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Rock against Racism: a success, but why?

Rock Against Racism (RAR) existed in a climate of mounting

racial tension due to the rise of the far right; through neo-fascist

groups such as the National Front and their growing threat

electorally and on the streets.1 RAR is widely acknowledged within

historiography on the subject, to have been a success in opposing

the National Front and in promoting anti-racist values in 1970s

Britain. Widgery, a RAR activist and Socialist Workers Party member,

has claimed in his history of the movement, that by the autumn of

1978 over 400,000 had rocked against racism.2 Gilroy states; “The

hatred of racism and its organic counterpart – the love of music –

were enough to hold together a dynamic anti-racist movement of young

people.”3 Farrar goes further when he suggests mass cultural

politics was RAR’s innovation.4 Lastly, Goodyer’s positive reading

concludes that; “RAR was a politically and culturally sophisticated

campaign, which dealt creatively and militantly with racism.”5 Using

this historiography as a starting point, the essay aims to look at

RAR’s success critically and engage with why it succeeded.

The methodology used in this project counters the dangers of

oral history. Whilst being important due to the insights into the

first hand-experience it provides us it is also problematic due to

memory’s limited scope and fallibility. Nonetheless, its

1 S.Taylor, The National Front: A Contemporary Evaluation (University of Warwick,1978), 12 D.Widgery, Beating Time: Riot ‘n’ Race ‘n’ Rock ‘n’ Roll (London, 1986), 913 P.Gilroy, ‘There ain’t no black in the union jack’: the cultural politics of ‘race’ and nation(London, 1987), 1224 M.Farrar, ‘Social Movements and the Struggle Over ‘Race’’ in M.J.Todd andG.Taylor’s Democracy and Participation – Popular protest and new social movements (London,2004), 95 I.Goodyer, ‘Rock against racism: Multiculturalism and politicalmobilization, 1976-81’ Immigrants and Minorities Vol.22 N.1 (London, 2003), 44

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subjectivity is welcomed as it allows us to understand the actions

within the context of the time, however, it requires a method to

counteract its deficiencies based on the layering of sources. This

consists of reading one source against another as a way of

corroborating them, meaning that oral history is read against, for

instance, a piece of secondary literature or a newspaper article.

This method aims to make the use of evidence more balanced and to

counter the fallibility of memory.

The essay will focus on three main areas that demonstrate RAR’s

success. Firstly, by analysing the content of the broad anti-racist

political message and how it used popular music, specifically punk

and reggae and a favourable music press, as a medium to reach a mass

audience. Then, the organisational structure of the movement will be

scrutinized through an analysis of the core group of artists in

London, who determined its politics and direction, along with the

regional groups that formed the grassroots support. This section

will argue London and the regions’ symbiotic relationship reinforced

the political message and helped achieve widespread support. Lastly,

how RAR managed to establish a beneficial relationship with its

sister organisation the Anti-Nazi League and the Socialist Workers

Party will be explored. This will lead to the conclusion that the

three characteristics outlined above were determining factors in

RAR’s success.

Political message: ‘Love Music Hate Racism’

We want rebel music, street music. Music thatbreaks down peoples fears of one another. Crisismusic. Now music. Music that knows who the realenemy is. Rock against Racism. Love Music HateRacism.6

6 D.Widgery, Temporary Hoarding, No.1 (September, 1977), 1

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This slogan conveys music’s key role in RAR’s politics. RAR

aimed to reach music fans through the two most exciting musical

genres at the time: punk and reggae. Lucy Whitman, writer for RAR’s

magazine Temporary Hoarding, describes RAR as a consciousness-

raising organisation.7 Their aims were: “to fight the influence of

racism/fascism” and to “build an anti-racist/anti-fascist movement”

within the sphere of popular culture.8

However, RAR’s politics go further in engaging with wide-

ranging political issues. For instance, Thatcher’s infamous

‘swamped’ speech is discussed in an article called ‘Rinse Out the

Blue Scum’.9 “Being swamped by an alien culture is a clever phrase,

it scares the shit out of your all round family racists, your ‘Sun’

readers.”10 RAR accentuates the prevalence of everyday, casual

racism. Political struggles in Northern Ireland and the Apartheid

are also explored along with a focus on gay rights and sexism.11

Whitman described herself as the ‘resident feminist voice’.12 Taking

inspiration from RAR, she wrote articles to spread the ‘Love Sex,

Hate Sexism’ message of Rock Against Sexism. 13 Aiming to fight

sexism in music by promoting female bands, challenging stereotyped

images of women and protecting women from exploitation.14 These

examples illustrate how fighting racism was seen in the context of

fighting oppression in all its forms.

7 Lucy Whitman, interview (21 April 2014)8 Temporary Hoarding, No.2 (1977)9 M.Thatcher, TV Interview Granada ‘World in Action’ http://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/103485 [accessed 22 April 2014] 10 Temporary Hoarding, No.9 (June/July 1979), 211 ‘The public death of PrivateX’ Temporary Hoarding, No.7 (Winter of 79’), 18 / ‘It’s Fun in South Africa’ Temporary Hoarding, No.6 (Summer 78’) /‘TRB’ Temporary Hoarding, No.4 (Winter of 77’) (Winter 79’), 4-612 Lucy Whitman, interview (21 April 2014)13 SEX vs FASCISM’ Temporary Hoarding, No.714 ‘Love Sex, Hate Sexism?’ Guardian

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Syd Shelton, a photographer and graphic designer who was part

of RAR central, explains Temporary Hoarding’s crucial role. “Our aim

was to reach the parts the gigs didn't reach and to put the

arguments in words and visuals which we hoped would end up on

peoples walls.”15 Shelton highlights the complementary roles of the

concerts and Temporary Hoarding, as well as stressing the importance

of visual design in creating a message that was fun and exciting but

also highly political.16

So, RAR was against oppression, but what did it stand for? RAR

believed in multiculturalism with slogans such as “Black and white

unite and fight”. Taking Goodyer’s assertion that: “RAR enacted its

ideas through staging cultural events.”17 One can argue that putting

black and white artists on stage together was a physical

manifestation of RAR’s anti-racism and defence of multiculturalism.

RAR faced difficulties due to the ambiguous nature of punk’s

politics. Sabin contends that punk has been shrouded in an anti-

racist myth in which the progressive left-leaning politics of bands

like the Clash have been taken to be the norm.18 He highlights the

myth’s ignorance of punks’ right-wing element. Worley understands

punk to be a “contested site of political engagement” in which both

political extremes attempted to channel punks’ disaffection.19 The

idea of a punk as a battleground is useful. However, despite punk’s

flirtation with swastikas and its nihilism as potential right-wing

15 Syd Shelton, personal communication (22 April 2014) 16 I.Goodyer, Crisis Music: The Cultural Politics of Rock Against Racism (Manchester, 2009),73-417 I.Goodyer, ‘RAR: Multiculturalism and Political Mobilization’, 48 18 R.Sabin, ‘I won’t let that dago by: Rethinking Punk and Racism’ in R.Sabin Punk Rock: So what? The Cultural Legacy of Punk (London, 1999) 19 M.Worley, ‘Shot By Both Sides: Punk, Politics and the End of ‘Consensus’’, Contemporary British History, 26:3 (2012), 334

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political sources, it was the more progressive punk bands, such as

the Ruts, Gang of Four and Tom Robinson Band who were significant.

This is supported by Shelton, who described Skrewdriver, the

standard bearer of White Power punk, as “irrelevant”; believing that

“punk could have gone to the right but that the left put, and won,

the argument.”20 Ian Stuart, the bands singer, said in an interview;

“I think that if you love your country, you are a Nationalist. If

you love your people, then you are a socialist. So if you love both

you are a National Socialist.”21 Skrewdriver were the core of a scene

revolving around the National Front youth paper, Bulldog, that

formed Rock Against Communism (RAC). Bulldog’s RAC chart featuring

the top 10 racist songs of the month highlighted the limitations of

this far-right element as it featured the openly anti-racist song

‘White Riot’ by the Clash.22 The song is about the Notting Hill

Carnival riots and expressed a cross-racial solidarity with black

youth through its call for white youth to have a “riot of my own”23In

such a large genre as punk, it is impossible for it to be completely

anti-racist, however, Sabin overstates its right-wing nature, as

progressive anti-racist beliefs were more prevalent.

Reggae bands like Steel Pulse, Misty in Roots, Aswad and others

rallied round RAR. Steel Pulse song ‘Jah Pickney’ said:

Rock against Racism, smash it We're gonna hunt yeh yeh yeh The National Front - Yes we are. 24

Steel Pulse were committed to the anti-racist cause as this

song as well as their many RAR performances, including the first

20 Syd Shelton (22 April 2014)21 ‘Ian Stuart of Skrewdriver, Interview in Terminal’ in S.Duncombe and M.Tremblay (eds) White Riot: Punk Rock and the Politics of Race (London, 2011), 13322 ‘RAC Chart’ Bulldog Issue n.33 (May 1983) 23 S.Duncombe and M.Tremblay (eds) White Riot, 124 ‘Lyrics – Jah Pickney’ http://www.metrolyrics.com/jah-pickney-lyrics-steel-pulse.html [22 April 2014]

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carnival, demonstrate. Misty in Roots, were described by Andy Xerox

in Temporary Hoarding as having, “gigged for RAR more times than we

can remember.”25 Again, the message conveyed is of a genuinely

committed band. Chris Bolton from Misty is quoted to have said; “RAR

is the shield, the music is the sword.”26 Suggesting RAR provided a

platform for musicians to be political and the punk and reggae bands

used this to great effect.

Blacker Dread, of the Sir Coxone Sound System “Reggae is not a

yes music….It’s a militant music.”27 Highlighting the politicised

nature of reggae. Henry explores how reggae and Rastafari created

sites of resistance as the music spoke to the disenfranchised in a

racist society.

Having analysed RAR’s political message and punk and reggae’s

role the positive contribution of the music press will be analysed.

Whitman highlights how the press “amplified what RAR was doing.”28

The support of New Musical Express, Sounds and Melody Maker were

essential in helping attract a large audience to the anti-racist

cause. NME was viewed as the “bible of all young people interested

in music.”29 Billy Bragg says of the writers at NME; “They had

attitude and were not afraid to take a stand on the radical issues

of the day.”30 Widgery stresses the invaluable backing of editor Neil

Spencer and the NME’s “sheer venom of their spiky-topped prose.”31 An

example of this is Tony Parsons and Julie Burchill’s report on the

battle of Lewisham in 1977:

25 A.Xerox, ‘Long Time, See Them A Come’ Temporary Hoarding, No.9 (June/July 1979), 426 A.Xerox, Temporary Hoarding, 4 27 W.Henry, ‘Reggae, Rasta and the Role of the Deejay in the Black British Experience’ Contemporary British History, 26:3 (2012), 36228 Lucy Whitman (21 April 2014)29 Lucy Whitman (21 April 2014) 30 B.Bragg, The Progressive Patriot (London, 2006), 21831 D.Widgery, Beating Time, 64

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It’s time for backing up the words with action….Butperhaps you think this wasn’t your battle. Tell itto the blacks. Tell it to the SWP. Tell it to RockAgainst Racism. Tell it to Charles Shaar Murray.Tell it to the three thousand. Tell it to the kidwho lost his right eye.32

The language is politicised, accusatory and powerful. Renton

has argued RAR made politicised music fashionable and “The NME and

Sounds built up their sales in this politicised milieu.”33 The

implication being their relationship was mutually beneficial as they

both benefited from a politicisation of music.

NME, Sounds and Melody Maker all published Red Saunders reply

to Eric Clapton’s racist outburst, which will be discussed later.34

Sounds, the most punk-oriented dedicated a whole Issue to the racism

debate with the question; “Is this the future of Rock ‘n’ Roll?” and

has photos of musicians who would be deported if repatriation was

enforced, including Paul Simonon and Poly Styrene.35 Again, anti-

racist views are evident and the issue of racism is given

considerable importance. Even Melody Maker who focused more on music

than politics ran an article by Chris Brazier called ‘Out, Racists,

Out!’ which stated RAR made you “feel the truth that all women and

men are sisters and brothers.”36 In sum, a supportive press helped

RAR’s distinctive multicultural and anti-racist message succeed.

Organisational Structure: London and the regions

Keep the faith, black and white unite and fight. 32 D.Widgery, Beating Time, 6433 D.Renton, When We Touched the Sky: The Ani-Nazi League 1977-1981 (Cheltenham, 2006), 4234 D.Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 2335 Sabin, ‘I Won’t Let That Dago By’, 20136 C.Brazier, ‘Out, Racists, Out!’ Melody Maker (5 November 1977), 46

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We want to organise a rank and file movementagainst the racist poison music. We urge supportfor Rock against Racism.

P.S. Who shot the Sheriff Eric? It sure as hellwasn’t you!37

Red Saunders was provoked into the letter above following Eric

Clapton’s infamous racist rant and by Bowie’s declaration that Adolf

Hitler was the world’s first rock star.38 It produced some 600

letters of support leading to the idea becoming a reality. This

section contends that the central aspect of its organisational

structure was its grassroots and regional nature, highlighted in the

call for a ‘rank and file’ movement in the letter. Which was

essential in spreading the anti-racist message and in combating the

Front throughout Britain. Using Farrar’s assertion that; “Movements

form fluid non-hierarchical network”39 There was a strong emphasis on

the punk DIY ethic of getting on and doing something.40

The grassroots nature of RAR relied on a crucial relationship

between RAR central, based in London, and the local RAR groups.

RAR’s constitution states; “We are politically independent and

financially self-supporting but we gig with anyone who shares our

aims.”41 The Constitution then goes on to outline the role of both

groups: The role of RAR central, which was; “an elected working

committee of 10 which carries out policy between Quarterly and

Annual Conferences” is to be “responsible for running a national

office, coordinating and informing RAR Locals by means of monthly

newsletters and putting together ‘Temporary Hoarding’ RAR’s37 New Musical Express (11 September 1976), 5038 D.Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 3239 M.Farrar, ‘Social Movements and the Struggle Over ‘Race” in M.Todd and G.Taylor Democracy and Participation – Popular protest and new social movements (London, 2004), 440 Lucy Whitman (22 April 2014) 41 ‘Rock Against Racism Constitution (UK)’ http://history-is-made-at-night.blogspot.co.uk/2011/07/rock-against-racism-documents-1979_18.html [20April 2014] Referred to hereafter as ‘RAR Constitution’.

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theoretical ‘zine.”’42 As we can see, there was a series of forums

for communication, organised by RAR Central, between the regions and

London. Shelton explains RAR Central; “played the roll of support

act providing resources for people to pick up the baton across the

country.”43 This provision of support and advice was a key aspect to

the grassroots movement succeeding.

An example of this is a letter written by Irate Kate from RAR

Central to Niall in Luton, encouraging him to set up a RAR group by

sending him a gig guide and by putting him in contact with Fahim,

who was also interested and in the same area.44 Temporary Hoarding,

which featured the gig guide, played a prominent role as a forum for

communication. The guide had practical advice on venues, P.A systems

and ‘a list of sympathetic bands’.45 As we can see RAR Central

offered practical advice and support.

As well as support, RAR Central provided merchandise advertised

in Temporary Hoarding, in Issue No.5 the merchandise was advertised

with; “Fuck the Front..this is the..BACK PAGE” in which badges with

slogans like ‘Nazis are No Fun’ were sold.46 By the Winter of 77’ RAR

had sold about 12000 badges.47 The merchandise was propaganda and was

an effective way of RAR’s message reaching local groups and music

fans.

Temporary Hoarding also relied on input from its readers

through letters and feedback on local RAR groups, which were both

devoted considerable space. Often letters would describe experiences

of day-to-day racism. For instance, Alan wrote to RAR saying:

42 ‘RAR Constitution’43 Syd Shelton (22 April 2014)44 ‘Irate Kate Letter’ http://history-is-made-at-night.blogspot.co.uk/2011/07/rock-against-racism-documents-1979_18.html [20 April 2014]45 Temporary Hoarding No.2 (1977)46 Temporary Hoarding No.5 (Spring 78’)47 Temporary Hoarding No.4 (Winter 77’)

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“Whenever black people, or any foreign people were being discussed,

it was always, ‘Niggers, coons etc,’ which really sent me crazy. I

said, Jesus, do you know what you are saying? But they just said sod

you mate, nigger love et al.”48 He challenged casual racism among his

fellow soldiers with the letter highlighting the active role

individuals played in upholding RAR’s anti-racist beliefs.

Informing about the actions of RAR Locals was also important,

for instance, Lancaster RAR reported; “We’ve had a series of small

RAR gigs using local bands. In Lancaster there now exists a

musicians collective (who have now officially affiliated to RAR)

with whom we do a lot of work.”49 Local gigs and an active group of

musicians who mobilise against racism is an apt illustration of the

grassroots nature of RAR and it highlights RAR Central’s role in

aiding communication.

The role of RAR Locals has been touched on through Lancaster

RAR. “Any group of RAR Supporters (minimum no.5) who sign the RAR

Constitution and pay a fee of 5 pounds per annum are licensed by RAR

(UK) to operate as a RAR Local.”50 Moreover there was a commitment

to: “Keep the faith with RAR tradition of good gigs, militant

entertainment and a fair deal to fans.”51 In return, they got to use

RAR’s name and buy its products at cut rates.52 The relationship

outlined here outlines regional groups role as RAR’s representative

in their locality. They had considerable freedom with Shelton

describing the regional groups as: “completely independent as we

didn’t dictate what they should do.”53 Their autonomous nature was a

48 ‘Feedback’ Temporary Hoarding No.5 (Spring 78’)49 Lancaster RAR Temporary Hoarding No.2 (1977), 550 ‘RAR Constitution’51 ‘RAR Constitution’52 ‘RAR Constitution’53 Syd Shelton (22 April 2014)

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defining characteristic leading to considerable diversity. Whitman

highlights the difficulties this could cause as local groups would

be; “very sincere about anti-racism but hadn’t acknowledged sexism

which led to a code of conduct.”54The code protected RAR gigs from

sexist, homophobic or otherwise offensive behaviour but also

highlights the existence of different views and attitudes within the

movement.

Local RAR groups, such as the Leeds and West London branches,

contributed considerably to the cause. Leeds RAR was successful and

even helped organise the Northern Carnival in 1981 with the

Specials, Au Pairs, Aswad and Misty.55 The Specials and their Two-

Tone record label represented multiculturalism and were a sign of

RAR’s success in bringing black and white musicians together. Leeds

RAR was very active in a city in which far-right politics were

prevalent. Rock Against Communism built around racist circles in

Leeds with bands like the Dentists and the Ventz. In a Temporary

Hoarding article Paul Furness of Leeds RAR explains why he believes

it is worthwhile; “When a kid comes up to you and tell you he used

to go to Front meetings and the way they treated him compared to the

way Rock against Racism treats him (friendly like) has made him

think twice.”56 Leeds RAR were commended by Searchlight for their

hard work fighting these racist elements in the Leeds music scene.57

Leeds RAR exemplified the importance of anti-racist activism on a

local level.

West London RAR helps illustrate RAR’s relationship to Asian

youth as it had links to the Indian Workers Association, using their

ballroom to host a regular Roots Club night, and the Southall Youth

54 Lucy Whitman (22 April 2014)55 New Musical express (13 June 1981), 1456 P.Furness, Temporary Hoarding No.7 (Winter of 77’), 1157 ‘Pogo on a Nazi’ Searchlight No.44 (February, 1979), 7

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Movement showing their engagement with the Asian community.58

Goodyer’s work is important in rejecting the criticism often

levelled at RAR for its narrow cultural focus, which excluded ethnic

minority populations such as Asians. He rejects these accusations by

arguing RAR was a product of its time and was confined to the orbit

of popular culture, of which Asian music was a notable omission

meaning RAR’s claims of cultural exclusivity are unjustified.59

Moreover, the existence of Asian punk band Alien Kulture proves that

if Asian youth “shared an enthusiasm for rock music with their non-

Asian friends and neighbours they could, and did, participate in

RAR.”60 The grassroots activism we have looked at through Leeds RAR

and West London RAR highlight the importance of the rank-and-file

nature of RAR.

RAR was most effective when RAR Central and the regional groups came

together, best exemplified in the Militant Entertainment Tour in the

build up to the 1979 general election. The Tour highlights the

grassroots nature of RAR, which was a fundamental reason for its

success. It was a large-scale operation with, “33 Bands and more.

Over 200 people, tons of gear, 25 different venues, 2,500 miles on

the road.”61 The organisational demands on a tour like this are

considerable and the relationship between London and the regions was

key, RAR Central oversaw the organisation and provided the

merchandise whilst local RAR’s provided information about local

venues and local bands. Shelton believes the regional groups work

was key to the Tour going ahead.62 RAR aimed to combat oppression in

peoples’ everyday lives and therefore its politics would amount to

little if the message had not been fought for throughout Britain,

58 I.Goodyer, Crisis Music, 8259 I.Goodyer, Crisis Music, 81-560 I.Goodyer Crisis Music, 8261 ‘Militant Entertainment’ Temporary Hoarding No.8 (March/April 1979), 662 Syd Shelton (22 April 2014)

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this was possible due to the relationship between London and the

regions.

ANL and SWP: A help or a hindrance?

This section analyses RAR’s links with two external

organisations: the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) and the Socialist Workers

Party (SWP). RAR’s ability to use these relationships to its own

advantage is a key aspect to its success.

The ANL and RAR’s jointly organised carnivals are important to

discuss. The poster reproduced above promotes the first Carnival,

which consisted in a march from Trafalgar Square to Victoria Park

and a big open-air concert in the park with Tom Robinson Band, Steel

Pulse and the Clash playing. RAR aimed to make the march “the

biggest piece of revolutionary street theatre London had ever

seen.”63 The BBC coverage of the day reports on the giant papier-

mâché models of Martin Webster, John Tyndall and Adolf Hitler as

well as the bands playing on lorries, RAR and ANL banners, and the

joyous nature of the carnival.64 Renton describes it as; “anti-racism

with a new emphasis, on pleasure, on self-activity and on

spectacle.”65 The music was political making the politics fun, this

engaged youth and drew the crowds. The scale of the event is

notable, over 80,000 attended with the Greater London Council having

expected 5,000 and the organisers having hoped for 30,000.66 It was a

resounding success and it pushed anti-racism into the mainstream

63 D.Widgery, Beating Time, 8364 ‘Original BBC footage’ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/7351610.stm[24 April 2014]65 D.Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 11566 M.Walker, Guardian (2 May 1978)

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with Widgery suggesting; “its scale inaugurates a new era in anti-

racialism in Britain.”67

67 D.Widgery, ‘Carnival against the Nazis’ Radical America, Vol.12 No.5(September-October 1978)

16

68

68 ‘Carnival Against the Nazis: Victoria Park, Hackney’ (1978)

17

The cooperation with the ANL was essential. RAR provided the

music, a substantial aspect of the Carnivals appeal. Peter Hain

believes; “The contribution of the punk and reggae music of the late

1970’s, was crucial.”69 The ANL was a potent mobilising force with

the Bristol ANL Newsletter booking eight coaches from Bristol to the

Victoria Park Carnival.70 RAR’s cooperation with ANL gave RAR a

larger forum to express its politics. The Carnival on the 30th of

April 1978 was the first of many, with 35,000 going to the

Manchester Carnival and another 100,000 attending the second London

Carnival in Brixton highlighting the success of the ANL/RAR

cooperation and the Carnival format.71

However, the ANL and RAR differed in their organisation and

understanding of anti-racism.. Gilroy criticises the ANL’s focus on

uncovering the National Front as ‘sham patriots’ through a use of

the popular memory of the Second World War as an anti-fascist war.72

Gilroy’s assertion is interesting as it highlights the ANL’s neo-

fascist focus leading to a more limited understanding of anti-racism

as anti-Nazism. Equating the National Front to Nazism was a constant

feature of ANL propaganda. On the rear of the Carnival poster

reproduced above, the message of “The Nazi National Front” with

quotes from NF Organiser Martin Webster stating the NF was; “Busy

forming a well-oiled Nazi machine throughout the country…Hitler put

Germany on its feet. We and our fellow-Nazis will do the same for

England.”73 Having decided to present 303 candidates for the 1979

general elections, the Front’s growing electoral credibility was of

concern.74 They even managed to push the Liberals into fourth place

69 Peter Hain, personal correspondence (16 April 2014)70 ‘Bristol ANL Newsletter N.1’ (April 1978) 71 D.Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 13172 P.Gilroy, There Ain’t No Black, 122 73 ‘Carnival Against the Nazis’74 Z.Layton-Henry, The Politics of Race in Britain (London, 1984), 87-8

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in parliamentary by-elections. They even managed to push the

Liberals into fourth place in parliamentary by-elections.75 ANL

activism was a reason for the Fronts collapse following a disastrous

showing at the 1979 General Election in which they won 0.6% of the

vote despite its massive increase in candidates and this is to be

commended.76

The ANL was a single-issue campaign, which “tackled the problem

(of the NF) with real urgency stressing unity in action, not endless

theorising or repetitive meetings.”77 Peter Hain MP says of Gilroy;

“He is plain wrong. The ANL worked: the NF disintegrated and its

leader attributed that directly to the ANL.”78 However, the problem

is that the focus on the Front seemingly places racism within a

minority of neo-fascist extremists, not as an issue confronting all

of society and constrains the ANL to a National Front oriented

agenda. Widgery explains RAR’s conception of racism. “Racism is as

British as Biggles and baked beans…It’s about Jubilee mugs and Rule

Britannia and how we single-handedly saved the ungrateful world in

the Second War.”79 Widgery shows how racism is a problem deeply

ingrained in British society, which was I believe a more accurate

understanding of the problem.

Similarly to RAR’s cooperation with the ANL, RAR’s relationship

with the trotskyist political party was beneficial due to the access

to their printing facilities to produce Temporary Hoarding and the

role played within RAR by members of the SWP. Whitman sees the

relationship as basically positive; “We were supported by SWP in as

much as we used their printing shop, they never tried to control RAR

75 Peter Hain (16 April 2014)76 Z.Layton-Henry, Politics of Race, 10577 Peter Hain (16 April 2014) 78 Peter Hain (16 April 2014)79 D.Widgery, Beating Time, 75-8

19

in any way, it was very much certain individuals were idealistic

music fans who wanted to put RAR together.”80 Whitman highlights the

distinction between the politics of certain ‘idealistic music fans’

within the party and the politics of the party itself. Shelton is of

the opinion that SWP Leadership, “played absolutely no role in Rock

against Racism at all, they were very suspicious of RAR and in my

view didn’t have a clue about popular culture or RAR.”81

The SWP’s engagement with anti-racism is focused on a

revolutionary conception of working class solidarity between black

and white to aid the fight for a revolution and on the ANL. The SWP

Pamphlet on Southall highlights their belief that the capitalist

system was inherently flawed and that a socialist society was

preferable. The relevance to fighting racism is found in the belief

that; “such a society will only come about by workers, black and

white, fighting their own interests.”82 This revolutionary reading of

events in Southall highlights the importance of ideology to SWP

leadership.

Moreover, the SWP identified more with the ANL than with RAR.

The Internal Bulletin features the ANL on a regular basis, whilst

RAR is notable for its absence. In Issue N.2 1978 the ANL Central

Committee had an article published highlighting: “A successful

propaganda campaign cannot be conducted against the Nazis, only to

then allow them the freedom to organise intimidating marches through

black areas peddling racialist poison and fear.”83 The common tactics

between the SWP and ANL of direct confrontation on the street were a

key feature in fighting the Front. The SWP’s aimed to: “build a

powerful massive movement against the Nazis. The ANL shows that it

80 Lucy Whitman (22 April 2014)81 Syd Shelton (22 April 2014)82 ‘Southall: the Fight For our Future – a SWP Pamphlet’ (1979) 83 ‘ANL central committee’ in Internal Bulletin No.2 (April 1978), 13

20

can be done.”84 This demonstrates the SWP’s focus on the ANL and its

emphasis on fighting the ‘Nazis who are seen as part of the

capitalist problem. “To stop the Nazis we have to challenge the

system which spawns them and which helps them to grow.”85

The SWP’s lack of engagement with RAR gave it the freedom to

explore a radical politics based on music. Roger Huddle worked in

the printing press at the SWP headquarters and was one of these

founding members. However, the main example is David Widgery who was

a prominent figure as he wrote regularly for Temporary Hoarding

including his piece on what racism was, which we looked at in this

section and RAR’s first manifesto reproduced at the start of the

first section.

Widgery’s first-hand account of RAR’s history, Beating Time,

and the reaction to it from SWP activists like Pat Stack and Ian

Birchall, highlights Widgery’s position as an “SWP maverick who

never held any position in the SWP hierarchy.”86 Stack, complained;

“there is little doubt the ANL was key to the growth of RAR yet

Widgery tends to put things the other way around.”87 Birchall

criticises Widgery for his failure to pose the problem of how

revolutionaries should operate in a movement like the ANL or RAR.88

Here Birchall is clouded by his focus on the party. Widgery took

part in RAR as he believed in the cause not because he wanted to

expand SWP’s influence. In his own words; “We showed you can use

rock and roll culture to transmit basic progressive political

messages.”89

84 ‘The Fight against Fascism for Socialism’ SWP Party Pamphlet (1978), 5 85 ‘Fight against Fascism’, 6 86 Syd Shelton (22 April 2014)87 D.Renton, When We Touched the Sky, 12388 I.Birchall, ‘Only Rock and Roll?’ International Socialism 2:33 (Autumn, 1986)89 D.Widgery, ‘Beating Time – a reply to Ian Birchall’ International Socialism 2:35(Summer, 1987)

21

This section has highlighted how RAR benefited from its

relationship with the single-issue campaign that was the ANL and

with the far left group that was the SWP.

Conclusion

RAR was a successful combination of radical anti-racist

politics and youth culture in the late 1970s. The essay has looked

at the reasons behind this success through three main points.

Beginning with an analysis of RAR’s radical politics, which

identified and tackled racism in popular music, through which it

tackled racism in society as a whole. RAR built on anti-racism to

propagate a widespread anti-oppression message, which included gay

rights and women’s rights among other causes. The rejection of

racialism was coupled with an espousal of multiculturalism

physically portrayed in the black and white musicians and audience

who played at and attended RAR’s concerts. Punk and reggae’s angry

and rebellious message provided an impetus to RAR’s format and

politics. With the added thrust of a supportive press RAR’s message

of multiculturalism was successfully propagated.

Next, the movement’s organisation was analysed. This essay

contends that the central aspect of this organisation was its

grassroots and regional nature. Which relied on a crucial

relationship between a central core of artists based in London and

the local RAR groups throughout Britain. RAR Central promoted a rank

and file movement and endeavoured to provide a framework of

organisational support and political direction through which local

groups could develop. The regional character of the movement was

crucial as it was the foundation through which RAR’s politics could

be expressed in a local setting.

The third section looked at RAR’s links with external

organisations. The ANL and SWP were important to RAR’s foundation

22

and development, although RAR’s ability to remain independent and to

make sure these relationships were beneficial to the movement was

crucial. RAR’s cooperation with the ANL in the big carnivals, whilst

retaining its ability to distance itself from the ANL’s simplistic

view of anti-racism exemplify this. Similarly, RAR welcomed SWP

activists like David Widgery or Roger Huddle and used the SWP’s

printing facilities to make Temporary Hoarding, whilst being wary of

the movements Trotskyist politics.

This leads us to the conclusion that RAR was a successful

movement. In short, RAR achieved success as they expressed a

political message through an exciting cultural medium, as RAR was a

regional grass-roots mass movement that was imbued with a do-it-

yourself attitude from a central core of artists in London and

because they managed to use their relationship with the ANL and SWP

to their advantage.

23

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