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Raising
productivity and
Reducing Risks of
Informal
Businesses Expanding Access to Microfinance for
Household (Micro) Enterprises in Africa?
[Wednesday 3 September 2008]
Aleke Dondo with Henry Oketch
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ABSTRACT
In many African countries, the informal economy provides jobs to millions of the labor
force and contributes from 25 percent to 30 percent of domestic output. Yet, despite
holding much promise for growth and poverty reduction, microfinance is still accessible
to just a handful of small-scale firms and smallholdings in rural parts of Africa. This paper
seeks to answer the question:” what is happening (or not happening) in microfinance to
increase the productivity and reduce the risks of informal businesses of the working poor
in individual African countries, and the impact of such measures." It lays out the current
limitations of the African microfinance system that undermines its potential contribution
to building a more competitive informal economy that can survive in fast globalizing
world.
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Table of Contents
I. Introduction 5
Table 1. Landscape of African Microfinance Sector at July 2007 6
The importance of microfinance for Africa 7
Application of microfinance by nano enterprises 7
Table 2.2. Typical Investment of Microfinance Loans 8
Table 2.3. Use of Loan by Purpose and Level of Income 9
Obstacles to growth and poverty reduction 10
Table 3. Distribution of MIVs (USD, millions) As At End-2006 13
II. The African Microfinance system 15
Roots and evolution of the system 15
Regional and worldwide distribution of MFIs 17
Table 2.1 Country Distribution of MFIs in Africa, 2007 17
Table 4. Relative Increase in the Number of MFIs 1996-2006 19
Institutional diversity and transformation 20
Table 5. Sample Distribution of MFIs Analyzed by the World Bank in 1995 20
Table 6. Global Landscape of Microfinance Institutions as at End-2005 21
Regional Diversity 22
Gender reach by type of MFI 24
financial products Diversity 24
Table 9. Current Financial Profile of Microfinance Institutions 27
III. Current Limitations, nano firms view 31
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Institutional perspective 31
Table 3.1. MFIs 3 Top Obstacles to Immediate Priority Goals 34
client satisfaction and perspective of services and Products 35
IV. Improving access and service quality 37
it all begins with the Formulation of a Creative or Innovative Policy 38
The second solution in expanding and deepening access is the mobilization of
adequate resources 41
Role of Standards and Benchmarks 43
The Government has a Role to Play, but it has to be clearly defined 44
Figure 2. Stakeholders role and responsibility 46
Role of Local Authorities 50
Role of Banks 50
Role of Regional Economic Communities 51
Local ownership and participation 52
Key Principles 52
V. Conclusion and Summary 56
5.1 Creating a conducive environment 56
5.2 Improving Coordination and Cooperation 61
5.3 Introducing industry standards and Ratings 62
5.4 Increasing the supply of capital 64
5.5 Lowering cost and Improving Efficiency 65
5.6 Building and Enhancing Capacity 65
5.7 Integration and Regional Cooperation 66
5.8 Establishment of a Regional Capacity Building Facility 72
5.9 Establishment of Regional Wholesale Fund(s)/Venture Capital 68
5.10 Establishment of a Regional/Sub-Regional Rating Fund 69
References & End Notes 70
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I. Introduction
Although it took roots in Africa almost at the same time as in Asia and Latin
America (in the mid 1970s), microfinance in its modern form evolved more
steadily in the region only after 1993. Now, just some 15 years later, it has
become such an important and critical component of the region’s formal financial
system that the development of all-inclusive financial system is a palpable dream
for Africa.
From South Africa (the region’s most developed economy), to Sierra Leone and
Liberia in West Africa (two of the least developed and war-ravaged economies
just recovering from years of destruction), microfinance is today a system that
provides structures for people previously excluded to save and take loans, in
addition to smoothing consumption and managing various shocks. On this,
Sodokin notes:
“… MFIs provide the only means of tapping resources on both sides of the financial
divide—they are a new class of customer to banks. Between 1999 and end-2005 in the
UEMOA zone, public deposits with MFIs increased seven-fold within the period of 10 years;
rising from CFAF 38 billion to CFAF 250 billion. In the same period, MFIs’ deposits with
banks increased in turn by almost four-fold, rising from CFAF 13 billion in 1996 to CFAF 59
billion in 2003… As long as MFIs lend from an existing capital base; and not just a portion
of deposits held, reserves held by MFIs with banks are unencumbered and can be
leveraged, thus creating new money income…”1
A recently completed study (African Union, 2008) show that Africa’s microfinance
system presently involve more than 8,532 active microfinance institutions of
diverse institutional forms, and presently serves more than 26.5 million people as
of year-end 2006 (Table 1). The size of the industry, as measured by assets, is
roughly $10 billion and employing as many as 100,000 people, which is certainly
far more people than the number engaged by the regions 670 commercial banks.
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Table 1. Landscape of African Microfinance Sector at July 2007
Sub Region No.
Countries)
Current
Pop.
(millions)
Poverty
rate
No. of
Banks
No.
of
MFIs
Pop. with
bank
account
(%)
Pop.
Served
by MFIs
(%)
GDP
(USD,
Bns))
Clients
(000’s)
Gross Loan
Portfolio
(USD, Mns)
Maghreb Africa 6 161.8 20.4 122 297 25.0 4.1 366 1,753 234.40
French West Africa 10 80.4 58.7 101 1217 15.9 4.5 475 3,071 792.31
Anglophone West Africa 7 184.9 61.3 77 1,330 12.2 3 377.6 3,263 329.71
Central African States 8 80.4 58.7 101 1,217 15.9 4.5 475 3,071 434.31
Eastern Africa 11 266.4 62.4 124 851 12.7 4.2 130.3 3,117 1,843.00
Southern Africa 13 149.6 47.1 142 2671 14.1 2.7 319.2 6,287 1446.74
Total/average 55 923.5 51.4 667 8,532 16.0 3.8 2143.1 20,562 5,080.50
SOURCE: OKETCH, 2007
The rapid growth of microfinance worldwide comes from the belated realization
that, contrary to long-held view of the poor as being bad risk, they are actually
more disciplined savers as well as borrowers. In Africa where the formal financial
sector remains shallow and largely inaccessible to large segments of the
population, the discovery of innovative methodologies to deliver many financial
products to even the poorest sustainably by Professor Muhammad Yunus,
founder and leader of Grameen Bank of Bangladesh found a fertile ground for
rapid growth. This, combined with evidence that small loans make a big
difference, has encouraged many governments worldwide to see microfinance as
potentially powerful tool against poverty, thus its rapid growth.
In the few countries where microfinance is at a more advanced stage of
development, for example Mali and Senegal, the system has actually grown to
serves nearly as many customers as those served by formal financial institutions,
if not more. Moreover, in countries where the formal financial system is
particularly small and underdeveloped like in Mauritania and the Comoros
Islands, the microfinance system even though newer and not as well developed is
already holding a significant share of the total financial sector assets.
In the Comoros islands, for instance, the microfinance system accounted for as
high as 25 percent of the total bank deposits and 20 percent of total bank
credit2, despite having taken roots there only in the mid 1990s. Similarly, in the
Congo Republic after the war, the microfinance sector has evolved fast and by
end of 2006 already accounted for 10.5 percent of the total banking assets or
three percent of the GDP3.
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The importance of microfinance for Africa
For Africa, where thousands of capital-starved informal enterprises and
smallholder agriculture provide the bulk of total employment4, in addition to
contributing about a fifth to a third of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), an
improved access to finance through the expansion and further development of
the microfinance system could make a big difference in poverty reduction.
Because of financial exclusion for the greater part of the last 50 years, small firms
in Africa and rural smallholder farmers have been unable to take advantage of
their ingenuity, labor, or knowledge to exploit productive opportunities. Hence,
the evolution and successful development of microfinance in Africa is important
as it holds much promise for accelerated and broad-based economic growth.
Table 1.1 - The Size of the Informal Economy in various major regions of the World in
2000
Region Informal Economy
as a % of GNP
Informal Economy
Size (US billion)
Africa 42 40
Asia 26 531
Latin America 41 353
EIT 38 117
OECD/Europe 18 894
Accumulating evidence over two decades shows that greater access to
microfinance by poor people can result in poverty reduction. Specifically,
literature shows that greater access to microfinance not only leads to increased
saving rates among poor people compared to those without any access5, it also
produces a wider range of positive impacts on the poor. These include household
incomes, spending on home improvement and education, diversification of
income base, and expenditure on food6. Further, as a new type of business
organization in Africa, microfinance is a valuable source of employment and
incomes7’8.
Application of microfinance by nano enterprises
After reviewing 32 early impact studies of microcredit, Sebstad and Chen (1996)9,
for example, found positive increases in average enterprise incomes of between
25 percent and 40 percent, while Pitt and Khandkar (1998) 10; in a study involving
1,800 microfinance clients in Bangladesh, found positive changes in household
consumption, accumulation of non-land assets, and schooling for children.
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Remarkably, the latter study showed that 5 percent of the clients studied had
crossed the poverty line each year due to impact of microcredit on their incomes
and household consumption. In disaster situations and post conflict areas, too,
studies of impact show that access to microcredit by affected families enabled
them to rebuild their economic activities and livelihoods if designed
appropriately and conveniently delivered11.
Moreover, in addition to being able to expand and diversify their economic base
or meeting needs for which resources were previously scarce, the clients can
become empowered economic agents with improved and more reliable access to
finance, as explained by Prahalad12:
“… Poverty exists not just, because those affected by it lack the means to improve their
wellbeing. Also, because they have limited income, the poor often buy in small quantities;
hence end up paying more for the same goods and services. Because they do not have their
own means of transport, the poor often do most of their shopping locally in smaller stores
that charge more. If they are able to secure a loan at all, it is often at a much higher price
because of limited supply...”
Yet, if they get access to financial services that are more reliable, the poor would
overcome all of their disadvantages, as Prahalad further aptly notes:
“…When the poor are treated as consumers, they can reap the benefits of respect, choice
and self-esteem, besides an opportunity for them to climb out of the poverty trap”.
The more scientific impact studies completed just in the last five years show
exactly how the poor take advantage of financial services provided by
microfinance institutions to protect themselves from economic and social shocks,
as well as invest in previously unavailable opportunities (Table 2.2)13.
Table 2.2. Typical Investment of Microfinance Loans
Options A. In Enterprise B. In Household
1. Adding to working capital Home improvement
2. Diversifying into different
enterprises
Purchasing land or building for non-business
purposes
3. Starting a business Paying for school /education or training
4. Purchasing new
equipment/assets
Medical treatment/insurance
5. Constructing or adding new
business infrastructure, e.g.,
premises, installing power, etc
Loan repayment
6. Business infrastructure
improvement
Meeting daily needs or retirement needs
7. Vehicle purchase
8. Buying household goods
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9. Ceremony or social expenditure
10. Holiday/leisure expenditure
11. Jewelry purchase
SOURCE: JOHNSTON AND MURDOCH, 2007
As shown in the table, the population at the lower end of the income spectrum
indeed does apply finance to expand or diversify their economic activities or
finance their immediate household or individual consumption needs in case
resources are either inadequate or totally lacking. In this regard, the people at
lower end of the income spectrum apply access to finance remarkably almost
exactly in the same way as the aristocrats (Table 2.3)14. Therefore, given proper
motivation and the means to do so, the people living on less than US$ 1 a day
can easily take advantage of microfinance to improve their lives.
Table 2.3. Use of Loan by Purpose and Level of Income
Loan use Level of Household Income
Households living below the
poverty line
Households
with per capita
income 1 to 3
times the
poverty line
Households with per
capita income more
than 3 times the
poverty line or higher
(a) In business 49 55 57
(b) In household 35 43 45
© Other 23 6 7
Respondents 69 208 271
SOURCE: JOHNSTON AND MURDOCH, 2007
Clearly, as shown in tables 2.2 and 2.3 above, a large part of Africa’s population
currently living in poverty perfectly knows how to work their way out of poverty.
Yet African microfinance programs are notoriously aloof to its main target
customers, who desert services at unacceptably high rates; in East and Southern
Africa, client dropout rates are as high as 40 percent per annum. In most African
countries, due to price gorging, unfavorable terms and conditions, and badly
timed repayment cycles, client retention has been low in spite of the high
marketing cost and basic up-front investment in building social capital1.
Considerable confusion on the appropriate service delivery methodology to apply
1 Some experts estimate that if, for example, a microfinance institution with about 30,000 clients suffers a
dropout rate of 20% a year, that this would translate to 6,000 clients lost every 12 months. Taking an average loan size of US$150 and that in a lifetime a client might take 10 loans, the total future sales lost per year is equivalent to US$9 million. See Inez Murray, April 2001.
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with different segments of the poor, for example the microfinance institutions
overreliance on solidarity group methodology, which requires potential clients to
having a regular (usually household business) source of income, has often
discouraged some potential clients from taking loans and savings facilities.
Occasionally, lack of proper planning, late disbursement of loans or inadequate
assessment of needs has not infrequently encouraged situations where the
proceeds do not necessarily go for business activities.
Obstacles to growth and poverty reduction
Despite rapid growth and expansion, the continent’s microfinance infrastructure
remains weak as compared to systems in other regions. For instance, towards the
end of the 1990s, Africa had 45 percent of all operating microfinance institutions
globally15, while Asia and Latin America each had 36.4 percent and 18.6 percent.
While the number of MFIs in Africa has evolved as steadily as in other parts of the
globe, it has not reached out to as many people as in Asia or Latin America. As of
end-2006, for instance, Africa’s microfinance system was reaching just 11.4
percent of the region’s poorest households, whereas in Asia and Latin America
the system was reaching out to 68 percent and 20.2 percent (Figure 1.1).
With the exception of Egypt and South Africa, access to finance globally is lowest
in Africa, with 16 of the countries in the region having a population penetration
rate of below 20 percent and the rest between 20 percent and 40 percent as of
end of 2005 (Figure 1.1)16. Moreover, while there has been tremendous growth
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in outreach, the recent ratings indicate that on average the region is moving
away from serving the poor. The estimated average loan size relative to income
per person has increased up to 77 percent, from 71 percent in 2002 and even
further up to 89% by 2003. Average loan size per borrower is also on the
increase—now standing slightly above $346.
A few of the transformed or inspiring to transform are clearly drifting from clients
at or below the poverty line. One institution in Senegal now has the highest
average loan sizes in the region; now standing at $ 1,321 per borrower. In
contrast, the MFI serving the poorest clients, with a depth of reach at 20% and
loan size of 50%, exists in Uganda. Generally, East Africa has some of the deepest
reaching MFIs in the region.
In spite of its potential for poverty reduction and enterprise development, and
widespread acceptance and recognition, access to finance in general and
microfinance in particular remains severely limited in Africa. Altogether, just
about 4 percent of the estimated 560 million low-income populations in the
region have any access to finance (Figure 1.2)17.
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The most optimistic of current estimates suggests that not more than 20 percent
of the region’s total adult population have an account at a formal or semiformal
financial institution18. Worse still, just about 1 percent of the population has ever
obtained a loan from a formal financial institution. Access to microfinance also
varies considerably by country and sub-region, as indicated in Figure 1.2 above.
The microfinance system in Tunisia, for example, is reaching far more of the
country’s population than the systems in Senegal, Togo, Uganda, or Ethiopia. Not
only is the number of new microfinance diminishing, but also the number of new
microfinance customers is decelerating. Furthermore, whereas 75 percent of the
microfinance institutions in Asia are concentrated in rural areas, in Africa 65
percent are concentrated in the urban areas. In addition to the limited and
unbalanced outreach, the microfinance system in Africa is lagging behind the
systems in other regions in performance (Figure 1.3).
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With regard to resources for funding growth, Africa is also the region that is most
lacking. It receives the least amount of the nearly $1 billion funds invested in
microfinance yearly worldwide. More than 90 percent of the 120 microfinance
institutions surveyed in Africa by CGAP in 2004 cited lack of capital as the single
most important constraint to their growth19. Even though the level of investment
in Africa’s microfinance system has increased lately from about 1.3 percent of
total funds invested in 2003 to about 6 percent by 2006, the absolute amount of
external capital to Africa is disproportionately small compared to investments in
Asia’s and Latin America’s microfinance systems (Table 3).
Table 3. Distribution of MIVs (USD, millions) As At End-2006
Region Private
funds
Public
investors
All
investors
Total No. of
Recipients
Debt Equity Debt Equity Guarantees
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Eastern Europe & Central
Asia
35.6 73.5 323 68.2 2 502.2 90
Latin America & Caribbean 162.8 67.4 150.9 13.4 63.3 457.9 195
Sub-Saharan Africa 31.2 14.9 1.7 6.1 9 62.9 112
East Asia & Pacific 23.9 1.2 6 3.7 0.9 35.7 64
South Asia 27.7 1 0 5.3 1.1 29 48
Middle East & North Africa 1.8 0 0 0 7 8.8 8
TOTAL 276.9 158 481.6 96.6 83.3 1,096.50 517
SOURCE: MICRORATE, 2006
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II. The African Microfinance system
Roots and evolution of the system
The term microfinance refers to the unique technology that enables the delivery
of sustainable financial services to the world’s low-income populations
conveniently and affordably20. Alternatively, the term refers collectively to the
group of self-sustaining financial services designed and targeted at the socially
and economically disadvantaged populations traditionally excluded by
conventional financial institutions.
What sets microfinance apart from conventional financial systems is its high
degree of flexibility21 and unorthodox approach to credit risk analysis and
management, while still serving a customer class that typically lacks assets22 or
records, and is neither well educated nor informed about financial services
generally. As observed by the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Prof. Muhammad
Yunus, the Bangladeshi economist and founder and managing director of
Grameen Bank:
“… Microfinance is a revolution in banking that has succeeded in turning the field upside
down. It has opened doors that for years denied financial services to the poor; when banks
lent to the rich, the microfinance institutions lent to the poor. When banks lent to men,
they lent to women. When banks made large loans, they made small ones. When banks
required collateral, their loans were collateral free. When banks required endless
paperwork, their loans were illiterate-friendly. When clients had to come to the bank, the
microlenders instead went to the clients…”23
The microfinance revolution essentially consists of a set of institutional
innovations aimed at resolving information constraints without relying on wealth
as signal of creditworthiness and ability to pay, e.g. the substitution of collateral
lending with group lending with joint liability or village banking. In addition,
where individual lending methodology is applicable, risk assessment dwells on
the analysis of client character and projected cash flow from targeted investment
project instead of the value of collateral or credit history as important proxy for
ability and willingness to pay. Furthermore, the fact that loan disbursement in
solidarity group lending is staggered among group members, and that
incrementally bigger loan sizes are absolutely dependent on past good loan
repayment, introduces dynamic incentives into the basic model. Other dynamic
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incentives, for instance with individual loans, includes graduated interest rate
rebates or more flexible terms that are conditional to timely weekly or monthly
installments throughout a loan repayment cycle. Yet still other MFIs, depending
on clients’ record, exempt good borrowers from certain standard requirements
when they take future loans.
It was in the mid 1980s, following the World Bank-sponsored Structural
Adjustments (SAPs) for African economies, when the drive for self-employment
through the provision of microcredit and technical support led to the discovery
and later the development of microfinance in the region. This early connection
between micro/small-enterprise development, poverty reduction, and access to
finance remains surprisingly strong to the present time, when the new focus on
how to apply an improved access to finance to enhance the competitiveness of
informal enterprises in a globalizing system of production and commerce.
The period between 1993 and 1997, following the launch of the first-ever
worldwide campaign to scale up outreach in Washington DC, USA, was the critical
point in time. From then on, the idea of providing microfinance on sustainable
terms became a goal in its own right. The period also witnessed the most intense
debate on how best to support enterprise development.
The year 1997 became a major turning point for microfinance when those
advocating for a financial system approach to microfinance development seemed
vindicated by the overwhelming success achieved by specialized, minimalist
microfinance institutions, notably Bangladeshi’s Grameen Bank, as compared to
that of organizations that continued providing other services alongside
microfinance. By 2000, the idea of a financial systems approach to microfinance
development had changed completely to a philosophy and movement that
advocated for commercialization and transformation of microfinance as the only
sure way of meeting the huge unsatisfied demand for services among low-
income populations24. Industry leaders now believe that any further
development of the microfinance system depends primarily on the provision of
market-driven financial products and massive participation of the private sector.
As of March 2006, some 43 microfinance intermediaries, seven of them in Africa,
had transformed and commercialized their operations25. Yet, with the notable
exception of Equity Bank in Kenya26, none of these intermediaries exhibits the
scale, growth, or efficiency promised in the commercialization and transformation
model27. Worse still, not only do these pioneers achieve just modest
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improvement in scale, growth, or efficiency, the results are at a prohibitively high
cost28. Furthermore, there is accumulating evidence of mission drift in these
institutions, a fact that is also slowly dampening expectations about the financial
systems approach29.
Regional and worldwide distribution of MFIs
The present global distribution of microfinance shows a universally high demand
for financial services among the low-income populations. In addition to the
increase in the number of institutions that provide microfinance worldwide — still
frequently pegged at the 1,000 identified in 1996, there has similarly been a jump
in the number of low-income populations served by the institutions.
The first inventory of microfinance institutions conducted worldwide by the
World Bank in 1996 listed close to 1,000 providers, of which approximately 282
were in Africa. Yet Africa alone currently has over 8,532 MFIs (Table 3), even
without including similar establishments from Libya, Mauritius, Algeria, Djibouti,
Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome et Principe, and Seychelles on whom not data was
readily available. Furthermore, for some countries like Kenya, the list excludes all
urban Savings and Credit Cooperative Societies (SACCOS), even though many of
their customers live below the poverty line. The latest data available for some
countries, for example Guinea, Djibouti, Comoros, and South Africa, were for end-
2004, a little outdated. It is therefore safe to assume that Africa’s total
intermediaries actually exceed 8,532 microfinance institutions.
Table 2.1 Country Distribution of MFIs in Africa, 2007
Country Current Pop.
(millions)
Poverty
rate
No. of
Banks
No. of
MFIs
Pop. With bank
account (%)
Pop. Served by
MFIs (%)
Clients
(000's)
Algeria 33.2 25 15 70 30 1 332
Tunisia 10.1 7.4 20 102 42 3.3 1254
Morocco 31.8 19 22 44 25 2.7 1046
Mauritania 3.1 46.7 10 67 16 15 139
Egypt 77.5 17 46 13 10 2.4 750
Liberia 3.6 76 4 81 0.5 0.2 8.2
Sierra Leone 6 80 7 18 5.6 0.7 9
Guinea 9.7 58 7 8 20 1.3 175
Cape Verde 0.4 30 5 6 21 14.5 5
Senegal 12 54 17 833 7 2.4 800
Gambia 1.5 61 6 20 21 1.7 232
Mali 11.7 63.8 12 48 22 5.2 614
Niger 12.5 63 12 170 11 3.2 225.6
Nigeria 149.5 63 23 750 11 0.9 1392
Cote d'Ivoire 17.7 48 17 35 11.6 3.1 690.3
Togo 5.5 66.4 10 45 28 2.4 875
Benin 7.9 64 12 31 3.5 11 656
Ghana 22.4 58 26 435 5.4 1.2 1544.9
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Burkina Faso 13.9 59 11 424 5.1 5.8 1000
Gabon 1.4 6 13 16 0.4 4.78
Central Africa Republic 3.5 81.5 3 36 1.5 1.1 40
Congo, Brazzaville 4.4 52 4 86 4.1 5.1 12
Chad 10.1 81.7 7 214 0.9 0.5 100
Congo, Democratic Rep. 62.7 92.4 3 70 2.7 0.3 54.5
Cameroon 19 48 11 714 5 3.8 476
Sudan 35.1 41.2 23 70 13 2 842.4
Burundi 8.4 81 7 22 34 2.4 200
Rwanda 8.6 59.4 5 230 12 13 375
Uganda 32 65 6 756 7 3 1300
Ethiopia 85.1 46 9 23 1.3 1700
Eritrea 4.9 53 2 9 0.4 25
Somalia 12 43 0 8 0.1 12
Kenya 38.5 56 41 365 10 7.8 2000
Tanzania 40.4 51.1 25 43 6.4 7 653
Comoros Island 0.7 60 3 2 20 5 57.9
Angola 17.3 70 12 9 5 0.1 11
Mozambique 19.7 54 12 50 0.3 0.2 130.8
Malawi 13 70 9 29 3 2.9 380
Zambia 11.5 72.9 17 95 4.5 0.2 50
Zimbabwe 13.2 52 11 257 17.8 0.5 13
Namibia 1.8 34.9 8 223 28.4 3 300
Lesotho 2.4 49 5 43 18 0.8 19.2
Botswana 1.8 31 7 47 24 6 10.8
Swaziland 1.1 69 5 150 35.3 11.3 121.3
South Africa 47.8 50 28 1,354 31.7 8 5514
Madagascar 18.6 50 10 411 2 1.1 307
Seychelles 0.1 6 3 1.8 0.8 80
Africa wide 945 51.5 667 8,532 12 3.4 26,532
SOURCE: OKETCH, 2007
Altogether, these institutions already serve more than 26.5 million people, or
roughly 3.4 percent of Africa’s total population. In terms of numbers, there are
presently 15.2 times more microfinance institutions in Africa than commercial
banks, although banks serve more people, i.e., 12 percent.
The largest number of MFIs is in South Africa, Nigeria, Uganda, Kenya, Cameroon,
Ghana, Senegal, and Burkina Faso. Yet, depending on the total population, the
countries with greater outreach are not necessarily the countries with the largest
number of MFIs. Although South Africa has the most number of MFIs and
microfinance clients; at approximately 6 million people, its coverage is just eight
percent of the population. Similarly, Nigeria, which has about 1.3 million
microfinance clients, has population coverage below 1 percent.
Holding other things constant, for example, randomness and fair representation
of the samples used, microfinance (as measured by the change in number of
institutions involved in its provision) has been more dynamic in Africa than in the
other two regions. According to the 1999 IFPRI Survey30, Asia had 3.7 times more
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institutions of microfinance than Africa. Yet as of end-2006, Asia had only 1.7
times more microfinance institutions. Secondly, ACCION International reportedly
introduced solidarity group lending, the mother innovation and driver of
microfinance development to its present form, in Latin America in 197331.
Therefore, because Africa already had 2.4 times more MFIs in 1999 than Latin
America after just 14 years of its evolution, microfinance must have grown faster
in the region (Table 4).
Table 4. Relative Increase in the Number of MFIs 1996-2006
Region No. of
Reporting
MFIs 2006
%share
of MFIs
2006
Total
customers
2006
%share
customers
2006
%share
of
MFIs
20062
No. of
MFIs
1999[i]
%share
MFIs
1999
Customers
1999
%share of
customers
1999
Africa 971 31.5 7,731,870 7.1 31.5 327 21.8 2,330,753 9.9
Asia & the
Pacific
1,652 53.5 96,689,252 88.3 53.5 1,038 69.2 18,175,161 77.2
Latin
America &
Caribbean
439 14.2 4,409,093 4 14.2 135 9 3,037,041 12.9
Middle East 23 0.7 687,318 0.6 0.7 .. .. .. ..
Total 3085 100 109,517,533 100 100 1,500 100 23,542,955 100
1[i] Lapenu and Zeller, (2001). op. cit.
SOURCE: OKETCH, ADAPTED
The table above helps us to see whether the growth in the number of institutions
involved in the provision of microfinance matched a similar growth within the
institutions, as measured by increases in the number of clients served. It shows,
for instance, that Africa served 9.9 percent of the 24 million clients in 1999, while
Asia and Latin America served 77.2 percent and 12.9 percent, respectively. Yet, as
of end-2006, Asia’s microfinance system had expanded to a point where they
were serving 88.3 percent; i.e., 11.1 percent more customers of the global clients,
while that of Africa and Latin America served just 7.1 percent and 4 percent, a
relative drop in share of customers of 2.8 percent and 8.9 percent. This indicates
that, at the individual institutional level, the African microfinance institutions have
been growing less quickly than those in Asia do, but certainly faster than the
Latin American providers do.
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It is instructive that, whereas Asia’s microfinance system served 12.5 times more
clients in 1999 than Africa’s as of end-2006, the gap in outreach between the two
regions had narrowed to a difference of just 7.8 times more clients. Strikingly,
Latin America’s microfinance system, which is reportedly older and presently the
most developed as a market, has been less dynamic than Africa’s.
The global microfinance system has expanded almost five-hold (4.6 times more
institutions within 14 years) between 1999 when IFPRI conducted the second
global inventory and year-end 2006.
Institutional diversity and transformation
Not only has the microfinance system in Africa expanded in terms of institutions
globally, there is greater diversity in the types of institutions that have emerged
or entered the market. From the pool of institutions identified in 1996, the bank
picked a random sample of 205 institutions for more detailed analysis of their
legal profile, service delivery methodology, gender distribution of clients, financial
products offered, and the depth and breadth of outreach. All the institutions
studied came into existence in either 1992 or later and had expanded their
outreach to the point where they were each serving at least 1,000 people.
Of the many MFIs identified by the World Bank in 1995, just 870 qualified for
further analysis, based on these criteria, and thus provided the universal sampling
frame for further analysis of structure and profile of the microfinance system
then. According to this inventory, and assuming that the sample was
representative of the prevailing situation in East, Central, and Southern Africa,
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were the dominant type of service
providers (Table 5), accounting for 81.3 percent of all the institutions surveyed.
Table 5. Sample Distribution of MFIs Analyzed by the World Bank in 1995
Region Number of MFIs %Share
East, Central, and Southern Africa 134 17.6
East Asia & Pacific 122 16.1
Western & Central Africa 124 16.3
Middle East & North Africa 30 3.9
Europe & Central Asia 24 3.2
South Asia 98 12.9
Latin America & Caribbean 362 47.6
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Total 760 100
SOURCE: ADAPTED BY AUTHOR
Financial cooperatives or credit unions accounted for 12.5 percent, while just 6.3
percent were retail banks venturing into microfinance. Some 11 years later,
however, the global composition of microfinance institutions reveals major
changes that have occurred since then, including the entry and evolution of
completely new players in the provision of microfinance.
The analysis below is based on data from two partial but nonetheless random
databases (Table 6)32 and is intended to illustrate the changing landscape of
microfinance institutions in Africa and worldwide.
Table 6. Global Landscape of Microfinance Institutions as at End-2005
Charter Type Global % global Africa %Africa
Bank 51 11.4 7 8
Credit Union 30 6.7 16 0.2
NBFI 140 31.4 24 27.3
NGO 198 44.4 39 44.3
Rural Bank 26 5.8
Total 446 100 88 100
SOURCE: MIX-MARKET DATABASE, 2005
The table shows the similarities and differences in the landscape of the
institutions globally and in Africa. NGOs still dominated the provision of
microfinance globally and in Africa in 2005, at 44.4 percent and 44.3 percent
respectively. However, relatively fewer banks and credit unions are involved in
microfinance in Africa as compared to other regions. Previously, NGOs
represented 81.3 percent of all providers surveyed, while credit unions and retail
banks each represented 12.5 percent and 6.3 percent respectively. In 1995 and
1999, no specialized non-bank intermediaries were involved in the provision of
microfinance. This has changed and there is now abundant evidence that new
types of institutions are entering the microfinance market. Until recently, no rural
banks featured as microfinance providers in the earlier inventories.
However, judging by the numbers of providers alone, NGOs are still the leading
providers of microfinance, accounting for 44.4 percent of institutions self-
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reporting to the Micro Banking Bulletin even though there seems to have been a
more rapid growth in the category of financial cooperatives and non-bank
financial intermediaries. With the exception of BancoSol in Bolivia, which was
established in 1992 as the first-ever NGO to transform into a regulated bank, 44
other NGOs have since followed suit, as of March 2006.
Regional Diversity
In addition to rural banks, savings and loan companies, and community banks —
mostly found in Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania, — Africa is fast
becoming home to varied types of regulated microfinance institutions.
Presently, close to a third of all institutions involved in microfinance in Africa are
non-bank financial intermediaries. In 2005, CGAP conducted a detailed analysis of
300 microfinance institutions in Africa33, which confirmed the changing
landscape (Table 7).
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Table 7. MFIs Type By Sub-region
Central
Africa
Eastern
Africa
Indian
Ocean
Southern
Africa
Total
Type Number of
MFIs
%MFIs
Number of MFIs
%MFIs
Number of
MFIs
%MFIs
Number of MFIs %MFIs Number of
MFIs
%MFIs
Number of
MFIs
%MFIs
Credit
Union
10 56 4 10 8 88.9 2 7.1 32 48.5 56 34
NBFI 3 17 23 55 1 11.1 18 64.3 26 39.4 71 44
NGO 5 28 15 36 8 28.6 8 12.1 36 22
Total
MFIs
18 100 42 100 9 28 100 66 100 163 100
Countries 7
4
3
10
15
39
SOURCE: LAFOURCADE ET AL, 2005
Apparently, as seen in table 7 above, new players exists in all of sub-regions,
although West and Central Africa seem to have relatively more credit unions than
the other three sub-regions. In terms of institutions involved, both the IFPRI and
recent Mix study show that financial cooperatives make up the largest proportion
of the credit volume and savings transactions, while solidarity groups provide the
majority of borrowers. However, it is the village banks and other linkage models
that have higher staff productivity combined with a better depth of outreach than
other MFIs.
More than 95% of the volume of microfinance transactions passes through
regulated institution (bank or cooperative), while less than 2% of the volume of
savings mobilized and savings disbursed are by unregulated15 MFIs, which make
up 60% of the total number of MFIs. The April 2005 Mix study noted the
following facts about Africa’s microfinance institutions:
“… African MFIs are among the most productive globally, as measured by the number of
borrowers and savers per staff member. They also demonstrate higher levels of portfolio
quality, with an average portfolio at risk of over 30 days of only four percent. Still, African
MFIs face many challenges. Operating and financial expenses are high, and on average,
revenues remain lower than in other global regions. Efficiency in terms of cost per
borrower is lowest for African MFIs. Technological innovations, product refinements, and
ongoing efforts to strengthen the capacity of African MFIs are needed to reduce costs,
increase outreach, and boost overall profitability…”
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Gender reach by type of MFI
Regional studies of outreach show significant gender differences among the
clients served by regulated and non-regulated microfinance institutions, and by
poverty profile. For instance, the unregulated MFIs reportedly serve the highest
percentage of women borrowers (at 69%) compared to the regulated (63%), with
the cooperatives serving the least percentage of women at just 50% of total
borrowers. Secondly, using the average outstanding savings and loans as proxy
for clients’ socio-economic profile, the Mix study shows that the unregulated
MFIs are reaching relatively poorer clients than the regulated ones.
Finally, Sergio et al (1998) analyzed the depth of outreach for five MFIs in Bolivia
and the findings from their study suggest that both the design of financial
products and service delivery used by a particular institution have a bearing on
relative impact of microcredit. MFIs using group-lending technology especially
reach poorer clients than those using individual lending methodology.
In spite of these remarkable results, there has been a general decline in growth
and expansion, with clients growing at below 50 percent and the loan portfolio
even less; from 58 percent in 2002 to around 32 percent in 2003.
financial products Diversity
Microfinance institutions worldwide initially offered just one product —
microcredit — thereby leading some commentators to refer to savings as the
“forgotten half of financial services to the low-income populations”. However,
along with the changing landscape of microfinance service providers discussed
above, there are now more products on offer to these populations. These include
savings and micro-insurance financial products (Figure 2). Yet, by far, microcredit,
or simply enterprise loans, remains the oldest and flagship of microfinance
institutions worldwide.
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Consumer loans
Housing loans
Enterprise loans
Savings accounts
Time deposits
Pensions
Life insurance
Health insurance
Burial
Remittances
Figure 2. Percenatge of African MFIs (N=94)(as of November 2007)
For credit unions and most MFIs based in Western Africa, voluntary savings and
individual loan products were the earliest, dating as from 1993 in Benin, Burkina
Faso, and Mali. However, in the Eastern African sub-region, solidarity group loans
were among the earliest products. Asset loans or lease financing are among the
newest, having been introduced for the first in 1991, but picking up just in 2003.
Remittances or money transfer entered the market for the first time in 2004, but
has grown fast since 2006. The newest types of loans currently provided in the
African microfinance market include credit to purchase shares or investment
loans, livestock purchase loans, and SME loans. Among other notable products
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making a debut in the African market are village phone loans (so far found only
in Uganda), food/security farming loans in Ethiopia, Kenya, and many parts of
Western Africa, education loans, and emergency loans. So far, credit life insurance
and funeral or burial insurance cover financial products are available only in the
Southern part of Africa. In Western and Eastern Africa, particularly in Kenya, the
microfinance institutions also provide varied types of savings accounts.
The strong demand, hence relevance of the financial products, explains the rapid
growth of the microfinance sector in Africa. As an example, the number of
microfinance institutions operating in the UEMOA zone expanded by nearly eight
times to 1,552, between 1993 and 2006 (Figure 3.1). Likewise, there has been
rapid growth in the volume of deposits and loans made by these institutions,
suggesting the presence of a strong demand and the relevance of microfinance,
as further illustrated in following section.
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Lastly, while there were hardly any microfinance intermediaries in Africa that had
an outreach above 50,000 clients a decade ago, 38.1 percent of the
intermediaries currently have an outreach that exceeds 100,000 customers
each34.
Outreach and Financial Performance
This section draws from 89 ratings of African microfinance institutions between
2001 and 2007 and several new and old surveys of the sector (Table 9). Because
they are more objective, rating reports provide reliable benchmarks for
comparative analysis between institutions. Ratings are also good in revealing
important industry trends.
In the past three years, the African microfinance system has scored significant
results in several areas, for example, declining average expense ratio, which
suggests an increasing operational efficiency. Cost per loan has also dropped
significantly to within 30 percent of outstanding loan portfolio balances, while the
average operating self-sufficiency has improved from 110 percent as of
December 2002 to 117 percent a year later. In addition to the rapid growth and
expansion of microfinance in Africa since the mid 1990s in terms of institutions
and products, there has also been an impressive growth in volume at the
individual provider level (Figure 3.3), as earlier discussed.
Table 9. Current Financial Profile of Microfinance Institutions
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Region Total outlets Rural outlets Age Lending portfolio (US$)
Africa
Average 42 31 1993 22,890,491
Median 21 14 1995 7,694,700
Sum 1,250 893 709,605,233
Americas
Average 14 13 1993 115,662,750
Median 10 8 1996 7,000,000
Sum 307 286 2,660,243,250
Asia
Average 279 286 1991 154,426,210
Median 15 12 1992 3,384,565
Sum 9,776 8,873 41,015,081,458
All INAFI,
sample
Average 130 123 1992 92,311,624
Median 16 11 1994 7,236,510
Sum 11,33
3
10,05
2
7,384,929,941
Global 17,62
9
15,63
6
1993 11,487,668,797
SOURCE: INAFI AFRICA, NOVEMBER 2007
The table above gives a sense of the financial performance so far achieved by the
microfinance institutions in Africa and a comparative global picture.
Specifically, using outstanding loan balances as one of the key measures, the
table shows how the typical African MFI is handling as much volume of credit to
the low-income populations as its peers in the Americas. They also seem to
perform even better than the typical microfinance institution in Asia. Similarly, if
the number of outlets represents a measure of handling capacity, then the typical
African MFI seems to have a wider geographical coverage of low-income clients
than do its peers in Asia and Latin America. The same generally good
performance using these two key measures is also evident by sub-region.
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Take the case of the West Africa sub-region where we have decade-long time
series data at the country level (Figures 3.1 and 3.2, above), for example. In 1993,
when microfinance came under financial systems regulation in the UEMOA zone,
the system served under half a million clients. However, 14 years later, it now
serves 7.8 million low-income households and individuals in the eight countries.
This is about twice as many clients served by the decentralized financial system in
2004, up from the 4.3 million customers in 2000 and nearly eight times the
number of clients served as of year-end 2006. The total volume of deposits and
credits channeled through the system stood at $750 million and $645 million,
respectively, as of end-2006 (Figure 3.3).
By scale, the biggest MFIs in the region serve at least more than 40,000 active
loan customers. The average outstanding loan portfolio as at end of 2003 was $7
million hence suggesting tremendous growth in lending volumes from $5.1
million in 2002; as the beginning of the period, Gross portfolio for the region
stood at $ 3.4 million. Today some of the biggest MFIs in the region, mostly the
group of transformed or mature organizations (e.g. ACEP and K-REP bank); have
gross portfolio exceeding $ 20 million. The smaller MFIs in the region hold a
combination of between $800,000 and 5,000 active clients.
At the institutional level, the 20 largest MFIs in Africa (as measured by number of
borrowers), accounts for more than 71% of the total outreach. Similarly, the top
20 MFIs in size (as measured by gross loan portfolio) accounts for nearly 80% of
the total regional portfolio, and therefore the majority of MFIs in the region are
reaching just a handful of clients. This huge imbalance in outreach is due to
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differences in the MFIs access to resources and legal status. The biggest of the
MFIs happens to be savings-led and member-owned institutions, for example
FCPB in Burkina Faso, DECSI in Ethiopia, and Kafo Jiginew in Mali.
According to the IFPRI survey, Asia accounts for the largest volume of savings
and loans and employs the largest number of staff. Asia’s MFIs also reportedly
had lower personnel costs than those in Africa and Latin America.
Due to poor infrastructure, undiversified economies, high transaction costs, and
because of poor and illiterate microfinance clients, African MFIs have low staff
productivity. However, as a percentage of GNP per capita, African MFIs still
handle relatively larger loan sizes than Asia, but not Latin America.
The IFPRI report attributes the relatively high rural outreach in Asia to the densely
populated irrigated or fertile areas widely available in the region.
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III. Current Limitations, nano firms view
Institutional perspective Despite the outlined developments, the microfinance system in Africa has yet to
realize its full potential. Even after growing rapidly and extensively throughout
the region since the mid 1990s, access remains limited.
As of December 2006, for instance, just about four percent of the region’s
potentially eligible population had services. Secondly, the market is highly
concentrated in a small number of leading institutions and countries. In the entire
region, the top 10 providers cater to nearly two thirds of the entire market35. The
imbalance is evident even among the countries, with Ethiopia alone accounting
for six of the top 10 biggest microfinance institutions in Africa in 2007. Next in
line is Senegal and Burkina Faso.
In the CEMAC zone covering seven Central African states, almost two thirds of all
microfinance institutions and volumes of credit and deposits are concentrated in
Cameroon36. In many of the 53 AU member states, often just two to three
players control a high share of the total national markets; of between 60 percent
and 80 percent. In Malawi, for instance, a single microfinance institution (the
MRFC) controlled as much as 80 percent of the national market in 2006. In Mali,
during the same period37, three of the biggest microfinance institutions —
Nyesigiso, Kafo Jiginew, and Kondo Jigime — controlled 60 percent of the entire
national market, taking up 75 percent of deposits and 50 percent of the total
outstanding loan portfolio.
By volume and sub-region, the microfinance system in the AU member states is
least developed in the CEMAC zone. More than 340 microfinance institutions
closed shop38 after failing to meet newly introduced licensing requirements by
the deadline of February 200539.
The inevitable conclusion from this analysis is that, while Africa’s microfinance
system has acquired a considerable level of professionalism over the past two
decades, it still lags behind other regions in several fundamental areas.
First, the total outreach remains insignificant and a largely urban phenomenon.
Second, although some linkages are starting to emerge between conventional
banking and non-banking financial institutions and microfinance institutions —
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especially in a few countries like Mali, South Africa, Kenya, and Tanzania — the
market as a whole remains fragmented and uncoordinated while access to funds
for intermediation is still a major problem40. In many parts of Africa,
microfinance institutions rely on domestic commercial loans to grow their loan
portfolios. This is short-term, expensive, and largely dependent on continued
good personal relations between managers.
Equity and debt capital remain elusive, probably because many microfinance
institutions are not financially self-sustainable. The cost of access to finance
provided by microfinance institutions, at upwards of between 30 percent per
annum to as high as 86 percent, is too high for the low-income populations. In
many of the AU member states, interest rates on borrowed funds roughly
average 43 percent a year, with a median interest rate of around 29 percent.
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Other pressing problems among African MFIs include high client dropout rates,
typically ranging between 20 percent and 25 percent annually. In Mozambique,
for example, annual client dropout rates of between 30 percent and 40 percent
are common41, while in the Eastern Africa region, annual client exit rates of as
high as 60 percent occur widely. African microfinance institutions exhibit highly
uneven levels of performance, even those of the same age, size, or legal form.
This underscores the lack of generally accepte90- operational standards for
practitioners within the region. In addition to this baffling wide variance in
performance — and in spite of progress made in developing people and systems
over
the
past
three
decades—the microfinance system in Africa has failed to attract foreign and local
investment capital to finance growth and expansion.
Not surprisingly, most African microfinance institutions have failed to develop
institutionally or expand outreach significantly, primarily because of lack of
adequate capital (Table 3). Lack of adequate capital is the single most important
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factor why so few African microfinance institutions have become both
operationally and financially self-sustaining (Figure 1).
Without adequate resources to finance their growth and satisfactorily meet
customer needs for services on demand, many African microfinance institutions
have traded off essential investments for upgrading management systems and
enhancing human and institutional capacity with loan funding. Because of this,
the institutions have failed to match current expansion with greater capability,
thus facing the risk of higher loan delinquency and default.
Table 3.1. MFIs 3 Top Obstacles to Immediate Priority Goals
Obstacles Ranking Situation
1 2 3 Mentions Percentage
Lack (and where available, high
cost) of capital
14 7 7 28 29.8
Lack of adequate staff and
institutional capacity
4 9 11 24 25.5
Difficult operating environment 4 7 14 25 26.6
High risk and cost of lending 3 1 0 4 4.3
High customer exit rates 3 2 1 6 6.4
Other 0 1 0 1 0
Total 29 29 36 94 100
As a % of all first-place rankings 48.3 24.1 19.4
As a % of all second-place
rankings
13.8 31 30.6
SOURCE: OKETCH AND MIRERO, 200442
In the West and Central Africa sub-regions, declining portfolio quality has actually
become a major threat43, forcing many institutions in Niger, Mali, Guinea, and
Benin to slow down or suspend their lending operations altogether. In some
countries where microfinance regulation is new, for example in Uganda, declining
loan portfolio quality is threatening to reverse 30 years of progress in developing
sustainable financial services for the poor44.
In Africa and other continents where microfinance blossomed unexpectedly fast
in the past quarter-century, the initial focus of donor support to specific projects
and institutions overlooked the long-term view of microfinance as a potentially
self-sustaining mechanism. This prompted a hurried shift of support away from
individual projects or institutional development needs. The new focus of
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microfinance development then became the urgent need to build the prospective
industry’s infrastructure. This achieved less than satisfactory results because the
strategy failed to address the missing retail and institutional capacities45.
However, the country-level networks or associations of microfinance service
providers emerging in most of the 53 AU member countries are trying to address
the institutional- and industry-level capacity constraints. These professional
membership practitioner associations only acquired a serious institutional
outlook in the past six to seven years and are themselves still weak,
notwithstanding efforts by the World Bank and Women’s World Banking 199841
initiative to strengthen them. In the absence of such strong networks, therefore,
much of Africa’s microfinance industry grew in the past without any proper
coordination or cooperation among the market players. In fact, the industry still
lacks a common vision for the future. This also explains much of the current
confusion and disagreements about what should be the proper role of the state
and some considerable confusion about suitable legal and regulatory settings for
microfinance development in Africa.
client satisfaction and perspective of services and Products
Access to finance remains a problem for
informal enterprises due to several factors. First,
while there has been some improvement in
access due to the development of microfinance,
large parts of Africa are still without MFIs or
bank presence. Rural areas in particular are still
badly off, as many MFIs chose to work in urban
areas and in areas where the physical
infrastructure for communication and
transportation is better developed.
Secondly, the pressure on MFIs to become self-
sustaining in the absence of initial donor
funding, has made them avoid serving the very poor customers; many of these
happen to be women and rural informal businesses. He same pressure partly
explains the decision by MFIs to charge very highly for their services, and this has
driven many clients away. In Zambia, for instance, a 205 survey indicates that at
least 5 percent of the households have accessed microfinance at one time or
another, yet just 1.5 percent were still active clients after many are driven away.
Ban
ked
Oth
er
form
al
Info
rmal
on
ly
Un
-serv
ed
Financial
Deepening
South Africa 5
0%
7
%
9
%
3
3%
Lesotho 4
6%
1
6%
4
%
3
5%
Namibia 5
1%
3
%
1
%
4
5%
Botswana 4
1%
1
1%
5
%
4
1%
Kenya 1
9%
8
%
3
5%
3
8%
Zambia 1
5%
8
%
1
1%
6
6%
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In addition to the high cost of services, many dropouts and even some active
clients find the available services not appropriate enough; loans are typically
group-based, require regular weekly or monthly repayments, and have very short
tenor that at times are at great odds with needs and abilities of the clients.
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IV. Improving access and service quality
The primary concern in trying to develop a microfinance system in any part of the
world is how to reach millions of people financially excluded on sustainable
terms. The second concern is ensuring that those who get access to finance
actually invests it wisely and effectively to resolve both their short term and long-
term needs, for instance the desire of self employed entrepreneurs to expand
and/or improve their businesses and, thus, improve their incomes.
Ultimately the success of a nation in developing a microfinance system for its
poor and financially excluded population must be judged on the basis of
sustainable improvements to their welfare/ standards of living. Inevitably, this is
only achievable by increasing outreach, resource mobilization, cost coverage, and
dynamic growth. In this connection, therefore, this section tries to deal with the
following issues:
What does it take to build a successful microfinance
market in Africa that fulfils its role as desired by
society?
What role should the governments play in expanding
and deepening outreach?
What values should guide investors, on the one hand,
and microfinance institutions, on the other hand, as
they seek to increase outreach and become long-
lasting and self-sustaining alternative financial
institutions for the currently excluded rural and urban
poor?
Firstly, in seeking to advance the development of microfinance in Africa, each
country should pursue the following five priority goals:
1. To increase the number of poor families and
individuals with access to finance.
2. To improve and increase the distribution of
microfinance to rural areas, especially to smallholder
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farmers and the more disadvantaged social groups,
e.g., women and the youth.
3. To improve and enhance the social and economic
impact of microfinance, especially maximizing its
potential contribution towards achieving the MDGs by
also providing complementary services.
4. To increase the share of local savings invested in
financial assets by the rural and urban poor, and
increase the share of local deposits mobilized and
invested towards expanding and diversifying the rural
economy.
5. To increase backward and forward linkages between
formal and informal financial systems, thereby help
increase and improve the supply of various financial
services to the poor, and enabling job creation, trade,
and investment to flourish.
it all begins with the Formulation of a Creative or Innovative Policy
Among the measures to achieve these five priority goals include encouraging
(through policy and other incentives) the provision of suitable financial products,
i.e., products that meet the needs of poor people.
Microfinance clients not only want permanent or reliable services, they also care
about price and want quality services at reasonable prices. Furthermore, in
addition to access to finance, the poor in their endeavor to improve livelihoods
and well-being may require other equally important non-financial services, e.g.
access to reliable markets for their goods/produce and services or getting fair
price for their output, etc. Therefore, an improved access to microcredit, for
instance, needs to be accompanied with appropriate non-financial services; these
need not to be provided by the same agency, but can be arranged between
different specialized agencies. In this regard, therefore, policy geared towards
advancing the development of microfinance in a particular country ought to
outline areas where such strategic alliances or partnerships would make a
difference in lifting people out of poverty.
Similarly, the absence of linkages between formal financial system and
microfinance institutions can thwart growth of a dynamic and vibrant sector.
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Where government has developed national microfinance policy and regulatory
environment—and also established strong agencies to coordinate and supervise
the development—it has been relatively easy to mobilize local and external
resources for the development of the microfinance sector. The presence of strong
national microfinance practitioner’s associations or networks, for example the
ones existing in Ethiopia and Senegal, can also encourage many microfinance
institutions to aim for higher standards and superior performance, through
exchange of ideas, collaboration in training, and self-monitoring. Actually, it is in
countries such as the two mentioned above where many practitioners face
relatively few hurdles in tracking and regularly reporting their performance, and
where more MFIs are engaging ratings services, thereby improving transparency
and wining the confidence of more investors to enter their market. Thus,
cooperation, coordination, and dialogue among various market players are
essential elements of good sector development practice, which policy can
promote and influence.
However, in the process of policy making and regulation of microfinance,
governments must engage closely with the providers in dialogue and discussion
of market requirements/rules. Similarly, at another different level, governments
must also effectively engage donors, other development partners, and the private
sector to succeed in mobilizing the resources needed to expand and build the
industry. In this regard, it is necessary for government to coordinate and
encourage cooperation and partnerships among different stakeholders through
appropriate public policy and clear definition of roles for each group.
Furthermore, to ensure that providers are market-driven, it is necessary to have
policy that encourages and permits a wide range of financial products demanded
by customers at the right price, so that access to services is sustainable in the
long-term. Yet this also means that providers must remain dynamic to evolve in
tandem with changing customer needs and the market in general. In this regard,
considering that lack of adequate, reasonably-priced, and appropriately
structured capital is currently a major constraint to microfinance market
development, policy should make or encourage the provision of savings as one
of the priority services, besides creating adequate measures to protect
depositors.
Accordingly, financial sector policy should encourage and allow institutions
involved in microfinance to mobilize liquidity right from the grassroots. Similarly,
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because the microfinance clients themselves have vested interest and capacity to
save and invest, both policy and corresponding regulatory framework should
encourage and provide room for the poor to invest in microfinance institutions,
as well as promoting and encouraging their participation in domestic and
regional capital markets.
Yet, the fact that financial intermediation is a risky business means that
microfinance institutions must be professionally managed; by people with high
integrity, knowledge, and skills in serving the poor sustainably. However, to guide
and ensure that microfinance institutions are managed professionally, standards
and benchmarks to inspire excellence are also required, and these should be
incorporated in policy and regulatory framework. A confident and well trained
human resource base is the ultimate solution to building market-driven
microfinance institutions that grow and evolve with their customers’ needs.
Hence, in the area of human resource development, policy must push for strong
management and leadership, which invariably determines the success of any
enterprise; and an MFI, is in every sense, an enterprise. Secondly, at the level of
staff who provide the primary contact between customers and MFI, there is a
continuous need for credit officers and operations staff especially to constantly
upgrade their skills and knowledge-base just to keep pace with developments in
the field. On this matter one specialist organization notes46:
“… Recent trends in microfinance—fast growth, change, stiff competition—have made
achieving the mission more challenging than ever. Given these circumstances, MFIs need to
reinforce their strategic management practices: more systematic planning and
management of strategy will enhance their success. Thus effective management should be
(a) inspired and guided by the mission, the most vital aspect of any organization; (b) be on-
going and integrated into every level of the organization, informing and strengthening all
management practices. A continuous assessment of the strategy’s implementation, and sue
of results, will help managers to prioritize and improve decision-making, (c) involve
everyone; strategy is the result of hundreds of activities. Therefore, an MFIs’ strategy
cannot be left to only a few people at the top o the organization; it should be both
understood and executed by all the employees, and (d) lastly, facilitate change
management: because change is inevitable during pursuit of the mission, it is important to
have set of tools and practices to facilitate smooth transitions…”
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Regrettably, many transformed MFIs have tended to place too faith in newly
introduced banking technology and knowledge—even retrenching and replacing
seasoned microfinance staff with traditional bankers—only to discover significant
client exists because of inevitable differences in organizational culture and service
orientation. Several such MFIs have rushed to serve new markets, e.g., individual
SME loans, with disastrous results because they were unprepared. Equally
important is the challenge on management to keep refining, updating, or
developing more appropriate management systems in tandem with changes in
demand and market conditions; at any one time, management systems should
enable the workforce to identify and manage risks effectively. In fact these
systems should enable the workforce to also assess their institutional
performance and continued relevance in the market place, thus it is important to
have these continuously improved and upgraded in tandem with growth and
market dynamics.
The second solution in expanding and deepening access is the mobilization of
adequate resources
So far, the opportunities in modern microfinance are just unfolding. So there is a
general lack of investors or capital for market development. In addition, lack of or
insufficient promotion of the sector –combined with lack of suitable policy—has
contributed to poor resource mobilization.
Most of the existing MFIs in Africa were established at a time when there were no
standards or benchmarks to inspire excellence. In spite of recent improvements in
policy environment and greater awareness of the potential gains from
microfinance, lack of basic standards or benchmarks means that providers have
not felt the pressure to excel. Hence, creating and promoting industry standards
and benchmarks is an important intervention that could drive up performance to
a higher level of efficiency and professionalism, as mentioned before.
In many countries where microfinance has developed relatively well, there has
been a broadening of partnerships between governments and the private sector.
Moreover, the role of subsidies in facilitating institutional and market
development is widely appreciated. However, dependence on subsidies can
undermine the emergence of strong, long-lasting institutions if not well-
coordinated and managed. As a matter of good practice, subsidies should be
selective and should be provided only when they are high-value adding, or when
they have a clear chance of changing attitudes and behavior. In considering
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subsidies, it is important for private-public sector partnerships to include both
institutional and market development priorities, since balanced growth is possible
only when there is a good match between capacity and the demand for services.
In this regard, African can learn much from South Africa, where the government-
promoted Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) Financial Sector Charter47, has
inspired the private sector to innovate and seek ways of reaching the still
financially and economically excluded population with new products and delivery
systems—including wide scale application of technology.
For Africa, where the market is relatively young, it would be good practice if more
of the resources mobilized through public-private sector are channeled as
subsidies into building industry standards, national microfinance networks, and
management/leadership. As observed by one Jean-Luc, Camilleri (2005):
“… It is only the well managed MFIs that are likely to meet the needs of the huge, currently
financially excluded population. At the stage of experimentation, the role of some NGOs
has been crucial. But today, MFIs must be more professional so that they can increase their
impact and reach more of those still without access. It is more efficient 9and cost-effective
for poverty alleviation) so use subsidies in strengthening the MFIs whose capacities for
intervention is high enough to respond to the needs of the most dynamic micro/small-scale
enterprises…” 48
The role of the public sector in developing the market, encouraging competition,
and attracting investors to serve neglected or difficult to reach areas cannot be
ignored. Yet government involvement is more effective through public-private
partnerships. Where the public sector finds it necessary to get involved in the
provision of microfinance, it is more effective if it does so by sub-contracting or
outsourcing the responsibility to specialized and experienced firms.
In conclusion, best practice in the provision of microfinance means full cost
coverage, market-driven approach to service provision, scaling up operation (or
being able to expand outreach at low marginal cost, and making rational
economic decisions. It requires competent, committed managers and workforce
that also have high levels of integrity and ability to relate to ordinary people.
In making difficult choices, managers must consider risk and cost, as well as the
long-term survival of their enterprises, i.e. choices must be made on sound
business principles, while keeping in mind poverty reduction as the ultimate goal.
Subsidies will continue to be relevant, but these should be allocated wisely only
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to high-value adding initiatives, such as new product development or
strengthening market and institutional capacity which clearly promise change in
performance expectations.
Role of Standards and Benchmarks According to ADA, viability of microfinance institutions rests on two pillars: the
provision of sustainable financial services to vulnerable populations and
professional and accountable management of resources. For there to be
progress, therefore, there is a need for a highly trained and disciplined work force
and standards and benchmarks against which institutions can assess if they are
using their resources well. Based on standards, individual microfinance
institutions can then objectively gauge their performance against industry
leaders. The purpose of setting benchmarks for a particular industry is to align
institutional goals with both internal and external best practices. Further, while
meeting its own internally set targets, an organization needs to move ahead
within the industry if it is to remain relevant and dynamic in a changing business
environment. In view of the uneven performance of African microfinance
institutions, the introduction of standards and benchmarks would be vital.
Generally, well run microfinance institutions try to excel in reaching more and
poorer customers while minimizing risks and the cost of doing so. In addition,
such institutions try to generate adequate revenue while also seeking to minimize
costs and improve their level of efficiency and productivity. Five areas have
emerged as being critical to the success of microfinance institutions globally.
1. Scale of operation or outreach.
2. Collection efficiency and portfolio quality.
3. Operational efficiency and staff productivity.
4. Profitability and growth.
Although there are standards and benchmarks for microfinance globally and at
the regional level, these rely on small samples of microfinance institutions that
currently voluntarily reports to the Mix Market or extracted and collated from
rating reports. The first-ever African benchmarking, discussed in February, 2001,
in Entebbe, Kampala, was commissioned by INAFI Africa and developed by
MicroRate Africa. Initially, this was based on just 11 rating outcomes of MFIs who
were members of the INAFI Africa. The number of African microfinance
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institutions rated as of December, 2006, was 89. As more MFIs voluntarily reports
to the Mix Market and undergo rating, it should be possible to improve the
African benchmark, which had expanded to 25 MFIs by end of 2006. Some
resources would be required to sustain rating and upgrade benchmarks as part of
the effort to build microfinance market.
The Government has a Role to Play, but it has to be clearly defined
The success of government support in developing microfinance depends
primarily on whether this involvement is motivated by concern for quick political
gains, or by the long-term public good49. Bate (2008) notes:
“…Government intervention in microfinance could bring funds and services to millions of
poor people and improve the institutional framework of the industry—at the same time; it
could deliver a knockout punch to private MFIs...”50
On the positive side, the long running failure of formal financial systems to serve
the vast majority of Africa’s financially excluded population, despite many
attempts by the public sector to make it competitive enough and socially
responsible, is probably the first and main reason for governments’ involvement
in the development of the sector. It would appear that, with more than two
rounds of unsuccessful financial sector reforms to expand outreach to the poorer
sections of the society in the past 20 years, many governments across the region
are finally convinced that an alternative system specifically targeting the excluded
population is the best strategy forward. Yet many critics dismiss the public
sector’s growing activism in the development of all-inclusive financial systems as
lacking any ideological goal, other than to get the costs of financial services down
in order to reach the largest number of poor people in the shortest time
possible51. In making this claim, however, the critics also ignore the fact that lack
of resources has been a fundamental constraint to expanding and deepening
outreach, especially in Africa. They also ignore the fact that both foreign direct
investment and official development aid is insufficient, precisely because Africa’s
evolving microfinance system is structurally weak and needs to be strengthened
first to attract private sector capital. In defense of the public sector, therefore, one
can list governments’ growing concern for slow expansion and deepening of the
otherwise potentially valuable microfinance system, in achieving many of the
regions current development goals.
Other critics see, correctly, the increasing involvement of governments in the
development of microfinance as a negative consequence of its own success.
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Indeed, the apparent success of microfinance seem to have convinced some
governments that it is a panacea for all their problems, hence often hasty and ill-
thought intervention. Along these lines52, critics fear a repeat of the experiences
in the 1970s and 1980s, when governments were carried away by prospects of
agrarian revolution and got entangled in popularizing credit programs through
subsidies that turned out to be unsustainable and generated a culture of not
paying. While this fear is not entirely unfounded, it is also true that many
governments appreciate microfinance more especially because of its potential to
be a self-sustaining service, yet one which can reach the most vulnerable and
socially disadvantaged populations (even if they live in isolated rural areas).
Even the criticism of government-launched programs by CGAP, cited below, is
just partly correct, and not entirely valid:
“… The potential damage of these populist approaches in Latin America is particularly
worrisome because a number of countries have large and sustainable private microfinance
sectors…"53
In many countries (even in Latin America), access to microfinance remains
seriously limited and pricey54, while at the same time there are no signs of
improvements to competition, notwithstanding the seemingly good returns55 or
rapid expansion and growth of the sector in the region. The entry of profit-driven
providers, who may be tempted to make quick returns, in the sector is not an idle
concern, and might perhaps account for the heightened public sector activism in
microfinance development.
The decision by the UEMOA zone countries in 2005 to establish Regional
Solidarity Bank56, for instance, was influenced by concerns that services were not
expanding first enough and by the lack of capacity and orientation for long-term
financing. Governments have also feared the possibility of poor clients being
exploited by unscrupulous microfinance institutions.
In fairness to critics, nonetheless, government involvement in the development of
microfinance can be a big threat if it extends to the direct provision of services, if
risks are poorly managed, and if interest rates on loans are artificially below the
rates charged by efficient market leaders. And yet, in their natural role of policy
and market development, governments have performed well in Africa, even if by
too little and too late.
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Figure 2. Stakeholders role and responsibility
GOVERNMENT GOAL
Provide environment conducive for
Deemphasise direct intervention
DONOR OBJECTIVE
Proper allocation of resources
Support governments policy
CLIENT’S DEMAND
More market oriented
Less dependent on subsidy
MICROFINANCE INTEREST
Expand market share
Adapt and adjust management tools
Viability
Effective
ness
Outreach
Sustainability
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MFI TASK
Apply best practice
Good governance
The improvement of roads and other physical infrastructure, including the
streamlining of laws, reduction of business-licensing barriers, and declared war
on corruption, are all considered critical elements towards the development of
microfinance and other sectors of the economy.
Finally, there is a strong on-going advocacy for treating microfinance as an
integral part of financial sector development. In this regard, several African
countries consider further financial sector reforms an important measure towards
improving the environment for microfinance development. Specifically, many
countries are strengthening the judiciary to ensure timely resolution of
commercial and financial disputes. Secondly, the reforms seek to encourage
financial services providers to accept other forms of collateral in their lending to
expand outreach.
Mali was one of the first countries to formulate a national microfinance policy by
1998. In addition to highlighting the important role of microfinance, the policy
also sought to clarify the roles of various players. The policy gave a vision and
definition of what constitutes microfinance development, its scope, and
presented useful analysis of opportunities and threats. South Africa and Tanzania
followed in 2000. By 2005, following the celebration of the first UN-mandated
Year of Microcredit, most African countries had evolved national microfinance
policies.
For instance, as part of the Year of Microcredit activities, Morocco, for the first
time, considered the best way of evolving a regulatory framework for
microfinance activities and developing an investment fund dedicated to
microfinance and a strategy of intervention for the rural sector.
Togo made a commitment to develop its microfinance sector in 2004 by
elaborating the first-ever national microfinance strategy. The strategy aimed to
create a viable and sustainable microfinance sector to be integrated as a
component of the financial sector. It was institutionally diversified and varied in
Profitability
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terms of products and services. In 2006 and 2007, respectively, Kenya and Nigeria
followed Uganda, Senegal, Burkina Faso, and Benin in formulating appropriate
regulatory frameworks for microfinance activities. Sudan launched its national
microfinance policy in 2007. All the countries in the Central African sub-region
under CEMAC developed national microfinance policies between 2004 and 2006.
These policies indicate that African governments have taken important steps
towards developing the microfinance market in the region. Besides encouraging
investment in and producing valuable sector information for planning, the
national microfinance policy strategies have also clarified the roles for
coordination and development of the sector. Many governments have gone a
step ahead by legislating microfinance and establishing regulatory and
supervisory frameworks, thereby creating ground rules for microfinance
provision. A sense of protection and public confidence is an important
foundation for market development, and these legislation and regulatory
frameworks provide exactly the trust and recognition needed for market
development.
Along with leading the way in market development, many governments have
provided valuable funds for capacity building at all levels of the emergent
industry. In Bangladesh, the PKSF wholesale fund has played an important role in
market development by setting standards and benchmarks and supplying
microfinance institutions with additional capital for expansion and capacity
building. The Egyptian government has initiated the Loan Guarantee Company
(LGC), which has encouraged commercial banks to extend loans to microfinance
institutions and Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs). In Kenya, the
government has established two funds to enable microfinance institutions to
extend services to vulnerable groups, who were typically not served under their
normal activities. These funds, because they are reasonably priced and
accompanied with some limited grants to enhance capacity and/or meet directly
related administrative costs, is enabling Kenyan microfinance institutions to reach
the hitherto neglected rural and agricultural sector.
Yet, in many African countries, the involvement of governments in the direct
provision of microfinance has been disastrous. Governments have only succeeded
where their participation has been indirect and through third parties operating
strictly according to established good practices. In Kenya, for example, the on-
lending capital provided by the government under the Women and Youth Fund is
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available only to microfinance institutions that have demonstrated capacity to
lend and progress towards their financial self-sustenance. Secondly, the funds are
available to the retail microfinance intermediaries as loans, even if at rates slightly
below the rates at which commercial banks and other financial institutions
typically on-lend to microfinance institutions. The wholesale loans also have
longer grace periods, but are repayable to the government within a specific
period. Furthermore, borrowers of wholesale funds are required by the
government to provide quarterly reports showing disbursements and repayments
of loans made through the funds.
In Eritrea, the only two serious microfinance institutions in the country are both
government agencies. But the two organizations are run and managed
independently as if private enterprise by a hired and well-trained workforce. In
Ethiopia, the government appreciates the role of microfinance in developing its
economy, and even takes bilateral and multilateral loans on behalf of
microfinance institutions for on-lending. But the government is not directly
involved in the provision of microfinance. It treats the money to the retail
microfinance institutions as loans repayable over a specific period, although at
slightly subsidized rates and longer grace period.
Lastly, African microfinance development can learn much from South Africa and
Nigeria. These two countries have mobilized huge amounts of capital for the
development of the sector by engaging the private sector. Through a Financial
Services Charter signed by all financial institutions active in South Africa, the
private sector has developed less expansive financial products, e.g., Msanzi
savings account, through application of information technology to reduce costs,
and has provided funds to institutionalize the country’s Black Economic
Empowerment (BEE) policy. In Nigeria and South Africa, all financial institutions
are required through legislation to reserve at least 10 percent of their pre-tax
profits as contribution towards national microfinance fund. An early experiment
whereby commercial banks were required to diversity at least 10 of their loan
portfolio to microfinance produced disastrous results, hence the current decision
to redirect this private sector support to creating wholesale funds for on-lending
and capacity building. In Nigeria, in addition to the national fund, the public
sector has involved the private sector in establishing a venture capital fund,
specifically targeting the larger SMEs.
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Role of Local Authorities
Local government authorities have an important role to play in microfinance
development in Africa. Unfriendly taxation and business licensing laws can
discourage micro/small-size economic activities. The demand for microfinance
has a strong relationship with the number and growth of such activities at the
local level. A booming local economy can be a source of strength for local
governments.
In Ethiopia, where local governments are concerned about economic growth and
development in their jurisdictions, they have invested in the equity of
microfinance institutions, thereby providing them with the much-needed capital
for growth and expansion. In Tanzania, several municipal councils have invested
in the equity of community development banks to boost their capital base and
strengthen their capacity for growth.
Role of Banks Strategic partnerships between MFIs and banks are becoming common practice
as a sensible solution in extending the provision of microfinance to the poor, and
notable to reduce risks and costs. The challenge, however, is how to successfully
extend beneficial financial solutions and services in a sustainable and responsible
way to rural communities.
So far, there are about 300 commercial banks involved in the provision of
microfinance in one way or another worldwide. Of the US$ 17 billion worth of
loans to MFIs for on-lending, a whole two-thirds come from domestic money and
capital markets, i.e., roughly 3 times volume of publicly intermediated deposits of
US$ 6 billion57. The primary role of commercial banks lies in increased funding,
improved financial structures, and innovation power for new products, e.g.,
insurance and remittances, delivery channels, and systems for microfinance
institutions. Up to 20 large global financial institutions have joined in the
provision of microfinance, thereby increasing the volume of wholesale loans to
MFIs to rise by nearly US$500 million; from US$1.1 billion in 2006 to US$1.4
billion by 200758. About half of the global banks involved in microfinance provide
technical assistance to MFIs—in fact 4 of these provide highly structured and
systematic technical assistance to the microfinance sector. This view has strong
merit indeed, considering that MFIs are the main network for small-vale
payments, but are disconnected from remittance and broader financial service
offerings. At the same time, global insurance and pension funds like Axa France,
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Morley U.K, and TIA A-CREF USA, are even more proactively involved in
spearheading developments in the micro-insurance.
Partnerships in financial services provision will enable MFIs to reach more
unbanked people. The combined efforts of public and private providers should
reinforce or complement each other to bring a pro-poor market place nearer.
While commenting on the role of commercial banks in microfinance, Bert
Koenders59, the Netherlands Minister for Development Cooperation notes:
“… The work of microfinance institutions is quite complementary to the banking business
of financial intermediation. The simplest way to make a systematic change is to develop
relationships with in-country banks, which are fundamental sources of local capital. These
relationships are not limited to finance alone, but can also be developed by transferring
banking expertise to these institutions…”
In direct lending and service provision, still a small fraction of the global banks
involved in microfinance. Under a new arrangement known as MILAA
(Microfinance Institutional Loans for Africa), the Standard Chartered Bank in
partnership with IFC already supports 48 MFIs in 15 countries in Asia and Africa.
So far, the bank has invested US$285 million, and has an outstanding gross loan
portfolio of US$180 million. On its part, the IFC has an outstanding investment of
US$790 in MFIs worldwide. The African Development Bank (AfDB) has invested
nearly US$2 million in bank-type MFIs in Kenya and Uganda.
Global banks are also involved in acquisition. Equity investments in microfinance
by global banks have risen to 22, up by slightly more than 50 percent from 10 in
2006.
Role of Regional Economic Communities It is said that ‘financial institutions follow where trade and commerce leads’.
Improving regional trade and commerce is currently a major strategy that Africa
is pursuing to overcome the problem of narrow markets. Therefore, the
development of cross-border trade in financial services provision must be equally
important if Africa is to realize its dreams. Greater regional integration in the
development of microfinance service provision makes sense in more than one
way.
Integration is achieved through the harmonization of national policies in the
fields of trade, money, and finance, the establishment of a common market, and
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gradual removal of obstacles to the free movement of persons, goods, services
and capital (Article 2 of the African Economic Community, AEC).
Local ownership and participation
To build an African microfinance sector capable of meeting the demand for
varied financial needs of the poor, the industry must comprise largely of
indigenous60, privately owned and funded microfinance institutions. The success
of these institutions will also depend on how actively they are engaged in
developing the value chains or economic activities with a high participation rate
of the poor. In addition, these MFIs will have to be professionally managed as per
the standards and benchmarks collectively determined by practitioners
themselves. In this regard, therefore, there is need to create and develop strong
national, regional and sub-regional practitioner’s associations or networks,
including the development of regional and sub-regional capacities in
microfinance research and human resources development.
Key Principles
To succeed in building the envisioned future microfinance industry for Africa, it
will be important to draw valuable lessons from worldwide experiences in
microfinance development since 1993. Among the notable lessons that Africa can
learn from the past include the following:
1. Microfinance is a widely and highly valued service by
the poor. Therefore, the supply of microfinance
should be market-driven; not supply-led. Even so,
however, there is an important and unavoidable role
for the public sector to play, for example, in creating
the rules and providing incentives and basic industry
infrastructure that would encourage and attract
investment, promote competition, and facilitate
linkages between various market players. The proper
role for governments in developing microfinance is
discussed in a later section of this paper.
2. Financial sector development, including the
development of microfinance in any one country,
should be based on a comprehensive national
strategy, specifically one that has been developed
with the broadest participation of all relevant
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stakeholders. Next, once this strategy is formulated
and endorsed by the stakeholders, it should be
consolidated and given the force of authority by
legislation. Such legislation should, in addition to
defining the government policy on financial sector
development, also present the framework for
regulation and supervision of recognized financial
institutions and markets.
3. Financial sector policy should in the first instance draw
from a nations development aspirations and
particularly emphasize the promotion of new product
development and innovation in financial products,
and also diversity and integration of capital and
money markets from a national as well as regional
perspective.
4. But microfinance regulation and supervision should
support and encourage the continuous evolution and
development of all types of relevant institutions,
methodologies, and financial products suitable to the
poor and financially excluded persons. Appropriate
laws and frameworks for the regulation and
supervision of microfinance can enable MFIs to
mobilize equity from clients, the domestic private
sector, employees of MFIs, and other sources, in
addition to encouraging credible local accountability
structures to emerge.
5. Besides tapping into domestic capital markets, a wider
and more sustainable access to microfinance in Africa
is achievable only when the financial products
provided to the poor people are also embedded in
the local financial systems through which they are
delivered. Hence, microfinance institutions should be able
to mobilize savings from the very populations that they
serve, and their participation in ownership of these
institutions is important. This includes the creation of
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innovative ways to allow the poor invest in the domestic
capital markets.
6. Microfinance institutions (MFIs) that meet appropriate
safety and soundness standards need to be able to
operate under regulatory structures that allow them
to mobilize voluntary savings from borrowers and the
public.
7. The success in financial sector development should be
measured by the overall number of all bankable
households and enterprises that have access at
reasonable cost to the entire range of financial
services for which they are bankable. Thus, the success
in developing a microfinance system should be
measured, not by its size alone, profitability or the
level of efficiency achieved by a few isolated
providers; it should be measured by the number of
next-generation replications that follow the footsteps
of present market leaders.
8. Sustainable microfinance starts with the client at the
center of all strategies. Meeting clients’ needs, which
drives demand in the first place, begins with an
analysis and understanding of client economics. In
the long-term, a microfinance institution can only be
financially self-sustaining if clients themselves are able
to meet their needs.
9. To address the development needs of the rural and
urban poor who succeed in getting access to finance,
it is necessary to also provide them with non-financial
services. Yet there is also a need to separate financial
services from non-financial services, so clients can see
each product in their true context. Thus, it is necessary
for institutions involved in poverty reduction in one
way or another to specialize in the area of their core
competence.
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10. High levels of productivity, efficiency, and excellent
portfolio quality in microfinance depends crucially and
absolutely on the energies, training, motivation, and
commitment of staff, particularly field-level and
frontline staff. Other resources, for example
leadership, management, and operating systems, also
matter. So, all staff should be involved at all times in
strategy formulation and policy development.
11. Neither regulated nor non-regulated financial
intermediaries can on their own meet all of the varied
needs, or provide the wider access to microfinance
currently required by Africa’s financially excluded
population. Therefore, the development of diverse
microfinance institutions and market linkages
between regulated and non-regulated financial
intermediaries is critical to the overall expansion and
deepening of services to the rural and urban poor.
12. The correct pricing of financial products to the poor
people is as important to microfinance institutions as
it is to their customers61: if products are expensive,
this can become a major constraint on demand. And if
the product-pricing is fixed at a level too low in
relation to cost of service delivery, this too can
become a major constraint to supply.
13. Institutional and process innovations typically lead to
greater efficiency and often open up new frontiers in
the delivery of financial services to the poor.
Therefore, microfinance institutions should aim to
discover new frontiers. In this connection, any
subsidies in support of innovation and the discovery
of new frontiers in microfinance should thus be
encouraged and facilitated. Public policy should also
mandate MFIs to set aside some portion of their
profits—at least 5 percent –to fund their institutional
and human capital development needs.
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14. Performance standards, prudential norms and
regulations, and reporting requirements for
microfinance should fit the characteristics of the
sector. In protecting the institutions against potential
loan losses, for example, prudential norms should
preferably emphasize overall portfolio quality and
management strength over risk coverage ratio.
15. Investments to development human resources
capacity for microfinance, in addition to building the
capacity for research and innovation, and the
development of industry networks/professional
associations, is as important in the development of
microfinance in Africa just as is the investments to
create policy environments that are more conducive
to microfinance.
V. Conclusion and Summary
5.1 Creating a conducive environment
Many states have made laws to mainstream microfinance, but these laws are
either foreign or rigid. One of the key weaknesses in first generation microfinance
regulation is the high minimum capital requirements, which several states are
using as a barrier to limit the number of players to ease central banks’
supervisory task.
The recognition of microfinance as a bona fide financial services activity at the
regional, sub-regional, and AU member state level is the first most important step
towards building a strong and dynamic system in Africa. First, this legal
recognition should change how the public and various potential market players
view microfinance. Second, it should give aspiring investors confidence and
encouragement to enter the field of provision of microfinance. Third, it would at
once open up opportunities for aspiring service providers to mobilize local
resources, and the public would in turn get the same confidence and
encouragement to make use of previously distrusted or unavailable services.
Lastly, legal recognition of microfinance as an important part of a country’s
financial system would automatically force the microfinance service providers
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themselves to seek and uphold higher levels of financial integrity and discourage
weak performance that otherwise could endanger the entire system.
It is important to point out here that good legislation is only possible when it
reflects inputs from practitioner networks. So far, this is an area that has been
neglected by most states where legislation for microfinance already exists. The
failure of legislation to drive quality and lift standards and performance in
microfinance institutions has roots in inadequate consultation at the time of
formulating laws to govern their operations. Desired financial integrity of
microfinance institutions can only come about when standards not only exist, but
are also understood and well rooted in the reality of the practitioners. The
standards can make sense only when they are based on benchmarks determined
collectively by the industry and have resonance with the underlying local
conditions. Public policy should, above all, encourage the evolution of strong and
financially self-sustainable local microfinance institutions, that is, organizations
that are capable of delivering demand-driven and affordably priced services and
products.
Drawing from the discussion above, the first strategy towards building strong and
dynamic microfinance in Africa is to make the sector a part of each state’s
financial system through appropriate legislation.
Strategic objective #1: To establish suitable laws conducive to
microfinance development
The assumption behind the first strategic objective for this road map is that good
financial sector laws, if complemented with a more inclusive public policy for the
private sector and empowerment of the low-income populations, would
encourage more investment in microfinance. However, as argued before, these
laws need to recognize that a large portion of the industry’s loan portfolio,
approximately 70 percent, is financed by the same poor clients. Therefore, it is fair
and just that their interest in investing in the development of the sector be
recognized and appropriately and adequately accommodated in the law. In this
connection, AU member states need suitable microfinance licensing and
regulatory laws that directly support the mobilization of local resources for the
mutual benefit of the microfinance institutions and their customers.
The specific areas in which existing microfinance laws and regulations are weak
include:
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1. Unnecessarily high minimum capital requirements,
which create entry barriers. The only exception is
Ethiopia, the first African country to introduce
regulation for microfinance. The laws came into force
in 1996 and set the limit at US$25,000. In many
countries, the minimum capital requirement exceeds
US$400,000. The minimum requirement has in many
cases been adopted without scrutiny either from
conventional banking practices or from Latin America,
where most of the countries have sourced consultants
to lead the regulation process.
2. High minimum capital requirements combined with
restrictions on the proportion and type of assets that
are acceptable as core capital at the point of
transformation denies microfinance customers an
opportunity to invest in the sector. The law often
demands that potential investors must have deep
pockets, good education and work experience. Yet
ownership and management need not necessarily
have the same level of education or professional
background since investors can engage nominees to
represent their interests in governance and leadership
positions in these firms.
3. The prudential guidelines on credit risk management
tend to overlook the alternative collateral mechanisms
synonymous with microfinance, yet these have
enabled microfinance institutions to lend to the low-
income populations at low risk. Both the definition of
unsecured lending and present loan provisioning
requirements ignore group loans secured on the basis
of trust and peer pressure in favor of individual loans
secured by tangible collateral. This severely limits
outreach and negatively impacts on portfolio quality
as the emphasis on security shifts focus from
character assessment to cash flow analysis and the
ability of a client to pay.
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4. Current licensing requirements place stringent
demands on institutions seeking approval while at the
same time assuming that already licensed commercial
banks or non-bank financial institutions are primed
and qualified to deliver microfinance. This is not
necessarily so. Without a good understanding of
microfinance operations or without a trained work
force and suitable systems, there are institutional risks
of banks going into microfinance. Therefore, there is a
need to review existing microfinance regulation to
standardize requirements for entry.
5. The legal frameworks frequently embrace a two- to
four-tier approach, which tends to leave out many
market players. The result is that these players
continue to operate but outside the regulation, either
because they are considered too small to cause
systemic risk, are member-owned and managed, or
because they are non-deposit taking. But this
approach ignores the many potential vertical and
horizontal linkages that could develop between the
different players, both regulated and non-regulated,
as well as resulting risks as the market matures.
Another extreme case of regulation arises where the
law allows only one form of microfinance institution,
as was the case in Ethiopia. Under the circumstances,
there is loss of the diversity which typically develops
in response to specific demands and specialization in
serving different segments of the market.
6. Lack of capacity to supervise numerous institutions
and cost are some of the factors that have influenced
the adoption of the tier-approach. Another
misconception in regulation is the assumption that
systemic risk arises only when microfinance
institutions are deposit taking, member-owned and
managed, or lend to the public in addition to their
internal customers. But experience has shown that the
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failure of one microfinance institution has a negative
impact on all the other market players in the same
area. Although lack of capacity limits the number and
range of institutions that central banks have to
supervise effectively, it is important to design other
measures and institutions that coordinate and
encourage market linkages between various market
players.
7. The present risk concentration ratios ignore situations
where lending is through second-tier intermediaries,
that is, microfinance institutions that lend to other
smaller, locally based financial intermediaries who, in
turn, lend to retail customers. In such situations, the
ratios are too restrictive. On the other hand, when the
concentration ratios are too relaxed, either there is the
danger of some unscrupulous borrowers or the
institutions themselves taking advantage of unsecured
lending permitted under the cover of microfinance to
fuel risk.
8. Existing capital adequacy and liquidity ratios are
largely arbitrary and biased against microfinance
institutions. This is to the extent that microfinance
institutions invest most of their capital in lending.
Provided the loan portfolio quality remains excellent,
it is important that such ratios not be determined
arbitrarily on BASEL or conventional banking
guidelines. In countries like Ghana and Nigeria, rural
banks are required to hold as much as 75 percent of
their assets in short-term instruments such as treasury
bills. This denies them an opportunity to expand
intermediation.
9. The licensing and supervision of microfinance
institutions in Africa directly undertaken by the central
banks. Unfortunately, conventional bank
regulators/bankers still have a poor understanding of
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microfinance operations and institutions.
Consequently, they tend to deal with these institutions
in a heavy-handed manner, making regulation
expensive and inefficient. In many countries, the
capacity to supervise conventional banking is often
overstretched or inadequate. This leads regulators to
limit their time and focus on microfinance. Therefore,
it is important for regulators to consider the option of
delegating regulation and supervision, depending on
the size and volume of business handled by different
market players. In many countries outside Africa, self-
regulation under delegated authority has worked well.
5.2 Improving Coordination and Cooperation
Along with creating policy environments that are conducive to the development
and evolution of microfinance in Africa, there is also a need to encourage and
support the development of strong industry practitioner national associations.
Strategic objective #2: To strengthen and improve industry
infrastructure
Poor coordination and the general lack of strong, professionally managed
microfinance institutions, which is a widespread problem in Africa, is largely due
to the absence of policy or legislation that holds practitioners to some standards.
Until two years ago, there was no country with a policy compelling microfinance
practitioners to belong to a professional membership association for the purpose
of coordinating industry and upholding standards. However, this is beginning to
change. In the seven CEMAC zone Central Africa states and eight UEMOA zone
West African states, it has become a requirement that once licensed, all
microfinance institutions must become members of the national professional
membership association.
Another cause of poor coordination and weak microfinance institutions has been
the lack of policy and lead agencies in guiding and monitoring the development
of microfinance. Where policy and lead agencies exist but coordination and the
industry are still weak, the problem is often due to lack of adequate resources,
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either in terms of personnel, finance, or systems. The fact that in some countries,
government agencies see microfinance only from the perspective of their specific
mandate, that is, agriculture, rural development, or poverty alleviation, has
caused fragmentation or duplication in coordination and undermined
effectiveness. Fortunately, in most countries microfinance government agencies
are increasingly seeing microfinance within a wider context from a financial
system development perspective.
In addition to encouraging the entry of various service providers into the
development of microfinance, better coordination of the industry through
improved capacity of relevant government agencies and greater cooperation
among practitioners will help entrench standards and professionalism. Because of
greater cooperation and the resulting order, the industry will gain more visibility
and attract more talented workers. Microfinance in Africa can hope to improve
performance only if it can attract suitably qualified and talented staff.
Through better coordination and cooperation, both the public sector and
microfinance practitioners can pool resources to undertake capital-intensive
projects like developing relevant management information systems, designing
suitable curriculum of common interest, and joint training of management and
leadership.
Sharing of information, experiences, conducting industry research, and setting
high standards of practice are possible only where there is good coordination
and cooperation among the players. Self-regulation, where a regulator has
limited capacity, is only possible where practitioners uphold standards and
benchmarks that they understand well and have been involved in setting.
5.3 Introducing industry standards and Ratings
Although lack of capacity and undercapitalization are among the primary factors
behind the current poor outreach and financial performance of microfinance
institutions in Africa, it is also true that few countries in the region have
established standards and benchmarks to guide institutions. Unfortunately, this is
also true for countries that have established regulation and supervisory
frameworks for microfinance. Even under the UEMOA zone, where microfinance
has been under regulation for at least a decade, there are no performance
benchmarks for the licensed providers. The CEMAC zone has developed 21
prudential guidelines, but they only cover credit risk management, loan
provisioning and write-offs, liquidity ratios, minimum capital requirements,
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ownership, capital adequacy ratios, and cash management. Africa is yet to
develop rating standards that are context-based and that managers can apply
systematically to guide their institutions towards improved performance. During
the past two decades, benchmarks and best practices have facilitated significant
performance gains in both the commercial and the public sectors.
In the absence of operational rating standards and performance benchmarks,
overall performance depends solely on the initiative of individual managers and
leaders, orientation, or internal incentives. Rating is now a service that is available
globally, but it is costly given that no rating agencies operate from within Africa.
So far, only 35 microfinance institutions have been supported and facilitated to
conduct a rating exercise by INAFI Africa with support from OxfamNovib. INAFI
has worked with MicroRate, a leading American rating agency, to develop
benchmarks and standards of performance for African MFIs. However, progress is
slow.
Strategic objective #3: To improve performance and quality of
services, and increase profitability
These difficulties notwithstanding, it is critical for Africa to develop domesticated
rating standards that can help members plan, monitor, and manage their
operations. The AU sees the development of these standards as paramount if
microfinance institutions are to improve their outreach and financial
performance. This is a very important strategy towards, not only increasing
outreach, but also attracting more investment and improving the impact of
microfinance on low-income populations.
Ultimately, the continent’s success in expanding access to microfinance and
achieving other strategic goals hinges on strategies focused on improving the
integrity and performance of microfinance institutions. However, the
microfinance institutions themselves bear the bigger responsibility of earning
public trust by offering quality and reasonably priced services/products by
running efficient and profitable operations and being transparent to public
scrutiny.
The AU recommends that member states work with players engaged in
microfinance within their borders to evolve a legally binding collective promises
or charters through which the firms should conduct their business.
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Member states should set certain standards for leadership and management of
microfinance providers and upholding transparency and confidence not to
undermine public trust.
In view of the foregoing discussion, introducing policies that makes membership
in a professional industry association mandatory for practitioners is the first
critical step towards establishing standards and creating order in the rapidly
expanding sector. Through the national associations, members can articulate
their needs and more effectively engage their governments in formulating
suitable policies and strategies to help grow and develop the sector. In addition,
peer pressure could be the catalyst required to get more market players to
observe the desired standard, hence improving professionalism. The AU regards
the support and development of national professional associations as being vital
to the developing the industry.
Considering that most microfinance institutions are not yet self-sustaining, there
is justification for selective and limited public sector support in building the
national networks until they are strong enough to serve the purpose.
5.4 Increasing the supply of capital
While a more conducive policy environment will help catalyze the mobilization
and investment of new capital towards growing the sector, there are many
obstacles that must be overcome first before Africa can achieve the five goals of
developing the sector. The lack of adequate capital to meet immediate
microfinance customers’ needs is so serious that Africa should consider
establishing a regional microfinance investment fund. On the one hand, the
tremendous pressure on MFIs to meet customer needs means that most
institutions have invested all their capital in loan portfolios, thereby sparing
almost nothing to upgrade capacity or streamline management systems.
Consequently, there is a massive demand for capital for investing in capacity
building of microfinance. Therefore, there is a need for a regional capacity-
building fund to help the institutions to improve their financial performance and
expand outreach.
Considering the flow of remittances to the region and the expertise available with
the African Diaspora a broad, it will be important to create linkages and
partnerships in the area of having MFIs involved in remittances.
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Strategic objective #4: To Increase investment capital for
microfinance
In this regard, mobilization of investment capital is a priority strategy that will not
only facilitate the desired improvements in institutional and human capacity, but
also enable the microfinance institutions to improve both outreach and financial
performance.
5.5 Lowering cost and Improving Efficiency
Because microfinance is an emerging industry market, continuous research and
innovations will remain important to unfold the many unexplored promises. This
is an area that is amenable to large economies and where the AU would like to
provide greater leadership. Since, like the current global economy, it is
knowledge-based, improved access to knowledge and information can leverage
innovation and the development of new products.
Strategic objective #5: To improve the efficiency and impact of
microfinance
Together with the other regional economic blocks, the AU sees huge benefits in
encouraging cooperation in research and innovation regionally to improve the
efficiency and performance of the microfinance sector.
5.6 Building and Enhancing Capacity
The overall success in developing the microfinance sector in Africa depends on
the quality of its people and institutions. In this regard, Africa needs to invest
significantly in developing management systems and personnel if it is to achieve
the five goals of microfinance development.
Strategic Objective #6: to Increase investment in institutional and
human capital stock
Regular investment in institutional and human capacity building is absolutely
necessary. To ensure that microfinance institutions provide for their capacity
development, it is proposed that governments make mandatory reserves, of at
least 5 percent, part of the licensing and regulatory requirement for practitioners.
The threat of poorly managed and institutional weak microfinance institutions to
the overall development of industry cannot be overemphasized. Due to lack of
capacity, many microfinance institutions risk failing: in Niger, about three MFIs
are under statutory management. In both Kenya and Uganda, where microfinance
regulation has been selective or elitist, the pubic have lost hard earned savings
through unsupervised, undercapitalized, and poorly-run microfinance institutions.
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The fact that Uganda, which already provides for microfinance regulation and
supervision, has lost five of the unsupervised microfinance institutions in the last
twelve months alone is enough indication that governments should demand for
adequate institutional and human institutional development among the
institutions of microfinance. Perhaps an additional strategy to ensure that
microfinance institutions have adequate capacity to deliver services is to require a
minimum basic professional qualification and training for certain cadres of
microfinance staff that must be on board for an institution to be allowed to
engage in microfinance. Through delegated authority, the governments and
central banks could engage apex bodies or national microfinance networks to
monitor and ensure that all organizations in providing microfinance have the
necessary internal capacity as proposed.
In many instances, lack of adequate institutional and human capacity among
African microfinance institutions is due to the lack of capital, as mentioned in the
introduction. In this regard and considering that many MFIs are either young or
financially still not self-sustaining, governments around in the region, together
with the AU should establish various capacity building funds for the sector.
Access to such funds, however, should be for a limited period and be pegged on
very clear performance targets. Through regional, sub-regional, and national level
cooperation and participation, the quality of technical assistance and training
provided to the sector with such funds could be improved by working together
to develop common standards. Through cooperation and exchange of
experience, the microfinance institutions through their national level networks
can develop expertise
5.7 Integration and Regional Cooperation
This road map was intended to set out a regional framework through which the
AU can coordinate efforts to improve the capacity and performance of
microfinance institutions at the national and sub-regional levels. It also aimed to
increase the channels of acquiring capital to finance the growth and expansion of
services. The document is motivated by the realization that, despite high demand
for microfinance throughout the region, the vast majority of Africa’s poor and
low-income population is still financially excluded and that recent advances in
expanding and deepening outreach seem not to have had the desired effect. To
this end, improving the legal and institutional environment in which micro-credit
providers operate is an important step.
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Strategic objective #7: to harmonize regional microfinance policy
and promote cooperation and trade in
microfinance
To achieve this objective, the AU needs to go a step farther by urging its
members to adapt institutional, legal and commercial frameworks needed to
promote a favorable environment for the development of microfinance and
micro/small-scale enterprise. This should include the involvement of practitioners
in policy dialogue and self-regulation to ease the pressure on central banks to
regulate the institutions directly. For this to work, however, the AU needs to
spearhead the development of operational standards and performance
benchmarks. In this regard, member states should be encouraged to support the
development of national microfinance practitioner networks by requiring all
licensed institutions to belong to relevant apex associations.
It is in public interest to strengthen these associations by providing initial basic
funding to ensure that the networks have qualified and competent personnel to
be able to convene regular industry forums to discuss and review matters of
interest to members. The funding should be only for a limited period to
encourage the institutions to embrace financially sustainable operations that
would enable them to perform their role of nationwide monitoring and reporting
of intermediary institutions.
While member states should be encouraged to allow tax exemptions for
microfinance institutions in the initial period of their licensing and regulation,
perhaps three to six years, they should be required to provide for their future and
the industry’s capacity building through mandatory reserves. A rate of 5 percent
of net profits is recommended to be incorporated in the prudential guidelines.
5.8 Establishment of a Regional Capacity Building Facility
In addition to short-term and selective tax exemptions and limited funding of
industry infrastructure at the national level in the initial stages of microfinance
market development, it is recommended that a new Africa-level research,
innovations, and capacity development facility, equipped with adequate staff and
resources, be established to provide expertise and support for the development
of micro-finance institutions in member states.
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Strategic objective #8: to enhance leadership and management
capacity to improve professionalism in the sector
The new facility would, among other things, conduct market analysis, establish
guidelines, promote training courses, and develop the mentoring capacity
essential for building strong leadership, management, and governance
manpower for the continent’s microfinance institutions. Financial support for the
facility should come from a special fund set up to develop and finance the sector.
The fund should be financed from annual contributions by member states.
Through annual regional microfinance forums, which should be instituted as early
as possible, preferably from 2009, the facility can identify new industry
developments and work with practitioners to identify new opportunities and
propose continuous improvement in knowledge and capacity. The annual surveys
and analysis of performance the microfinance development facility should carry
out could provide an important platform for raising investment capital for the
sector.
5.9 Establishment of Regional Wholesale Fund(s)/Venture Capital
To find more capital for microfinance institutions, this road map proposes the
setting up of wholesale microfinance funds at the regional level. Africa should
also explore the setup of regional loan guarantee funds or instruments for MFIs.
Alternatively, a window could be established at the existing regional and sub-
regional banks, for example, the AfDB, the Eastern Africa Development Bank, and
the Regional Solidarity Bank, which can address the present capital shortage and
investors bias against the African microfinance market.
The African Investment Bank in particular should establish a microfinance
refinancing window to ease the current capital shortage which constraints MFIs
from expanding outreach and enhancing their capacity and systems to scale up
outreach. Where possible, the Bank and other regional wholesale funds setup for
the purpose of easing MFIs’ current capital shortage in the region should work on
creating and developing links with various African Diaspora organizations and/or
associations, with a view to tapping into remittances to support microfinance
activities. Linkages with the African Diaspora that lead to technology and skills
transfer would be particularly valuable to the building of local capacity for MFIs.
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Strategic objective #9: to increase the supply and lower cost of
capital for microfinance development
In setting up this fund, Africa can lower the currently cost of investment and
perhaps minimize the temptations of member states getting involved directly in
the provision of microfinance. If adequately funded and properly managed, the
African member states can avoid getting directly involved in financing
microfinance operations and can benefit from the professionalism of
microfinance managers. Secondly, by linking access to capital from this fund to
established regional standards of performance and benchmarks, this fund can
itself become a powerful instrument for promoting and encouraging increased
professionalism in the sector.
5.10 Establishment of a Regional/Sub-Regional Rating Fund
Until recently, it was possible for interested microfinance institutions to obtain
partial funding for rating services. However, these donor-initiated funds have
served their purpose well and will soon be closed. Yet considering the importance
or rating in stimulating healthy competition and the search for operational
excellence, as well as greater efficiency and innovation, there is need to establish
a regional rating fund—in addition to legislating for mandatory rating once every
18 months for microfinance institutions that have reached a certain age or
threshold. Rating could also be incorporated among the requirements for
microfinance institutions accessing the aforementioned regional funds.
Strategic objective #10: to improve professionalism and
dynamism of the microfinance sector
Rating services are not only helpful in driving up standards, but also in signaling
and prompting early response whenever any adverse industry developments are
detected. And even more importantly, the establishment of the rating as part of
responsible microfinance development could play an important role in enforcing
standards and reducing industry monitoring costs. In this regard, member states
of the African union should encourage and support the establishment of local
rating agencies to reduce costs and ensure a reliable availability of services. In the
long-term, as national and regional microfinance institutions mature, they
themselves should be encouraged to jointly establish independent regional
rating firms, which can be a good thing for the industry. Such firms will be more
familiar with the local situation and could work closely with the industry to
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promote learning and improve standards and level of professionalism in the
sector.
References & End Notes
1 Sodokin, Koffi, (2007). “Functional and Structural Complementarities of Banks and Microbanks in
Less Developed Countries (LDCs)”, Department of Economics and Management, Dijon, Cadex:
Burgundy University, France. April.
2 United Nations, (2007). “The International Year of Micro Credit: Comoros Country Profile”, New
York: The United Nations International Year of Microcredit.
3 Bessaha, Abdelrahmi, Francis, Bokilo, Karangwa, Joseph, Yinqui Lu, Mongardini, Joannes, Yaya,
Moussa, Carcillo, Stephane, Jean-Pierre, Nguenang, and Oliva, Maria, (2007). “Republic of Congo:
Selected Issues Paper, IMF Country Report No. 071”, Washington: International Monetary Fund.
4
5 See Aportela, Fernando, (1999), “Effects of Financial Access on Savings by Low-income People”,
Research Department, Banco de Mexico. December.
6 Sebstad, Jennifer and Gregory Chen, 1996, Overview of studies on the Impact of Microenterprise
Credit, Washington D.C.: USAID.
7 OECD, 2005, The Financial Sector’s Contribution to pro-Poor Growth, DAC Network on Poverty
Reduction, Hot Topic paper prepared by the Task Team on Private Sector Development
8 International Labour Organization, (2002). “Microfinance for Employment Creation and Enterprise
Development, sixth item on the Agenda of the 283rd Session of Committee on Employment and
Social Policy, Geneva: the International Labour Organizations.
9 Sebstad, Jennifer, and Gregory, Chen, (1996). Overview of Studies on the Impact of
Microenterprise Credit, Washington, D.C.: USAID.
10 Pitt, Mark and Shahidur, Khandkar, (1998). “The Impact of Group-based Credit Programs on Poor
Households in Bangladesh: Does the Gender of Participants Matter?” Journal of Political Economy,
Vol.106, No. 5, pp. 958-996.
11Murdoch, Jonathan, (1998). “Does Microfinance Really Help the Poor? New Evidence from
Flagship Programs in Bangladesh”, California: Hoover Institution, Stanford University.
12 Prehalad, C.K., 2005. The Future at the Bottom of the Pyramid (BOP): Eradicating Poverty
Through Profits, New Jersey: Wharton School Publication.
13 See Don, Johnston and Jonathan, Murdoch, (2007). op. cit
14 See Don, Johnston and Jonathan, Murdoch, (2007). op. cit
15See Lapenu and Zeller, (2001), op. cit.
16 Patrick Honohan and Beck Thorsten, 2007, Making Finance Work for Africa,
Washington D.C.: The World Bank Beck.
17 Honohan, Patrick, (2004). ―Data on Microfinance and Access: Thinking About What is
Available and What is Needed‖, Mimeo, Washington, D.C.: The World Bank.
18 See Patrick Honohan and Thorsten Beck, 2007, ibid.
19 CGAP, (2004). ―Regional Funder Survey—Sub-Saharan Africa‖, Washington, D.C: CGAP.
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20 See Roodman, David and Uzma Qureshi, (2006). "Microfinance as a Business‖, Center
for Global Development, Working Paper Number 101, November.
21 See Roodman, David and Uzma Qureshi, (2006). "Microfinance as a Business‖, Center for
Global Development, Working Paper Number 101, November.
22 Bond, Philip, and Ashok, Rai, (2002). ―Collateral Substitutes in Microfinance‖, Paper
prepared for the North American Meetings of the Econometric Society, the NEUDC and
Irvine Development Conference, jointly published by Northwestern University and Yale
University.
23 Rhyne, Elisabeth, and Maria Otero, (2006). ―Microfinance through the Next Decade:
Visioning the Who, What, Where, When, and How‖, A Paper Commissioned by the Global
Microcredit Summit 2006 held in Halifax Canada, Boston, ACCION International.
24 Valentina Hartarska a and Denis Nadolnyak b, (2007). Do regulated microfinance institutions achieve better
sustainability and outreach? Cross-country evidence, Auburn, Arlington: University of Georgia, Department of
Agricultural and Applied Economics.
25 Hishigsuren, Gaamaa, (2006). ―The Transformation of NGOs into Regulated Financial
Intermediaries‖, Paper presented at the third Microcredit Summit Campaign Conference
held in Halifax, Canada.
26 Oketch and Mirero, ibid, citing from Liza, Valenzuela (2001), Robin Young et al (2005),
mention that average number of clients reached by a sample of 70 regulated microfinance
institutions was 7,250—the large and small commercial banks were reaching between
32,525 and 35,912 clients. Moreover, among the big state-owned banks in the sample, e.g.,
National bank of Microfinance in Tanzania, just two served more than 19,00o in a study of
250 rural financial institutions involved in microfinance. In Latin America where the
market is developed, 68% of the market is dominated by small MFIs, which individually
reach less than 20,000 customers: almost half of the market (48%) is served by MFIs
within 10,000 customers range.
27 DfID and AMFIU, (2007). Third Africa MFI (Micro-Finance Institutions) Conference:
―New options for rural and urban Africa‖, Held in Kampala, Uganda, August 20-23.
28 According to reports presented at the 3 rd African Microfinance in Kampala, Uganda in
July 2007, each of the four Ugandan MFIs that had transformed used between S1.8 to $2.o
million in preparing to transform, which was approximately eight times the minimum start-
up capital for deposit-taking MFIs.
29 See n. d Princes, Peasants and Pre-tenders: The Past and Future of African Microfinance,
Kampala.
30 Lapenu and Zeller, (2001). op. cit.
31 Otero, Maria, and Elizabeth, Rhyne, eds., (2001). Mainstreaming Microfinance: How Lending to the Poor
Began, Grew and Came of Age, West Hartford, CN: Kumerian Press. Pp. 105, available online at
findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3800/is_200604/ai_n17171947/
32One of the databases is maintained by INAFI Africa and the other by MicroBanking
Bulletin, a global industry system established in 1995 by CGAP.
33 Ann-Lucie, Lafourcade, Isern, Jennifer, and Patricia Mwangi, and Brown, Mathew,
(2005). ―Overview of the Outreach and Financial Performance of Microfinance Institutions
in Africa‖ in eds., MicroBanking Bulletin, Spring Vol.3.
34 See Microcredit Summit Campaign report, (2007). op. cit.
35 Daley-Harris, op. cit
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36 International Monetary Fund, (2008). “Niger IMF Country Report No.07/14”, Washington, D.C.:
International Monetary Fund.
37 Owen, Graham, (2007). Rural Outreach and Financial Cooperatives: SACCOS in Kenya, Agriculture
and Rural Development Report, Washington, D.C.: The World Bank
38 Development Alternatives International, INC, (2004). “Microfinance Sector in Mali”, USAID,
August, available online at www.usaid.org.ml/mes_photos/microfinance_in_mali.doc
39 Saab, Samer, and Jerome, Vacher, (2007). “Banking Sector Integration and Competition in
CEMAC”, Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund at online mpra.ub.uni-
muenchen.de/2011/MPRA paper No. 2011.
40Sacerdoti, Emilio, (2006). “Access to Bank Credit in Sub-Saharan Africa: Key Issues and Reform
Strategies”, IMF Working Paper 05/166, Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund.
41Nagarajan, Geetha, (2001). “Disaster Management Microfinance Institutions in Mozambique:
Reflecting on Lessons Learnt for Future Directions”, CARE Mozambique and MBP/USAID.
42 Oketch, H. Oloo, and Mirero, Stephen, M., (2004). “INAFI Africa Electronic Survey of Microfinance
Institutions in Africa”, unpublished. Nairobi: INAFI Africa.
43 Don, Johnston, and Jonathan, Murdoch, (2007). op. cit.
44 Ledgerwood, Joanna, and Victoria, White, (2006). Transforming Microfinance Institutions: Providing full Financial
Services for the Poor. Available www.microfinancegateway.org/content/article/detail/35229.
45 Oketch and Mirero, (2005). op. cit.
46 See Management series of the Microfinance Center for Eastern and Central Europe and
Newly Independent States, based in Warsaw, Poland.
47 Steinfield, Laurel, (2008). ―Building Bridges to the Unbanked: Innovations Abound in
the Financial Sector‖, African Institute of Corporate Citizenship (AICC), South Africa.
48 Camilleri, Jean-Luc, (2005). ―Micro and Small-Scale Enterprises and Microfinance in
Africa: The Support to Dynamic Enterprises-an effective weapon for poverty alleviation‖, in
ILes Notes, 2nd edition, August 2006. Working Program Europe in the World Development
Section paper No.4, Thomas More Institute. Available online at www.institut-thomas-
more.org.
49 The recent experience of microfinance sector in Benin is very instructive. Due to
increased competition for clients and the direct involvement of the Government in the
provision of microfinance (through its $12.3 million Microcredit aux Plus Pauvres, i.e.
MCPP project), several problems have saddled the sector in 2005 and 2006. Dishonest
practices by some big lenders, lack of effective credit reference system, and over borrowing
by customers are just some of the challenges experienced. Due to lack of adequate
institutional and human capacity, two of the networks have faced liquidity shortages. As a
result there has been decline in portfolio quality. Several MFIs are struggling to meet
regulatory requirements. For details, see Consortium ALAFIA-Benin, n. d. ―Microcredit for
the Poorest and Market Distortions in Benin‖, Cotonou: ALAFIA-Benin.
50 Peter Bate, 2007. ―Government Intervention in Microfinance: Threat or Opportunity?‖,
Microenterprise Americas Magazine (Fall 2007), available at website
http://www.iadb.org/NEWS/articledetail.cfm?artid=4134&language=En.
51 Direct government intervention in microfinance has been criticized in Latin America,
where it has become common, and Africa, precisely because of driving interest rates on
loans down.
52 See Ernesto Aguirre, a consultant at the World Bank, available at website
http://www.worldbank.org/
53 CGAP, (2006). ―Scenarios for future Microfinance Development to 2015‖, available
online at www.cgap.org/portal/site/cgap/
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age7
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54 See the Economist Intelligence Unit, 2007. Microscope of Microfinance in Latin America
and the Caribbean, Washington D.C.: Inter-American Development Bank.
55 Return to capital from investments in microfinance in Africa is reportedly at a handsome
20 percent per year.
56 International Monetary Fund, (2007). ―Cameroon –Selected Issues: IMF Country
Report No. 07/287, Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund.
57 Brad, Swanson, (2007). ―Microfinance Securities XXCB: Developing Worlds Markets
2006‖.
58 ING Bank, (2008). A Billion to Gain: The Next Phase, The Hague: ING Bank.
59 Netherlands Platform for Microfinance, (2004). ―Microfinance Current Trends and
Challenges‖, October. Available online at www.microfiannce.nl
60 Long-term commitment is necessary and essentially, hence local ownership vis-a-vis
foreign ownership.
61 Until high client dropouts signaled that microfinance clients also care about price as they
do about access, there was pressure on microfinance institutions to increase interest rates
on their loans to eliminate reliance on subsidies. In hindsight, however, this strategy makes
sense only if the poor are rate insensitive: then microlenders increase profitability (or
achieve sustainability) without reducing the Poor’s access to credit. In any case, the fact that
loan size is far more responsive to changes in loan maturity than to changes in interest
rates, also suggests that present policy concerns about short-term orientation of Africa
microfinance institutions is justified. See, for example, Karlan, S. Dean and Jonathan
Zinman, 2007. ―Expanding Credit Access: Using Randomized Supply Decisions to Estimate
the Impacts, Center for Economic Policy Analysis, Discussion Paper No. 6180, available at
Website: www.cepr.org/pubs/dps/DP6180.asp.asp