Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court

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Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court Christine Raedler 1 Introduction This paper deals with selected structures of the royal court of the early Ramesside Period, which are part of my thesis ‘Rang und Gunst. Zur Struktur der Hofgesellschaft der frühen Ramessidenzeit’ (‘Rank and Favour. On the structure of the court society of the early Ramesside Period’). 1 The term ‘Hofgesellschaft’ (‘court society’) is originally based on Norbert ELIASHöfische Gesellschaft. With that term regarding the ancien régime he described the ‘characteristic social formation, which was connected to each court’. 2 The term ‘Hofgesellschaft’ was also used in Egyptology. Above all Wolfgang HELCK had a picture of ‘Adel’ and ‘Hofklasse’ in mind when he wrote his Verwaltung 3 . Moreover Detlef FRANKE 4 describes the social rank of the ‘Mouths of Hierakonpolis’ (rA-Nxn) as ‘recht hoch’ in the ‘höfischen und halbmilitärischen Gesellschaft der ausgehenden 12. und 13.–17. Dynastie’. Jan ASSMANN uses the term to stratify social structures of ancient Egypt. 5 Andrea Maria GNIRS states, while describing several ranking titles of Ramesside princes, that these 1 See for the present RAEDLER, Hofgesellschaft Ramses’ II. 2 N. ELIAS, Die höfische Gesellschaft. Untersuchungen zur Soziologie des Königtums und der höfischen Aristokratie, Darmstadt/Neuwied 1969; for an english translation see ID., The Court Society. Translated by E. Jephcott, Oxford 1983. For the most recent edition see N. ELIAS, Die höfische Gesellschaft. Untersuchungen zur Soziologie des Königtums und der höfischen Aristokratie (ID., Gesammelte Schriften 2), Frankfurt a. M. 2002. For a new critical look at the value of ELIAS’ work, see J. DUINDAM, Norbert Elias und der frühneuzeitliche Hof. Versuch einer Kritik und Weiterführung, in: Historische Anthropologie—Kultur, Gesellschaft, Alltag 6, Cologne/Weimar/Vienna 1998, 370–387, and moreover J. DUINDAM, Norbert Elias and the history of the court: old questions, new perspectives, in: Hof und Theorie, 91–104. 3 HELCK, Verwaltung, 282. 4 D. FRANKE, Ursprung und Bedeutung der Titelsequenz ZAb RA-Nxn, in: Fs Helck, 214. 5 ‘Ordinary, the Egyptians lived in a society where everyone knew each other. At the highest level (…) this is the court society of the residence, at the middle is the city, and at the lowest level are the patrimonial structured households to which the poor could belong as clients.’ (my translation). J. ASSMANN, Zum Konzept der Fremdheit im alten Ägypten, in: Meinhard Schuster (Hrsg.), Die Begegnung mit dem Fremden. Wertungen und Wirkungen in Hochkulturen vom Altertum bis zur Gegenwart, Colloquium Rauricum 4, Stuttgart und Leipzig 1996, 77-99, here 95.

Transcript of Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court

Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court

Christine Raedler

1 Introduction

This paper deals with selected structures of the royal court of the early Ramesside Period, which are part of my thesis ‘Rang und Gunst. Zur Struktur der Hofgesellschaft der frühen Ramessidenzeit’ (‘Rank and Favour. On the structure of the court society of the early Ramesside Period’).1

The term ‘Hofgesellschaft’ (‘court society’) is originally based on Norbert ELIAS’ Höfische Gesellschaft. With that term regarding the ancien régime he described the ‘characteristic social formation, which was connected to each court’.2 The term ‘Hofgesellschaft’ was also used in Egyptology. Above all Wolfgang HELCK had a picture of ‘Adel’ and ‘Hofklasse’ in mind when he wrote his Verwaltung3. Moreover Detlef FRANKE4 describes the social rank of the ‘Mouths of Hierakonpolis’ (rA-Nxn) as ‘recht hoch’ in the ‘höfischen und halbmilitärischen Gesellschaft der ausgehenden 12. und 13.–17. Dynastie’. Jan ASSMANN uses the term to stratify social structures of ancient Egypt.5 Andrea Maria GNIRS states, while describing several ranking titles of Ramesside princes, that these

1 See for the present RAEDLER, Hofgesellschaft Ramses’ II. 2 N. ELIAS, Die höfische Gesellschaft. Untersuchungen zur Soziologie des Königtums und der höfischen

Aristokratie, Darmstadt/Neuwied 1969; for an english translation see ID., The Court Society. Translated by E. Jephcott, Oxford 1983. For the most recent edition see N. ELIAS, Die höfische Gesellschaft. Untersuchungen zur Soziologie des Königtums und der höfischen Aristokratie (ID., Gesammelte Schriften 2), Frankfurt a. M. 2002. For a new critical look at the value of ELIAS’ work, see J. DUINDAM, Norbert Elias und der frühneuzeitliche Hof. Versuch einer Kritik und Weiterführung, in: Historische Anthropologie—Kultur, Gesellschaft, Alltag 6, Cologne/Weimar/Vienna 1998, 370–387, and moreover J. DUINDAM, Norbert Elias and the history of the court: old questions, new perspectives, in: Hof und Theorie, 91–104.

3 HELCK, Verwaltung, 282. 4 D. FRANKE, Ursprung und Bedeutung der Titelsequenz ZAb RA-Nxn, in: Fs Helck, 214. 5 ‘Ordinary, the Egyptians lived in a society where everyone knew each other. At the highest level (…)

this is the court society of the residence, at the middle is the city, and at the lowest level are the patrimonial structured households to which the poor could belong as clients.’ (my translation). J. ASSMANN, Zum Konzept der Fremdheit im alten Ägypten, in: Meinhard Schuster (Hrsg.), Die Begegnung mit dem Fremden. Wertungen und Wirkungen in Hochkulturen vom Altertum bis zur Gegenwart, Colloquium Rauricum 4, Stuttgart und Leipzig 1996, 77-99, here 95.

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identify an ‘Angehörigen der höfischen Gesellschaft’6, and show someone ‘eindeutig als Palastbeamten und Höfling’7 or ‘seine Mitgliedschaft in der höfischen Gesellschaft’8. Finally special epithets identify the wet-nurse of queen Nefertiti as ‘Angehörige der Hofgesellschaft’ (member of court society)9. Mostly these terms of classification are not mentioned or even discussed. However, in describing a social phenomenon like elite, meritocracy, or parts of society, in order to define and distinguish from each other, a theoretical discussion seems useful and necessary.

Making statements about the structure of societies or parts of them such as ‘Hofgesellschaft’ requires research into the institutional practices and principles of societies, its standards and rules, which stabilise and legitimise the respective ruling system.10 For that purpose it makes sense to have a synchronic and diachronic review of selected periods of time.

Apart from a basic prosopographical analysis of sources, further methods are used such as discourse-theoretical principles following Siegfried JÄGER11 and the ethnological network-research by Thomas SCHWEIZER

12 (fig. 1). Following Klaus BAER’s Rank and Title we obtain from prosopographical studies a

dossier of an official; his cursus honorum can be reconstructed and his titles and epithets can be differentiated identifying his administrative function and social status.13

If there are sufficient sources, the personal network of an official can be created, his social relationships and the groups to which he belongs are revealed. A final step is the reconstruction of the network ‘Hofgesellschaft’ with the specific king in its centre.

6 GNIRS, Militär und Gesellschaft, 134. 7 Ibid., 7. 8 Ibid., 183. 9 GNIRS, Militär und Gesellschaft, 97. 10 In Egyptology Eugene CRUZ-URIBE used ‘a model for the political structure of Ancient Egypt’ based

on a ‘concept of spheres of influence and on the idea that power is not a static fixture throughout Egyptian history, but rather one that fluctuates a great deal’: E. CRUZ-URIBE, in: D.P. SILVERMAN

(ed.), For His Ka. Essays offered in memory of Klaus Baer, SAOC 55, 1994, 45–53. For the ‘application of ethnological models in Egyptology’ see moreover C.E. GUKSCH, Ethnological models of state formation—chiefdom survivals in the Old Kingdom, in: GM 125, 1991, 37–50.

11 S. JÄGER, Kritische Diskursanalyse. Eine Einführung, Duisburg 32001. For the value of discourse analysis for historical science see P. SARASIN, Geschichtswissenschaft und Diskursanalyse, Frankfurt/M. 2003 and for a useful example of their application to the mediaeval court see E. VANCE, Rhetoric and Social Mobility: Premodern Court Culture and the question of ‘theory’, in: Hof und Theorie, 203–224.

12 T. SCHWEIZER, Muster sozialer Ordnung. Netzwerkanalyse als Fundament der Sozioethnologie, Berlin 1996.

13 BAER, Rank and Title; cf. J. BAINES, Restricted knowledge, hierarchy, and decorum: Modern perceptions and ancient institutions, in: JARCE 27, 1990, 1–23, especially 19.

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Object of

Analysis

Theory, Method Goal

Source Archaeology, iconography,

analysis of textual criticism,

analysis of sequence of titles

Category of object, category of

text, context

Dossier of an

official

Prosopography,

synchronic and diachronic

title and epithet analysis

Cursus honorum, ranking,

personal network of an actor

Groups Network Theory Special Discourses,

networks of important actors

Court society/

‘Hofgesellschaft’

Discourse Theory,

‘Hofforschung’,

Network Theory

Discourse ‘Hofgesellschaft’,

Network in total

‘Hofgesellschaft’

Fig. 1: Steps of analysis

To begin with I will concentrate on the term ‘court’ and discuss favour, the ruling element of the society at the royal court.

2 Idealtypus ‘Hof ’

Pursuing researches in the field of ‘Hofforschung’ the German historian Aloys WINTERLING

created—following Max WEBER—an Idealtypus ‘court’ (‘Hof’).14 This Idealtypus can be used as a checklist to determine the individuality of concrete historical courts.

14 A. WINTERLING, „Hof“ – Versuch einer idealtypischen Bestimmung anhand der mittelalterlichen und

frühneuzeitlichen Geschichte, in: Mitteilungen der Residenzen-Kommission der Akademie der Wis-senschaften zu Göttingen 5/1, Göttingen 1995, 16–21; ID., Zwischen „Haus“ und „Staat“. Antike Höfe im Vergleich, Historische Zeitschrift, Beihefte (Neue Folge), vol. 23, Munich 1997, 15 ff. and ID., „Hof“ – Versuch einer idealtypischen Bestimmung anhand der mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Geschichte, in: Hof und Theorie, 78 f.

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2.1 Terms

The Latin terms curia and curtis, the Middle High German term hof and the modern terms cour (French), court (English) and Hof (German) have the same meaning:

1. Factual and local: the whereabouts, the residence of a ruler (to be at court, bei Hofe sein);

2. Social: the entourage of a ruler, the people who surround him (a member of the court, ein Mitglied des Hofes);

3. Temporal: the extraordinary lifestyle in the presence of a ruler (to hold court/to keep court, Hof halten);

4. Communicative: special behaviour in the presence of a ruler (phrases like to pay court to, jemandem den Hof machen and related terms like curialitas, Höflichkeit, courtoisie, courtesy etc.);

5. Political: centre of power.

Therefore, a court (‘Hof ’) is the ‘extended house’ of a monarch; ‘house’ is a local-factual, social, economic and ruling institution. ‘Monarch’ is a member of nobility whose political power goes beyond his own house, over rivalling nobles, and thus monopolises rare social values like power, honour and property. ‘Extended’ means a) that his house quantitatively exceeds all other houses of the elite, especially by the great number of permanently or temporarily present individuals who do not regularly belong to a ‘house’ and b) that social relationships at a court differ qualitatively from other ‘houses’ in particular structures of communication and organisation as well as in their overall social function.

2.2 Communicative structures

A court is constituted by the presence of the court at court. The court is created by interaction—that is a kind of communication, which presumes the presence of the court and delimits it from the surrounding society.

Because of the significance of being present, different circles of people can be distinguished at the court: a) a ‘close court’ (enger Hof) of individuals daily present and b) an ‘extended court’ (weiter Hof) of individuals who are occasionally present. Characteristic structures of interaction of the court (for example Hofzeremoniell) can be observed.

The possibility to participate in rare social values is decided by favour (Gunst), which is given by the monarch. It incorporates personal nearness to the latter, and the possibility to have access to the monarch constitutes the status of the members of the court society (Hofgesellschaft). Because the monarch’s capacity of response is limited, favour is a rare value. Thus on the one hand there is hierarchy of favour, on the other hand rivalry of favourites for the favour of the monarch.

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Chances and risks at court normally cause an opportunistic behaviour of the society at the court (Hofgesellschaft). To compete for favour creates conformity in behaviour, which pleases the monarch. An insincere communication at court often takes place (flattery, intrigue; Schmeichelei, Intrigen).

2.3 Organisation

Every court has organisations such as kitchens, stables etc.—social institutions, which have a special purpose. To fulfil them, hierarchically organised offices are necessary. Besides these offices which are orientated to the personal requirements of the monarch and court, there often exist other, more political offices for the consultation of the ruler and for administration (secretariat).

2.4 Social functions

The court functions as a political centre. The most visible social function of the court is representation of political and social rank. The rank obtained by a member of the elite needs visible public manifestation. Thus court also has the function of representing the prestige of the monarch with exclusivity and luxury. Features of this are quantity and character of the Hofämter, presentation of material glamour, an extraordinary lifestyle with festive ceremonies at special events (extended court), festivals and special entertainment (for example hunting).

This is the ‘court’ according to the definition of WINTERLING. We will now have a look at what surrounds the Ramesside king, whose court was placed in his residence at Piramesse in the eastern Nile delta.

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Fig. 2: Map of Egypt with Piramesse

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3 What Surrounds the Ramesside King

The Egyptian term Sn.wt or Snjj.t—‘court, people at the court’ (Hofstaat, Hofleute)—belongs to the word field Snj ‘to circle round, to surround, to encircle’. ^n.w—‘the ring, the circle’ encircles pictorially the names of the pharaoh (fig. 3).

The derivation Snjj.t has the meaning of the circle of people who surround the king. Moreover Snjj.t means the inner circle of the counsellors of the king (Thronrat). In a non-royal context Sn.w are ‘the room mates’.

Fig. 3: The court at the residence of Piramesse (UE: Upper Egypt; LE: Lower Egypt; HP: High Priest)

^njj.t—‘court, people at the court’, according to the social aspects of the Idealtypus means ‘the entourage of a ruler, the people who surround him’.

According to WINTERLING, one has to differentiate between those people who are present daily and those who are there only temporarily.15 Even at the Egyptian court of the early Ramesside period in Piramesse we find groups of people present daily, for example the doorkeeper, servants of the king’s household, the king’s bodyguards and the king’s secretaries such as Tjai. We can see Tjai’s office at the residence in Piramesse in his Theban tomb (fig. 4).

15 Cf. note 14.

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Fig. 4: Royal secretariat (TT 23)

The presence of other officials is proved by monuments found at the residence of Piramesse, for instance parts of portals of their houses or offices,16 and the ‘Horbeit-stelae’17 (most likely coming from Qantir) which are inscribed with their names and titles.

For the heads of the administration one has to assume a high level of mobility. The counsellors of the king probably came together periodically at court. Specific epithets—also of those officials who were acting far away—give us hints of such meetings.

The viceroy of Kush Setau is stated to have been the ‘first of the friends at the fore of the court’ (tpj nj [smr.w] m HA.t Snjj.t)18 and the southern vizier Paser characterises himself as the ‘first friend of the palace’ (smr tpj nj aH)19 and as the ‘uniquely effective, the head of the courtiers, leader of the notables in the palace, who enters heaven to see him who is in it (= king)’20.

Besides these titles, Paser’s lintel found in Qantir (fig. 5) is evidence for his temporary residence as southern vizier in Piramesse.

16 See specifically HABACHI, Tell el-Dabca I, and generally BUDKA, König an der Haustür. 17 For this very heterogeneous corpus of stelae see now K. MARTIN, Waren die sog. „Horbeitstelen“

Türschilder oder waren sie Votivtafeln?, in: Fs Altenmüller, 255–262. A publication of the ‘Horbeit-stelae’ kept in Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim will be published soon by Bettina SCHMITZ.

18 For Setau see his autobiography: KRI III, 94.6; RAEDLER, Setau, 141, 157–159, no. 26. 19 For Paser see his tomb, TT 106: KRI I, 299.10; RAEDLER, Wesire, 310–312 (Q_4.1). 20 Temple statue from Deir el-Bahri, BM 687, KRI III, 18.7: waj(.w) mnx tp m Sn.wt HA.wtj nj wr.w m aH

ao(.w) r p.t r mAA jmj=s. See moreover RAEDLER, Wesire, 322 (Q_4.38).

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Fig. 5: Fragment of the lintel of Paser from Sama'na/Qantir21

The lintel of the foreign wr.w Ipuaa (fig. 6) now in the Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum and probably originally from Qantir, allows us to assume embassy-like structures in Piramesse22.

Fig. 6: Lintel of Ipuaa, Hildesheim, Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Inv.-No. 599323

Similar local residences are proved for the envoys24 of the king, as shown by the door jamb of Amenemope from Qantir (fig. 7).

21 Habachi, Tell el-Dabca I, 186 f., Cat.-no. 52, pl. 18A. 22 SPIESER, Les noms du Pharaon, 196, Nr. 43; RAEDLER, Die innerkulturellen Quellen, 58; RAEDLER,

Hofgesellschaft Ramses’ II., 45. 23 SPIESER, op. cit., 2000, 299, Nr. 43. 24 RAEDLER, Die innerkulturellen Quellen, 57 f.

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Fig. 7: Door jamb of Amenemope25

As an example of the conventions of communication at the court I quote an abstract from a text inscribed on a statue of the vizier Nebamun26, whose duty, among other tasks, was obviously to arrange and organize the ‘Hofprotokoll’:

‘Leader of the grandee(s) of the palace in <his> (= the king’s) presence; the Two Lands assemble

for him, to hear the utterance of his mouth; royal envoy of good tidings (“sweet breath”); king’s

gentleman at his coming forth for us, so that the subordinates may live; one who is precise for the

Council of the Thirty in administering the laws of his lord; one whom the multitude desire when

he makes answer; who gives (but) one dictum in place of ten, and whose character has achieved

his proper position (in life). He is excellent at adorning his place, an excellent noble while he was

upon earth, to attend to matters, and true-hearted; the mouth of Nekhen, prophet of Maat, royal

herald (at the) appearing of His Majesty, marshalling the grandees at the palace of the king, and

causing each man to know his (processional) order.’27

On the Quban Stela the procedure at a meeting of the Snjj.t is described as follows:

‘Then said His Majesty to the seal-bearer who was by his side: Now, summon the grandees of the

court (sr.w jmj.w-bAH) so that His Majesty may deliberate with them about this country. It is I

who (shall) put the (needed) arrangements (into effect). They were immediately ushered in before

the Good God, their arms (raised) in praise (jAw) of his spirit (kA), jubilating (Hr hnw) and paying

homage (sn-tA) to his fair countenance (Hr=f nfr). Then One (= the king) told them about the

nature of this country, discussing it with them, about (how to) open up a well on its road.’28

25 E.B. PUSCH, Ein Reisender in fremde Länder, in: Fs Gundlach, 188 (FZ 86/0151, IN 1111); RAEDLER,

Die innerkulturellen Quellen, 58, fig. 6. 26 Statue from Abydos, Cairo CG 1140; KRI I, 283.7–284.9. 27 HA.wtj nj wr(.w) aH m-bAH<=f> nwj n=f tA.wj r sDm tpj nj rA=f wp.wtj-nswt n TAw nDm Sps nswt Hr

prj.j=f n=n anx smdt aoA n mabAjj.t m sSm m hpw ¡r=f Abb aSAt xft wSb=f DD xn wa m s.t 10 jrj.n bjA.t=f mkt=f jor=f Hr smnx s.t=f saH jor tj sw tp-tA r hnn Hr spw mAa-jb rA-Nxn Hm-nTr MAa.t wHm.w-nswt Hm=f xaw sTA.w wr(.w) r aH nswt rD.t rx zj jwt= f: KRI I, 284.2–6.

28 KRI II, 355.7–11; RITA II, 191.

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Epithets such as the ‘one who enters the palace and sees the Good God’ of the superintendent of the king’s treasury Ruru29 or the ‘one who approaches his lord at any time’ of the king’s secretary and envoy Amenemone30 reflect at least the more or less unlimited entry to the ‘private’ monarch. In his autobiography31 Anhurmose, high priest of This, states with reference to his nearness to the king, that he was a ‘master of the king’s favour, whom the king consulted daily’.32

Based on the material discussed, I would prefer to use the concept of the ‘innermost circles of the court’ to designate those whose titles place them at the top rank of the hierarchy, rather than to understand this a referring to a circle of those physically present in the royal circle. The proximity to the king is thus evoked through the titles and epithets defining social rank without demanding physical presence. Politically this means that, even when away from king and court, subordinates had to obey an official bearing such ranking titles.

4 The favour of the king

As already mentioned the favour of the king—Hs.wt nswt—is the ruling element of the ‘Hofgesellschaft’. Because the king rules all resources, such as power, honour and property, each step of the cursus honorum of an official depends on the favour of the king.

As Heike GUKSCH showed us in her Königsdienst, the official is qualified through abilities such as ‘efficiency’ (Ax.t33, mnx.t34, jor35), ‘character’ (bjA.t)36 and ‘intelligence’ (jp)37. Because of his achievements and in competition with his competitors (‘the only efficient and useful’—waj.w mnx Ax n nb=f), he earns the love—mr.wt—of the king and so becomes the king’s favourite (Hsj.w).

29 See the stela in the Louvre, C. 92: ao(.w) r aH mAA nTr-nfr: KRI I, 307.13. 30 Block statue in the Hermitage, 11: ao(.w) Hr nb=f m nw ra-nb: KRI III, 211.6; cf. FROOD, Biographical

Texts, 189–191. 31 B. OCKINGA/Y. AL-MASRI, Two Ramesside Tombs at el-Mashayikh I, Sydney 1988, 32 f., pl. 23. 32 jnk nb Hs.w(.t) m-bAH nswt Hr nDnD ra-nb Hr swhj jm=j. 33 GUKSCH, Königsdienst, 85. 34 For the 18th Dynasty see GUKSCH, Königsdienst, 78 and 90 as a term like ‘Tüchtigkeit im Sinne

praktischer Kompetenz’. In the time of Ramesses II, it is the general and superintendent of the king’s treasury Suti, who is called ‘confidant because of his efficiency’ (mH-jb n aA nj mnx.t=f): KRI III, 143.4; cf. GNIRS, Militär und Gesellschaft, 184.

35 After GUKSCH, Königsdienst, 89 f., ‘können wir die Übersetzung von jor angeben als „fähig, vorzüg-lich, vortrefflich, ausgezeichnet, hervorragend“ und diese Eigenschaft der intellektuellen Kapazität NNs zuschreiben’.

36 So it is said about the Viceroy of Kush Paser that ‘the king knows him because of his efficient character’ (rx-nswt Hr bjA.t=f jor.t): KRI III, 77.9, cf. GNIRS, Militär und Gesellschaft, 43. The High Priest of Amun Bakenchons states ‘He (Amun) praised me and knew me because of my character’ (Hsj=f sjA=f wj Hr bjA.t=j): KRI III, 296.3.

37 E.g. wr nj mDAjw Amenemone: KRI III, 275.2; see moreover p. 142.

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Besides life, prosperity and health, to gain the king’s love and favour is the often uttered wish of officials on their monuments:

‘An offering which the king gives, (to) Hathor, Mistress of the West, Lady of Heaven, Mistress of

the Two Lands, that she may give life, prosperity and health, favour and love, for the spirit of the

city-governor and vizier, Neferrenpet.’38

The viceroy Setau asks Amun-Ra to assure him the king’s lifelong favour and ‘a sound mouth, without bringing up his fault’39—obviously a prayer to keep him eloquent in the presence of the king.

In the autobiography of the wr nj mDAjw Amenemone different criteria of favour are expressed:

‘My lord praised me because of my efficiency; he appointed me to be principal troop-commander

of his army. My lord praised me because of my intelligence; he dispatched me to be “royal

envoy” to all foreign countries; I reported back to him on the foreign countries, in their every

aspect. He again praised me because of my efficiency; he appointed me to be “chief of works” in

all his monuments. He again praised me because of my usefulness; he appointed me to be “chief

of works” in his “temple of millions of years” (of) the King of South and North Egypt, Usimare

Setepenre, in the estate of Amun. I was one uniquely efficient and useful to his lord; he appointed

me as a kA-priest of his statue; he provided my property (…).’40

Favour is documented materially in royal gifts, such as luxury objects—for example the cosmetic-vessel of the vizier Paser (fig. 8).

Fig. 8: Faience double vessel of Paser

41

Further, the king’s favour is manifested to everyone through the extraordinary position and size of the tomb granted by the king—for example the tomb of the vizier Neferrenpet in North Saqqara42.

38 London, BM 108, s. KRI III, 49.4: Htp-dj-nswt <n> @w.t-@r Hnw.t jmnt.t nb.t p.t Hnw.t tA.wj Dj=s anx

wDA snb spd-Hr Hs.wt mr.wt n kA nj jmj-rA njw.t TA.tj Nfr-rnp.t. 39 Statue in Assuan, Nubian Museum, CG 1134, on base, front, and left: KRI III, 108:10 f. (Htp-)Dj-nswt

Jmn-Ra nb ns.wt tA.wj Dj=f aHa.w oAj Xr Hs.wt nswt rA wDA n jnj sp=f n kA n sA-[nswt jmj-rA pr] (nj) Jmn %tAw.

40 KRI III, 274.16–275:6; RITA III, 195; cf. FROOD, Biographical Texts, 189–191. 41 Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, Inv.-Nr. 48.457. See RAEDLER, Hofgesellschaft Ramses’ II., 57, Fig. 1.

For information and the permission to publish the photograph I am very grateful to Regine SCHULZ.

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Fig. 9: Plan of North Saqqara with the tomb of Neferrenpet (ST 0) in the centre43

In his autobiography Anhurmose44 makes clear that the hierarchy of favour was indeed recognised by his contemporaries:

‘I was an efficient scribe, so that my lord praised me before all.45 I was a master of favour of the

king, whom the king consulted daily. All my companions said: “Great is his favour”.’46

Installations of officials and the conferring of honours were carried out at public festivity, where the giving of the king’s favour must have had the character of a performance. The location for such ceremonies was the ‘Window of Appearance’ in the palace.47

42 For tomb ST 0 see TAWFIK, Saqqara, 403–409, Pl. 56–60. 43 Detail after TAWFIK, Saqqara, 409, Fig. 1. 44 B. OCKINGA/Y. AL-MASRI, Two Ramesside Tombs at el-Mashayikh I, Sydney 1988, 32 f., Pl. 23; cf.

GNIRS, Militär und Gesellschaft, 189 f.; cf. FROOD, Biographical Texts, 107–116. 45 jnk sS Tnr m-Xnw jrj(.t)=f swhj.n wj nb=j m-bAH tmm.w. 46 jnk nb Hs.w(.t) m-bAH nswt Hr nDnD ra-nb Hr swhj jm=j jrj.w=j nb Hr Dd wr Hs.wt= f. 47 For the architecture and ceremony at the ‘Window of Appearance’ see P. Vomberg, Das Erscheinungs-

fenster innerhalb der amarnazeitlichen Palastarchitektur. Herkunft—Entwicklung—Fortleben, Philippika 4, Wiesbaden 2004. See also on this subject the paper of K. Spence, 181–186, in this publication.

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Fig. 10: Stela of Mose, Hildesheim, Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Inv.-No. 37448

Mose was awarded the ‘gold of praise’ by His Majesty as is stated on his stela. The inscription reads: ‘The king himself gives silver and all good things of the king’s house’, because the king is ‘pleased with the speech of his mouth’. To the other soldiers the pharaoh says: ‘ “I wish you may see and do what His Majesty loves”. Mose is standing in front of the pharaoh. “How good is what he has done! Great, great!”’ 49

Very often the honoured person is guided to the window by fellow officials, where the king shouts aloud the name of the honoured person.50 Such a ceremony is described when the High Priest of This Nebwenenef was installed as High Priest of Amun of Thebes. The king’s decision was legalised by an oracle of Amun-Ra.

48 After A.R. SCHULMAN, Ceremonial Execution and Public Rewards, OBO 75, Fig. 23. 49 For the text see KRI III, 263.10–264.6, RITA III, 187 f. For discussion see C. RAEDLER, Die

Kosmische Dimension pharaonischer Gunst, in: D. BRÖCKELMANN/A. KLUG (eds.), In Pharaos Staat. Festschrift für Rolf Gundlach zum 75. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden 2006, S. 153–156.

50 So it is said in the decree of Horemhab: ‘The chiefs of the infantry and every officer of the army and every soldier […] when [awards] are thrown to them from the window (of appearance), when each man is called by name by the king himself. They go forth from the (royal) presence with acclaim and provisions from the property of the king’s house.’ ([Hrj.w-]tp nj.w mnfjj[.t] aA nb nj mSa zj nb m [… D]ra m xAa n=sn m sSd m njs zj nb Hr rn=f n nswt Ds=f pr=sn m-bAH Hr nhm sDfA.w m jx.t pr-nswt): Urk. IV, 2158; J.-M.Kruchten, Le Décret d’Horemheb, Brussels, 1981, 162-164, pl. II, ll. 8–9. (face latérale droite).

Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court 145

Fig. 11: Nebwenenef, TT 15751

In a ceremonial context Ramesses II proclaims the installation of Nebwenenef from the ‘Window of Appearance’ in the presence of Queen Nefertari and the court.52 His installation as high priest of Amun was the most important event in Nebwenenef’s life. For this reason the event is depicted and described in his tomb.

Besides the tomb and its equipment, there are temple statues donated as gifts of favour by the king. Examples of these are the two statues of Paser from the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep in Deir el-Bahri—one is now in the British Museum53; fragments of the other are kept in Frankfurt and Philadelphia.54

51 After J. WILLEITNER/H. SCHMIDT, Nefertari, Mainz 21997, 55, Fig. 70. Fig. 35 at E. HOFMANN, Bilder

im Wandel. Die Kunst der Ramessidischen Privatgräber, Theben 17, Mainz 2004, 33 shows that there were originally two Viziers with xw-fans in front of Nebwenenef.

52 See L. BORCHARDT, Die Königin bei einer feierlichen Staatshandlung Ramses’ II., in: ZÄS 67, 1907, 29–31, Pl. 1–2.

53 London, BM 687; references: PM II2, 395 (a); E. NAVILLE, The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari III, EM 32, 1913, Pl. IV:4, X:C; T.G.H. JAMES, BM Stelae, 9, London 1970, 15 f., Pl.10, 10A; DONOHUE, Paser, 108, Nr.III.11; RAEDLER, Wesire, 322 (Q_4.37); Text: KRI III, 18.14–19.12 (11).

54 Head in Frankfurt/M., Liebieghaus, 271a–d, torso in Philadelphia, University Museum, E.534; references: E. NAVILLE, The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari III, EM 32, Pl. X:B; K.-J. SEYFRIED, in: BECK, Liebieghaus, 176 f.; DONOHUE, Paser, 108, Nr.III.12; RAEDLER, Wesire, 322 (Q_4.38); Text: KRI III, 17.10–18.11; RITA III, 14 f.

Christine Raedler 146

Fig. 12: Temple statues of Paser55

Designed as a pair they were originally placed at the right and left sides of the pylon entrance. As one can see on their shoulders, both statues show the cartouches of Ramesses II, which specify them as gifts of the king’s favour.

By means of these statues Paser was able to participate in the offerings of Nebhepetra Mentuhotep. A text on one of the statues says:

‘Oh, prophets and wab-priests of Ax-s(.w)t56, every scribe, who is skilled in the books, may you

praise Amun-Ra and [your] rel[atives], while offering in front of me and raising your arms, so

that your name may [continue] after a good lifespan.’57

Here, the favourite of the king makes an offer, promising to act as a mediator between the visitors and the gods and thus to give favour as a ‘master of favour’ to others—a phenomenon which can be found among many members of the court society.

55 a)+b) BM 687, after BM Stelae IX, 1970, pl. X and X A; c) Reconstruction of the one in Frankfurt/M.

and Philadelphia. 56 Ax-s(.w)t is the name of the mortuary temple of Nebhepetra Mentuhotep, which is also mentioned on

the twin statue London, BM 687 (KRI III, 19.1): see K.-J. SEYFRIED, at: BECK, Liebieghaus, 182. 57 KRI III,17.11–13: [jmj-rA] njw.t TA.tj nj njw.t PA-sr mAa-xrw Dd=f jA Hm.w-nTr wab.w nj.w Ax-s(.w)t sS nb

SsA(.w) {tA}<m> sSw Hsj=Tn Jmn-Ra h[A.w=sn] dj=Tn Htp.t m bAH=j oaH=Tn D[r.t=Tn] [wAH] rn=Tn m mjtt m-Xt jAw bnr. For the reconstruction of hA.w, meaning ‘relatives’, see the similar text of the chief of Medjayu Ameneminet on his monument at Naples: wr nj mDAj.w Jmn-m-jn.t mAa-xrw Dd=f j Hm.w-nTr wab.w nj.w rA-pr pn jmm n=j mw wrH n=j tp.t jrj=j Ax.w(t) n nTr.w Dr wn=j tp-tA jrj.w(t) jtj=j Ax.w(t) n hA.w=f nb.w Dr wn=f m rA-Hrj m Jwnw Sma.w jrj=j n=Tn m-mjt.t m-bAH nb=j (KRI III, 272.4-7).

a) b) c)

Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court 147

It is now appropriate to consider more closely different terms used to describe members of the court. Some epithets, which are formed by using the word ‘confidant’ (mH-jb—meaning ‘the one who fills the heart’), imply a position at court and direct contact with the king.58 Therefore the superintendent of the treasury Suti and the viceroy of Kush Setau describe themselves as ‘confidant of the Good God’ (mH-jb nj nTr-nfr). The superintendent of the king’s treasury Ruru and the vizier Nebamun even use the expression ‘great confidant of the Good God’ (mH-jb aA nj nTr-nfr)—the latter, because he is ‘in the heart of Horus in his palace’. ‘Effective confidants of his lord’ (mH-jb mnx nj nb=f) are the superintendent of the treasury of Amun and envoy Tuthmosis and the wr nj mDAj.w Ameneminet59.

To separate the court society from other social groups, the title sS-nswt—‘scribe of the king’—seems to be important. Many high officials carry this title in their sequences of titles and epithets, very often with the additional mrj=f mAa: ‘his truly beloved scribe of the king’.

For instance, the viziers Paramessu, Paser and Hay, the superintendent of the king’s treasury Yupa, the superintendents of the treasury of Amun Tuthmosis and Amenemope, the viceroys Paser, Hui and Setau and also the ‘king’s sons’ Amunhirwenemef, Parahirwenemef and Sethi are named ‘scribes of the king’.

Thus the education of the members of the court society was a significant means of distinction. The vizier (Pa-)Rahotep states:

‘I am one reliable and true-hearted, my abomination is lies, (I) am one who live(s) daily by doing

macat. I am one skilled without my equal, one capable in all the works of the fulfiller, Thoth. I am

one who enters as one summoned, who reckons amount, who regulates the corn-measure(?), who

knows it in the scrolls. I am one who examines the (papyrus) registers, wise in counsel, who reads

out from a document without error. I am respected, on whose plans one can rely. The people do

not bow to me without a reason.’60

In order to point out the high rank of the social elite the old ranking titles jrj-pa.t HA.tj-a, sDA.wtj-bj.tj and smr-wa.tj of the Old and Middle Kingdoms are still used.

The title smr-wa.tj was widespread in the 18th Dynasty and it signified a special relationship to the king. It was used, for example, by the vizier Paser and the viceroy Setau, who were also named ‘first friend of his Majesty’ (smr tpj nj Hm=f).

The 18th Dynasty title ‘fan-bearer of the king’s right side’ (TAj xw Hr wnmj (nj) nswt) appears in the early Ramesside Period as a high ranking title used for instance by subordinates in their correspondence with their viziers.61 We find it in the titulary of the highest officials such as viceroys62 and the ‘king’s sons’63. Fan-bearers are mostly shown with the xw-fan—as is (Pa-)Rahotep on his stela from Saqqara.

58 GUKSCH, Königsdienst, 37 f. 59 So in the autobiography of Ameneminet, see p. 142. 60 Stela from Saqqara, JE 48845.4–9: jnk aoA mAa-HAtj bwt=j grg anx.w ra-nb m jr.t mAa.t jnk SsA nn mjtw

aro=j m kA.wt nb MHjj +Hwtj jnk ao m njs Tnw mAa=s wDA.t rx=s mDA.wt jnk jp Sfdw ao m nDnD Sdj mDA.t r=f nn jj.t jnk trj hna=s Hr sxr.w=f bw xAb n=j rmT bw zp (KRI III, 54.1–5; cf. RITA III, 36).

61 RAEDLER, Wesire, 288, 290. 62 RAEDLER, Setau, 133–136. 63 M.M. FISHER, The Sons of Ramesses II, ÄUAT 53, 2001, 128, 132 f.

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Fig. 13: (Pa-)Rahotep as Fan-bearer64

Besides the previously summarised epithets which describe pictorially the proximity to the king, further phrases refer to the official as a part of the king’s body, implying that the official functions as the king’s deputy.65 It is in that sense that the title ‘both eyes of the king of Upper Egypt and both ears of the king of Lower Egypt’ (jr.tj nj nswt anx.wj bj.tj) of Suti, Setau, Paser and (Pa-)Rahotep can be interpreted.

Often Viziers are described as the ‘mouth of the king’: (Pa-)Rahotep is called the ‘mouth of the king in the whole Land’ (rA nj nswt r tA Dr=f) or ‘over every foreign country’ (Hr xAs.t nb.t). Otherwise he is named: ‘mouth of the king of Upper Egypt, herald of the king of Lower Egypt, who pleased His Majesty (resident) in his beautiful palace, by

64 After M. MOURSI, Die Stele des Vezirs Re-hotep (Kairo JdE 48845), in: MDAIK 37, 1981, 322, fig. 1. 65 P. KAPLONY, Die Symbolik des Leibes und der Glieder im Alten Ägypten, in: Symbolik des

menschlichen Leibes, Schriften zur Symbolforschung 10, Bern/ Frankfurt/M. 1995, 21–48, especially 32.

Rank and Favour at the Early Ramesside Court 149

offering Maat to his lord.’66 In a similar manner Paser is described as ‘the two lips of the good god’ (sp.tj nTr-nfr)67.

By comparing the body of the king or parts of his body with the Egyptian state or its functions, the actions of the holders of these titles obtain legitimacy.

5 Summary

According to the historian Aloys WINTERLING a court signifies the whereabouts, the residence of a ruler (factual and local), the centre of power (political) and the people who surround the ruler (social).

Therefore a court consists of the presence of the court (people) at court (place). The court is created by interaction, i.e. a form of communication, which presumes the presence of the court and separates it from the surrounding world.

As shown above, the analysis of WINTERLING seems applicable to the Egyptian pharaonic court of the early Ramesside Period at the residence of Piramesse in the eastern Nile delta. There, the individuals who act in a social and political structure called court with the king at its centre—beside the royal family, mostly officials like the viziers, the viceroy of Kush, superintendents of the treasury, generals, various high priests etc.—can be summed up in the term ‘Hofgesellschaft’, whose members are responsible for political decisions. As a kind of ‘elite’ they are representatives of a special kind of culture, called ‘Hofkultur’, which is expressed by education and behaviour, by clothing and cosmetics, and in monumental buildings, as well as stelae and statues of meritocracy. All of this separates them from the rest of society.

Because the king commands all resources, such as power, honour and property, each step of the cursus honorum of an official depends on the favour of the king. The favour of the king (Hs.wt nswt) is the ruling element of such a society.

A complex system of titles and epithets which describes the social rank of an individual creates proximity to the king. Thus in the early Ramesside Period, the old ranking titles jrj-pa.t HA.tj-a, sDA.wtj-bj.tj and smr-wa.tj of the Old and Middle Kingdoms are still used, and the title smr-wa.tj, widespread in the 18th Dynasty now means a more special relationship to the king—for example as ‘first friend of His Majesty’ (smr tpj nj Hm=f). Moreover, the 18th Dynasty title ‘fan-bearer of the king’s right side’ (TAj xw Hr wnmj (nj) nswt) appears now as a high ranking title, found in the titulary of the highest officials such as viziers, viceroys, and ‘king’s sons’. This system of titles and epithets creates proximity to the king without necessarily requiring physical presence of the officials at the court. Thus a high official such as the viceroy of Kush can act in the southern provinces while still a member of the court, the court society, or a counsellor of the king.

66 rA nj nswt wHm.w nj bj.tj shrr Hm=f m aH Spss sjar MAa.t n nb=f: stela from Saqqara, Kairo JE 48845;

text: KRI III, 53.7–55.16, text cited: 54.14–15. 67 Tomb of Paser, TT 106: see RAEDLER, Wesire, 310–312 (Q_4.1).

Christine Raedler 150

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