Minoan Archaeology

Perspectives for the 21st Century

Sarah Cappel

Ute Günkel-Maschek

Diamantis Panagiotopoulos

© Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2015 Registration of copyright: D/2015/9964/24ISBN: 978-2-87558-394-9ISBN PDF version: 978-2-87558-395-6Printed in Belgium by CIACO scrl - printer number 91617 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, adapted or translated, in any form or by any means, in any country, without the prior permission of Presses universitaires de Louvain

Graphic design: Marie-Hélène Grégoire Cover image: © Ute Günkel-Maschek

Distribution: www.i6doc.com, on-line university publishers Available on order from bookshops or at Diffusion universitaire CIACO (University Distributors) Grand-Rue, 2/141348 Louvain-la-Neuve, BelgiumTel: +32 10 47 33 78Fax: +32 10 45 73 50duc@ciaco.com

Distributor in France:Librairie Wallonie-Bruxelles46 rue Quincampoix75004 Paris, FranceTel: +33 1 42 71 58 03Fax: +33 1 42 71 58 09librairie.wb@orange.fr

This book has been printed with the inancial support from the Institute of Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP)

I

Contents

Preface and Acknowledgements III

“Minoan Archaeology”: The Heidelberg Conference Between Past and Future

Sarah Cappel, Ute Günkel-Maschek, Diamantis Panagiotopoulos V

Conference Programme IX

Dealing with “Minoan”: 111 Years of Minoan archaeologY

The Unknown Past of Minoan Archaeology: From the Renaissance Until the Arrival of

Sir Arthur Evans in Crete

Nektarios Karadimas 3

Exhibiting the Minoan Past: From Oxford to Knossos

Yannis Galanakis 17

Data in Progress: exPloring the cretan lanD- anD citYscaPe

Chryssi Island: New Evidence on the Bronze Age Settlement Patterns of the Ierapetra Area

Konstantinos Chalikias 37

Making the Invisible Visible: Ground Penetrating Radar at Papadiokampos, Crete

Antonia Stamos 53

Capturing the Dynamics of the Minoan Mortuary Space in South Central Crete

Sylviane Déderix 61

Minoan Cityscapes: Urban Planning in Neopalatial Crete

D. Matthew Buell 77

let’s coMe together: Places anD sPaces of social anD ritual interaction

The Places and the Role of Consumption in MM II Phaistos

Giorgia Baldacci 95

Deining Minoan “Cult Rooms”: Past and Present Approaches to the Archaeology of CultKathrin Müller 109

Between the Physical and Metaphysical: Exploring Aspects of Communication in the

Temple Tomb at Knossos

Mark S. Peters 125

(De)Constructing Identities Through Architecture in LM III Crete

Panagiota A. Pantou 135

Peer Pressure: social structures froM a “Minoan” PersPective

For an Archaeology of Minoan Society. Identifying the Principles of Social Structure

Jan Driessen 149

All Aboard: The Longboat and a Heterarchical Interpretation of the Mochlos Cemetery

Steven T. Karacic 167

Social Complexity and Gender Inequality in Prepalatial Crete: An Argument of Reason

or a Reason for Argument?

Maria Mina 181

Connecting with Selves and Others: Varieties of Community-Making across Late Prepalatial Crete

Emily S.K. Anderson 199

II

Social Variation in Middle Bronze Age Knossos: Palaeodietary Evidence

Argyro Nafplioti 213

On the Household Structure of Neopalatial Society

Emmanouela Apostolaki 223

Manpower and Neopalatial Architecture: The Architectural Project as a Meaningful Experience

Maud Devolder 241

Be(hav)ing “Minoan”: negotiating life anD Death through Practice anD PerforMance

Recreating the Past: Using Tholos Tombs in Protopalatial Mesara

Ilaria Caloi 255

The Body Brand and Minoan Zonation

Anna Simandiraki-Grimshaw 267

Cultural Performances at the Beginning of the Bronze Age: Early Minoan I and II Cemeteries as

Stages for Performance

Katy Soar 283

Performance Theory in Minoan Rituals and the Ambiguity of Minoan Symbols

Maria Chountasi 299

(A) Choreographed Frenzy: A Sequence of Steps Towards Understanding Movement and Dance

in Aegean Bronze Age Iconography

Céline Murphy 311

A Portable Goddess: On Performative and Experiental Aspects of Figures and Figurines

Katarzyna Zeman-Wisniewska 319

“Minoan” Material entangleMents: DocuMenting anD interPreting “Minoan” (?) craftsManshiP

Minoan Pottery: From Materials to Materiality

Carl Knappett 329

Pots and Potters: Thoughts on Ceramic Technology and the Craftsmen behind the Product

Sebastian Traunmüller 341

Transmediterranean Knowledge and Minoan Style Reliefs in Tell el Dabca: An Attempt at

Paradigm Shift

Constance von Rüden 355

Minoan Archaeology: The Pretence of Being Through Perception, Retention and Recollection

Iro Mathioudaki 367

closing reMarks

Formulating Minoan Research in the 21st Century

Peter Warren 377

List of Contributors 381

255

Recreating the Past

Using Tholos Tombs in Protopalatial Mesara*

Ilaria Caloi

New results from the investigations I carried out during the last few years on ceramic material coming from one of the most important tholos tombs built in Protopalatial times (MM IB–MM IIB), namely the main tomb of Kamilari cemetery, have been crucial in understanding the chronology and function of those Mesara tholos tombs, which have yielded MM I–II ceramic. Despite the fact that it is widely agreed that the phenomenon of the Mesara tholos tombs continued from Prepalatial through Protopalatial times, several signiicant questions have so far remained unanswered: Which tombs were built in the Protopalatial period? Were these tombs used or re-used in the Protopa-latial period for burials or for non-funerary rituals, which were mainly connected to ancestor worship? This paper aims at addressing these questions, focusing on ritual aspects of Protopalatial tholos tombs.

It is generally assumed that in the Protopalatial period many tholos tombs of the Mesara plain (South-Central Crete) con tinue to be used following the same mortuary practices and the same funerary rituals attested in the previous Pre pa latial period. Nevertheless, material manifestations of these burial and cult places varied regionally and chrono logically.1 In this paper, I will try to answer some questions concerning the use of the tholos tombs in the Protopalatial period, attempting to discern changes in mortuary practices, funerary feastings and ancestor worship from the Prepalatial to the Protopalatial tholos tomb cemeteries. While considering these comparisons and diffe-rences, I will follow a chronological order, beginning from MM IB through the end of MM IIB.

Since I have recently reviewed the Protopalatial ceramic material (MM IB–MM IIB) from the cemetery of Ka-milari2 after more than ηί years have elapsed since the irst 1ληκ excavation by ϊoro δevi,3 I would like to focus on the archaeological evidence obtained from this ceme tery in order to consider more effectively other tholos tomb cemeteries in use in the Protopalatial phasesέ Indeed, the irst period of use of this important funerary complex is the Protopalatial period, then it was used until δε IIIAβ, with a partial reoccupation in the ύeometric periodέ4

Without dwelling upon the limits of the study of mortuary practices attested in the Mesara tholos tombs, Kami-lari in clu ded, I will just mention that these limits are mostly connected to the nature themselves of these tombs, that are col lec tive tombs, used over long periods of time, cleared periodically, looted in modern times, not well excavated, and poor ly documentedέ5

The MM IB Phase: Kamilari in the Funerary Landscape of the Mesara Plain

By analyzing the ceramic material retrieved from the complex and by revising the excavation reports, it may be construed that the cemetery of Kamilari was constructed in MM IB. In this phase, Kamilari consists of a circular room, antechamber α and room , as well as of a courtyard to the north, bounded at the northwestern part by a

* I would like to thank όilippo ωarinci and Vincenzo δa Rosa † for the opportunity they gave me to study the Protopalatial phases of the Kamilari cemetery, and in particular όilippo ωarinci for having discussed many aspects of this paper with meέ A special thanks to the organizers of the conference at Heidelberg, and especially to Diamantis Panagiotopoulos. I am also grateful to the audience and especially to Jan ϊriessen, Yannis ώamilakis, Eleni ώatzaki, Aleydis Van de εoortel and Peter Warrenέ 1 See ώamilakis 1λλκ, 11η–γβέ2 ωaloi βίίλaν see also ωaloi βί11aέ εy work on the use of the funerary complex in the Protopalatial period is part of a major pro-gramme of revision of δevi’s excavation at Kamilari, which aims at a complete edition on the ceme teryέ The successive period of use of the cemetery, that is from the εε III phase to the εycenaean period, is the topic of δέ ύirella, while other scholars are involved in the study of the skeletal material (S. Triantaphyllou), of the chemical and pe tro graphic analysis of the pottery (P. Day), as well as of speciic inds, such as miniature models (ϊέ σovaro), stone ves sels (τέ Palio), and seals (εέ Anastasiadou)έ3 δevi 1λθβ, ι–14κν δevi 1λιθ, ιίγ–41έ4 όor the reάuse of the Kamilari cemetery in the ύeometric period, see σovaro βίί4, 1κ1–λιέ5 τn the topic, see Branigan 1λιί, 11–ηέ

256

Recreating the Past

peribolos wall.θ From the courtyard there is an entrance to the antechamber αμ this passa-ge has been in use from MM IB to the end of MM IIB, and it appears to have been closed in MM III, when access to the cemetery was moved to the east. The southeastern area of the cemetery seems not to be occupied in MM IB.

At the time of its foundation, the Kamilari cemetery, however, is limited in its use: only 1ι vases were found dating to εε IB, which are mostly pouring vessels, especially jugs.ι Inside the circular room only two entire be-aked jugs were recovered, while the rest of the pottery comprises of a few sherds of bar-botine jugs and of twoάhandled jarsέ A similar pattern can be observed in the antechamber α, where, among the diagnostic material, only sherds of pouring and containing vases were retrieved. The majority of MM IB pottery was found outside the tholos in the courtyard. Complete vases from the courtyard include mostly pou-ring vessels, such as small and large beaked jugs.κ Among the dia gnostic material, there

are jugs as well, and a few sherds of drinking vessels. Moreover, it has been ob served that most of MM IB com-plete vases have been found in a speciic area of the court yard located between the passage to the antechamber α and the peribolos wall (igέ β)έ As the material found here con sists mainly of entire vases and lies in secondary deposition, I agree with δeviλ in interpreting this material as vessels used during funerary rituals which were likely performed here, then placed inside the circular room and inally moved out during the various cleanings of the tholos. In fact, the most ancient ceramic material of the ceme tery was found outside the tholos, while inside only few MM IB vases have been recovered.

Since many complete vases dating from MM IB to MM IIB were found here, the evidence suggests that this area continued to be used for a long time for the disposal of ceramic material from the circular room (igέ β)έ ώowever, although there is an area for the removal of the pottery, in εε IB no rooms were found for the speciic clearance of skeletal materialέ It is likely that for the irst and limited period of use human bones and grave goods were mo-ved toward the periphery of the tholos interior, and mostly in the western sector of the funerary room, that is the farthest area from the entrance. Indeed, the two aforementioned MM IB beaked jugs retrieved from the funerary room were found clearly placed in the western sector, together with some skeletal remains.10 A similar pattern is attested in several Prepalatial tholos tombs, such as in tombs B and E of Koumasa, in tomb B of Platanos,11 and in tomb A of Vorouέ12

Summing up, in MM IB the Kamilari cemetery is really limited in its use, and there is no clear evidence for the typical Early Prepalatial two-stage process involving the primary burial of a corpse and the secondary treatment of the bones.13 Therefore, no clear evidence seems to be attested for ancestor worship either, whereas from MM IIB this kind of evidence becomes much more visible (see infra).

θ ωaloi βί11a, λλ, igέ 1έι ωaloi βίίλaέκ Caloi 2011a, pls. XXXIIIa–b.λ δevi 1λθβ, κί–βέ10 ωaloi βίίλaέ11 όor Koumasa and Platanos, see Xanthoudides 1λβ4, ι, λβέ In particular, in tholos tomb E the skeletal material was re trieved from the western sector of the funerary room, covered with earth.12 εarinatos 1λγ1, 14θέ At Vorou A many skulls were found heaped in the western part of the funerary roomέ13 ωaloi βίίλaν on the typical twoάstage process, see Branigan 1λλγ, ηι–θιέ

Fig. 1 Schematic plan of the main funerary area of Kamilari

(La Rosa 1992, 112).

257

Ilaria Caloi

Although already in εε IB outside the tholos a delimited space existed with peribolos wallν nevertheless, from the quantity and the distribution of the ceramic material, it seems that in MM IB the area employed for the performance of funerary rituals is re-stricted to few people and limi ted to the courtyard and to the antechamber αέ In addition, even if it is generally assumed that in Prepalatial as well as Protopalatial tholos tombs mortuary feastings are based on drink and food consumption, nevertheless in MM IB at Kamilari, as well as in other ceme-teries of the Mesara plain, the evi-dence is quite poorέ At Kamilari no food remains are attested, although this category of organic residues has been often ignored by the excavatorsέ In any case, from the Kamilari ceme-tery no evidence obtained from pottery and other implements yields any association with food and drink consump-tion, since no cooking pots, bowls or drinking vessels were found, while most of the material retrieved from inside and outside the tomb consists of pouring vessels. Therefore, from the presence of jugs only, it may be inferred that in MM IB the main mortuary ritual was based mainly on pouring actions and/or libations, although it is well known that pouring vessels, such as jugs and rhyta, are not necessari ly evidence for libation on their ownέ As reasonably pointed out by Davis,14 such vessels become stronger evidence for libation only if associated with other vessels that could have served as receptacles. Therefore, the lack of drinking pots does not eliminate that drink consumption took place at the cemetery of Kamilari in MM IB. In fact, the special assemblage consisting of only pouring ves-sels could signify that during funerary (or non-funerary) ceremonies people took drinking pots with them as they departed from the cemeteries, leaving only pouring vessels.

The MM IB pattern visible at Kamilari is really similar to the funerary evidence attested in the near by cemetery of Hagia Triada, that is between Kamilari and Phaistos. Contrary to the common pattern seen in most Mesara tho­los tombs, in the MM IB phase at Hagia Triada there is an increase in the use of the cemetery. So far, Hagia Triada is the only cemetery showing the same picture observed at Kamilari, namely the foundation of a new tholos tomb in MM IB, that is tholos B.15 Therefore, from the archaeological evidence it appears that tholos A continues to be used for burials from Eε II to εε IIέ To the south there are also some annexes known as Camerette,1θ which were constructed in εε IA and remained in use until εε IIA with some architectural modiications and additionsέ Since no burials were found inside, but only ceramic assemblages, they appear to have served as repositories for pottery to be used during ritual performances.1ι As ωarinci has rightly pointed out, at ώagia Triada there was a distinct shift in funerary rituals from εε IA to MM IB.1κ The change was from practices based on drink and food consumption, as attested to by the typical set for drinking, consisting of one shallow bowl, one jug and four handleless cups,1λ and involving large numbers of people, to mortuary feastings likely based on libation rituals and involving a limited number of personsέ In εε IA a massive use of tholos A and of its annexes to the east occurred in combination with intense ceremonial activity in the area of the so called Camerette.20 Conversely, in MM IB the ritual funerary seems to be limited to a few

14 ϊavis βίίκ, 4ιέ 15 ωultraro βίίγ, γβγν see also ωarinci βίί4, γγ–4έ1θ τn the tholos A of ώagia Triada, see Banti 1λγ1, ωultraro βίίγ and ωarinci βίί4ν on the South Camerette, see Cultraro 2000.1ι ωultraro βίίί, γ14–1ην see also ωarinci βίί4, γγ–ηέ1κ ωarinci βίίγ, 1ίλ–1γν ωarinci βίί4, βλ–γίν δa Rosa βίί1, plέ δXXIIIb–dέ1λ As pointed out by ωarinci (βίί4, γγ) the drinking set attested in εε IA at the cemetery of ώagia Triada is similar to that found at ώagia Kyriaki, consisting of one jug and three conical cups (Branigan 1λλγ, ικ)έ20 Cultraro 2000.

Fig. 2 Courtyard of the Kamilari cemetery: the heap area between the

entrance in the antechamber α and the northwestern part of the peribolos

wall (SAIA Archive photo n. B/7196).

258

Recreating the Past

persons, not necessarily involving food and drink consumption.21 Moreover, the focus of the new funerary rituals moved to the area of the Camerette. Indeed, the best funerary evidence of Hagia Triada in MM IB is presented by the large amounts of vessels found in the Camerette, where the commonest shapes are one-handled and three-handled jugs, quite elaborate in decoration, since they present polychromy in combination with barbotine workέ22 In these annexes, the jugs outnumber other vases as they represent ιγ pieces from a total of κη vessels, which anyway comprise mainly pouring and storage vases.23 The high number of jugs, as well as the lack of drinking pots in MM IB at Hagia Triada resembles the contemporary pattern already observed at Kamilari.

Two interesting parallels are provided by another funerary context, that is, the cemetery of Koumasa, and by a cult place, such as the Ka mares ωaveέ In the irst example, the εε IB–εε IIA vessels found outside the tombs include only pou ring ves sels. They consist of one-handled and three handled jugs, all painted in polychromy in association with bar bo tine de co ra tion.24 They can be interpreted as evidence for non-funerary rituals in memory of the dead af ter the last use of the ce metery for burials, that is, in εε IAέ25 The second parallel is offered by the Kamares Cave, where among the Pro to palatial pottery, pouring vessels, which are mostly bridge-spouted jars, jugs and few rhyta, out num ber the drin king pots. The pro portion of cups to pouring vessels is almost of 1:11, as recently reported by Van de Moortel.βθ As al ready pointed out by several scholars,βι it would be likely that in the Mesara Protopalatial period, the ri tual per for man ces, both in fu ne rary and non-funerary occasions, were focused on pouring rather than on drinking actions.

As far as the contradictory character of Kamilari and ώagia Triada is concerned, where the construc tion of a monumental tholos tomb does not correspond to a heavy use of the mortuary area (i.e. the cir cular funerary room), this scenario may imply that the two tholos tombs were constructed in or der to contrast the emergence of the palatial centre of Phaistos.βκ It is well-known that the palace of Phais tos, and especially the monumental three-storey South-West building, with its monumental and innovative orthostate façade, was constructed precisely in MM IB.βλ The aforementioned ce ra mic evi dence from Kamilari and Hagia Triada corroborates this hypothesis, as it reveals that the fu ne rary feasting attested in both cemeteries in MM IB is completely different from the ce re mo-nial feasting performed at the Phaistos palace, which is mostly based on drink and food con sump tion.30

The MM II Phase: Kamilari in the Funerary Landscape of the Mesara Plain

In MM II many cemeteries of the Mesara plain have completely gone out of use, the only ones which continue to be used are ώagia Triada, Apesokari,31 Porti and Vorou. Hagia Triada seems to be occupied in a limited way, with very few burials, while Porti and Vorou continue to be used until the end of εε IIB and δε respectively, show-ing complex and dif ferentiated mortuary burialsέ32 Kamilari appears to be the only Mesara tholos tomb cemetery which shows a marked increase in its use in MM IIB, followed by a peak in the MM III phase.

όrom εε IIA the funerary evidence at Kamilari has revealed the irst changes from εε IBέ33 First of all, the quantity and the distribution of the pottery suggest an increase in the use of the cemetery, as well as an expansion to the east of the occupation area, likely involved in new ritual activities. Second, both inside and outside the cir-cular tomb, in εε IIA an increase of drinking vessels, which are mostly handleless and carinated cups, together with the appearance of a new pouring vessel, the spouted jar, can be noted. The latter is well attested at Phaistos

21 Carinci 2004, 33–4.22 Cultraro 2000, 325, pl. 2a.23 Cultraro 2000, 325, pl. 2b.24 Xanthoudides 1λβ4, plέ Vέ25 Xanthoudides 1λβ4, 41–γν see also Soles 1λλβέ βθ Van de εoortel βίίθ, κβ–γέβι Van de εoortel βίίθ, κβ–γν see also ωultraro βίίί, γβη–βθέ βκ Caloi (forthcoming a,b).βλ ωarinci and δa Rosa βίίιέ30 ωaloi βί1γ, βι1έ τn the relationship between Phaistos and the funerary landscape of the εesara plain in the Protopalatial period, see Caloi (forthcoming b).31 The study of the Apesokari cemetery is an ongoing one by ύέ όlouda and ύέ Vavouranakisέ32 όor the cemetery of Portì, see Xanthoudides 1λβ4ν for that of Vorou, see εarinatos 1λγ1έ33 όor a detailed overview of the changes from εε IB to εε IIA in the Kamilari cemetery, see ωaloi βί11aέ

259

Ilaria Caloi

from MM IB, but begins to broaden outside the palatial core only in MM II, when the common type is the bridge-spouted jar.34 The new typology of vases attested from εε IIA seems to suggest the occurrence of new ritual forms, including mainly drink consumption.

Nevertheless, at Kamilari, the strongest sign of changes both in mortuary and in ritual practices occurred in εε IIB, when, for the irst time, clear evidence of the typical Early Prepalatial twoάstage process is attested, inclu-ding primary and secondary deposits. However, it is rele vant to observe that at Kamilari no larnakes and no pithoi were used for secondary deposits, whereas in all Protopalatial cemeteries of the εesara plain (Apesokari, Vorou, Portì), as well as of the northeastern area of ωrete (Archanes, Sissi), these containers are in useέ35

The MM IIB phase at Kamilari is characterized by:

1. a marked increase in the use of the cemetery, attested by the foundation of a new tholos tomb, the Mylona δakko tomb,γθ by the occurrence of large amounts of pottery both inside and outside the tholos, and by the expan-sion of occupied areas towards the eastν 2. new disposal areas, meaning two ossuaries for long bones and skulls (rooms and ), and new rituals in as-sociation with the relocation of the skeletal materialν 3. the equipment for a slab altar in the courtyard (igέ γ), in front of room έ

For MM IIB the evidence suggests a marked spatial and functional differentiation of the areas outside the tomb. From the typology and the distribution of the ceramic material it may be inferred that there were areas used mostly for mortuary feastings and others mainly for nonάfunerary activities, namely not related to speciic funerals, but likely connected to the worship of dead ancestors.

The high concentration of pottery found in the courtyard suggests the use of the northwestern part of the court for the performances of rituals involving a greater number of people than in previous phases and, for the most part, the occurrence of new forms of consumptionsέ In the courtyard λκ cups were found along with ηη pouring vessels from a total of 1θκ piecesέ όew cooking pots were retrieved, making a preference for drinking rather than eating more probable. The best represented vessels among the pouring vessels are jugs, together with bridge-spou-ted and sideάspouted jars, while among the drinking vessels, there are ine carinated and straightάsided cups, but mostly undecorated handleless cups.γι

It is noteworthy to conirm that from MM II onwards the introduction of shapes oc curred that are typical of the near Phaistos palace, namely spouted jars and dif ferent kinds of cups, such as han dle less and ine carinatedέ Inde-ed, at Phaistos palace, from MM IB to MM IIB, forms of consumption are at-tes ted by the recurrence of groups of pouring and drinking vessels, suitable for public dining or feastingέ Among the pouring vessels, the most com-mon are the bridge-spouted jars, while among the drinking pots there are many ine ware, but mostly handleless cups.γκ The adoption at Kamilari of ce-remonial sets used at Phaistos may si-gnify a social strategy of imitation and emulation of ritual performances acted

34 τn the spread of the spouted jar in εε IB, see ωaloi βίίι, 1βι–βλέ35 τn the use of the containers for secondary depositions, see Soles 1λλβέ τn the cemetery of Archanes, see εaggidis 1λλ4, while on that of SissiάBouffo, see ωrevecoeur and Schmitt βίίλ and Schoep βίίλέγθ δevi 1λθβ, 1ίι–1ίέγι ωaloi βίίλa, βί11aέγκ Public dining or feasting may be inferred by the presence of assemblages found both in the Southάquarter of the palace (Rooms Iδ, XXVII–XXVIII, δIII–δV) and in the external courts, even if in different quantities and revealing different kinds of feastings, see εi-litello βί1β, βθ1–θγν ωarinci βί11ν ωaloi βί1γέ

Fig. 3 Courtyard of the Kamilari cemetery: the altar in front of the

room β. (SAIA Archive photo n. B/7194).

260

Recreating the Past

by palatial elites in the communal area of the Phaistos palace. Therefore, the adoption of consumption forms from a palatial context could relect new needs of the Kamilari community to evoke elite feastings, in order to display its membership in a much wider elite community.

During the MM IIB phase, the Kamilari cemetery shows a new emphasis upon a secondary treatment, which can be interpreted as a new emphasis upon the process of remembering/worshipping dead ancestors. In MM IIB at Kamilari two areas for disposal of skeletal materials are attested, namely rooms and έ In fact, room was trans-formed in function compared to its use in previous phases: an elevated number of long bones was found together with MM IIB drinking pots, including many handleless cups, generally complete, several stone vessels, mostly in the shape of a cylindrical pyxis or bird’s nest, and one miniature teapotέγλ

The lack of stratigraphy makes it dificult to understand if room was constructed in εε IIB or in early εε III, nevertheless from εε IIB entire vases of the same type as those attested in room , namely handleless cups and miniature pouring vessels were also found in room έ

At Kamilari, the aforementioned vessels found in the ossuaries are completely different in typo lo gy and function from vases retrieved from the heap area (igέ β), as well as from the scattered ma terial of the courtyardέ It may be inferred that during the secondary depositions rituals took place that were different from those performed during the irst stage of funerary practicesέ

As Branigan wrote in 1λλκμ “ώow such bones as were removed from the tomb were subsequently manipulated in open, communal ritual is largely unknown.”40 It is generally ascertained that together with the relocation of skulls or/and long bones ritual practices occurred in memory of the dead, already transformed in ancestors.41 Indeed, the relocation of the skulls, associated with the deposition of grave goods, was interpreted by Soles as the most striking evidence of ancestor worship.42 In this sense, it is relevant to point out that the vessels found in the Kamilari os-suaries ind close comparisons with those relocated in the secondary depositions of some εesara tholos tombs, as well as of some cemeteries of the northeastern Crete. In fact, the goods associated with the secondary depositions (mostly skulls) are usually few, placed upside down, and they often comprise stone vessels, handleless cups and miniature vessels, mostly juglets.

The most important examples are offered by the tholos tombs of δebena Papoura I and Yero kambos II,43 where the ossuaries have revealed early εε IB secondary depositionsέ At δebena Papoura I, the entrance to the tomb, which was transformed into an ossuary in MM IB,44 has revealed long bones and nine skulls together with one one-handled cup, four handleless cups and two miniature juglets.45 At Yerokambos in the early εε IB phase the two tholos tombs appear to have been blocked by the construction of room A, which has revealed some human bones and several handleless cups. Some of the latter can be actually dated to MM IB4θ as they ind strong parallels with some εε IB Phaistian examplesέ4ι

In northeastern Crete, a number of house-tombs has offered evidence for secondary offerings placed by or on top of retained skulls included mostly inverted cups.4κ They are documented in several cases, such as at ύournes, ύournia II and Palaikastro VIIέ4λ The best parallels come from Archanes, especially from Tomb ι and Tomb ύam-ma, where one inverted cup was found respectively on the removed skull50 and close to a relocated skull,51 as well as Burial Building 1λέ52 Here, the relocation of skulls and bones occurred in pithoi and larnakes only in the upper strata, that means layers γ–4 corresponding to εε IB–εε IIA, whereas in the lower ones the skeletal remains

γλ Caloi 2011a, pl. XXXIVa.40 Branigan 1λλκb, βηέ41 εaggidis 1λλ4ν Soles 1λλβ, βίί1έ42 Soles βίί1, ββλ–γίέ43 τn the funerary complex of δebena, see Alexiou and Warren βίί4έ44 Alexiou and Warren βίί4, igέ ηAέ45 Alexiou and Warren βίί4, igέ λ, nnέ 11λ–βιέ 4θ Alexiou and Warren βίί4, nnέ 1–4, ι, 11 igέ 4β, plέ 14ίϊέ4ι ωaloi βίίλb, 411, igέ 1γ r, t, x (Phaistian phase B)έ4κ εaggidis 1λλ4, ιγέ4λ Soles βί1ί, γηηέ See also Soles 1λλβ, β4η–4λ with bibliographyέ50 Sakellarakis 1λλι, βίκ, βηηέ51 Papadatos βίίη, θίέ52 εaggidis 1λλ4, λ4–ηέ

261

Ilaria Caloi

were laid on the ground.53 Maggidis also reported that together with skulls and bones few vases were also found, mostly inverted on the skulls.54 It may be inferred that in the Protopalatial pe-riod the rituals performed during the secondary treatments, and interpreted as forms of ancestor worship, occurred following similar practices.

Moreover, it is worth pointing out that at Kamilari the assemblages of vases found in the ossuaries are of the same typology of those found in the northeastern part of the courtyard, and especiallyμ 1) on the altarν β) near the altar, on the groundν55 3) along the peribolos wall. In fact, the vases found on the altar, and recently identi-ied, comprise of six inverted vessels, which are one handle less cup and ive stone vessels in the shape of the bird’s nest (igέ γ)έηθ The as semblages found on the ground, both near the altar and along the peri bolos wall, consist of three to ive vases, including stone vessels, handle less cups, ine miniature juglets or cups (ca rinated or conical)έ They were found in verted as well (igέ 4)έ

It may be inferred that all these small vessel assemblages are the result of rituals for ancestor worship, and that the latter occurred on different occasions, that are irst during the second stage of the mortuary practices, when the dead need to be “killed” as a social person and transformed into an ancestorν second, after the funerals, as nonάfunerary rituals per formed in memory of the dead ancestor.ηι

The evidence offered by Kamilari outside the tomb could shed new light on the rituals occurring in memory of the dead ancestor, at least in the Protopalatial period. In fact, there are many factors which suggest the performance of a “virtual” and symbolic food and drink consumption, such as the typology, the association and the position of the ves sels found on the altar and on the ground. First of all, stone and miniature vessels are themselves symbolic items. In deed, stone vessels are usually interpreted as small containers for token food and token drink, both in funera ry and in do mesticήpalatial contexts,ηκ while miniature vessels have been recently interpreted by Knappett as a means to increase the signiicance, to give dramaturgical effect to the ritualsέηλ In fact, when miniature vessels lose their functionality be cause of their dimensions, at the same time they increase their own symbolic value, since they evoke something elseέ There fore, since the miniature vessels of Kamilari represent with extreme idelity the canonical vases generally used for feas tings, which are juglets, ine straightάsided and carinated cups, they could be interpreted as a means to call to mind the feastings which occurred during the funerals. Finally, the inverted position of the vases is relevant too, since, using the words of Åström, they represent the “memorial of the act”έθί It could be suggested that this act is properly the feasting per formed during the funerals. Such evidence leads one to think that these small assemblages of symbolic vases found on the altar and on the ground could be used in a virtual and symbolic way to evoke food and drink consumption which occurred during the feasting performed on the occasion of funerals. If this hypothesis is correct, it may be inferred that the MM IIB altar of Kamilari was the focus of rituals mainly connected to ancestor worship, rather than to speciic funerary performancesέ

53 εaggidis 1λλ4, ιί–1, 14γ, table Kέ54 See the previous note. 55 δevi 1λθβ, κί, igέ 1ίηέηθ ωaloi βίίλb, βίκ, β4λ–ηίέηι ώamilakis 1λλκ, 1ββέηκ τn the use and meaning of stone vessels, see Palio βίί4, 1κ–βίν see also εaggidis 1λλ4, ιί–β, and εurphy 1λλκ, γι–κέηλ Knappett 2012.θί Åström 1λκι, 1γ–4έ

Fig. 4 Courtyard of the Kamilari cemetery: the assemblages of vases

located along the northeastern part of the peribolos wall (SAIA Archive

photo n. B/2748).

262

Recreating the Past

These episodes of ancestor worship strictly associated with an altar are attested in other Protopalatial cemeteries, such as Apesokari, in the εesara plain, as well as at ωhrysolakkos and Archanes, in northeastern ωreteέθ1 In parti-cular, at Apesokari many stone vessels have been identiied exactly in room ύ, which is equipped with a ix altar,θβ and therefore the latter room has been interpreted as connected to the cult of the dead.θγ In the εε IA–εε IIA Burial Building 1λ of Archanes,θ4 few vases, including one juglet and one goblet, were found near a platform loca-ted out side the funerary building and interpreted as an altar.θη

I wonder whether all these ixed altars were used simply for offerings to the dead, as suggested by many scholars,θθ or whether the vessels found on them or in their proximity have been the result of a virtual food and drink consumption in memory of the dead ancestors, as proposed for Kamilari.θι

The Kamilari cemetery is an exceptional case in the landscape of the εesara plain, as well as of all of ωrete, and its pattern is quite dificult to explain in a satisfying wayέ σevertheless, I would like to focus my attention on those relevant aspects of the funerary and non-funerary evidence of Kamilari which make it different from the other contemporary cemeteries.

In cemeteries in use in the Protopalatial period, there appears to be a mixing of old and new trends in funerary practices, reinforcing the view that burial places are not as clearly deined as in previous phases, that is, in the Prepalatial periodέ όor example, in many cemeteries in εε IB the employment of pithoi and larnakes has changed from εε IA, by becoming more various and differentiatedέ Indeed from εε IB the containers have begun to be used not only for secondary depositions, but also for primary depositions, and to be deposited in pits and in existing tombs, as attested in northeastern Crete, or even left out in the open as at Vorou and Porti. Conversely, at Kamilari the absence of pithoi and larnakes echoed a continuous use of the aforementioned two-stage process typical of the Early Prepalatial periodέ Therefore, following this “traditional” trend, the Kamilari cemetery seems to “rewrite exactly the past”έ In the funerary contexts, the lack of emphasis upon distinction by means of material signs, such as personal containers for skulls and long bones, has been generally interpreted as a lack of individualization. Therefore, this pattern could signify that the main organizing principle of the living community who buried their dead at Kamilari during the Protopalatial period was kinship rather than wealth or social status. Indeed, since the secondary deposition has to be interpreted as a collective act performed by the community,θκ it may be inferred that the ritual activities which accompanied it at Kamilari were mainly intended to afirm ancestral tiesέ

Moreover, it is generally assumed that in the Protopalatial period and mostly in MM IIB there is a general de-crease in fu ne rary vi sibility, and that, in concomitance with the peak of the palaces, the display of status and wealth has be come much more visible in the realm of the living, namely in palatial courts and in the peak sanctuaries. Again, Ka mi lari is instead one of the few ceme teries which in εε IIB show not only a strong architectural visibi-lity and mo nu men tality as seen by the construction of a new tholos tomb, that is, the εylona δakko, but also a new increase in its use, at tested by the construction of two ossuaries and by an increase in pottery. The MM IIB phase also sees a new ac cent on dead ancestor worship testiied by the equipment of a ixed altar, as well as by several ceramic as sem blages recalling those found on the altar and in the ossuaries. If the scenario of the MM IB Kamilari cemetery seems to imply a reaction against the emergence of the First palace of Phaistos (see supra), on the con-trary, the new sce na rio of MM IIB at Kamilari appears to be integrated into the programme of monumentalisation attested at Phaistos and in its surrounding area since εε IIAέθλ

θ1 See also Soles βί1ί, γγθέθβ Schörgendorfer 1λη1, 1γ,1κ–λέθγ Flouda 2011.θ4 εaggidis 1λληέθη εaggidis 1λλη, ηιί, igέ θ, plέ VIIέθθ εaggidis 1λλην Soles βίί1έθι Caloi 2011b.θκ τn the topic, see the recent paper by ϊriessen (βί1ί, 11γ–1η)έθλ Caloi (forthcoming a).

263

Ilaria Caloi

Bibliography

Alberti, δέ βίίηέ “ωostumi funerari εedio εinoici a ωnossoμ la necropoli di εavro Spileoέ” SMEA 4γ (β)μ1θγ–κιέ

Alexiou, Sέ, and Pέ Warrenέ βίί4έ The Early Minoan Tombs of Lebena, Southern Crete. SIMA 30. Sävedalen: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Åström, Pέ 1λκιέ “Inverted Vases in τld World Religionέ” JPR 1μι–1θέ

Banti, δέ 1λγ1έ “δa grande tomba a tholos di ώaghia Triadaέ” ASAtene 14:155–251.

Betancourt, PέPέ, ϊέSέ Reese, δέδέ Verstegen, and Sέωέ όerrenceέ βίίκέ “όeasts for the ϊeadμ Evidence from the τssuary at ώaghios ωharalambosέ” In Dais. The Aegean Feast. Proceedings of the 12th International Aegean Conference, Melbourne 25–29 March 2008, edited by δέAέ ώitchcock, Rέ δafineur, and Jέ ωrowley, 1θ1–θθέ Ae­gaeum βλέ δiège and Austinμ Université de δiège and University of Texas at Austinέ

Blackman, ϊέJέ, and Kέ Braniganέ 1λιηέ “An Archaeological Survey on the South ωoast of ωrete, Between the Ayiofarango and ωhrisostomosέ” BSA ιίμ1ι–γθέ

———έ 1λιιέ “An Archaeological Survey of the δower ωatchment of the Ayiofarango Valleyέ The Sitesέ” BSA ιβμ γί–κ4έ

———έ 1λκβέ “The Excavation of an Early εinoan Tholos Tomb at Ayia Kyriaki, Ayiofarango, Southern ωreteέ” BSA ιιμ1–ηιέ

Branigan, Kέ 1λιίέ The Tombs of Mesara. A Study of Funerary Architecture and Ritual in Southern Crete, 2800–1700 B.C. δondonμ ϊuckworthέ

———έ 1λιθέ “A σew Tholos Tomb at Kamilari, ωreteέ” SMEA 1ιμ1θι–ι1έ

———έ 1λλγέ Dancing with Death. Life and Death in Southern Crete, 3000–2000 B.C. Amsterdamμ Aέεέ ώakkertέ

———έ edέ1λλκaέ Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Shefieldμ Shefield Academic Pressέ

———έ 1λλκbέ “The σearness of Youμ Proximity and ϊistance in Early εinoan όunerary Behaviourέ” In Ceme­tery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by Kέ Branigan, 1γ–βθέ Shefieldμ Shefield Academic Pressέ

Brown, Aέ, edέ 1λι1έ Approaches to the Social Dimension of Mortuary Practices. Society for American Archaeoloάgy εemoir βηέ σew Yorkμ Society for American Archaeologyέ

ωaloi, Iέ βίίιέ “δe ollette a secchielloμ analisi di una forma vascolare tipica del εε IB di όestòsέ” CretAnt κμ 121–33.

———έ βίίκ–βίίλέ “δe brocchette askoidi nel Periodo Protopalaziale a ωretaμ distribuzione e funzionalitàέ” RdA 32–33:5–23.

———έ βίίλaέ “I depositi ceramici εε IB–εε IIB dalla tholos di Kamilari nella εessarà (ωreta)έ” Phέϊέ dissέ, Università degli Studi di όirenze, όirenzeέ

———έ βίίλbέ “όor a σew ωeramic Sequence of Protopalatial Phaistos (εε IB–εε IIA) and Some τbserva-tions on Barbotine Ware.” CretAnt 1ί(β)μγιγ–44ίέ

———έ βί11aέ “ωhanges and Evolution in όunerary and σonάόunerary Rituals ϊuring the ProtoPalatial Period in the Mesara Plain (Crete). The Evidence from Kamilari and from the other Tholos Tombs.” RdA γημλι–11ίέ

———έ βί11bέ “εinoan Inverted Vases in όunerary ωontextsμ τfferings to ϊead or to Ancestorsς” ASAtene κλμ 1γη–4θέ

———. 2013. Festòs Protopalaziale. Il Quartiere ad Ovest del Piazzale I. Strutture e ritrovamenti delle terrazze mediana e superior. Antichistica γ (Archeologia 1)έ Veneziaμ Edizioni ωa’ όoscariέ

264

Recreating the Past

———έ όorthcoming aέ “Phaistos and the Western εesara Plain in the εiddle Bronze Ageμ Integrating Settlement and Funerary Data.” In De la chaîne du DIKtè au massif de l’IDA: géosciences, territoire et archéologie en Crète de l’Âge du Bronze récent à l’époque archaïque, edited by ϊέ σovaroέ Padovaμ Eέ Ausilio Editoreέ

———έ όorthcoming bέ “What Relationship with the όirst Palace of Phaistosς The όunerary ωomplexes of Kamilari and Ayia Triada in the Protopalatial Periodέ” In Popular Religion and Ritual in the East Mediterranean from the 3rd Millennium BC to the 5th Century AD, edited by Yέ Papadatos, ύέ Vavouranakis, Kέ Kopanias, and Xέ Kanellopoulosέ Athensμ τxbowέ

ωarinci, όέ βίίγέ “ώaghia Triada nel periodo εedio εinoicoέ” CretAnt 4μλι–14γέ

———έ βίί4έ “Priests in Actionμ considerazioni sulla ine dell’età prepalaziale ad ώaghia Triadaέ” CretAnt 5:25–41.

———έ βί11έ “Per una rilettura ‘funzionale’ dell’ala sudάoccidentale del Palazzo di όestòsμ il caso dei vani Iδ–XXVII/XXVIII.” CretAnt 1βμ1ι–1βηέ

ωarinci, όέεέ, and Vέ δa Rosaέ βίίιέ “Revisioni festieέ” CretAnt κμ11–11γέ

ωrevecoeur, Iέ, and Aέ Schmittέ βίίλέ “Etude archéoάanthropologique de la nécropoleέ” In Excavations at Sissi. Preliminary Report on the 2007–2008 Campaigns, by J. Driessen, I. Schoep, F. Carpentier, I. Crevecoeur, M. De-volder, όέ ύaignerotάϊriessen, Pέ ώacig̈zeller, Sέ Jusseret, ωέ δangohr, Qέ δetesson, and Aέ Schmitt, ηι–λ4έ Aegis 1έ δouvainάlaάσeuveμ Presses Universitaires de δouvainέ

ωultraro, εέ βίίίέ “δa brocchetta dei vivi per la sete dei mortiμ riconsiderazione delle ωamerette a Sud della ύrande Tholos di Haghia Triada.” In π α α ου H΄ ού K ο ο ού Συ ίου, Η ο, λ–14 Σ π ίου 1996. Τ ο A1, edited by Aέ Karetsou, Tέ ϊetorakis, and Aέ Kalokairinos, γίλ–βθέ ώeraklionμ EKIεέ

———έ βίίγέ “δa grande tholos di ώaghia Triadaμ nuovi dati per un vecchio complessoέ” CretAnt 4μγί1–βκέ

ϊavis, Bέ βίίκέ “δibation and the εinoan όeastέ” In Dais. The Aegean Feast. Proceedings of the 12th Interna­tional Aegean Conference, Melbourne 25–29 March 2008, edited by δέAέ ώitchcock, Rέ δafineur, and Jέ ωrowley, 4ι–ηηέ Aegaeum βλέ δiège and Austinμ Université de δiège and University of Texas at Austinέ

Dietler, M., and B. Hayden, eds. 2001. Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press

ϊriessen, Jέ βί1ίέ “The ύoddess and the Skullμ Some τbservations on ύroup Identity in Prepalatial ωreteέ” In Cre­tan τfferingsέ Studies in Honour of Peter Warren, edited by τέ Krzyszkowska, 1ίι–1ιέ BSA Studies 1κέ δondonμ British School at Athensέ

όiandra, Eέ 1λληέ “ωhange and ωontinuity in the εεμ The Tomb of Kamilariέ” In Sceaux minoens et mycéniens: IVe Symposium International, 10–12 septembre 1992, Clermont­Ferrand, edited by Wέ ε̈ller, ιι–κηέ CMS Suppl. ηέ Berlinμ ύebrέ εann Verlagέ

όlouda, ύέ βί11έ “Assessing the Apesokari Tholos A όunerary Recordμ Preliminary Thoughtsέ” RdA 35:111–21.

ύeorgoulaki, Eέ 1λλθέ “Burial Evidence and its Religious ωonnotations in Prepalatial and τld Palace εinoan ωreteέ” Phέϊέ dissέ, Université de δiègeέ

ώamilakis, Yέ 1λλκέ “Eating the ϊeadμ εortuary όeasting and the Politics of εemory in the Aegean Bronze Age Societies.” In Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by Kέ Branigan, 11η–γβέ Shefieldμ Shefield Academic Pressέ

———έ βίίβέ “Introductionμ Experience and ωorporealityέ” In Thinking through the Body. Archaeologies of Cor­poreality, edited by Yέ ώamilakis, εέ Pluciennik, and Sέ Tarlow, λλ–1ίγέ σew Yorkμ Springer Science & Business Media.

265

Ilaria Caloi

———έ βίίκέ “Time, Performance, and the Production of a εnemonic recordμ όrom όeasting to an Archaeology of Eating and Drinking.” In Dais. The Aegean Feast. Proceedings of the 12th International Aegean Conference, Melbourne 25–29 March 2008, edited by δέAέ ώitchcock, Rέ δafineur, and Jέ ωrowley, γ–1λέ Aegaeum βλέ δiège and Austinμ Université de δiège and University of Texas at Austinέ

Knappett, ωέ βί1βέ “εeaning in εiniatureμ Semiotic σetwork in εaterial ωultureς” In Excavating the Mind. Cross­sections through Culture, Cognition and Materiality, edited by M. Jensen, N. Johanssen, and H.J. Jessen, κι–1ίλέ Aarhusμ Aarhus University Pressέ

ώood, Sέ, ύέ ώuxley, and σέ Sandarsέ 1ληκ–1ληλέ “A εinoan ωemetery on Upper ύypsades (Knossos Survey 1ηθ)έ” BSA ηγ–η4μ1λ4–βθβέ

δa Rosa, Vέ 1λλβέ “Kamilariέ” In The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, edited by JέWέ εyers, EέEέ εyers, and ύέ ωa-dogan, 11β–1ηέ Berkeleyμ University of ωalifornia Pressέ

———έ βίί1έ “εinoan Baetylsμ Between όunerary Rituals and Epiphaniesέ” In POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference. Göteborg, Göteborg University, 12–15 April 2000, edited by Rέ δafineur and Rέ ώägg, ββ1–βκέ Aegaeum ββέ δiègeμ Université de δiègeέ

δevi, ϊέ 1λθβέ “δa tomba a tholos di Kamilari presso a όestòsέ” ASAtene γλ–4ίμι–14κέ

———έ 1λιθέ Festòs e la Civiltà Minoica. Volέ 1, ptέ βέ Incunabula ύraeca θίέ Romaμ Edizioni dell’Ateneoέ

δevi, ϊέ, and όέ ωarinciέ 1λκκέ Festòs e la Civiltà Minoica. Volέ IIέ Incunabula ύraeca ιιέ Romaμ Edizioni dell’Ateneoέ

εaggidis, ωέ 1λλ4έ “Burial Building 1λ at Archanesμ A Study of Prepalatial and Early Protopalatial όunerary Ar-chitecture and Ritualέ” Phέϊέ dissέ, University of Pennsylvaniaέ

———έ 1λληέ “Burial Building 1λ, Phourni (Archanes)μ Variety and τriginality in εε I Burial Architectureέ” In π α α ου Z΄ ού K ο ο ού Συ ίου, υ ο, βη–γ1 Αυ ού ου 1λλ1έ Τ ο Aβ, edited σέEέ Pa-

padogiannakis, ηθ1–ιηέ Rethymnoμ ο α αο αφ α α ουέ

———έ 1λλκέ “όrom Polis to σecropolisμ Social Ranking from Architectural and εortuary Evidence in the εi-noan ωemetery at Phourni, Archanesέ” In Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by K. Branigan, κι–1ίβέ Shefieldμ Shefield Academic Pressέ

———έ βίίίέ “εinoan Burial ωustoms and Social Ranking at Archanesέ” In π α α ου H΄ ού K ο ο ού Συ ίου, Η ο, λ–14 Σ π ίου 1λλθ. Τ ο Aβ, edited by Aέ Karetsou, Tέ ϊetorakis, and Aέ Kalokairinos, 1ιλ–λιέ ώeraklionμ EKIεέ

εarinatos, Sέ 1λγ1έ “ ο π ο ο φο ἐ Bο οῦ ε α ᾶ έ” ArchDelt 1γμ1γι–ιίέ

εatz, όέ, edέ 1λη1έ Forschungen auf Kreta 1λ4βέ Berlinμ ϊe ύruyterέ

εilitello, Pέ βί1βέ “Emerging Authorityμ A όunctional Analysis of the εε II Settlement of Phaistosέ” In Back to the Beginning. Reassessing Social and Political Complexity on Crete During the Early and Middle Bronze Age, edited by Iέ Schoep, Pέ Tomkins, and Jέ ϊriessen, βγθ–ιβέ τxfordμ τxbowέ

εorris, Iέ 1λλβέ Death­Ritual and Social Structures in Classical Antiquity. ωambridgeμ ωambridge University Press.

εurphy, Jέεέ 1λλκέ “Ideology, Rites and Ritualsμ A View of Prepalatial εinoan Tholoiέ” In Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by Kέ Branigan, βι–4ίέ Shefieldμ Shefield Academic Pressέ

σovaro, ϊέ βίί4έ “δes offrandes d’époque géométriqueάorientalisante dans les tombes crétoises de l’âge du bronzeμ problèmes et hypothèsesέ” CretAnt ημ1κ1–λιέ

Palio, τέ βίί4έ “‘A ύraceful Bowl Resembling a Bird’s σest’μ il perdurare dell’uso simbolico di una forma vasco-lare in pietra al passaggio tra le età Preά e Protopalazialeέ” CretAnt 5:11–23.

266

Recreating the Past

———έ βίίκέ I vasi in pietra Minoici da Festòs. Padovaμ Ausilio Editoreέ

Papadatos, Y. 2005. Tholos Tomb Gamma: A Prepalatial Tholos Tomb at Phourni, Archanes. Philadelphiaμ IσSTAP Academic Pressέ

Pelon, τέ 1λιθέ Tholoi, Tumuli et Circles Funeraires. Parisμ Ecole όrançaise d’Athènesέ

Sakellarakis, Yέ, and Eέ Sakellarakisέ 1λλιέ Archanes. Minoan Crete in a New Light. Athensμ Ammos Publicationsέ

Schoep, Iέ βίίλέ “The Excavation of the ωemetery (Zone 1)έ” In Excavations at Sissi. Preliminary Report on the 2007–2008 Campaigns, by Jέ ϊriessen, Iέ Schoep, όέ ωarpentier, Iέ ωrevecoeur, εέ ϊevolder, όέ ύaignerotάϊries-sen, Pέ ώacig̈zeller, Sέ Jusseret, ωέ δangohr, Qέ δetesson, and Aέ Schmitt, 4η–ηθέ Aegis 1έ δouvainάlaάσeuveμ Presses Universitaires de δouvainέ

Schörgendorfer, Aέ 1λη1έ “Ein mittelminoisches Tholosgrab bei Apesokari (εesara)έ” In Forschungen auf Kreta 1λ4β, edited by όέ εatz, 1γ–ββέ Berlinμ ϊe ύruyterέ

Soles, Jέ 1λλβέ The Prepalatial Cemeteries at εochlos and Gournia and the House Tombs of Bronze Age Creteέ Hesperia Supplέ β4έ Princetonμ American School of ωlassical Studies at Athensέ

———έ βίί1έ “Reverence for ϊead Ancestors in Prehistoric ωreteέ” In POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Ae­gean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference. Göteborg, Göteborg University, 12–15 April 2000, edited by Rέ δafineur and Rέ ώägg, ββλ–γθέ Aegaeum ββέ δiègeμ Université de δiégeέ

———έ βί1ίέ “Evidence for Ancestor Worship in εinoan ωreteμ σew όinds from εochlosέ” In Cretan Offerings. Studies in Honour of Peter Warren, edited by τέ Krzyszkowska, γγ1–γκέ BSA Studies 1κέ δondonμ British School at Athensέ

Van de εoortel, Aέ βίίθέ “A ReάExamination of the Pottery from the Kamares ωaveέ” In Pottery and Society. The Impact of Recent Studies in εinoan Potteryέ Gold εetal Colloquium in Honour of Philip Pέ Betancourt (104th An­nual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, Lousiana 2003), edited by Jέδέ Warner, Jέ Polonsky, and EέEέ ώayes, ιγ–λγέ Bostonμ Archaeological Institute of Americaέ

Vasilakis, Aέ1λλίέ “ ο ο Θ ο α – α ο έ” Kritiki Estia γμ11–κίέ

Warren, Pέ 1λθλέ Minoan Stone Vases. Cambridge Classical Studies. ωambridgeμ ωambridge University Pressέ

———έ βίίθέ “Religious Processions and Stone Vesselsέ” In π α α Θ´ ού Κ ο ο ού Συ ίου, ού α 1–θ ω ίου β001έ Τ ο Aγ, edited by Eέ Tampakaki and Aέ Kaloutsakis, βηλ–ι1έ ώeraklionμ EKIεέ

Watrous, δέV, ϊέ ώadziάVallianou, and ώέ Blitzer, edsέ βίί4έ The Plain of Phaistos: Cycles of Social Complexity in the Mesara Region of Crete. εonumenta Archaeologica βγέ The ωotsen Institute of Archaeology at UωδAέ δos Angelesμ ωotsen Institute of Archaeologyέ

Xanthoudides, Sέ 1λβ4έ The Vaulted Tombs of Mesara. δondonμ ώodder & Stoughtonέ