and then reach the first remote
controlled door.
2
A steel door slides open almost inaudibly, and as we
pass through it, closes behind us. A long corridor with
windows towards an inner yard leads us through a steel
door into a room where three officers sit behind bullet-
proof glass and check our passes. Compared to the
relatively easy-going atmosphere during the previous
procedures, the mood and tone of the “supervisors” are
now pronouncedly tenser. Apparently there is some
mix-up in the paperwork for which they seem to think
we are to blame, but the matter is quickly resolved, and
after we have passed yet another steel door, we walk,
through a passageway which many already know from
the films “Behind These Walls” and “A Case for Reasonable Doubt?” and whose armored glass walls
already allow for a view of the aim of our journey, straight towards death row.
During the last meters, we can see the windows of some of the prison cells. It is only later that we
learn that by now, we are already in the interior of death row. The cells belonging to these win-
dows appear to be ready-made steel constructions which are simply stacked on top of each other.
WE see prisoners inside several windows.
Right now we don’t have the time to give more attention to them, since after another steel door
sluice, we are all of a sudden in the visitor entrance hall, and both to the left and the right of us,
we see a line-up of small H-shaped double cabins, where – of course through armored glass pan-
els – we can recognize visitors on the one side of the barrier. Further away, we also spot prison-
ers, but even though they are on the other side, we can see them very clearly: The color of their
jumpsuits is a very bright orange, like in Guantanamo.
The officers in the supervisory office at the gable end of the room tell us to go to cabin 18, and sud-
denly we stand right in front of the man of whom we have talked so often, about whom we have
written so much, for whom we have tried to elicit commitment from so many others – and who, at
this point, we don’t even really know personally in any real sense.
The Human Being Mumia Abu-Jamal
So this is the impossible place where our own anxiety has in-
creased with every door, every sluice, and every hallway, and
where Mumia bids us now welcome – but only after a short
while, we actually feel welcome! Just like the other prisoners, he
wears one of these orange prison overalls, and now he pounds
against the armored glass that separates the much to small visitor
cell into two areas circa 1,5 to 1,5 meters each (where we three
visitors somehow squeeze in on our side, alternately using the
two available chairs and the windowsill in front of the separating
glass whenever we feel tired of having to stand). This joyful loud
reception makes the separating glass swing and move – it is one
of the few possibilities of a prisoner always forcibly isolated from
friends and relatives to initiate any physical contact to the “out-
side” at all.
3
Linn has of course already been here, but when the two of us first see Mumia face to face, we are
very surprised. All known photos of Mumia are already almost 15 years old. We had expected to
meet a man who looks like 56 or perhaps even much older, someone, that is, whose appearance
very clearly shows that he has spent more than half of his life in prison.
But now we meet a big, versatile man who appears
very vibrant, and whose age we would have estimat-
ed spontaneously somewhere in his mid-forties. Dif-
ferent from some of the photos from the mid-
nineties, some of Mumia’s dreadlocks by now al-
most touch the floor. His skin looks, apart from a
scar on his forehead, relaxed and unharmed, his fa-
cial expression is alert and cheerful. Well-tended
teeth, a healthy posture, his unconventionally clip-
ped full beard, and the small amount of
gray in his hair bolster the impression of
a man who looks much younger than he
is.1 From the way he moves, we conclu-
de that Mumia regularly does pushes
and stretches, and a little later, he con-
firms this.
Very many people know Mumia’s voice
from his columns whose originals are
regularly published by Prison Radio.2
But actually, Mumia has much more humor than these recordings mostly devoted to political is-
sues would have made us assume. He laughs often, and loudly. Even though our conversations
about daily prison life and the judiciary system often concern unpleasant things, Mumia still
seems to possess an internal joy that has nothing cynical or macabre in it.
Equally impressive for us is his extremely keen perception. He asks us numerous questions, and
then comes back to them and their answers effortlessly even hours later, almost always mention-
ing the exact details. Especially in his conversation with his friend Linn Washington concerning
legal details and file references it was obvious how precise and well-trained his memory is.
Mumia’s posture is very confident; his mode of expression is clear and to the point. In this, his choice
of language changes – and sometimes oscillates – between proper academic speech (e.g., when dis-
1 After the visit, Linn tells us that he has observed the same phenomenon in many long-term prisoners in SCI Greene:
they all appear much younger than their actual age. According to him “this prison conserves.” This is probably the
result of systematic sensory deprivation – and here, not least the lack of fresh air – that the prisoners are subjected to. 2 Prison Radio is a radio project in San Francisco which supports prisoners in the United States. On the website
http://www.prisonradio.org, it is possible to listen to and to download the original versions of the political columns
Mumia dictates to them per telephone. A large part of the essays is also transcribed by Prison Radio, and a substan-
tial fraction of these appears regularly (i.e., each Saturday) in German translation in the Berlin daily junge Welt.
In the 1980s, SCI Huntingdon
4
cussing legal details) and very ordinary street slang. Even so, compared to many other people we
meet in the course of our journey, it is remarkably how little he swears.
In his previous prison SCI Huntington, Mumia was able to learn some French and German by means
of books and cassettes, but now unfortunately he has to tell us that in the meantime his German really
hasn’t improved all that much. For him, learning a language always also has to do something with
listening to the actual sound of the language concerned. But since – a Kafkaesque detail from prison
life – he is entitled to have a cassette recorder, but is not allowed to have cassettes, for the time being
he has frozen his efforts in this direction. All the same, he knows quite a few German words, which
he continues to throw in throughout the course of our conversation.
While we are trying to talk to Mumia
about all these things, the uncertainty
of being in this insane place has not
yet left us by any means. But fortu-
nately for us, to Mumia this situation
seems very familiar, and he shows us
very quickly that he is glad to meet us
and that we can ask him anything we
want to know.
In the following, we’d like to sketch
three important areas we wanted to dis-
cuss with Mumia and actually did dis-
cuss with him. Naturally, the back-and-
forth of our conversation was chro-
nologically quite different from how we
recount it here. Just as in ordinary life, we began with one story and then first went into a second, a
third, and a fourth, only to finally come back to the point where we started from. This was particularly
true for political themes. Often, they served as points of departure, were then left because of some con-
crete question like daily life in prison, and were then taken up again.
Prison Conditions and Daily Life
We ask Mumia after his daily life in SCI Greene. First, he describes his cell: It is locked by a
steel door without a handle (Mumia laughing: “We have no use for this here”) with a hatch for
food and two longish, narrow bulletproof glass windows towards the hallway. The cell itself is
tubular and around six feet wide and ten feet long. At the end wall opposite the door, there is a
small window which is about 60 to 80 cm in size. The walls and ceiling are all painted in a white
color which by now is already very old and und yellowed.
When you enter, his bed sits to the right of the door after about one meter and stretches right to
the outer wall. To the left, there is a stainless steel unit consisting of a sink, a toilet, and a cloudy
mirror, also made of steel, where you can hardly see anything. But according to Mumia, for 75
cents prisoners can buy a small glass mirror in the prison store; for some reason, we don’t ask
him whether he has done so.
Additionally, on the left side of the cell there is a metal cabinet which ends shortly before the
window, and in which he has to store all his personal belongings. To hang pictures on the walls is
1989, SCI Huntingdon
5
forbidden. Apart from that, the only other piece of furniture is a chair. Mumia doesn’t even have
a table on which to eat or write: he eats and writes sitting on his bed.
The electric ceiling light in on 24 hours per day and is completely controlled from the outside.
Fortunately, at least at night it is dimmed down a little bit.
Mumia has a TV set and a radio in his cell
that allow him to receive two channels of
the institution itself that broadcast annou-
ncements from the administration, religious
services for Catholic, Protestant, and Mus-
lim believers as well as very bad motion
pictures. Since he also has cable reception,
TV has become an important source of in-
formation to him. This, however, costs $ 16
per month, and the institutional minimum
support for prisoners without support from
the outside is no more than $ 17 – causing
Mumia to joke that the ordinary prisoner
can twice a month afford the luxury to sit in front of the TV with a 50 Cent candy bar bought at
the prison store.
In 2005, Mumia eventually got an electric typewriter (a Brother 500), after ten unsuccessful years
of trying to get one. Unfortunately, at the beginning of the year it broke down and is still “in re-
pair,” and he doesn’t know whether and when he will get it back. Since then he once again writes
everything (e.g., his speech for the May 1 demos in Europe) by hand, using a ball point refill.
Apart from the yellowed white and the metallic reflection of the steel furniture, there are no col-
ors in Mumia’s cell. Outside, one can see light blue stripes on the hallway floor through the ar-
mored glass windows of the door. This lack of colors is a big problem for Mumia. He recounts
how at the beginning of spring during the first days of April he was lost for eternities in watching
the few square meters of grass beneath the window of his cell, as he was so delighted by the
strong green and the yellow of the daffodils. (The daffodils were mowed down soon enough, but
reappeared within a few days.)
Of course, we ask him whether there are really no colors whatsoever in the prison. He says that
like all others, he is obliged to wear prison clothes; private clothes are not allowed. They only
have the orange overalls, brown tracksuit pants and pullovers (which Mumia doesn’t have be-
cause he finds them ugly) as well as bright thermo underwear.3 In this connection, Mumia men-
tions the many colored post cards from Germany he has been getting in great number for about
the past two years. He was particularly fond of the yellow in the first edition of those post cards,
but red and green are also among his favorite colors.
And he gets a lot of mail. He says that for approximately one year,4 he’s been getting between
five and ten post cards from Germany. These cards actually get through to him, most of the time
only five days after the date of the postmark. On his birthday, he got more than a hundred cards,
3 In its non-death row part, SCI Greene runs a clothing factory that produces prisoner’s clothing for all of Pennsylvania. In
2009 alone, this plant, which employs almost exclusively imprisoned forced laborers, raked in more than $ 49 million. 4 That is, since the beginning of the German-wide “Mumia-Tour” 2009.
6
among them about fifty from Germany. He alo tells us about the many musicians who often send
him their latest CDs. Unfortunately he then only gets their accompanying letters, because he isn’t
allowed to have CDs in his cell, and he conjectures that the room with things sent to him “taken
to the prisoner’s belongings” must be twice as large as his cell.
We ask Mumia whether the huge amount of mail he receives and his worldwide fame cause envy or
problems with other prisoners. He says that in a big, enforced community like this one, there will
always be people who don’t get along with each other. But he doesn’t see it as his task to judge
this. If there are tensions between prisoners, those ultimately responsible are the authorities who run
the prisons. Personally, he tries to treat each prisoner with respect, and he says that this is also
acknowledged by all, even though there are certainly some prisoners who don’t like him.
But on the other hand, he says he
also has many friends who probably
like him, in part because of his ca-
pacity to cheer people up. He sus-
pects he has the image of an “upbeat
and funny guy,” and this cha-
racterization of his relationship to
other prisoners is confirmed directly
for us since throughout our visit, we
can see repeatedly how other pri-
soners on their way to their own vi-
siting cells bang loudly on Mumia’s
door from the outside and shout
greetings through the steel door and
the armored glass, to which he re-
sponds in the same way.
A day “on death row” begins with breakfast at six o’clock in the morning; it consists of tea or
coffee and a muffin. Sometimes, the prisoners also get cereal. From seven to nine, Mumia, just as
the other prisoners of the wing, has “yard exercise”: Two guards shackle his hand and feet with a
chain connecting the hand and feet shackles and lead him though the steel door locks and on to
the yard. While this happens, the cells of the other prisoners are a locked. Mumia has never seen
the interior of these cells.
In the yard, there are small cages approximately 3 to 4 meters in size, with maximally two pris-
oners being locked into each of them. Previously the whole yard was open for all prisoners, but
after an occasion where several prisoners refused to go back to their cells to protest against an
order of the prison administration, the yard was divided up into many small cages to ensure that
the guards can handle the prisoners one by one, preventing the prisoners from acting collectively.
As the weather in this region is fairly cold in the morning during much of the year, Mumia spends a
lot of his time in the yard with exercises, and he also loves to play handball. Replying to our aston-
ished question how this is supposed to work given the severe space limitations, he says dryly that this
is an excellent physical workout. The time in the yard also offers the only opportunity for serious
conversations with other prisoners, since on account of the deliberate layout of the cell blocks this is
not possible within the prison itself.
Thus, the yard serves as an exchange platform for all vital legal and personal information. It is also
March 1996, und yes, still today!
7
possible to talk to the prisoners in the cages next to one’s own. With regard to all others who are
further away, it is very difficult to communicate with them as there are fairly many prisoners in the
yard and the yard of course is surrounded by a high wall that leads to a lot of reverberation.
At 10 o’clock in the morning (the prisoners have already spent yet another hour in their cells),
lunch is served through the hatch in the cell door. One of the favorite chicaneries on the part of
the guards is to immediately pull back the food should the prisoner not succeed in being at the
door “in time” and then to taunt him by say-
ing: „Ah, I see, you’re not hungry today.”
According to Mumia, this is not at all rare in
the case of prisoners who are sick or who –
and this also happens quite often – were
beaten up before by the guards.
The food itself is of doubtful nutritional val-
ue. The plastic set in which the food is
served practically never contains anything
fresh. Stuff heated by microwave, consisting
of rice and potatoes, overcooked and chop-
ped vegetables as well as some meat, only
rarely supplemented by a “fruit cocktail” (as
they like to call fruit minced to mash) – these
are the recurrent components of the food.
Mumia and some of the other prisoners have
been trying for years – and in vain – to get
things like garlic or fresh fruit at least every
now and then. This is despite the fact that the
Bruderhof Community which is not far from
the prison runs an ecological farm and of-
fered years ago to deliver fresh fruit and vegetables for all prisoners at the same price as the com-
pany that delivers the barely edible ready-made meals. SCI Greene turned the offer down...
Given this background, Mumia talks very fondly about the great garlic campaign of 2003, when
hundreds of supporters from Berlin and all over the world sent him letters containing garlic
cloves as well as accompanying notes to the prison authorities supporting his and many other
prisoners’ demand for a healthier diet. Many of the letters were returned to the senders months
later, stamped “Delivery Refused.” But even though Mumia hasn’t received a single one of these
letters, the problem must have been constantly on the mind of the prison administration as the
strong smell of garlic in its post office was certainly impossible to ignore.
The shift change for the guards is at 2 PM. Dinner is served at around 4 PM, but Mumia doesn’t even
bother to describe it to us. We suppose that here, too, there are no positive surprises. After this, the
day on death row is finished; a few hours later, the light is dimmed down but, as mentioned above,
never entirely switched off.
Death Row and Its Turnkeys
We also ask Mumia anout the general design of death row as a whole, and he patiently gives us a
detailed description. Death Row in SCI Greene consists of four “units” in the middle of which is
Guantanamo
8
a supervisory terminal from which four hallways lead to the units. Everything is separated by
steel doors and supervised by cameras.
Each unit has two floors with a
couple of solitary cells on each
side of the hallway. Mumia is
confined in the G unit. Until a
couple of days before our visit,
Mumia’s unit also housed long-
term prisoners not sentenced to
death; now it’s only those with a
death sentence. Why the other
prisoners were moved, Mumia
doesn’t know. Two other units
had always been reserved for those sentenced to die. In addition, there is the “hole,” where prisoners
are kept isolated 24 hours a day without daylight or any other “privileges.”
Concerning the “hole,” Mumia recounts and episode from the life of his friend Russell “Maroon”
Shoats, who, just as Mumia, was a member of the Black Panther Party in Philadelphia and who was
sentenced to life in prison at the beginning of the 1970s, also for allegedly murdering a cop. 1975
he managed to break from prison but after a while on the run was arrested again. In the nineties, he
came to SCI Greene and was transferred to the wing just described. There, the warden told him that
as long as he, the warden, was in command of SCI Greene’s death row, Shoats would not leave the
“hole” even for a minute. As it turned out, this was the same turnkey who had been beaten down by
Shoats during his jailbreak twenty years earlier…
In the course of his confinement, Mumia has also repeatedly been in the “hole,” but we don’t
address this particular question during our visit.5
From these issues we move more or less seamlessly to
the topic of the relation between the inmates and the
guards. Mumia says that compared to the general penal
system, working on death row must be very must be
very attractive for the guards since they have to do al-
most nothing and are never confronted with more than
two prisoners at any one moment. But that doesn’t mean
by any means that the guards therefore entertain a
friendly relationship to the inmates.
Right at the beginning of our visit when we mention that the almost manic cleanliness in this
prison somehow reminds one of a hospital, Mumia counsels us not to be deceived by such exter-
nal appearances. He say that it would probably indeed be possible to eat from the floor in this
place, but that this would hardly be very sensible since then you couldn’t see who is behind your
back. “This is a mean place where bad things are happening.” After our visit, we understand even
better why Mumia has called SCI Greene so often a “bright, shining hell.”
5 The Pittsburgh Chapter of the Human Rights Coalition, a human rights organization for prisoners in the United
States, regularly documents rights violations against prisoners in the “correctional institutions” of Pennsylvania,
among them SCI Greene. See http://www.thomasmertoncenter.org/fedup/.
Entrance
9
Mumia estimates that around two thirds of the guards in death row are very racist and brutal people.
He recounts that a short while ago, there was a guard who showed him a photo of a “Free Mumia”
mural taken during a holiday in Berlin, but also says that this guy is hardly typical for the majority
of his fellow guards.
All the same, most of the guards know how to work in a formally “correct” way, meaning, among
other things, that differently from the work in the general penal system they will be careful with
racial slurs since they know that the prisoners on death row are there for a long time and will there-
fore know how to write a complaint and to pursue it even though the authorities try to stifle it with
red tape. Too many complaints could end up endangering a very easy job where the guards have
almost no work to do apart from delivering the meals and organizing the yard exercises.
As the authority to deprive prisoners of “privileges” solely de-
pends on the arbitrary decisions of the guards, the latter also
often use their authority to that end. Mumia also reports that the
guards on death often resort to using violence against the pri-
soners – but of course they always try to make sure that they
are not caught, and they avoid committing their abuses in the
presence of witnesses.
When we ask Mumia about Charles Graner, one of the torturers
convicted during the prison scandal of Abu-Ghraib who before
his stint in Iraq had been a guard at SCI Greene, he explains
that he has probably met him at some time or another but hasn’t
come to know him personally. But in Mumia’s assessment, this
guy is not terribly different from most of the other turnkeys.
After Graner was formally indicted in 2005, the prison administration put out a statement whose
gist was that Graner could resume work at SCI Greene anytime should he loose his job with the
army. And according to Mumia, in the nearby village of Waynesburg, where Graner used to live,
he is still a respected citizen whose deeds are subjected to much too much attention in the opinion
of his fellow citizens and whom many would happily invite to a barbecue.
Political Topics
One of the topics, Mumia has occupied himself
with extensively and we proceed to talk about
very quickly, is the development in South Africa
since the end of apartheid. According to Mumia,
after the end of apartheid the left wing of the
South-African liberation movement around the
Communist Chris Hani and other progressive
forces was wiped out. For him, the former ANC
chairman Tabo Mbeki embodies one of the cru-
cial mistakes made again and again by African
liberation movements.
Here is Mumia’s sketch: As an underground rev-
olutionary, Mbeki had been sent to England to
10
study and then came back from there as a social democrat, serving as Mandela’s successor as the
head of state. But in that function, he failed to introduce minimal social standards, pursuing a
neo-liberal agenda instead. Even though the end of apartheid led to a transfer of political power to
the black majority, economic power is still in the hands of the beneficiaries of the apartheid sys-
tem, and the politicians of the ANC see to it that this remains the case.
Mumia very much hopes that the deep disappointment engendered by these developments will at
some time lead to a situation where the African and other Third World liberation movements stop
to take European societies as their guide and rather begin to seek their own solutions.
From his columns, we already know that Mumia knows a lot about Germany, and thus we are not
surprised by the fact that he is eager to learn more about the developments there. He is particular-
ly interested in the war against the former Yugoslavia in 1999, the current participation of the
German army in the war in Afghanistan and the reactions of the German population.
He also poses a number of questions concerning the trans-
ition of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR)
from a state socialist to a capitalist society. When we tell
him that, in our view- the increasing power of the neo-Na-
zis particularly in the eastern part of a reunited Germany is
much less due to the previous social order than to the new-
ly introduced, unchecked capitalist logic of unbridled ex-
ploitation and the exclusion of large parts of the popu-
lation, he is not very surprised. In that connection, we also
try to describe the systematic social and political destruc-
tion of the former GDR after the end of the Cold War.
When we start to discuss political theory, Mumia tells us
that in his youth, he was very impressed by Maoist and
anarchist approaches because they were easily accessible
and often also directly applicable to the work in the Afri-
can American communities. Even though the Black Pan-
ther Party also propagated the thick volume Capital by
Marx, for him as a fifteen-year-old that book was hard to digest, and the much thinner Com-
munist Manifesto also didn’t prove exactly as an easy read. It was only in prison that he started to
read Marx and Engels extensively and changed his opinion about them.
Quite independently of any political theory, during our conversation Mumia repeatedly insists
that the really important thing is to organize. “Nobody should underestimate what even a small
number of organized people can achieve. My own survival is concrete proof for what organized
action is capable of.”
And of course, we also talk extensively about president Obama. Different from many others with
whom we conversed during our voyage through the U.S., Mumia takes it for granted that Obama
is well informed about the continuing discrimination and the grave social problems of African
Americans. The only error, says Mumia, is the assumption that Obama really wants to achieve
fundamental social change. In reality, he was simply the one who was best able to capitalize on
the great dissatisfaction with Bush and his clique.
Illustrating this, Mumia points to the fact that in light of the mass movement supporting him
11
when he was inaugurated, is would have been very easy for Obama to carry through a fundamen-
tal health reform benefiting the disadvantaged strata of the population. At that point, he’d proba-
bly been able to pull through any reform. But instead, he sent his followers home and allowed the
newly awakened interest in political participation to fall asleep again. The reason? The political
and economic groups that actually form his social base.
Thus, says Mumia, Obama is forced to
lead wars in the service of the empire and
to satisfy the demands of his rich and su-
per rich supporters. Even though he will
probably try to mobilize support for his
reelection, this will probably not work.
Mumia characterized Obama as the “nice
brown face of imperialism.” Another ex-
pression he uses in connection with the
disappointment of many African Ameri-
cans with regard to Obama is “a black
man with a white mind.”
Here, Mumia – just like Noam Chomsky and many others – is afraid that this disappointment of
many voters could, of all things, strengthen those forces who are even more rightist that the Repub-
lican Party. He says that a mounting part of the lower middle classes now supports the “Tea Party”
movement, a chauvinist and, in part, openly racist new political current in which the failed vice
president candidate of the Republicans in 2008, Sarah Palin, currently tries to gain a leading role.
Mumia alerts us that even President Obama himself now feels the consequences of the aggressive
mood fanned by this movement, and he thinks that it is possible that parts of the established sys-
tem could proceed to a policy of not only tolerating this movement, but even resorting to using its
dangerous militancy. Just recently the fact that a heavily armed “Tea Party” supporter was able to
totally unhindered attend a public appearance of Obama created quite a stir in the U.S. media.
We also talked for a long while and in detail about the criminal justice system in Philadelphia. Mumia
finds it very interesting that prosecutors and judges apparently have an increasingly hard time in find-
ing juries ready to pass death sentences. On the other hand, one must not overlook the fact that the
will to sentence people to inhumanely long prison terms is still very much in evidence.
Mumia’s Own Case
Of course, we also ask Mumia, where he sees his own case at this moment and where exactly he
hopes for support. The last hour of our visit is essentially devoted to this topic.
Mumia agrees with our view that neither the prosecution nor the 3rd
Court of Appeals are inter-
ested in giving him any opportunity to present his case in front of a jury. But this is exactly what
Mumia is still striving for. Even though in legal terms, a jury trial can “only” be about the sen-
tence, i.e., life in prison or death, Mumia is still doing everything in his powers to be able one day
to present his version of the story in a court of law.
According to Mumia, the 3rd
Circuit Court of Appeals, in theory, has at least two options. For one
thing, it can decide the question that is currently open – whether the District Court for the 3rd
Cir-
cuit was right in throwing out the death sentence against Mumia in 2001 on account of false in-
12
structions to the jury – itself, but it can also
send the case back to the District Court.
In that connection, we also discussed an artic-
le that appeared at the beginning of 2010 in
the Philadelphia Inquirer and which promot-
ed the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Offi-
ce’s assessment that the final resolution of
Mumia’s case could still drag on for a long
time since the judge who threw out Mumia’s
death sentence in 2001 hadn’t even dealt with
a whole number of objections of the defense
against the death sentence, treating them as
moot. The representative of the prosecution
quoted in that article said that the defense
could profit from this and file new petitions
on each of these objections, leading to many more years of appeals.
On this, Mumia says that every public statement coming from this direction must be subjected to very
critical scrutiny as it will always necessarily have a political character and may perhaps only have the
purpose to induce a false sense of calmness in him and the support movement while the prosecution
actually prepares totally different and much faster scenarios.
Before it decides, the 3rd
Court of Appeals can also hold an evidentiary hearing,6 but as Mumia
says all of this is entirely dependent on the discretion of the judges, not the actual legal situation.
The latter, he adds, has been on his own side so
often without, however, ever enabling him to
ever profit from the right he allegedly had. He
holds that exactly as before it is important to pub-
licly stress three points, namely, (1) the fight
against the death penalty, (2) the extremely unfair
character of his trial in 1982, and (3) the fact that
he is innocent and that the prosecution never had
any real evidence against him.
He is of course well aware that this is exactly what
his supporters have been doing for many years,
but he hopes that they won’t lag in their efforts in
this direction but will rather increase them. And Mumia never tires in stressing that this solidarity
work forms the core that potentially enables any positive court decisions in the first place.
Here, we also ask him about the two online petitions to President Obama and attorney General Eric
Holder.7 The latter demands a Civil Rights Investigation in Mumia’s case and has been signed
6 Indeed, on September 21, 2010, the 3
rd Circuit Court of Appeals ordered an oral hearing before a three-judge panel
that took place on November 9, 2010. This was not an evidentiary hearing where witnesses etc. can be brought in,
but one where the defense and the prosecution were allotted ca. 20 resp. 30 minutes to argue their case. 7 For the petition to Obama, see http://www.petitiononline.com/Mumialaw/petition.html; the petition to General
Attorney Eric Holder is at http://www.iacenter.org/mumiapetition/. For the German translation of both petitions,
see http://mumia-hoerbuch.de/petitionen.htm.
13
worldwide so far by about 50,000 people (and
the petition to Obama, which was initiated only
later, has also already garnered 24,000 signa-
tures). Previously, we had repeatedly heard
contradictory opinions concerning these petit-
ions without any explanation for the contra-
diction. The groups in which we are active de-
cided to promote both petitions, and to our
relief, Mumia entirely agrees with this and says
that this is exactly the right approach.
Quite generally, Mumia stresses that a move-
ment such as the one that has clustered around
his own case, and even more generally all mo-
vements have to seek out their own paths and
for their own judgments. The legal struggle
and the political struggle for his life and his
freedom constitute two different levels. La-
wyers, as important as they are, can never
lead movements, and that is also not their
task. To the best of his knowledge, this has
never led to success. His counsel to the mo-
vement is to always first work out its own
analysis and then act accordingly.
Farewell
After we have conversed for almost six hours, we are told that finally we have to go. At first, we
fail to really listen to this order from outside the visitor’s cell, since we are too immersed in our
conversation with Mumia, but the supervisor’s admonition gets quite insistent very quickly. We
join the palms of our hands across the separating glass and Mumia bids us farewell with a smile and
“on a move” and a raised fist. We literally have to wrench ourselves away, and while we start our
way to the outside through the steel door of the visiting area, we see Mumia putting his fist to his
heart. We do likewise.
It seems inconceivable that this very lively human being is now being brought back into the
“bright, shining hell,” while the three of us, after having passed the numerous locks during our
way back, walk out into the spring sun of this early afternoon.
* * *
In the following hours and days, we tape many of our memories with a dictaphone and fill many
pages in our notepads – these notes form the basis of the report you have just read.
The English version of this May 30, 2010 report was translated by Michael Schiffmann with the help
of Anton Reiner and friends in the U.S. and finalized on September 27, revised November 19, 2010