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SELECTIONS FROM THE M INUTES

OTHER OFFICIAL WRITINGS

THE HONOURABLE

M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONEGOVERNOR OF BOHBAY.

SELECTIONS FRO) ! THE M INUTES AND

OTHER OFFICIAL WRITINGS

THE HONOURABLE

MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONEG OV E R N OR OF BO M BA Y.

WITH AN INTRODUC'TORY HEM OIR.

EDITED BY

GE O RGE W. FO RRE S T, B.Amacaw mu ms ,

“now or run: umvmsrrv 0? BOllBAY.

LONDON

R I CHA R D -B E N T L E Y A N D S O N ,

i nhib its” inM int y toan4mm; flu 0mm.

1884.

!AllRights M ]

THE M E M BER S

OF THAT SERVICE WHO HAVE FOR MORE THAN A CENTURY,FIRMNESS AND EQUITY, ADMINISTERED OUR

BRITISH INDIAN EMP IRE,

T gamut; the 0mm writings

OF ONE OF THE ABLEST OF THE MANY ABLE M EN WHO

HAVE BELONGED TO

THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE

P REFACE.

SOM E years ago, whenI was employed inlooking over

the valuable records in the Bombay Secretariat , the ideastruck me that a compilation of the official writings Of

M ountstuart Elphinstone would prove of use,not only

to those actively engaged in the administration of

India,but also to the daily widening circle of men who

take an interest in Indian questions. There is hardlyan important problem connected with the government

Of India which has not beendiscussed by M ountstuartElphinstone ; and to the discussion Of Indian problemshe brought vast experience and a liberal and highlycultivated mind .

Inorder to make the M inutes more intelligible to the

reader,I have thought it advisable to prefix to them a

short narrative of M r. Elphinstone’

s life,and of the

principal historical events connected with his career.In this memoir I have drawn largely upon the

admirable memoir written by Sir Edward Colebrokemany years ago, and published in the Royal Asiatic

M y best thanks are due to Lord Elphinstone for thetrouble he has takeninsending me a copy of the letters

PREFACE.

of Mountstuart Elphinstone describing the battles Of

Assaye and Kirkee,which are now published for the

first time. M y acknowledgments are also due to SirRichard Temple for supplying me with the M inu te on

Education,and also to M r. M onteath

,O. S .

,for his kind

assistance in procuring me records from the BombaySecretariat .

G. W. FORREST.

DECCAN COLLEGE, PUNA.

October 18, 1883.

CONTENTS .

LIFE OF THE HON. M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONEcm

I. EARLY LIFE— INDIA— AS SAYE—ARGAUM— NAGPUR

II. EMBASSY TO CABUL

III. PUNAIV. COMMIS S IONER OF THE DECCANv. BOMBAY—RETURN To ENGLAND

M INUTE BY THE HO STONE, DATED

M ARCH, 1824 , ON EDUCATION

To THE M URDER or

M INISTER DEPUTED

To PUNA

REPORT FROMLIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR, or THE BOMBAY

ES TABLISHMENT, AND DESPATCHES momTHE HONOURABLE

M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE To THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL

REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA,SUBMITTED To THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT OF BRITISH

INDIA

M INUTE BY THE P RES IDENT, EXTRACTED FROM ‘ EAST INDIA

PAPERS ,’VOL. III. pp . 697— 701

M INUTE BY THE GOVERNOR, EXTRACTED FROM EAST INDIA

PAPERS ,’

VOL. III. pp. 661— 664

CONTENTS.

PAOI

M INUTE BY THE P RES IDENT, EXTRACI'ED FROM EAS T INDIA

PAPERS ,’

VOL. III. pp. 677— 697

FURTHER M INUTE BY THE PRES IDENT, EXTRACTED FROM

EAST INDIA PAPERS , ’ VOL. III. pp. 706— 709

M INUTE BY THE HON. M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE, DATED

FEBRUARY 21, 1821

M INUTE BY THE HON. M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE, DATED

CHOBARI, CUTCH,JANUARY 26, 1821

LIFE OFTHE HON. M OUNTSTUART

ELPHINSTONE.

CHAPTER I .

EARLY LIFE— INDIA— AS SAYE— ARGAUM -NAGPUR .

1 779— 1 803;

M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE was born inthe year 1 779— the sonOf the eleventh Lord Elphinstone , and Anna,daughter of Lord Ruthven. His father was a generalOfficer , and Governor of Edinburgh Castle ; and formany years sat in the House of Lords as one of therepresentative peérs of Scotland . As a boy , Mountstuart seems to have been first remarked chiefly forhigh spirits and love Of singing revolutionary songs ,which he learnt from the French prisoners confined inthe castle . At the age of fourteen he was sent toschool at Kensington , where he remained for two years .These two years do not seem to have been devoted toindu stry and the beaten paths Of school-life , but h eshowed a love of reading ; and in after years it was remarked that he was fond Of quoting Shakespeare . At

school it was said he was clever enough for anything,but an idle dog .

’ Mountstuart Elphinstone was but alad of sixteen years of age when he left school to pro

LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

ceed to India as a writer in the Civil Establishment ofBengal . He embarked in July , 1 79 5 , and was ao

companied by two young friends— John Adam , whoduring a brief interregnum was Governor-General OfIndia , and Houston , who rose to be Sir R . Houston ,K .C.B. After a long voyage , the vessel reached Indiain February of the following year ; and a short timeafte rwards , Mr . Elphinstone was appointed assistant tothe magistrate at Benares — the Hindoo Rome Of

India .

When young Elphinstone landed , Sir John Shorewas Governor-General . It was the brilliant courage ofOlive which first gained for the English any territorialposition in India it was the daring genius of Hastingswhich first conceived the policy Of reducing Nativeprince s to the position of subordinates without independent rights . He was the first to introduce , in hisdealings with Oude , the subsidiary system . When astate consented by treaty to accede to this system , itacknowledged the British Government as the paramountpower in India ; and , in return , it received the guaranteeof that Government for its safety and integrity . Itagreed not to make war or peace with out the sanctionof the paramount power , and to maintain a contingentof troops as a subsidiary force to aid the BritishGovernment in time of need . But the policy whichcommended itself to the capacious mind Of Hastings ,was not regarded with favour by the Directors , who didnot care to strengthen the position of the Company asan Asian power , but were only anxious as to the Com

pany’

s commercial position and its trade . Lord Comwallis and Sir John Shore , according to the wishes oftheir masters , introduced a policy different to that ofHastings . Their desire was to treat allNative sovereignsas equals , and to maintain a balance of power amongst

EARLY LIFE.

the Native State s, so as to prevent any of them be

coming too powerful . Sir JohnShore , however , foundit impossible to carry out the principle of non-inte rference in the affairs of Native States in its integrity .

He was compelled to set aside the claims of VazirAli to the throne of Oude . InJanuary , 1 7 9 9 , thefollowers of the deposed Nawab , who was in sur

ve illance at Benares , attacked the British Officers atth e Residency, and massacred them . Mr . Elph instonewas seated with his friend Houston when the newsreached them of the massacre ; and they had barelytime to mount their horses , when they were pursuedby some of the Nawab ’s horsemen . They saved theirlives by riding through a high sugar-cane plantation ,which concealed them from their pursuers .Two years after this event , Mr. Elphinstone was

transferred to the Political Department, or DiplomaticService . Lord Wellesley was now Govemor-General .He saw that the idea of his predecessors of a balanceof power was impracticable , and that the Britishauthority must be supreme throughout the country.

At the time when he assumed office , the very existenceof the British Empire in India was threatened with

grave danger. Tippn, the Nizam , and S cindia wereall under French influence , and had their armies chieflyofi cered by Frenchmen . A Jacobin club had beenorganized in Seringapatam . The men were requiredto swear hatred to tyranny, love of liberty, and destruction to all kings and sovereigns , except the goodand faithful ally of the French Republic— CitizenS ultanTippu . The first war , undertaken by Wellesley,was forced on him by the hostile attitude Of Tippu .

It began in 1 7 79 , and ended in the gallant capture ofSeringapatam . The fall of Seringapatam made theEnglish supreme in the Deccan . In a few months , the

1— 2

4 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

Madras Presidency grew from a few scattered distri ctsinto the great country known by that name , comprisingalmost the whole of Southern India . The GovernorGeneral further extended the British dominion in Indiaby compelling the Nawab Vazir of Oude to cede thegreater part of his dominion . The districts thusacquired compose a greater part of what is now calledthe North-Westem Provinces . That Lord Wellesley

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dealings with the Nawab were harsh and arbitrary, noimpartial mancan deny ; but the increasing certainty Ofa rupture with the Mahrattas compelled the Marquis toresort to them .

In 1 801 , Mr . E lphinstone was appointed to Puna ,as assistant to the British Resident at the Court of thePeshwa , the chief of the Mahratta Confederacy . Butfew facts can be gleaned from the mass Of legendaryaccounts regarding Maharashtra and its many independent states antecedent to the inroads of the M ussul

mans , under Alla-ud-deen , in the year 1 29 4 . TheDeccan remained subject to the Emperor of Delhi till1 34 5 , when the Mussulman nobles revolted , andestablished the Bah amani dynasty, so-called from thesupposed Brahman descent Of its founder . The capitalwas first at Kalburgah , Sixty miles from Sholapur , andwas afterwards removed to Bedar, both which placesstill possess magnificent palaces and mosques in ruin.

Towards the close of the fourteenth century , the Bahamani Empire fell to pieces, and five independent kingdoms divided the Deccan amongst them . Only threeOf these states— the Adhil Shahi dynasty, with itscapital at Bijapur , the Kutub-Shah i dynasty at Go]conda , and the Nizam-Shahi dynasty at Ahmednagar— retained their independence until conquered byAurangzib . This was not accomplished without manycampaigns and the struggles Of Golconda and Bijapur

EARLY LIFE.

with the great Mogul Emperor favoured the ambitiousschemes of Sivaji , who now became an important personage upon th e scene . The founder of the MahrattaEmpire was born at a hill-fort near Puna in 1 6 2 7 .

The family from which he sprang had for some generations been settled in the wild valleys of the WesternGhats , and belonged to the ranks of the lesser Mahrattachiefs . When Sivaji was but a lad , the warlike mountaine ers Of the ne ighbourmg glens began to have faithin him ; and uniting himself to a small hand, he ,through the native force Of his character , made himself their leader ‘

. The band grew in numbers , andSivaj i quickly welded a few mountain tribes into agreat nation , and from being the captain of a handfulof horsemen , he became the sovereign of a mightyempire . In

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1 6 74 , Sivaj i caused himself to be en

throned with great splendour , from which time theMahrattas rank as a Hindu nationality . Six yearsafterwards his chequered career was terminated bydeath . His son inherited his father’s vast possessions , but none of his father ’s greatness . Havingdestroyed the great monarchies of Bijapur and Golconda, Aurangzib determined to crush his Old foes theMahrattas . The son of Sivaji fell a prisoner into hishands , and was put to death with cruel torture . Satarawas captured ; nearly all the Mahrattas

’ strongholdswere seized ; but the Mahrattas were neither crushednor subduedu Beaten in a pitched battle , the daringCossacks dispersed once , to collect again and renew their

guerilla warfare . The large but cumbersome army of

the Emperor , with its numerous guns , long train of

elephants , and elaborate camp equipage , was ill suitedfor coping with irregular horsemen who slept with theirhorses ’ bridles in their hands and swords by their Sides,and their trusty spears stuck in the ground near them ,

6 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE .

ready at a moment ’s notice to fall on an unwary enemy,or beat a retreat into some wild mountain glen . Indiahad also proved to be the Capua of the Mogul nobles .They had grown luxurious and efl

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eminate , and utterlyunsuited for wild Mahratta battle . ’

The Emperor was now stri cken in years , and troublesencircled him on all sides . His armies sustained asignal defeat from the Mahrattas , and he himselfnarrowly escaped from being taken a prisoner .Aurangzib returned to Ahmednagar, bafl ed and beaten

,

and, full of sorrows , descended into the tomb

(February 2 lst , On his death Shahu Rajah , thegrandson of Sivaji , was released ; but the young manwas not fit to wield a sceptre . He allowed his stateafl

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airs to be managed by his chief minister, who fromthe time of Sivaji was called the Peshwa , or PrimeMinister . In 1 7 1 4 Balaji Vishwanath , a Brahmin ,was appointed to that office . He , by his intriguesand ability, contrived to concentrate all the real powerin his ownhands , leaving to the Rajah the title only of

sovereignty . He made Puna the seat of power,the

centre of all authority ; and from this time the BrahminPeshwas became the real heads of the Mahratta Confederacy , the Rajahs , the descendants Of the great Sivaj i ,being merely nominal rulers living in Splendour as stateprisoners in Satara . Balaji caused the oflice to bemade hereditary in his family . He was succeeded byBaji Rao , his eldest son, an able man and thoroughsoldier , who greatly extended the Mahratta power.Baji Rao was succeeded by his son, Balaji BajiRao, commonly called the third Peshwa. During hisreign the Mahrattas sufl

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ered their most disastrousdefeat . In 1 7 58 Raghunath Rao, the brother of thePeshwa, a brave , rash man, full of ambition , broughtthe distant province of the Punjab under the Mahratta

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Ghats , the cradle of the Mahratta race . The fertileprovince Of Gujarat was governed by the Gaikwar of

Baroda . In Central India , two military leadersS cindia of Gwalior

,and Holke r Of Indore— alternately

held the pre-eminence . Towards the East the BhonslaRajah Of Nagpur , sprung from the same stock as Sivaji ,reigned from the Berar to the coast of Orissa . WhenMr. Elphinstone was appointed to Puna , Baj i Rao II. ,

the seventh Peshwa , w as on the throne . He was atreacherous , worthless creature , endowed with showyaccomplishments and a good addre ss . The death of

his powerful minister, Nana Farnavis , one of the ablestadministrators India has produced , sealed the ruin Of

the Mahratta Confederacy . Civil war raged throughoutthe country . S cindia and Holkar were engaged inhostilities , and the Peshwa espoused the cause of theformer . Vittoje e Holke r , brother Of the Mahratta chief,fell into his hands , and he caused him to be executed inhis presence by being dragged along the ground, tied tothe foot of an elephant . The cruel murder took place inthe spring of 1 801 , and in October of the following year ,Bolkar defeated at Puna the armies of the Peshwa andS cindia. Driven as a fugitive into British territory, thenecessities of th e Peshwa induced him to Sign the Treatyof Bassein , by which he pledged himself to hold communicationwith no other power , European or Native ,and ceded territory for the maintenance Of a subsidiaryforce . Mr . Elphinstone was residing with the Residentwh en the decisive engagement between the Peshwa andHolkar was fought almost at the gate of the Re sidency .

He accompanied his chief, Colonel Close , when thetreaty was negotiated at Bassein , and again returned toPuna with Sir A. Wellesley when the Peshwa wasreinstated in power . The Treaty of Bassein led directlyto the second Mahratta War , for neither S cindia nor

the Rajah of Nagpur could tolerate the abandonment Ofthe Mahratta independence . The war was begun onthe 3rd August , 1 803 . The first blow was struck byGeneral Wellesley against Ahmednagar, which sur

rendered On the 1 2th August ; and it was in Augustthat Mr . Elphinstone joined the Generalas his secretary .

He accompanied him on the famous march to meetS cindia, and the next five months were probably themost stirring in Elphinstone

’

s life .Leaving a small garrison in the fort ofAhmednagar ,

General Wellesley moved forward , and marching rapidly ,as was h is wont, crossed the Godavari , and arrived atAurungabad onthe 29th August . Here

,he heard that

S cindia and the Rajah Of Berar had entered the Nizam’ s

territory with an army of horse only , and had passedColonel Stevenson , who, with a force of men ,was watching the Ajunta Pass . The next day , GeneralWellesley marched southwards towards the Godavari ,having received intelligence that the enemy intended tomarch inthat direction , to cross the river and proceedto Hyderabad . But the enemy were quite undecidedas to their plans of operation . On hearing of themovement of the English force , they countermarchedin a northerly direction . They wished to cross theriver, and make a dash southward ; but it is certainthat they did not like General Wellesley

’

s positionupon that river, and his readiness to cross with them.

They knew that the river , which was then fordable ,must rise again , and they did not dare to be cut off

from their own countries and all assistance . ColonelStevenson made several attempts to bring them inaction , but in vain . General Wellesley himself had toremain stationary till the convoys Of grain which heexpected reached him . On the 1 8th the last Of themarrived, and on the 25th he was enabled to move

I O LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

forwards towards the enemy, who had be en joined bylarge reinforcements . On the 2 1 st, General Wellesleyand Colonel Stevenson had a conference , at which theyconcerted a plan to attack the enemy on the morning of

the 24th . It was deemed expedient to separate theirforces , in order to pass through defiles quickly and withcare . On the 23rd September, 1 803 , the British troopsadvanced in two columns against the combined armies ofS cindia and Berar Rajah ; Colonel Stevenson

’s divisionmarching about eight miles on the left of Wetlington.

The Mahratta horsemen were so numerous that it wasdifficult , if not impossible , to get exact information of theposition of the enemy , who was believed to be in front ofColonel Stevenson , at Bokerdun, the point at which , it isprobable , Wellesley intended to join forces . On themorning of the 23rd, however , Wellesley, arriving onthe bank of the Kaitna

,found the enemy drawn up on

the southern Opposite Side of the river, holding the chiefpassages , and evidently expecting to be attacked directlyin front . Wellesley determined to give battle withoutwaiting for Colonel Stevenson . Mr . Elphinstone usedto relate how the General , after the engagement, vindicated himse lf from the charge Of rashness . Had Inot attacked them ,

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he said , I must have been surrounded by the superior cavalry Of the enemy, mytroops must have been starved , and I should have hadnothing left but to hang myself to these tent-poles .

’

On the morning of the battle , Mr . Elphinstone tells usin his letter that he ‘ got on horseback for the first timefor a month , Owing to a liver complaint , and kept closeto the General the whole day .

’

General Welle sley’

s division consisted of five nativebattalions , each 700 Sstrong ; ofthese one entire battalion ,together with 100 men from each of the other fourregiments , were left Inrear with the baggage , while an

INDIA . I I‘

additional force of 100menfrom each of the same regiments formed a rear guard . There were thus left infront line four native battalions , each 500 strong the78 th Regiment , 600 74th Regiment , 570. Total ,

infantry, with 1 50 artillery and cavalry .

The enemy , at th e lowest estimate,were

strong , besides thousands of horse , and a fine park ofartillery. Wellesley, having reconnoitred , noticedtwo villages , Pimpalgaon and Warur, one on eachbank Of the river and beyond the left flank Of theenemy , which appeared unguarded , and on the assumption that where villages exist on opposite banks Of

a river there is generally a passage between them , hedirected a flank march for the purpose of crossing thereand turning the enemy ’s left flank . The narrow deltabetween the Kaitna and its northern amuent, the Juah ,gave sufficient space for Wellesley to employ his smallforce (while the nullah s or river-beds on either sidesecured his flanks), but the space was so confined as torestrict the enemy from bringing his immense superiority of numbers into action , and the decisive strugglewas therefore limited to almost equal numbers of thetwo forces . At the battle of Cannw, Hannibalcrossed the river Aufidus to secure a similar tactical advantage . The attack On the left flank alsogave a great advantage ; inasmuch as the enemy

’s linesof retreat lay to his left rear , he would have run muchrisk Of being cut away from it , and in that case mightbe driven in the direction towards which ColonelStevenson ’

s force was coming up ; or in case of a lessdecisive success the enemy would at least be taken inflank on his line Of retreat , and as he would have tocross the Juah river , an operation in which he mightfind difiiculty in carrying ofl

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his guns . The latter caseis what actually happened .


The flank movement was carried out with amanoeuvring power worthy Of a great and skilfulcommander . Small pickets of infantry were thrownout to hold the enemy , and give time for themain body to form . The British cavalry in rear andthe Mahratta and Mysore cavalry supporting themon the right flank , protected the force againstS cindia

’

s cavalry , who had been all massed on the rightflank Of his infantry . Part of the enemy ’s cavalrycrossed the river , but they were deterred from attackingby the bold front Of the British cavalry and their supports . Wellesley crossed the river , and as the headsof his columns appeared on the northern bank, theenemy commenced with all practicable speed to createa change of front to their left inorder to face their foe .

On the left Of S cindia’

s line lay the village of Assayewhich he had surrounded with cannon . Just beforethe British had ge t fully into position , the Officercommanding advanced troops on the right , contraryto the orders Of Wellesley, turned and attacked thevillage of Assaye , and was followed by the 74th Foot .The attack was repulsed . The enemy’s cavalry brokethe 74th ; and Elphinstone justly remarks : Thiswas the critical moment of the engagement ; if th eenemy ’s horse had pushed the Sepoy they could neverh ave stood what had overpowered the 7 4th . Butat this instant our cavalry appeared on the right ,charged the enemy and drove them with greatslaughter into a nullah (or Eventually thewhole British line advanced

,and the enemy gave way

in all directions . He was unable to carry off h is

guns , ninety of which were captured . Then it wasthat , having to cross the nullah Of the Juah , hisinfantry became huddled together and cramped for

room . A short attack was made by the British

BA TTLE OF ASSAYE . x3

cavalry. AS the Genera l writes , After the actionthere was no pursuit , because our cavalry was notthen in a state to pursue . ’ Had a pursuit been possible , the battle Of Assaye , decisive as it was , wouldhave been as deadly and as complete an overthrowOf the Mahrattas as the battle of Panipat . Thevictory was bought at a heavy price in killed andwounded . I fear ,

’ writes Elphinstone , we havescarce less than 600 Europeans killed and wounded ;50 office rs is the least at which the killed and woundedcan be reckoned , and Odd men and OE cers

appear onthe returns . ’

The most graph ic account of the battle of Assaye isgivenin the letter which is now published for the firsttime . It details in clear and simple language th e

difl'

erent phases of the fight onwhich hung the fate ofthe Indian Empire . There are words of hearty praisefor the General ’s bravery, and the clearness with whichhe gave his orders at the most anxious and importantmoment ; but there is not a single word about self,though the young civilian rode by the side Of theGeneral through the thick of that hot.fight.

Camp near the village ofAssaye , tenmiles from Jafl'

erabad,25ih S eptember, 1803.

M Y DEAR ADAM ,

You will have heard that this army hasfought a very bloody battle , and gained an importantvictory .

S cinara and the Rajah of Berar, after trying whatthey could do with an army of horse only , and aftergetting as far south as the Godavari river , changedtheir place and moved south to near the Ajunta Pass ,to meet a detachment of infantry and guns , whichScindia ordered to join them .


The detachment consisted (it is said) of seventeen battalions , 500 strong, and upwards Of 100

guns. General Wellesley , after halting for sometime for supplies , followed the enemy , and ColonelStevenson also moved north , and halted at Badalapur.

The two divisions met there onthe 2 lst, and itwas settled that they were to move separately towardsthe enemy , and both attack them on the 24th . Whenthis was settled he marched on the 22nd to P angey ,and on the 23rd to Naulnair, from which place h ethought the enemy was at some distance (sixteenmiles , or near it) ; but , as he was taking up ourground , news was brought that the enemy was closeat hand .

General Wellesley sent for the cavalry , and pushedonabout three miles , and came to the brow of a risingground from which he saw the enemy ’s two camps atthe distance of about three miles. The General haltedthe cavalry and rode back for the infantry. Theycame up in an hour , and were shown a road to theenemy

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s camp . In the meantime a large body of theenemy ’s horse advanced towards the cavalry . TheGeneral went thither ; the cavalry were drawn up inline , and I really expected to have had the pleasureOf a charge ; but when the enemy came near theyhalted , and the General left the cavalry to watch theirmotion , and joined the infantry . He went to the headOf the line , which soon ge t in sight of the enemy’scamp and they opened a cannonade upon it , with noefl

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ect that I knew of except slightly wounding GeneralWellesley

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s Brigade-Major, Lieutenant Campbell , inthe leg

,and carrying Off the head of one of the General

’sorderly troopers . Going on , he passed some ravinesand came to a broad nullah (or river) . We were

I 6 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

569 men and Ofiicers, exactly 400 have been returnedkilled and wounded .

The enemy ’s cavalry broke the 74th Regiment, andthis was the critical moment Of the engagement . If

the enemy ’s horse had pushed the Sepoy, they couldnever have stood what had overpowered the 74th ; butat this instant our cavalry appeared on the right ,charged the enemy , and drove them with greatslaughter into a nullah (or river) in our front . Ourcavalry crossed this , and charged among the enemy

’sinfantry, who had been driven by our infantry acrossit , and made a great slaughter . They afterwards recrossed the nullah , and made another charge at a bodyOf infantry with less success . While they were makingthis charge , the General took the 78th and 7th Regiment Of Native Cavah '

y and led them back to drive off

a body Of the enemy’s foot , who had taken some Of

our guns which we left behind , and turned themback .

While moving to this attack , the General’s horse was

killed under him ; after which he pushed on , the enemyretreated , and this concluded the engagement . We saw

enormous bodies of horse onall sides , but they behavedvery ill . They came almost within musket-shot, andthreatened us Often , but never charged but once , whenthey cut up the 74th . We have taken 9 5 pieces Of

cannon,and there are some more not yet brought in .

The enemy ’s loss in men is almost equal to our own innumbers

,but very different in value . I fear we have

scarce less th an 600 Europeans killed and wounded ;50 OE cerS is the least at which the killed and woundedcan be reckoned , and and Odd men and Officersappear in the returns .

This is, all agree , the bloodiest battle ever fought inIndia. Cuddelore is the only one I have heard com

BA TTLE OF ASSAYB. 1 7

paredwith it , and there the force of our army wasmen at least , and their loss killed and wounded .

Our army consisted of five battalions Of natives , 700strong ; Of these a battalion was left with the baggage

,

as was the rear-guard of 100 men from each battalion

(total and each battalion left its baggage-guard Of

1 00men (500 more) . S O that there were four corps Ofnatives, 500 each the 78th Regiment , 600 the74th Regiment, 570 ; the artillery, 1 50 total infantry ,

The cavalry were Total of all descriptions, The enemy , at the lowest number thatcan be reckoned , were strong , besides thousandsOf horse . The enemy have fled to the northward , andare getting down the passes as fast as they can . ColonelStevenson marched after them th is morning , afterhaying reinforced us with one battalion . His force is7 ,000 firelocks and 750 cavalry , but they are ill off

for artillery .

I got on horseback early in the morning Of theaction (the first time for a month , owing to a livercomplaint ), and kept close to the General the wholeday ; slept almost supperless (and really breakfastlessand dinnerless) , onthe ground inthe open air, withoutfinding the smallest inconvenience .

The General will doubtless get great credit for this .I am sure he deserves it . It is nothing to say Of him

th at he exposed himself on all occasions , and behavedwith perfect indifference in the hottest fire (for I did notsee a European do otherwise , nor do I believe peopleever do) ; but in the most anxious and importantmoments he gave his orders as clearly and coolly as ifhe had been inspecting a corps or mane uvring at areview .

I am afraid to say how well I like the General , for,though I have known him some time , I have only been

2

I 8 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

with him six weeks , and I may change my mind butall that can be said in six weeks ’ acquaintance I wouldhave said before this action , which has not lowered myOpinion Of him.

’

The following extract gives a graphic and a poeticdescriptionof a visit to the battle-field at night

Extract of a Letter to S trachey,’

dated Camp ofAssaye , 3rd October,

I went yesterday evening to the field Of battle . Itwas a dark , cloudy evening. I rode by myself, andsaw plurima mom

'

s imago. Some of the dead arewithered , their features still remaining , but their facesblackened to the colour of coal ; others still swollenand blistered . The Persian I mentioned was perfecteverywhere , and had his great quilted coat on; but hisface had fallen or been eaten Off, and his naked skullstared out like the hermits of the wood of Joppa (in theCastle OfOtranto Kites and adjutants , larger thanthe Calcutta ones , were feasting in some places , and inothers dogs howling all over the plain . I saw a blackdog tearing in a furious way large pieces Of flesh from adead man looking fiercely and not regarding him. Ithought the gaze horrible and sublime . At last Ibegan to feel a good deal of horror— awful , but notunpleasant— when , by way Of adding to the sublimity,the evening gunfired , and , to my surprise , I heard ashot whistle over my head . This I suppose was someneglect of the artilleryman .

’

The day after the battle of Assaye Colonel Stevenson joined General Wellesley

,and was immediately

despatched in pursuit Of S cindia beyond the Tapti .

ARGA UM. 1 9

The capture Of the famous fortress of Aseergurh

deprived that ch ief of his last stronghold inKhandesh .

The Rajah of Berar turned towards his owndominions ,and was followed by both corps of the British army.

S cindia, now thoroughly disheartened, sent an envoyfor peace , and suspensionof hostilities was granted onNovember 22nd, by General Wellesley, on conditionthat S cindia’s forces Should move to the eastward but

the same terms could not be extended to the Rajah Of

Berar so long as his army was in the field . S cindia

did not comply with the terms Of his agreement, andWellesley determined to attack the two chiefs ; and,having been joined by Colonel Stevenson , he advancedon November 28th and 29th . At the close of a longmarch , General Wellesley found himself suddenly uponthe army of the confederates . He made direct towardsthe enemy , followed by E lphinstone . At last he pulledup . There will be time to take those guns beforenight . ’ Before night closed in, thirty-eight Of theseguns and all their ammunition had been captured .

Wellesley writes

If we had had daylight anhour more, not a manwould have escaped .

We should have had that time,if my Native infantry

had not beenpanic struck , and got into confusionwhenthe cannonade commenced . Wh at do you think of

nearly three entire battalions , who behaved so admirablyin th e battle Of Assaye , being broke and running Ofl

’

,

whenthe cannonade commenced at Argaum, which wasnot to be compared to that at Assaye Luckily, Ihappened to be at no great distance from them and Iwas able to rally them , and re -establish the battle . If

I had not been there , I am convinced we should havelost the day . But as it was , so much time elapsed

2— 2

so LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

before I Could form them again , that we had not daylight enough for everything that we Should have certainly performed .

’

The capture of the stupendous mountain-fortress ofGavelgurh , followed the victory of Argaum. It wasan operation Of exceeding labour and skill , patientlyand Successfully achieved . It was at this siege thatthe great Duke told Elphinstone that he had mistakenhis profession , and ought to have been a soldier. Thecapture of the fortress crushed the hopes of theMahratta confederates, and negotiations were nowopened in earnest . The treaty with RaghOjI

Bhousle of Berar, known as the Treaty of Deogaum,

was concluded in December. He was obliged to cedethe Province Of Cuttack , the whole of Berar lyingwest of the Wurdah river , and to resign all claims onthe Nizam . General Wellesley , when the treatywas concluded , appointed Mr . E lphinstone to act asRe sident to the Rajah , and shortly afterwards he wasconfirmed in the responsible post . E lphinstone hadnot completed his twenty-fifth year, but Sir ArthurWellesley had complete confidence in his tact , his coolness , and judgment . He wrote Of him to his brotherin the following eulogistic language

Upon the occasion of mentioning Mr. Elph instone ,it is but justice to that gentleman to inform yourExcellency that I have received the greatest assistancefrom him since he has been with me . He is wellversed in the languages , has experience and a knowledge Of the interests Of the Mahratta powers , andtheir relations with e ach oth er, and with the BritishGovernment and its allies. He has been present in all

the actions which have been fought in this quarter

LETTER OF SIR ARTHUR WELLESLEY. 2 1

during the war, and at all the sieges ; he is acquaintedwith every transaction that has taken place , and withmy sentiments upon all subjects . I therefore take theliberty of recommending him to your Excellency.

To the Governor-General, Camp at Ellichpur,17th December,

CHAP TER II .

E M BA S S Y TO OABUL .

1 808— 1 8 10.

THE merchants Of the East India Company could notappreciate Wellesley

’

s imperial policy ; they praisedhim for his ardent zeal to promote the wellbeing of India , and to uphold the interest and

honour Of the British Empire but they recalled him .

Lord Cornwallis for the second time became Govemor

General , with the avowed intention Of reversing as far

as possible the policy Of his predecessor . A policy of

self-repression, of retreat from fancied dangers and realresponsibilities , took the place Of that bolder and wisersystem by which Wellesley had crowned the fabric ofour power in India, and by which it must always bemaintained .

Lord Cornwallis ’s second administration continuedlittle more than two months , and it was left to SirGeorge Barlow, the senior member of Council , to carryout the new policy . During these quiet times literaturedivided the attention of M ounstuart Elphinstone withhis political duties . He always had a genuine love ofbooks ; and during the whole of his Indian career hedevoted a vast amount Of time to classical reading andresearch . From his private journal we have an accountof his studies at Nagpur

2 4 LIFE OF M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

the Government in h is tact and ability. From Nagpurhe was transferred , inMarch , 1 808 , to the temporarycharge Of our relations with the Court of S cindia.

In the July Of the previous year Lord Minto hadtaken his seat as Govemor-General in the room Of SirCharles Barlow , who had those business qualities whichmake dulness respectable , but possessed none of those

qualities which make a statesman . Lord Minto was noblind adherent to the policy of Lord Wellesley , but hehad a keen sense Of what the honour and true inte restOf England demands . He was among those whomBurke loved best and trusted most , and had been one Ofthe managers of the prosecution Of the great P roconsul . Indian experience had the same effect onhimwhich it has on all wise men . It greatly altered hispreconceived opinions on all Indian matters . Sent outto uphold the policy Of peaceful isolation , he soonfoundthat it was impracticable .The year after Lord M into landed , a conjuncture

arose which seemed to threaten England’s power in the

East . The peace of Tilsit left her without an ally.

The close alliance which was then formed between thevictorious Napoleon and Russia boded ill . Frenchintrigues had been active in Persia ; and for the IndianGovernment the advance of hostile influences to acountry Of so much importance was a compulsion toact with promptitude and vigour. A memorandum wassent to Persia, for the purpose Of countermining theprogress Of France at that Court . But even if Francesucceeded in gaining a paramount influence inP ersia, much would remain to be done before Indiacould be successfully invaded . The States betweenthe British and Persian frontiers , aided by Bri tisharms , could check the force Of her advance , if theycould not entirely stop it . Lord Minto therefore wisely

EMBASSY TO CABUL . 2 5

determined to send Embassies to the States lying onand beyond the Indus— Lahore , Cabul , and Sindhfor the purpose of making defensive alliances with theirrulers . Mr . E lphinstone was selected to conduct theBritish Mission to be despatched to the Court of Cabul .The Governor-General was personally unacquaintedwith him , but he had formed a very high Opinion Of

his character and attainments .The countries under the sovereignty of the King of

Oahu] had ,’

writes Mr. Elphinstone , once extendedsixteen degrees in longitude from Sirhind , about 1 50miles from Delhi to Meshed , about an equal distancefrom the Caspian Sea. In bre adth , they reached fromthe Oxus to the Persian Gulf, a space including thirteendegrees Of latitude , or 9 10 miles .

’ This great empirehad suffered a considerable diminution before the daysof our Embassy, but it was still a powerful kingdom .

The rule of the sovereign extended not only over allthe territories which we now reckon in Afghanistan ,but over part of the western and all the southernportions Of the Punjab , Multan , Cashmere , and Sindh.

The power of this monarch was measured by th e

memory of the days when Ahmed Shah had marchedto the gates of Delhi , and defeated the Mahrattas atPanipat. The King of Cabul had , and has alwaysbeen the resource Of all the disaffected in India . Tohim the Mohammedan sovereigns addressed their complaints against the Mahrattas , and th e Mahratta princesaddressed their complaints against us . To confront sogreat a monarch with due dignity, it was determinedthat the Mission should be in a style Of great magnificence , and suitable preparations were made at Delhifor its equipment . The Envoy ’s suite and staff werechosen with care ; and th e escort was numerous , cOnsisting Of 200 infantry and 100 irregular cavalry.

2 6 LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

The Embassy left Delhi onthe 13th October, 1 808 .

It proceeded by th e route through the desert whichlies between Delhi and the Indus , in order to avoid thedominions Of the ruler Of the Punjab— the Lion Ranjit .One hundred miles from the capital Of the Moguls , theEmbassy came to naked piles of loose sand , rising oneafter another, like the waves Of the sea, and marked onthe surface by the wind like drifted snow.

’

After a wearymarch over dismal hills and valleys Of loose and heavysand , they reached the walls and towers Of Bikaneer,wh ich presented the appearance Of a great and magnificent city inthe midst Of a wilderness. At that time ,five hostile armies were encamped around it . TheEmbassy was well received by the Rajah , and Mr .Elphinstone displayed considerable tact in avoiding anyentanglement in the quarrels Of the contending parties .Onthe 1 6th November they marched from Bikaneer,

and after five weeks ’ sojourn inthe desert , they reacheda place where the desert and the cultivated countrywere separated as if by a line . A long row Of treesran along the edges of the sands , and beyond it wereclumps of trees , green fields , and wells of abundantand clear water

,with houses and every sign of fertility

and cultivation . They had reached the banks of theHyphasis , and encamped beneath the walls of Bahwulpoor . Elphinstone received much hospitality and kindness from the Khan , who seemed to be a man endowedwith a considerable amount of common-sense . Hepraised the King of Cabul highly , but said he hadnever seen him , and , please God , he never would ; hecould live inhis desert and hunt his deer , and had nodesire to follow Courts . The Mission marched onthe5th December from the right bank of the Hyphasis ,and reached Multan , 400 miles from Delhi , onthe 1 1 th .


Here they were detained by the necessity Of Obtainingcorrect intelligence of the King of Cabul’s movements , aswell as waiting for an Officer from his Majesty to ae company the Mission afte r it entered the lands of theAfghan tribes . During his stay at Multan , Mountstuart Elphinstone wrote a long letter to the Govemor

General , in the course Of which he pointed out that itwould be impolitic to send an army to Cabul, becauseit would be to meet ‘ the French onequal terms , and towave the advantage Of the strong frontier to the westward

,presented by the rivers of the Punjab , the Indus ,

and the desert . ’ Mr . Elphinstone , however, said thatif it were practicable , it would be desirable for us tocontribute more directly to prevent that country fromfalling into the hands of the French , for if they wereonce in possession of it , their invasion of our territorieswould no longer be a great and desperate enterprise ,but an attempt which they might make without riskwhen they pleased , and repeat whenever the state of

our affairs gave a prospect Of success . ’ He then Showsthe real danger of any foreign power having a paramount influence at the Court of Cabul . Wh at hewrites concerning the French is equally applicable tothe Russians in th e present day.

If that specious people send an emissary to the Kingof Cabul , he will probably assure his Majesty

’s entiresafety from the French , Offer protection against thedesigns of the English , and promise , in the course Of

the Operations against India , to reduce this SoubahBhawul Kh an ’s country and Sindh entirely under theKing ’s authority perhaps he may also promise the Punjab , Kutch , Gujarat, or some other country on this sideof the Indus ; or he may engage to procure a desirablesettlement Of the disputes about the Khorassan , gettingover all difficulties by promising indemnities in India .


Amidst all the se dazzling prospects , I fear anEastern monarch might lose sight Of the danger towhich he exposes his crown , by associating with sucha nation of military adventurers , and would not give avery favourable hearing to a person who could onlyOfl

'

er to destroy the illusion .

’

Mr . E lphinstone asked the Governor-General toinstruct him how far to Offer pecuniary aid in case hefound it necessary to counteract French promises, andwhat assistance he Should give in ordnance stores andOfficers .

It is desirable that I should be furnished with thesematerials to treat on as soon as possible , as some opennegotiationwill probably be required as a pretence formy remaining at Cabul . The Asiatics know noth ingOf the character of a resident minister, and so much are

the Afghans impressed with the idea of an ambassadorbeing always charged with some important communication , that their etiquette allows him only one audience todeliver his message , receive a reply, and take his leave .

’

The King was at Candahar when Mr. E lphinstonereached Multan , and the Mission at first intended tojoin him there . After preparations were completed ,and after many projects for overcoming the difficultiesof a journey through the snow

,they had the satisfaction

of hearing that the King had set out on the road toCabul . The news of the arrival of the Mission reachedthe sovereign while on his journey , and its Object wasat first regarded with strong prejudice and distrust . TheAfghanlords were adverse to an alliance which wouldstrengthen the King , to the detriment Of the aristocracy ;and the King himself, who at that time was much troubledby dissensions at home

,thought it very natural that we


Should profit by the internal dissensions Of a neighbouring kingdom , and endeavour to annex it to our empire .

The exaggerated reports, however, wh ich he received ofthe splendour Of the Embassy, and of the sumptuouspresents by which it was accompanied

,determined him

to admit the Mission, and to give it an honourablereception .

On leaving Multan the Mission marched up the

great Indus , which they crossed onthe 7th of January .

The people of the country were always very civil .They, however , entertained some strange notions concerning the strangers . They believed they carriedgreat guns packed up intrunks and they had certainboxes so contrived as to explode , and kill half a dozenmeneach without hurting themselves . ’ Some thoughtwe could raise the dead , and there was a strong currentrumour that we had made an animated wooden ram atMultan ; that we had sold him as a ram , and that it wasnot till the purchaser began to eat him that the materialOf which he was made was discovered . After crossingthe Indus the Mission marched to Dera Ismael Khan,where they waited near a month for an oflicer from th e

King . At the end of January they heard that theKing was coming to Peshawar, and an officer had beenappointed to escort them . On the 7th February theycontinued their journey, under the guidance Of the

King ’s troops , and, after some dreary marches , theyencamped at the mouth of the Kurrum. From thisthey made three marche s , across a highly cultivatedplain , to the Calla-baugh , or Karra-baugh , wherethe Indus is compressed by mountains into a deepchannel , only 350 yards broad . The road runsalong the mountain , and is cut out of solid salt at

the foot of the clifl’

s Of that mineral, in some placesmore than 100 feet high above the river. The


salt is hard , clear, and almost pure . It would belike crystal , were it not in some places streaked andtinged with red . In some places salt-springs issuefrom the foot Of the rocks , and leave the ground coveredwith a crust of the most brilliant whiteness . ’ Shortlyafterwards they halted in the fertile plain Of Kohat.Here their eyes were delighted by finding Englishplants , from which they had been long estranged inIndia . The walks were covered with greensod , andthere were hedge s of wild raspberry and blackberrybushes . ’ There was also clover, chickweed , dandelions ,common dock , and many other English weeds . Afterleaving the verdant plain of Kohat the Mission”proce eded through the valley belonging to the tribe Of

Khe iber, and saw a great many armed Khe ibre es sittingon the hills , looking wistfully at the camels passing .

The chief came and asked for a present , but theAfghannoblemanwho was deputed to conduct the strangers toPeshawar told them to come to the camp after thebaggage was past. It gave me a strange notion,

’

writes Mr. Elphinstone , of the system Of manners inCabul , that these armed robbers should come up andask for a present ; and that Moosa Khan , in his richdress and golden arms , should sit almost unattended inthe midst of their matchlocks and refuse them .

’

On the morning Of the 25th the Missionmade theirentry into the fine old city of Peshawar . A week ,however, lapsed without their being introduced to theKing , in consequence of a dispute about the forms Oftheir presentation . Points of etiquette having beenovercome on the morning of the 1 5th March, theEmbassy set out in procession for the palace . Theyfound Shah S ujah , the man Of many misfortunes andsome faults, seated on a throne covered with clothOf gold and pearls . His crown and all his dress were


moment of his restoration to the government Of thiscountry we might consider the French and Persians as

already on the Indus . They said the Afghans were apowerful people against a foreign invader , and that whenthe French and Persians came they might not requireour assistance but that we might regret our tardy aidif, before the threatened attack commenced , the presentGovernment of this country was overthrown , and allthe fruit of our alliance with it destroyed . Supposinga weaker case , and that Shah Sujeh was only able tomake head against the rebels without destroying them ,

they said that an attack from the French and Persiansmight then be difiicult to withstand , and it would costus millions to effect what might now be done forthousands . Throughout their whole discussion theyseemed to consider the invasion of the French and Persians to be by no means formidable , unless aided byintestine divisions ; but they were candid enough toadmit that the war with these nations concerned themas much as they did us . In reply to this , I said thatmy instructions went only to the conclusion of a defensive alliance against the French and Persians , andthat I knew your Lordship would never wish to takeany part in the domestic quarrels of the Afghans ; thatyour Lordship would of course be anxious that hisMajesty ’s means of repelling invasion should bestrengthened by the removal of the disturbances withinhis dominions , but unless it could be proved to yourLordship ’s satisfaction that the party in rebellionwasconnected with the common enemy , it would be entirelyout Of your plan to interfere in them . I said that wedid not profess to act towards this State merely frommotives of disinterested friendship . If we did , theKing would have cause to suspect us of harbouringdesigns which we thought it impolitic to avow . I

EMBA SSY TO CABUL . 33

frequently urged them to bring forward any informationthey possessed respecting Shah Mahmoud ’s connectionwith the Persians , but they always acknowledged theirbelief that he had no transaction with that nation .

’

Mr . Elphinstone continued to press uponthe Afghandiplomatists the necessity Of signing a treaty againstthe common enemy ; and they , on their part , continuedto beseech the English Envoy to grant assistance totheir sovereign , to enable him to suppress the rebellionof his brother , which every day was growing moreformidable . The English Ambassador tried to persuadethem that the war concerned them more than us ,

’

andthat ‘ the Afghans must fight , or lose their countrybut they were neither convinced nor alarmed . TheAfghan Minister replied that his Majesty was resolvednot to give a passage to the French and Persians but

if he did , there seemed no reason to apprehend thedangers the English Envoy had described . If ten

thousand French were insearch of the cities of Herat,Candahar, Cabul, and Peshawar , the word of one

Mullah would be sufficient to destroy them without theassistance of a single soldier. The Afghan Ministeradded a remark , the force and truthfulness Of whichhas beenimpressed on our mind of late years by painful experience . The Afghans ,

’ he said , were dividedamong themselves but such was their national spirit ,that a rebel would rather deliver himself up to theKing than accept the assistance of a foreign power . ’

Mr . Elphinstone stated in conversationthat the Englishdepended on their ownmeans of warding Off the danger .I then gave a short account Of our expeditions toSpainand Portugal , and explained the preparations atBombay as far as I could with propriety ; and concludedby saying that we had often beenat war with all theworld , and had never suffered inthe contest and that

3


if the French by any means get this country into theirpower, we should still be able to Oppose them , as wehad been in many more difficult junctures . ’ TheAfghan duly replied that he could not allow that itwas so easy for us to repel our enemies on our frontier .If the King gave them a passage , he would join intheir enterprise ; and we should find a war with theDouranee s very different from one with the French .

’

The English Envoy enlarged on the frankness Of theEnglish character ; but even to th is statement theAfghan Minister refused to give a complete assent .He said that he did not believe that we intended toimpose upon the King , but he did not think that wewere so plain as we pretended to be . He said our

reputation was yery high for good faith and magnanimous conduct to conquered princes , but he franklyowned that we had the character of being very designing , and that most people thought it necessary to bevery vigilant in all transactions with us .The Afghan Minister proved himself skilled inthe

art of diplomacy ; but after many negotiations , Mr.Elphinstone surmounted the difficulties in his path ,and a treaty Of friendship with the Shah was signed onthe 1 9 th Of April. It bound the Governor-General toassist the King of Oahu] with money against a con

federacy Of French and Persians , and the King Of

Cabul to resist these powers wh ile their confederacylasted , and to exclude all Frenchmen from his countryfor ever . The events Of the hour materially helpedthe Envoy in getting the treaty signed . The troublesOf the King had so increased , that he would have madeany te rms with the English , in the hope Of gainingth eir assistance against his internal enemies . ShahSujeh had succeeded to h is half brother , ShahMahmoud , who was deposed in consequence Of a

EMBASSY TO CABUL . 35

popular insurrection . Shortly after h is march toPeshawar, the King heard of the capture Of Candaharby Shah Mahmoud . Anarmy was sent to attack therebels of the west . Four days after the treaty wassigned , this army was disastrously beaten ina pitchedbattle . News came to the King Of the advance of hisbrother , of the capture of Cabul, and also a report Ofthe immediate advance Of the enemy towards Peshawar .It was determined to march to Cabul to meet theenemy , and the King quitted Peshawar . On June1 4th , after having paid a farewell vrsit to the sovereign ,the Mission quitted the city . On June 1 7th , thetreaty was signed at Calcutta by the Viceroy . Beforethe month had expired , Shah Sujeh had been com

pletely routed , and had fled from his dominions .On their return home the Embassy marched through

the Punjab , and reached Delhi , from which it hadstarted twelve months before . During his stay atPeshawar, Mr. E lphinstone had proposed that theIndian Government should receive the Province Of

Sindh inreturn for money paid to Shah Sujah . TheState of Sindh had come within the scope Of thedefensive arrangements proposed by the Govemor

General . Mr . Elph instone was rebuked for the proposal which he made , and onhis way back , at HassanAbdul, in the Punjab , he wrote a letter Of explanation .

NO one had a greater horror of spoliation than Mountstuart Elphinstone .

The expediency,’ he wrote , Of accepting Of the

cession Of Sindh has clearly been removed by thechange which has taken place in the state of affairs , andthe consequent alteration of the views of Governmentand I have to beg the Right Honourable the Govemor

General ’ s excuse for having at any time submitted a


plan founded on such imperfect information . I wasinduced to do so by the consideration that the slownessOf the communication between Pesh awar and Calcuttarendered it necessary to lose no time in pointing out thedisposition of the Court Of Cabul with respect to Sindh ,and the advantage which might be derived from it . Itrust that the following explanation will make it clearthat the plan which I proposed did not involve anystep at all inconsistent with the strictest principles Ofpolitical morality.

Wh en I had the honour to address to th e GovernorGeneral my letter NO . 1 2 , I had not the same information respecting the state Of Europe which I nowpossess , and I was very far from considering any eventthat had taken place in that quarter Of the globe asfatal to the French invasion Of India . I understandthat the chiefs Of Sindh had givena cordial welcome toan Agent of France and Persia

,while they had received

the British Envoy with coldness and distrust . I hadalso received intelligence (which has proved to beerroneous) that Mr. Smith had arrived at Hyderabad ,and had been immediately dismissed . I had no doubtthat the views of the chiefs Of Sindh were entirelyrepugnant to an alliance or anything like the termsproposed to them , and I conceived the period to be fastapproaching , which had been anticipated in the 6 7th and68th paragraphs Of your despatch , when the submissionof the chiefs Of Sindh to the King Of Persia wouldrender it just and necessary for our Government toassist in reducing them into complete subjection to theKing of Oahu] . Considering an attack on S indh tobe , in the event Of certain probable contingencies ,determined, I addressed the Governor-General , chieflywith a view to Show that it was more for the benefitof both States that we should take Sindh for ourselves

EMBASSY TO CABUL . 37

than for the King Of Cabul . Though my principalObject was to enumerate the advantages we Shouldderive from the possession Of Sindh

,I was aware that

our Obtaining them depended on the conduct Of thechiefs of Sindh and onthe facility with which we couldoccupy their country if the state Of our relations withthem rendered it necessary to attack them ; but withth ese subjects I was unacquainted , and was obliged tocontent myself with alluding to them

,and referring

them to his Lordship ’s better information .

It did not ,’ he continued , fall within the range of

this discussion to examine the King of Cabul’

s right toSindh ; and from what I was in the habit of hearingdaily , it did not occur to me to question his title .There seemed little or no difference in point Of formbetween the manner inwhich the King held Sindh andthat in which he holds th e countries most subject to hiscontrol nor is there any real difference , except that hecannot remove the Governor, and that more of therevenue is withheld onfalse pretences (Of inundation ,etc .) than in other provinces . ‘ The King does notappear ever to have renounced his right to the fullsovereignty Of Sindh . His march in that directionlast year was, professedly at least, for the purpose Ofsettling the province and the reduction Of Sindh is ascommonly spoken Of as that Of Cashmere . On the oth erhand, I understood the chiefs of Sindh to acknowledgethe King ’s sovereignty in the fullest manner , and topretend no right to the countries they govern , exceptwhat they derive from the King’s Hukkum. Thesefacts would have rendered it necessary for us to attendto the King of Cabul

’

s claims in any arrangement wemight make for Sindh , but it was on the supposedtransfer Of their allegiance to Persia that I conceivedour right of interference to be founded . I have said


so much onthis subject because I am very anxious toShow the Governor-General that I did not intend torecommend a wanton attack on Sindh for the merepurpose Of aggrandizement . ’

From Delhi the Embassy proceeded to Calcutta ,where Mr . Elphinstone stayed throughout the year1 8 10, writing his Report for the Government . Whenthe task was finished , Mr . Elphinstone was selected tofill the difficult Office Of Resident at Puna , and at thebeginning Of 1 8 1 1 he embarked for Bombay . At thecapital Of WesternIndia he met the man Of promise ,Sir James Mackintosh , who formed a very just estimateOf his new acquaintances . He wrote of him He hasa very fine understanding , with the greatest modestyand Simplicity Of character. ’ Sir James Mackintoshalso urged Mr . Elphinstone to publish the results Of hisAfghan labours , advice which afterwards bore good

4o LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

not come to a decision onthe point until he knew whatMalcolm intended to embrace in his book on Persia ,which he was then preparing for the press . It isnecessary ,

’ he wrote , that I should know with someprecision what you intend to do , or I Shall spoil yourwork and waste my trouble (and no small trouble it iswriting quires Of paper, let alone writing for the public ),while I might be hunting, hawking , reading, and doingmy business with much more profit both to myself andthe public , even if I do not take in hand the account ofIndia which you so fully convinced me was required .

’

Malcolm wrote back that he intended to confine his workto Persia ; and, on h earrng this , Elphinstone began hisaccount Of the kingdom of Oahu] . His method of

composition was slow and toilsome , his care and corrections as to matter and style endless . He knew wellthat,

There is no workemanThat canboth e workenweland hastilieThis must be done at liesure parfaidlie .

’

At last the work was finished , sent home , andpublished . It attracted much attention , and was

favourably noticed by the leading reviews . The articlein the Edinburgh spoke of the style Of Mr . Elphinstoneas very good . It is clear , precise , significant , andmanly , Often nervous , always perfectly unafl

’

ected,

severely guarded against every tendency to Orientalinflation (totum munere hoc tuum est) , quite exempt fromthat verbosity and expansion which are the Sins thatmost easily beset our ingenious countrymen in the East.

’

After the lapse Of fifty years , Mountstuart Elph instone’

s

Cabul is the book wh ich contains the best de scription Of the manners and political condition of the

remarkable tribes which constitute the Afghan nation .

The time was now fast approaching when E lphin

P UNA . 4 1

stone was to be occupied , not in writing, but inmakinghistory . At the close of 1 8 1 3 , Lord Minto left India ,and was succeeded as Governor-General by the Earl OfMoira , a man Of mature age and experience , who hadbeen inEngland an opponent Of Lord Wellesley

’

s im

perial policy . But the new Governor-General had notbeen many months in India before he became aware ofth e grave mischief which had been brought by thepeace-at-any-price policy Of the merchants Of Leadenhall Street . The Ghoorkas had made encroachmentsupon the country lying south Of their mountains . LordMinto had tried to persuade them to retire by negotiations with the Nepaul Court , and had failed . LordMoira was then driven to try the force Of arms ; and ,in 1 8 1 4

,active hostilities began against the moun

taine ers. The Ghoorkas fought as valiantly against usas they have subsequently done for us . Rashness andincompetency on the part Of our generals broughtdisaster to our arms . But the hour Of need is theopportunity Of heroes ; and a hero arose at this severecrisis in our Eastern Empire inthe person Of DavidOchterlony . Lord Moira appointed him to thesupreme command of the army Of Operation ; and,with 1 7 ,000men , the new chief determined to advanceupon the capital Of Nepaul. The pass which led toKhatmandoo was found immegnable ; but , by a cleverstrategical movement , the flank Of the enemy ’ s positionwas turned , and they retreated . General Ochterlonyadvanced to within fifty miles Of

‘ the capital .The Ghoorkas, seeing that resistance was hopeless ,signed a treaty , and peace was established . LordMoira , for the statesman-like manner in which he hadconducted the war, was created Marquis of Hastings ,the title by which he is better known in Indianhistory .


When the Peshwa heard Of our early disasters inth e Nepaul War , he began to intrigue against those towhom he owed his throne . The English had not onlyplaced Baji Rao on the throne , but they had , by theTreaty Of Bassein, bound themselves to defend itagainst external foes , and to protect it from rebels .From the period Of his restoration , the Peshwa hadmade use of us in endeavouring to establish hisauthority over his own powerful feudatories ; and Mr .Elphinstone found much work in acting as mediatorbetween the Peshwa and his powerful vassals . ButBaji Rao not only wished to reduce his ownvassals ,but he wished to get rid Of the instrument by which heconquered them . He was assisted in h is design byTrimbakji Dengle , a viciou s man of considerablecourage and ability, who had gained complete ascendency over his weak and vicious master . ThePeshwa , under the advice Of his Minister , took advantage of our difficulties in Nepaul to establish secretagencies at the Courts of S cindia, Bolkar, and theRajah Of Berar. Mr. E lphinstone was not unaware Ofthe intrigues which were being carried on, and waspreparing to act decisively, when matters were broughtto a crisis by a foul and horrible murder .Certain differences had arisen between the Gaikwar

and the Peshwa, concerning the forming Of thePeshwa ’s districts in Gujarat . A distinguished Brahmin ,by name Gangadhar Shastri , was sent to Puna as

the Envoy Of the Baroda Government , to endeavour toeffect a settlement Of the pecuniary questions at issue .The Gaikwar asked and Obtained the guarantee Of theBritish Government for the safety Of his Ambassador .The unfortunate Shastri was received with everymark of outward respect by the Peshwa and, to maketh e friendship apparently more comple te , a matrimonial

P UNA . 3

alliance between the Peshwa ’s sister-ln-law and theShastri

’

s son was arranged . The Shastri , however ,feared that the marriage would give offence to hismaster, and he broke Off the engagement . This gavemortal umbrage to th e Puna Court . The Shastrinow made preparations for returning home ; but thePeshwa and his Minister were afraid this might bringthem into trouble with the English . They thereforepersuaded the unfortunate Brahmin Envoy to delayhis departure ; and went SO far as to invite him toaccompany the Peshwa on a pilgrimage to the annualgreat festival of Pandharpur, on the Bhima . Here ,onthe night Of July 1 4th , 18 1 6 , shortly after he hadleft the Peshwa , who had been unusually courteous tohim , the Shastri was attacked in the streets , andhacked to pieces .Mr . E lphinstone was at E llora when the murder

took place , but on h is return to Puna he receivedsufficient proofs that the daring Minister had orderedthe murder. He immediately addressed an earnestremonstrance to Baji Rao , in wh ich he pointed out thegravity of the crime . A foreign ambassador ,

’ hewrote , has been murdered in the midst Of your Highne S S

’

S Court . A Brahmin has been massacred almostin th e temple , during one of the great solemnities Of

your religion .

’ He called upon the sovereign to punishthe authors Of the crime , and to apprehend and confinethe chief culprit— the Prime Minister— till his Highness and the Governor-General could have an oppor

tunity of consulting onthe subject . Baji Rao hesitatedto surrender his favourite , for he knew that the masterwas implicated in the guilt of the servant . He thoughtof opposing the Resident ’s demand by force , and Mr .Elphinstone was compelled to gather troops to supporthis authority . Just as hostilities were onthe point Of


commencing Baj i Rao yielded , and surrendered to justiceh is Minister . Trimbakji was confined in the fortressOf Tanna . His imprisonment was of short duration .

He effected his escape in a romantic manner , on the1 2th September , 1 8 1 6 , and retired to the wild hillsnear Nasik , where he began afresh his intrigues againstthe English .

Mr. Elphinstone informed the Peshwa OfTrimbai s

escape , and asked him to issue stringent orders for h isarrest . Baji Rao promised to do so, but took nomeasure to carry his promise into effect . NO exertionswere made to seize the captive , although it was amatter Of notoriety that he was collecting armed followers within a short distance of the capital . Authenticinformation reached the Resident that the Peshwa hadhad several secret interviews with his favourite , andthat large supplies Of money had been conveyed to himfrom Puna . Matters rapidly grew worse . Tidingscame from all quarters of gatherings Of armed men , andthe insurgents grew bolder , and began to capture theMahratta strongholds . Mr . E lphinstone felt the timehad come for vigorous measures , and troops were sentto quell the insurrection . He referred to the GovernorGeneral for orders as to the course Of proceedings to beadopted towards the Peshwa . Baji Rao continued , inspite Of all remonstrance , to carry on his warlike andthreatening preparations , and at length the Re sidentwas forced to act decisively onhis own responsibility .

He ordered the subsidiary force to assemble in thevicinity of Puna , and he sent a written demand for thesurrender Of Trimbakji within a specified time , and theimmediate cession Of three forts as pledges for the act .The Peshwa at first absolutely refused compliance , butonMay 8 , 1 8 1 6 , when he found that troops guardedall the outlets Of the city, he agreed to the demand .

P UNA . 45

The concession came too late . On th e l0th MayMr . Elphinstone received instructions from the MarquisOf Hastings to require the Peshwa to promise that hewould neither maintain any envoys at other Courts , norreceive any at Puna ; and that he would renounce allclaims to the titular leadership Of the Mahratta Empire .

He was called upon to surrender valuable territories forthe support of the military contingent and to acknowledge ou the face of the treaty his belief in the guilt Ofhis Minister . These were hard terms . They could nothave been harder if made at the end Of a successfulcampaign . NO statesman could expect an independentprince to adhere to them unless compelled by force ofarms . There was one last chance of escape for thePeshwa . Mr . Elphinstone was instructed only to maketh ese demands in the event of no serious efforts havingbeen made to arrest Trimbakji. The Peshwa , however ,exhibited his usual vacillating conduct , and took nomeasures to arrest the Minister . Then , after a fewdays hesitation

,Mr . Elphinstone was forced to ask

Baji Rao to Sign the new treaty . The Peshwa refused .

His military adherents urged him to save honour byan appeal to arms , but Baj i Rao was lacking in thecourage Of his race . Sullenly he ratified the treaty ,protesting that he submitted to the conditions solelybecause he was wanting in the power to resist , andthat they had not his acquiescence .Th e treaty was Signed in May , and at the close Of the

year th e Governor-General determined to makeeffective preparations for the crushing Of thePindarics Of Central India . These irregular . horsemenowed their origin and power to the anarchy produced byMahratta invasions , and their number had increased withevery Mahratta army. They now received secret encouragement from the Mahratta States, who regarded them


as useful instruments to aid in the destruction Of theEnglish power . Towards the end Of 1 8 1 7 the militarypreparations Of Lord Hastings were completed , andthey were made on a scale to meet any open hostilitiesfrom the greater Powers . The subsequent conduct ofthe Peshwa proved that th e Governor-General waswise in his caution . After the signature Of the treatyBaj i Rao went onhis annual pilgrimage to Pandharpur ,and in that sacred city he had an interview with S irJohnMalcolm , whom he pretended to regard as an Old

friend . He succeeded in convincing Sir John Of hispeaceful intentions , but Mr . Elph instone

’

s SUSpicionSwere not so easily lulled , and he viewed with seriousapprehension the march Of the greater part of his troopsto their position in the general distribution of the grandarmy . Only three weak battalions Of Bombay infantry ,under Colonel Burr ; a battalion Of the Puna Brigade Ofthe Peshwa’s own troops , under Major Ford ; and two

companie s Of Bengal Sepoys , forming the Re sident’ s

guard , were left to protect Puna . It had , however ,been arranged that a regiment Of European infantryshould be sent up from Bombay .

Baji Rao , finding the Mahratta capital denuded of

our force , began to levy more troops , and call infeudatories under the Shallow pretence Of acting inconcert with the British intheir Operations against thePindarics ; but the insolence Of his men showedtheir master ’s real intentions . He also began to tamperwith the fidelity Of our Sepoys . These proceedingswere well known to Mr . Elphinstone

,but he did not

like to take any active steps to counteract them for

fear Of interfering with our negotiations at Gwalior byany appearance of a rupture here . ’ The Residentknew that S cindia was well acquainted with BajiRaO

’

S vacillating and treacherous nature , and that the


our Indian Empire . The most graphic description Of

the battle is that written by the ch ief actor , MountstuartElphinstone , a few days after the victory was won . Itis characteristic Of the man that he says so little of

himself in th e letter. But Mountstuart E lphinstonefought the battle ofKirkee

,and won it. He urged the

folly Of acting on the defensive with an Asiatic foe ,ordered an instant attack , and this gained the day .

To Captain Robert Close . (P rivate)

Camp Kirkee , November 1 1 , 1807.‘ M Y DEAR CLOSE ,

I make no doubt you are astonished at mylong silence , and perhaps think I am murdered , or thatthe communication is quite cut off. The truth is , Idid not like to trust your dawk with my secrets , forfear Of their being intercepted , and so influencingS cindia

’

s resolutions . Now they are no longer secret,so I sit down to write to you .

The Peshwa, under cover Of Malcolm’s desire that

he should raise troops , got together a large army atPuna— about horse , and half as many foot .These he encamped at Ghorparé , pressing onand almostsurrounding our brigade ; he had long since set towork to corrupt our Sepoys , and pushed on with increasing vigour and publicity . In short, everythingtended to a rupture ; and it was necessary to watchthe moment when it would break out.

On arrival of the Bombay European regiment , Imoved the cantonment to this delightful position , andfelt quite relieved when I saw it was established herebut the impression made on the town and diligentlyencouraged by Gokhle was , that the Firangies had fledbefore the invincible arms Of Srimant, and would soonbe clear out Of the country .

P UNA .

These feelings were shown with great insolence .

Our cantonments were plundered ; a gentlemanwaswounded and robbed of his horse at Ganesh Khind ,and it was unsafe for anoflicer to ride even betweenour old camp and our new. Moro Dixit warnedFord Of an approaching attack in which all our Sepoyswere to leave us , and offered to save his life if he wouldremainquiet inDapori .The Peshwa treated every application I made to

h im with contempt , although I had complained of

troops coming near in our old ground . We werescarcely out when the Vinchurkar sent horsesto Skirmish and have a sham fight between the Sangamand the Saits Garden.

M addu Sing Pindare came out with 700 or 800horse to the place where the dead are buried , and sat

for anhour examining the Sangam at his leisure , whilewe were at breakfast ; and Gokhle pushed onmen , and threatened to form a camp on the river infront of Ghorpuri .

All this could not be borne with , without leading tomore insult ; so I very moderately remonstrated , andordered on the Light Battalion from Sirur . About thesame time General Smith , of his own accord, concentrated onFort Camba . The Peshwa , who perhaps hadbeen flattered by Gokhle that all his preparation Shouldbe made without h is getting into a scrape , now saw thathe must throw off the mask ; accordingly he sent avery bullying message to desire I would move thecantonments to such place as he would direct , reducethe strength of the Native Brigade , and send away theEuropeans . If I did not comply, peace could not last.I refused, but said I was most anxious for peace , andshould not cross the river towards Puna ; but if hisarmy came towards ours, we should attack it.


Within an hour after, out they came with such readiness that we had only time to leave the Sangam withthe clothes on our back, and crossing the river at aford under Chilando , march off to the bridge with theriver between us and the enemy . A little firing, butno real fighting. The Sangam , with all the records ,all my books , journal , letters , and manuscripts , wassoon in a blaze ; but we got safe to the Kirkee Bridge ,and soon after joined the line . While the men andfollowers were fording , we went ourselves to Observethe enemy. The Sight was magnificent as the tide rolledout Of Puna . Grant , who saw it from the heights overthe Powder cave , describes it as resembling the Bore atCambay . Everything was hushed except the tramplingand neighing Of the horses , and the whole valley wasfilled with them like a river in flood . I had alwaystold Colonel Burr that when war broke out he mustrecover our character by a forward movement thatshould encourage and fire our own troops , while itchecked our enemies ; and I now by a lucky mistake ,instead of merely announcing that the Peshwa was atwar, sent an order to Captain Grant to move down atonce and attack him . Without this , Colonel Burr hassince told me he certainly would not have advanced .

However, he‘did advance ; we joined , and after some

unavoidable delay the Dapori Battalion joined .

Wh en opposite to the nullah , where there used to bea plantain-garden

,we (injudiciously , I think)

' halted tocannonade , and at the same moment the enemy beganfrom twelve to fifteen guns. Soon after the whole massof cavalry came on at speed in the most splendid style ;the rush of horses , th e sound Of earth , the waving of

flags , the brandishing Of spears were grand beyonddescription, but perfectly ineffectual . One great body ,however

,under Gokhle and Moro Dixit and some oth ers ,

P UNA . 5 1

formed onour left and rear ; and when the 1 7th weredrawn Off by its ardour to attack, Major Pinto , whoappeared on our left , and was quite separated from th e

European regiment , this body charged it with greatvigour , broke through between it and the Europeanregiment . At this time the rest of the line were prettywell occupied with shot , matchlock , and above all withrockets and I ownI thought there was a good chanceOf our losing th e battle .

The 1 7th, however, though it had expended all itsammunition , survived , and was brought back to theline by Colonel Burr , who showed infinite calmness andcourage , and afte r some more firing and some moreadvancing together , with detaching a few companies toour right towards the little hill Of Ganesh Khind , wefound ourselves alone inthe field , and the sun long set . Iwas at first for advancing to the water at the Saits Garden ,but was persuaded it was better to return to camp , whichit was . If we had not made this move forward , thePeshwa ’s troops would have been quite bold , ours quitecowed , and we doubtful Of their fidelity. We should havebeen cannonaded and rocketted in our camp , and thehorse would have been careering withinour pickets . As

it is,the Peshwa army has been glad to get Safe behind

Puna , and have been almost as quiet as if encampedonth e P irti"l Of Delh i . We did not lose 100men altogeth er ; and we have quite set our name up again . Ourlife here is delightful— no plots or cares , but idling ,looking through spy-glasses , and expecting another fieldday. That the Peshwa should not give us one beforeGeneral Smith comes in , which he will by the 1 4th ,is incredible ; but the Mahrattas are unaccountable .

’

The Peshwa did not give them another field-day. Onthe 1 2th , General Smith arrived at Puna . The Mahrattas

P lain.

5: LIFE OF MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

had taken up a strong position in our old cantonments ,and it was expected a great battle would be fought . Onthe evening Of the l6th , the English army crossed theriver in two principal divisions ; and next morninghaving united

,they advanced on the Peshwa ’ s camp ,

but found it deserted . Measures were now taken forreducing the city , and for securing it , if practicable ,from the fury Of our troops . This ,

’ Mr . Elphinstonewrites , had long been an Object of great anxiety toGeneral Smith

,and the consideration of it had entered

into all his plans for the defeat Of the army. Theplunder and destruction Of our Residency and cantonments , the lives Ofmany of the Sepoys , the disgracefulcircumstances of the murder Of the Ofl

‘icers at FortM allegaum, the massacre of the wives of the Sepoysthat had fallen into th e enemy’s hands onthe 5th , themutilation of a Sepoy who had been taken prisonerwhile straggling from General Smith ’s line Of march ,and many other acts Of impotent rage on the part of thePeshwa ’s Court, had raised the indignation of themen to the highest pitch , and they did not concealtheir eager desire to revenge themselves by sacking andplundering the enemy ’s capital . Through the exertionsof the Resident

,Puna was taken possession of without

bloodshed . The capture of the capital did not close thewar . Baj i Rao fled to Purandhar, and the campaignwhich followed consisted inthe pursuit Of a beaten foe .

Onthe 9 th February Satara , the stronghold Of S ivajl,surrendered after a Show of resistance , and the flag of

the founder of the Mahratta Empire was againhoistedon the citadel . The descendants of Sivaji were , however

, released from their dependence on their Mayorsof the Palace only to be made dependent on the powerof the English .

Baji Rao had destroyed the empire which Sivaj i

P UNA . 53

founded . After the fall of Satara, Mr. Elphinstone ,acting under the instructions of the Governor-General ,issued a Mahratta proclamation to the people of theDeccan . The document points out that Baji Rao wasrestored to power by the English ; that at Baji Rae

’

s

restoration the country was laid waste by war andfamine , the people were reduced to misery, and theGovernment derived scarcely any revenue from its

lands . ’ Since then , in spite of the farming systemand the exactions of BanRae

’

s Ofi cers, the countryhas complete ly recovered , through the protectionafl

'

orded it by the British Government ; and Baji Raohas accumulated those treasures which he is nowemploying against his benefactors . The British Govemment not only protected the Peshwa’s ownpossessions ,but maintained his rights abroad .

’ The proclamationthen dwells on the murder of the Ambassador ; thedemand for the punishment of Trimbakji ; thePeshwa ’s refusal until the British Government hadmarched an army to support its demand . Yet it madeno claim on the Peshwa for its expenses, and inflictedno punishment for his protection Of a murderer . ItSimply required the surrender of the criminal ; and onBaji Rao ’s compliance, it restored him to the un

diminished enjoyment of all the benefits of the alliance .

Notwithstanding this generosity, Baji Rao immediatelycommenced a new system of intrigues , used everyexertion to turn all th e powers of India against theBritish Government . At length he gave the signal Ofdisturbance , of fomenting an insurrection in his owndominions , and preparing to support the insurgents byopen force . The British Government had then noremedy but to arm in turn . The troops entered Baj iRao ’s territories at all points , and surrounded him inhis capital before any of those with whom he had

54 LIFE OF M OUNTS TUART ELPHINSTONE.

intrigued could strike . Baji Rao’

S life was now inthehands of the British Government ; but that Government ,moved by Baji Rao ’ s professions of gratitude for pastfavours , and of entire dependence on its moderation ,once more resolved to continue him on his throne ,after imposing such terms onhim as might secure itfrom his future perfidy . And on this being agreed to ,the British Government restored Baji Rao to its friendship , and proceeded to settle the Pindarics , who had S O

long been the pest of th e peaceful inhabitants of India ,and of none more than the Peshwa ’s own subjects .Baji Rao afl

’

e cted to enter with zeal into an enterpriseso worthy of a great Government , and assembled alarge army on pretence of cordially assisting in thecontest . But in the midst Of all his professions he sparedneither pains nor money to engage the powers of Hindustan to combine against the British ; and no soonerhad the British troops marched towards the hordesof Pindarics , than be seized an Opportunity to commence war without a declaration , and without even analleged ground of complaint . He attacked and burntthe house Of the British Resident , contrary to the lawsof nations and the practice of India , plundered andseized on peaceable travellers , and put two BritishOfi cers to an ignominious death . Baji Rao himselffound the last transaction too barbarous to avow ; butas the perpetrators are still unpunished , and retaintheir command in his army , the guilt remains withhim . After the commencement of the war, Baji Raothrew Off the mask regarding the murder of Gangadh arShastri , and avowed his participation in the crime byuniting his cause with that of the murderer . By theseacts Of perfidy and violence , Baji Rao has compelledthe British Government to drive him from his M usnadand to conquer his dominions . ’ The proclamation thenput forward the intention Of Government of setting

CHAP TER IV.

COM M IS SIONER OF THE DECCAN .

1 8 1 8— 1 8 1 9 .

IN the year 1 8 1 8 Mountstuart Elphinstone enteredupon h is new duties as Commissioner of the landslately ruled over by Baji Rao, the head Of the greatMahratta Confederacy . The rapidity and apparentease with which the British rule was established overa country of wild valleys and precipitous mountainsinhabited by a race of warriors is worthy Of note .

Many causes contributed to the rapid spread of Britishauthority over the Deccan , but the main cause was theenergy and the character of the new ruler , and thebroad and impartial views which guided his adminis

tration. When th e war first broke out , every Mahrattathought Baji Rao would drive the foreigner out Of hisdominions . The defeat at Kirkee did not destroy theirhopes , for the Mahrattas suffered no crushing loss , andBaji Rao still possessed anarmy. The battle ofAshtedispelled all illusions for in that engagement Gokhle ,the only military commander of repute among them ,

was killed , and Baji Rao, deserted by the Mahrattas ,retired from his dominions , and surrendered finally toS ir John M alcolm . The populace now had nothing togain from the favour , nothing to fear from the resentment Of the Peshwa . In every village the new pro

COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN . 57

clamation began to be discussed . Weary of war andan unsettled government , the people hailed with joythe hopes of peace and the promised immunities . Mr .Elphinstone took advantage of this feeling , and , by wiseand conciliatory measures , succeeded in reconciling theseveral classes Of Mahratta society to the foreign rule .

Mountstuart Elphinstone’

s success as an administrator was chiefly due to the fact that he saw thatpolitical institutions and social usages which had lastedfor centuries could not be entirely devoid Of merit .His great endeavour in the civil administration was toShow the people that they are to expect no change butin th e better admini stration Of their former laws . ’ Hefelt that not only the privileges , but even the prejudicesof the people ought to be respected . He wrote to theGovernor-General : It is , however , to be rememberedthat even just government will not be a blessing if atvariance with th e habits and character of the people .

’

Mountstuart Elphinstone knew that foreign dominionmust ever be a hardship , and the most that conquerorscando is to take care that the yoke presses as lightlyas possible , and that it galls at the fewest points . TheMarquis Of Hastings left him the choice Of giving theRaja Of Satara a jahagir or a small sovereignty ; and headopted the latter course , for he felt the Importance of

leaving for part of the Peshwa’s subjects a governmentwhich could afi

'

ord them service in their ownway .

’

The re -establishment of the Satara Rajah in somemeasure reconciled the Old Mahratta chiefs to thedestruction of the more modern authority Of thePeshwa . The English were no longer fighting againstthe House of Sivaji , but against a successful Mayor Ofthe Palace . Many Of the Old families , let it be re

corded to their credit, resolved to share the fortunes oftheir fallen prince ; but the majority, from fear Of for


feiting their lands , gave in their allegiance to the con

querors . To preserve the old families from destruction ,to maintain their influence , was one of Mr . Elphinstone ’s first cares . He saw that the nobles Of theDeccan were not like the chiefs of a Mohammedangovernment , foreigners to the people ; but they were ofthe same nation and religion , and the descendants of

those who had been their leaders since they rose toindependence . He also saw that the Mohammedans intheir most powerful days never attained completesuccess in taking the place of the local princes , and insubstituting the ir own for native law and organizationand he tried to avoid as far as possible , attempting whatthe Mohammedans failed to do .

The local princes of the Deccan were the jahagirdars , or owners of jahagirs , which , both in nature andh istory , had a strong resemblance to feudal beneficences.

A jahagir was at first granted to some successfulwarrior during life , for the purpose of maintainingtroops to serve the King. A small portion was set

aside as a personal possession for the chief. On hisdeath , the grant was renewed on condition Of the heirpaying a relief. The jahagirs, as in Europe , came incourse Of time to be

’

regarded in the light Of hereditaryproperty . The period

,

’ wrote Mr . Elphinstone , for

which a jshagir had been held,was therefore a very

important point to advert to indeciding how long tocontinue it. I recommend that all granted by theMogul Emperors , or the Rajahs Of Satara, should behereditary in the fullest sense of the word . Theformer most generally have been very long in thefamilies which held them , and had survived two

changes Of dynasty . The se do not seem now to beinterfered with . The latest Of the Satara grants mustnow be near a century Old

,and must have survived a

COMMISSIONER OF THE DECCAN. 59

change Of dynasty, besides our conquest . Surely thereis enough to entitle the possessor to feel secure fromfuture disturbance ! On this principle ,

’ I believe westipulated with the new Rajah Of Satara. that he shouldnot resume such grants of his ancestors as lay withinhis territory , binding ourselves by implication (if thefact be as I have supposed) not to resume those withinours . The Jahagirdarsof th e Peshwa stood on a differentfooting : they had arisen under the dynasty which wesubverted ; none could have been in possession formore than seventy years , and they had been kept inmind by the exactions of service , as well as by oc

casional resumptions , Of the real nature and extent Oftheir tenure . Much consideration was , however, dueto them as the actual possessors of power ; and theywere allowed to retain their private lands for one or

more generations , according to their merits or importance . NO change has taken place in the condition Of

this class ; and I cannot see how any claim whichthey possessed at the conquest has been weakenedsrnce .

’

Mr . Elphinstone had a regard for hereditary rightsand not only were jahagirs given back to their owners,but all other rent-free lands— all established pensions ,charitable and religious assignments and endowmentswere re stored . The preservation of religious es

tablishments ,’ he wrote , ‘ is always necessary in a

conquered country ; but more particularly so in onewhere the Brahmins have so long possessed thetemporal power . The Peshwa ’s charities and otherreligious expenses amounted to nearlybesides those of the wealthy persons in employmentunder his Government . It would be absurd to imitatethis prodigality , but many expenses Of this nature arerendered nece ssary by the proclamation of Satara ; and


it would be worthy of a Liberal Government to supplythe place of the Peshwa’ s indiscriminate charities byinstituting a Hindu College at once in both of thesacred towns Of Nasik and Wai . ’ Mr. Elphinstone ,however , found it was no easy task to conciliate theBrahmins . A plot , in which a few of them werethe chief conspirators, to murder the Europeans andrestore the Peshwa was discovered . The Commissionerordered the ringleaders to be blown from the cannon ’smouth . Sir Edward Nepean , the Governor of Bombay ,approved of the vigorous act

,but advised Mr. Elphin

stone to ask for an indemnity but he rightly refused .

‘ If I have done wrong ,’ he said , I ought to be

punished ; if I have done right , I don’t want any act

of indemnity.

’

The suppression of rebellion was accompanied by asettlement of the land revenue . The system introduced did not essentially differ from the comparativelypatriarchal scheme Of management Of Nana Farnavis ,by which the agents of the Government settled directlywith the people . The advantage of the Rayatwarisystem is that it enables us to know the Rayats, andthem to become acquainted with us . The abolition of

the farming system of Baji Rao, by wh ich districts wererented to contractors , removed many grievances . Mr .Elphinstone felt that many novelties must accompanyevery revolution, and he tried to limit the number asmuch as possible . He ordered the collectors to ad

minister the government without the restraint Of anyregulations but those which they found established .

’

He did all that lay in his power to revive the publicspirit which once animated the village communities ,ancient institutions which have existed from time immemorial , and which centuries of alternating tyrannyand anarchy have never been able entirely to extinguish .

COM MISSIONER OF THE DECCAN. 6 I

He preserved the influence Of the village officers , for heknew what other English administrators have beenignorant Of— th at the task of really governing Indiadown to the villages and the people is too great for aforeign Government, and can only be done throughnative agency and communal self-government . In theimportant matter of the administration Of justice , Mr .Elphinstone refrained from any hasty introduction of

English machinery and agency, for his knowledge of

the people taught him that the state of society andcivilizationwhich pervades the many millions of Indiacalls for a Simple , cheap , and expeditious administrationof justice . Under native rule , the maininstrument ofdispensing justice was the Panchayat or assembly of

village elders . This ancient institution had its defects ,but it also possessed many advantages . The intimateacquaintance ,

’ wrote the Commi ssioner, of the memberswith the subject in dispute , and in many cases with thecharacter of the parties , must have made their decisionsfrequently correct , and it was an advantage of incalculable value in that mode of trial that the judges beingdrawn from the body Of the people could act on noprinciples that were not generally understood , a circumstance which by preventing unce rtainty and Obscurityin law , struck at the very root of litigation .

’ Mr.Elphinstone felt that the Object of the conquerors oughtnot to be to destroy the native system , but to takemeans to remove its abuses and revive its energy .

He proposed that the Patel or head of th e village in thecountry districts , and the heads of trades in the towns ,should have the power to summon a Panchayat .In very large cities native judges were appointed . In

all cases appeals were allowed to the collector, withwhom all powers of criminal and civil administrationremained . One of the main secrets Of Mr . Elphinstone

’

s


success was the faculty that he had for choosing goodmen , and the power he confided to them . The tendencyOf the present day is to make the collector a meremachine for writing and forwarding reports and yardsof useless statistics . His time is so occupied in writingreports that he has but scanty leisure for administration .

Mr. Elphinstone thought it indispensable that thecollector Should give audience for at least two hoursevery day to all ranks

,receive revenue complaints viva:

race , and grant decisions and orders on M amlutdars asthe cases require . If he confines himself to receivingpetitions in writing , it is impossible that he shouldhave time to become acquainted with the state Of

things in his district.’ The modern collector is fast

becoming a mere instrument for carrying out orders ,and all originality and independence is fast perishing .

The administration in which the people have the largestShare in their own government is the best ; after thatcomes strong personal rule but the worst form Of

government ever invented is government by secretariat .It was the personal rule of the Munros andMalcolms , Ofthe Elph instones and Metcalfes , which created the IndianEmpire , and th e rule by resolutions and statistics will gofar to destroy it . The effect of government by bureaucratic resolutions is to be read in letters of blood in thehistory of the AncienRegime to do everything for thepeople , and let them do nothing for themselves— this wasthe ancien regime . The Council Of State settled arbitrarily not only taxes and militia and roads , but anything and everything . There is no new thing under thesun . Like the Indian Government , they tried to teachagriculture by schools and pamphlets and prizes theysent out plans for every public work . A town couldnot establish an octroi , levy a rate , or mend theparish steeple without an order from Council . Every


severely felt for want of this adaptation . I do not ,however , mean to say that our interference with thenative plan is odious at present . On the contrary ,several of the collectors are of opinionthat a summarydecision by a European judge is more agreeable to thenatives than any other mode of trial . This may be thecase at first but if the decisions of Europeans shouldever be so popular as to occasion the disuse of thenative modes Of settlement , there would soon be a runon the Courts , and justice , however pure whenObtained ,would never be got without years of trouble .

’

Mr. Elphinstone had not the opportunity , as Commissioner of the Deccan , Of carrying out personally theprinciples enforced in his gre at report ; for before thedocument reached Government, Mr . Elphinstone hadbecome Governor of Bombay . But he devoted theweight Of his great Office to the execution Of the plansand principles sketched out in one of th e ablest Statepapers ever written by an Indian statesman .

CHAP TER V.

BOM BAY— RETURN TO ENGLAND —DEATH.

1 81 9— 1 859 .

M R. ELPHINSTONE had beenonly a year Commissionerof the Deccan , when the Governorship of Bombayfell vacant by the resignation of Sir Evan Nepean.

The great statesman who was thenPresident of theBoard of Control named three distinguished Indianadministrators— Munro , Malcolm , and Elphinstonefor th e post . The East Indian Directors unanimouslye lected th e last ; and his rule justified th eir choice .Mountstuart Elphinstone brought to his new Officeth ose qualities which make a mana successful administrator . With a masculine understanding , and a softbut resolute heart , he had unlimited powers of application. His rise , through all the gradations Of publicservice

, was due not to birth or favour, but to athorough knowledge of its c onstitution , and a perfectpractice in all its business . But by being conve rsantin Oflice his mind had not become narrowed . He wasnot only a great official— he was a great statesman .

Mr . Elphinstone recognised the Obligation which layupon the rulers ‘ to raise the natives by education andpublic trust to a level with their present rulers . ’ His‘Minute onEducation ,

’ now published for th e first time ,combines comprehensive and elevated views with so

5

66 LIFE OF M OUNTS TUART ELPHINSTONE.

much circumspection and dignity, that it must ever beShown as a model Of what a State paper ought to be .Inthis document many fallacies regarding Indian edu

cation , which appear from time to time , are ruthlesslydestroyed . He felt , in order to successfully start education , you must first create a desire for education ; andthat this desire would naturally be more easily raisedin the higher than in the lower orders I will hereonly remark , that I consider that it is more importantto impart a high degree Of education to the uppe rclasses , than to diffuse a much lower sort of it amongthe common people . The latter Object also is high lyimportant , but it is not the point in which there ismost deficiency at present. It will , besides, be mucheu ier to make the lower orders desirous Of learning toread , after a spirit of inquiry and improvement Shallhave been introduced among their superiors . ’ M r.

Elphinstone dispose s Of the commonargument againsthigher education , that it rears a class whose only objectis Government employment . He writes : The mostimportant branch Of education, in my Opinion , is thatdesigned to prepare natives for public employment . It

is important , not only from its contributing so directlyto the general improvement , but also from th e stimulusit affords to education among the bette r class Of natives,by connecting it with their interest . ’ Regarding theadvisability of Indian education being entirely secular,he wrote : To the mixture Of religion , even in theslightest degree , with our plans Of education I moststrongly Object . I cannot agree to clog with anyadditional difficulty a plan which already has so manyObstructions to surmount . I am convinced that theconversion of the natives must infallibly result fromthe difl

’

usion Of knowledge among them . Evidentlythey are not aware Of the connection , or all attacks on

GOVERNORSHIP OF BOMBA Y. 6 7

their ignOrance would be as vigorously resisted as if

they were on the ir religion . The only efl’

ect of introducing Christianity into our schools would be to soundthe alarm, and to warn the Brahmins Of the approaching danger . Even that warning might perhaps beneglected as long as no converts were made but it isa sufi cient argument against a plan , that it canonlybe safe as long as it is ineffectual , and in this instanceth e danger involves not only failure of our plans of

education , but the dissolution Of our empire .These are grave words Of warning to any Govern!

ment who may be tempted to enter upon the dangerouspath Of proselytism in India . A charge has Often be enbrought against Government high education that itmainly benefits one class— the Brahmins . On thispoint

,Elphinstone has some sensible remarks : It is

Observed that the missionaries found the lowest castesthe best pupils ; but we must be careful how we Oh

’

arany special encouragement to men Of that descriptionthey are not only the most despised , but among theleast numerous Of the great divisions Of society . It isto be feared th at if our system of education took rootamong them , it would never spread farth er ; and, inthat case , we might find ourselves at the head Of anewclass , superior to the rest in useful knowledge , but hatedand despised by the castes to whom these new attainments would always induce us to prefer them . Such astate Of things would be desirable if we were contented to rest our favours on our army, or on the at

tachment Of a part Of the population , but inconsistentwith every attempt to found it on a. more extendedbasis . ’ Mr. Elphinstone attached little value to

schemes for improving the e ducation Of natives , unless

pari passu steps were taken for extending to them a

greater share of the honours and emoluments of office .5— 2

68 LIFE OF M OUNTSTUART ELPHINS TONE .

With regard to their employment, he wrote : It seemsdesirable gradually to introduce th em into Oflices Of

h igher rank and emoluments, and afterwards of highertrust. I should see no Objection to a native memberof a board, and I should evenwish to see one districtcommi tted experimentally to a native judge , andanother to a native collector . ’ Mr . Elphinstone , however, was a statesman, and he appreciated the fact ,that in statesmanship prudence is the first of virtues .He qualifies his remark regarding the admittance of

natives into oflices Of trust : At th e same time , Ith ink very strict supervision requisite , and manyEuropeans necessary for that purpose . If this be notattended to , the natives will introduce their own corruptpractices into the system at the first outset, and weshall never be able to eradicate them .

’ It was th esame spirit of prudence which caused Mr . Elphinstoneto be decidedly against the introduction Of a free pressin India ; but freedom Of speech once having been permitted, he objected to any retrograde movement .After education , the next great question which en

gaged Mr . Elphinstone’

s attention was legislative andjudicial reforms . He has left a monument Of his labourin the Code of Regulations which bears his name .

He had no mania for passing a multitude Of Acts , buthe saw th e necessity of simplifying th e law in India .

His rules were framed to lessen the written pleadings,

and to bring matters to a speedy issue . He saw thatif justice was to be meted out, the language Of the Courtmust be the language of the district ; and th at theevidence of the witnesses must be taken in th eir ownvernacular .No manwas more impressed thanMr . Elphinstone

with the importance Of Indian oflicers knowing thevernacular of the country . His own administrative

GOVERNORSHIP OF BOMBA Y. 69

success was in a great measure due to his knowledge ofthe people , gained by a thorough knowledge Of th eirdialects . His thorough knowledge Of the nativelanguages added greatly to the value Of the two tourswhich he made through each part Of the Presidency .

On these journeys he made himself accessible to all

classes , and insisted on seeing everything. He wasfond Of the land in which he laboured , and took aninterest in its antiquities , and would go out Of his wayto visit an ancient river or ce lebrated temple . Hethoroughly enjoyed Bijapur, and thought it well worththe pains Of a journey even after Delhi and Agra. Hewas fond Of Sport ; and the Under-Secretary , who ac

companied him during his tour, writes : We alwayshad in the camp a Shikaree , whose business it was toinquire for hog ; and whenever he brought in intelligence Of game , Mr . Elphinstone would proclaim a holiday

, and go hunting for one or perhaps two days ; andhe was fond of the chase at any time . In th e midstOf many striking excellences , that which placed himfar above all the great men I know of, was his forgetfulness Of self, and thoughtfulness for others .

’

The eight years of Elphinstone’

s mle passed awaywith out any epoch-marking event, but it was a period ofconsolidation and improvement . The best testimony ofthe success of his government is th e address presentedto him by the native inhabitants of the Presidency onthe eve of his departure . The address is headed bythe name Of the very princes and chiefs whom hehelped to conquer a few years previously , and opens asfollows

We , the native princes , ch iefs , gentlemen , andinhabitants of Bombay , its dependencies , and alliedte rritories , cannot contemplate your approaching de


parture from the country without endeavouring toexpress

,however faintly , the most profound and lasting

regret which has been occasioned in our minds by yourresignation Of the government of this Presidency ; foruntil you became Commissioner in the Deccan and

Governor of Bombay , never had we been able toappreciate correctly the invaluable benefit which theBritish dominionis calculated to diffuse throughout thewhole of India . But , having beheld with admirationfor so long a period the affable and encouragingmanners , the freedom from prejudice

,the consideration

at all times evinced for the interest and welfare Of thepeople of this country, the regard shown to theirancient customs and laws , the constant endeavours toextend amongst them the inestimable advantages Of

intellectual and moral improvement,the commanding

abilities applied to ensure permanent amelioration inthe condition Of all classes and to promote theirprosperity on the soundest principles , by which yourprivate and public conduct has been so pre-eminentlydistinguished, has led us to consider th e influence Of theBritish Govemment

‘

as themost important and desirableblessing which the Supreme Being could have bestowedonour native lands . ’

Besides presenting him with the above address, thenative community subscri bed the handsome sum Of

for the foundation of professorships for th epurpose Of teaching the natives the English languageand the arts , sciences, and literature Of Europe ; to beheld in the first instance by learned men to be invitedfrom Great Britain , until natives Of the country Shouldbe found perfectly competent to undertake the office .The European community of Bombay were not lessemphatic than their native brethren in expressing their


history and h istorical antiquities . With th e same zealthat he had qualified himself to be a great administrator,h e laboured to fit himself for the vocation Of historian .

During his residence in India he had always devotedmuch attention to the history of the land , and collectedmuch valuable material , and in 1 835 he commencedwriting his great book . For five ye ars he labouredhard in weaving it into form , and in the spring of 1 84 1the History Of India was published . The book isone Of great merit and value , but it must not bemeasured by the standard Of criticism Of the presentday . Since it was written German erudition has

opened up unexplored wilds Of Indian history andmythology. Mr . Elphinstone brought to his task a

mind familiar with Oriental modes Of thought , but hewas unfortunately no Sanscrit scholar, and consequentlythe Hindu period 18 the most unsatisfactory portion Of

his book. Whether the Hindu period could ever bewritten thoroughly by one scholar is doubtful . The

historian of ancient India has to form his narration at

one time out Of th e legends Of a mythical age not morehistorical than that Of Theseus , at another out of th ebewildering records Of cc-existing dynasties , more numerous and as shifting as those of th e Saxon heptarchy .

In the Mohammedan period M r. Elphinstone was treading onfirmer historical ground , and one more familiarto him . NO part of the history is more worthy Of attention thanhis estimate Of Akber , or Of the virtues andfaults Of Baber . The book has been called dull, and itmay be to those who regard history as mere canvas forword-painting but the scholar will always admire thecalm and equitable style , free from all inaccuracy Of

language or statement . Mr . Elphinstone spoke dimdently of his history as a contribution to the greatsubject he had taken in hand that might aid the work

HIS CLOSING DA YS. 73

of some future men Of genius . The volume published,it must be home in mind , formed only a part of agreate r undertaking , embracing the rise of the Britishpower in India, which failing health compelled him toabandon .

The last fifte en years of Mr . Elphinstone’

s life werepasse d in the delicious retirement of Hookwood , inKent , in alternate communing with books and oldfri ends . He had always loved books , and they werenow necessary to him . At times he would throw asidehis books, and then to his fri ends he was delightfulcompany through a flood of subjects and an unaffectedcheerfulness and civility . Though he had retired fromthe world he was not forgotten by the world , and hisopinion regarding matte rs of Indian policy was Oftensought by th e leading statesmen of the day . Theletters written by him to his friends from his retirementare charged with wisdom and foresight . TO LordMayo and the Marquis of Ripon is due the credit of

having introduced local self-govemment into India ;but upwards of thirty years ago E lphinstone wrote ,Leave the inferior presidencies independent on all

matters that do not afl'

ect the general politics or imperial legislature Of India .

’ Mr. Elphinstone viewedwith regret and alarm LordDalhousie ’s policy of stealingother men ’s lands under the specious pretence that itwas for the good Of the people . His alarms werejustified by the events Of 1 857 , when the taking Of

Oude and th e confiscation of Jh ansi was avenged byblood .

Wh en the East India Company, which had rearedth e stately fabric Of our Indian Empire , fell by th emutiny of its soldiers , Mr . Elphinstone took a keeninterest in the reconstruction Of th e Home Government.He did not look kindly on the innovations , and time


has proved how shrewd and just his criticisms were .Writing about the Indian Bill he said : The greatpoint of course is the Council , and I think that proposalwill furnish a body of excellent advisers for an honest ,able , and moderate secretary (such as Lord Stanleyappears to be) , and that it will supply the deficienciesOf a lazy or indifferent one much better than theordinary clerk of a Board of Control would do but thatit will afl

’

ord very little protection against a rash , fanciful, and self-willed chief, and none at all against onewho Shall combine with a ministry in a deliberate planto appropriate the patronage Of India, or to make useOf that country in any other way favourable to theirOwn power or stability .

’ Events have proved th atElphinstone

’

s fears were not purely imaginary. Hedesired that the Council of the Secre tary Of State forIndia should retain the special knowledge and exclusivedevotion to Indian inte rests which characterized the OldDirectors . Above all things, he desired that Indianquestions Should be removed from the platform of partypolitics , and that the welfare Of our Indian subjectsshould never be sacrificed to the exigencies Of politicalstrife . It is more astonishing ,

’ he wrote , Consideringhow much our safety depends onthe contentment Of

our Indiandependents , that inall the late discussionsthere has not been a single speaker of note , exceptGladstone , that has laid the least stress onthis part Ofthe subject . They probably rely onthe Indian Govemment for looking to public opinion among the natives ;but what could the strongest Indian Government doagainst a clamour for levy ing a new tax (say an incometax) on India to make Up for the deficit occasioned byits own expenses, including the Persian and ChineseWars , and many other charges in which the people ofIndia take quite as little concern .

’

DEATH. 75

Mountstuart Elphinstone did not live long enough tosee th e working of the new system . On th e 29th of

November, 1859 , in the eightieth year of his age , deathcame to him suddenly. Before menheard he was ill,news reached th em that th e great Indianstatesman wasdead . To the quiet parish church of Limpsfield was

borne th e comu of a great man. Inwar he had shownthe abilities and courage of a great commander, and inpeace th e virtues of a successful ruler of men . Hepossessed th e two great elements of all social virtuesrespect for the rights of oth ers, and sympathy for thetrials and sufferings of allmen . These qualities havecaused the descendants of the brave Mahrattas whomhe conquered to cherish the memory of MountstuartElphinstone .

M I N U T

BY THB

HON. M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE,

DATED M ARCH, 1824,

EDUCATION.

80 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

it may be expected that the same efi'

ects should beproduced by the same means at this Presidency . Butthe number of Europeans here is so small and our

connection with the natives so recent, that much greaterexertions are requisite on this side of India thanon theother.4 . The circumstance of our having lately succeeded

to a Brahmin Government likewise , by making it dangoroue to encourage the labours of the missionaries ,deprives the cause of education of the se rvices of a

body of men who have more zeal and more time todevote to the object than any other class of Europeanscan be expected to possess .5 . If it be admitted that the assistance of Govem

ment is necessary , the next question is, How it canbest be afl

'

orded and there are two ways which presentthemselves for consideration . The Government maytake the education of the natives entirely on itself, or itmay increase the means and stimulate the exertions ofthe Society already formed for that purpose . The bestresult will probably be produced by a combination of

these two modes of proceeding . Many of the measuresnecessary for the diffusion of education must depend onthe spontaneous zeal of individuals , and could not beeffected by any resolutions of the Government . Thepromotion of those measures , therefore , should becommitted to the Society ; but there are others whichrequire an organized system , and a greater degree of

regularity and permanence than can be expected fromany plan the success of which is to depend uponpersonal character . This last branch , therefore , mustbe undertaken by the Government .6 . It would , however , be requisite , when so much

was entrusted by Government to the Society, that allthe material proceedings of that body should be made

MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 8 1

known to Government , and that it should be clearlyunderstood that neither religion nor any topic likely toexcite discontent among the natives should ever betouched on in its schools or publications .7 . The following are the principal measures required

for the diffusion of knowledge among the natives lst,

to improve the mode of teaching at the native schools ,and to increase the number of. schools 2nd, to supplythem with school-books ; 3rd, to hold out some encouragement to the lower orders of natives to availthemselves of the means of instruction thus affordedthem ; 4th , to establish schools for teaching theEuropean sciences and improvements in the higherbranches of education 5th , to provide for the preparation and publication of books of moral and physicalscience in native languages ; 6th , to establish schoolsfor the purpose of teaching English to those disposedto pursue it as a classical language , and as a means ofacquiring a knowledge of the European discoveries ;7th , to hold forth encouragement to the natives in thepursuit of these last branches of knowledge .

8 . First, the improvement of schools must be almostentirely left to the Education Society, with suchpecuniary assistance as Government may think itexpedient to afi

'

ord. The constant and minute superintendence which will be requisite over the schools inall

parts of the country, is such as can only be expectedfrom a very general spirit of anxiety to promote theobject . Any attempt to produce it on the part of

Government would require a large and expensive establishment, and , after all , would have very little chanceof success .9 . The establishment now recommended by the

Committee for teaching schoolmasters may be sanctioned. It will be some time , perhaps , before properly

6

8 2 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

qualified persons are found , but no slackness shouldappear on the part of Government in providing themeans of securing their employment . It ought at thesame time to be communicated to the Committee thatGovernment would be gratified by receiving occasionallyaccounts of the progress made , and of the number ofschoolmasters to whom instruction had been afforded .

In the meantime it appears probable that a very beneficial effect would be produced if anattempt were madeto disseminate the improved method of teaching bymeans of the press . For this purpose a very concisetreatise might be prepared in each of the nativelanguages , containing a few rules for the managementof schools in the modern way , along with a short exposition of the advantages which would accrue both tomasters and scholars from th e adoption of these im

provements. The same tract might contain a notificationof the persons from whom school-books mightbe procured , and likewise of the manner in whichprizes might be obtained by persons properly qualifiedin this stage of education . The circulation of thesetracts , and a few corresponding ones in English , together with the superintendence and assistance whichmight be voluntarily bestowed by gentlemen throughoutthe country, and the aid from the vaccinators whichwill presently be explained, would probably efi

'

e ct muchtowards the improvement of common schools , andwould pave the way for the employment of thoseschoolmasters who are to be trained under the institution proposed by the Committee .10. The means by which the direct exertions of

Government can be best applied to promote schoolsis by endeavouring to increase their number

,and on

this I am of opinion that no pains should be spared .

Or rather two treatises,as proposed by M r. Farish .

MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 83

The country is at present exactly inthe state in whichan attempt of the sort is likely to be most effectual .The great body of the people are quite illiterate ; yetthere is a certain class in which men capable of reading, writing , and instructing exist in much greaternumbers than are required , or can find employment .This is a state of things which cannot long continue .The present abundance of people of education is owingto the demand there was for such persons under theM ahratha Government . That cause has now ceased ,the effect will soon follow, and unless some exertion ismade by the Government , the country will certainly beina worse state under our rule thanit was under thePeshwa ’s . I do not confine this observation to whatis called learning , which , in its present form , mustunavoidably fall off under us , but to the humbler actsof reading and writing , which , if left to themselves , willdecline among the Brahmins without increasing amongthe other castes .1 1 . The advantage of the present time is not con

fined to the facility of finding masters . The funds aremore easily obtained at present than they will be hereafter. The Gram Kharch (village expenses) , except inthe old districts , have not yet undergone regulation ,and many Warshasans,

"l Nemnuksfit allowances tofakirs , etc . , might now be turned to this useful purpose ,that will soon be lost altogether .1 2 . Mr . Chaplin formerly suggested an allowance of

from three to ten rupees from the Gram Kharch shouldbe offered to any properly educated master who wouldundertake to teach a village ; and if the smallest of

Anannual allowance or stipend givenfor charitable purposesto priests, pandits, etc.

1' Allowance orappointed provisiongiventoGovernment servants ;

a salary or pension.

34 M OUNTS TUART ELPHINSTONE.

these sums should seem too little for the poorest village ,it may be increased by consolidating the funds in allcases where villages are sumciently near each other .It would not , however, be politic (as Mr . Chaplin hassince remarked) that this expense should fall directlyonthe village such a measure would too closely conneot the ideas of education and taxation , and the Rayatsmight endeavour to bring about the failure of theschool in hopes that they might thus get rid of theimpost. The school -money , therefore , should be takenfrom the gross income of the village before the Govemment share is separated , and the amount should bemade good by reductions in the Gram Kharch . If thesaving does not cover the expense , the loss will still bevery small either to Government or the Rayats whencompared with the advantage gained .

1 3 . The schoolmasters should be allowed to takethe usual fees from their boys besides this allowance ,and should receive a certain degree of assistance inprinted tables and books of the cheapest description .

1 4 . An important addition to the resources appli

cable to the maintenance of schools might be obtainedby diverting towards that purpose other funds derivedfrom the Government Treasury

,and not from villages ,

which are at present employed onobjects of no utility,and which are equally lost to the State and to thepeople . Occasions continually occur in which Haks

,

Warshasans, Inams, and other lands and allowances aregranted unconditionally , from humanity or policy, topersons claiming them on doubtful titles ; in all suchcases the grantee might be obliged to submit to a smallannual payment towards a fund for maintaining schools .

0 There are also many religious allowances which itwould be impolitic to resume , but which might byproper management be diverted to this purpose . Lands


and allowances are also often held on condition of

performing religious or other services ; it would beunpopular to exact a payment in commutation for thoseservices if the benefit went to Government, but itmight easily be levied for an object so advantageous tothe people themselves . In most cases , however , th epurpose for which any deduction is made from anallowance should be kept entirely out of sight , to avoidraising odium against our plans of education . It atfirst seemed to me to be practicable by giving a smalladdition in money to the allowances enjoyed by villagepriests , astrologers, etc . , on condition of their teachinga certain number of boys, to induce them to undertakea more useful profession , which might gradually supersede their original one ; but many objections presentedthemselves to the arrangement , of which the mostimportant was that it necessarily rendered the situationof schoolmaster hereditary in all instances where it wasadopted .

1 5 . Even if funds were provided for the support ofschools , we should still feel the difficulty of securingthe useful employment of them . If we could at alldepend either on a judicious selection of schoolmastersin the first instance , or on a moderately careful supervision afterwards , there could be no doubt of the entiresuccess of the proposed measure but the over-employment of the Europeans and the indolence and indifference of the natives make both of most difficultattainment . The object, however, is too important tobe given up without an effort . The collector mighthave the general charge of all schools which derivedany aid from Government , and a power to resume theallowance in all cases of gross neglect . At stationswhere many Europeans reside , some might probablybe found to undertake the care of the schools in the


neighbourhood . The Education Society might perhapsinduce some to charge themselves with this task , andall officers , of whatever description , who had any sharein the management of schools

,should be encouraged

to correspond with the Society and to promote itsimprovements .1 6 . In all subordinate villages a great deal may be

probably expected from the vaccinators . If thesegentlemen should enter with zeal into the promotion of

education , there are none by whom so much assistancecould be afforded . They belong to a learned andliberal profession , and are selected for their activity andhumanity . Their duties lead them on tours preciselyof the nature of those required for the superintendenceof schools , and bring them into contact with all classesof the people . Their duties also at each place mustsoon be transacted , and a good deal of time left applicable to such employments as are now recommended .

Some remuneration ought to be given for thisadditional trouble ; perhaps 1 50 rupees , with theactual expenses of carrying books , might be sufi cient.

The line of each person ’s charge should be well marked,to prevent allmistakes which would be likely to dampzeal . The vaccinator should be quite independent inall places of which he took charge , and the collectorshould be requested to attend to his suggestions on allpoints connected with his schools . Any person whovoluntarily took charge of a school should receivesimilar support , and should be encouraged to procure asuccessor to take up his charge when he should beremoved from the station . On this subject , however ,the Education Society will be best qualified to suggestthe most desirable mode of proceeding .

1 7 . Inquiries relating to the possibility of providingsalaries for teachers out of the Gram Kharch , or even


the usual fatality from attending this highly importantand interesting inquiry. It is a very great satisfactionto me that , since the draft of this minute was finished ,a plan nearly of the same nature has been proposedby M ajor Robertson , who has also pointed out fundsfor supporting it . I consider this voluntary opinionfrom so experienced a collector to be of the greatestvalue

,and recommend that his proposal should be

sanctioned without delay at the same time , a copy ofthis minute , if agreed to , may be sent to him .

1 8 . The expense of printing school-books may, forthe present, be undertaken by the Government ; the

2nd . S ch ool. superintendence of the printing and the distribution, except in certain cases, must be

managed by the Society .

1 9 . The encouragement to be afforded tonative schoolsis a point of greater difficulty, but is one of the utmost

m Bm w !

importance , and one which, if properly made" mm 8mm“ use of, would be sufiicient to secure verygeneral improvement in the education of the lowerorder. . The first step would be to institute examinations in the principal town or village of each P argannah ,and to distribute prizes to those who showed the mostproficiency in each class . A book , such as will bepublished und er the superintendence of Government orof the Society, would be a sufi cient prize for ordinaryproficiency , while those of the highest order might rece ive a medal and those who are well qualified to actas writers , or Kulkarnis, might be given a certificate tothat effect . Th e value of that certificate , however, woulddepend upon its being cautiously given , so that publicofi cers in want of a person of that description mightprefer taking one with a certificate as the surest meansof obtaining the requisite qualifications . Prizes shouldlikewise be given to those schoolmasters who produce


the greatest number of well qualified scholars . It willbe no easy matter to provide for the due adjudgmentof prizes, for few English gentlemen are qualified topronounce on the acquirements of Indians ; the employment of natives would lead to corruption ; andmany wrong judgments , from whatever motive , wouldweaken or destroy the effect of the examinations . Inthe earliest part of education , however, this will beleast felt ; and if the plan of taking places were everintroduced , there would be little difficulty in allottingthe prizes , as the contest for the first class might thenbe confined to the upper boys at different schools— saythe three or four upper boys of each . With regard tothe prizes for the higher acquirements to be mentionedin a. subsequent part of this despatch, the gentlemenwho preside might select a certain number of nativesto assist them , guarding against corruption or partialityby making a new choice each day , and giving no warning of the persons onwhom it was likely to fall . Thejudge or a committee , consisting of the collector andthe judge , might be able to spare time and attention foran annual examination at the head station , while inthe smaller towns the duty might be best conducted bythe vaccinators . The vaccinator himse lf might distribute the prizes to boys ; the prizes to schoolmastershe should recommend ofiicially to the collector, whoshould be instructed to pay immediate attention to hisapplication . These prizes should consist of anhonorarydress , or some other present, which would be of a natureacceptable to natives . It might be accompanied eitheron the part of the collector or the vaccinator with apresent of such printed books or tables as are mostuseful in teaching a school . The vaccinators shouldbe furnished with a considerable number of books of alldescriptions to be distributed at their discretion . The


present vaccinators should be requested to undertakethis charge , and none should be appointed to it withouthis previous acquiescence . Henceforward the appointment should be inseparable .

20. The following might form a tolerable scale of

prizes for each P argannah ; but it can be altered tomeet any object of convenience

NUM BER OF NUM BER OF VALUE OF

M EDALS . EACH M EDAL. BOOKS . EACH BOOK.

lORs.

Prizes to schoolmasters (one in every two P argannahs) ,a shela and ‘ turban ,

’ or other presents worththirty rupees .2 1 . In the establishment of schools for teaching the

European sciences , we can do no more than lay the

xiihnfigfifili

foundation , if, indeed , we can do more thanScience . sketch an outline of the plan . We may at

present establish certain stipends to be granted to anyperson who can pass a prescribed examination , and tobe increased when he shall obtain a certain number ofscholars . These stipends should at first be very liberal ;without such encouragement we would scarcely expect toprocure teachers , when we remember the lucrative em

ployments open inother departments to persons qualifiedfor such offices . A man with such a knowledge of

English as we require would easily get 1 50 or 200rupees as a clerk to a merchant . The pupils of whom


and those of the new-comerswould increase theirhostility ,and would soon occasion the desertion of the college .23 . There is one science in which great progress

may immediately be made . The Commissioner wasnot at first able to procure a medical professor for thecollege at Puna , private practice being more lucrativethan the salary he had to offer . This deficiency mightbe easily supplied , as there are few sciences in whichthe natives have so little to preserve , or in which wehave so much to teach , and so much facility in teaching .

If the attentionof our medical establishment could onlybe called to this object , we might almost without aneffort communicate to the natives a vast store of soundand useful knowledge . A small priz e (of the value of200 or 250 rupees) might be offered to any native whocould acquire a certain knowledge of anatomy, medicine ,or chemistry , and the warm approbation of Governmentmight be held out to any surgeon who would impartthat degree of knowledge . The situation of civilsurgeon is generally reckoned desirable , and it requiresno peculiar qualifications . It might with great ad

vantage be intimated to the Medical Board , that thefirst vacancy in these appointments would always beconferred on any assistant-surgeon who should eitherproduce an elementary treatise onone of the sciencesconnected with the profession in a native language , orbring a native instructed by him to a certain pitch insome one of those sciences . A medical man already acivil surgeon might he promised promotion to th e

superior situations of Puna , Satara , or Cutch , on thesame terms ; for the same temper and knowledge of thenatives which would enable him to accomplish th e

condition , would secure his possessing the qualitiespeculiarly required at those stations . Each surgeonshould also be indemnified for all the expense incurred


on account of the native whom he instructed , providedhe proved to possess the requisite knowledge . TheMedical Board must , however , be required to fix withsome precision the nature of the treatise to be producedand the exact amount of proficiency to be required fromeach native student . When so educated , these nativestudents might be employed as a superior class of

native medical assistants , and might furnish one or twoprofessors for the college .24 . It should be an incitement to attempt some

thing in this branch to know that in Bengal there isan institution with a medical gentleman at the head of

it who has an allowance of rupees a month ; anda number of students who receive an exhibition for theirmaintenance during their studies .25 . It is of comparatively little use that people are

taught to read if their studies are to be confined tolegends of Hindu gods and it seems at firstsight to be extremely easy at a trifling expenseto supplant the few inaccurate and expensive manuscripts which are in the hands of the natives, by anabundance of simple and rational publications throughthe means of the press . The difficulty , however , hasbeen found to be much greater than was thought . Infour years we have only accomplished the publicationof two native books , and they also are translations fromthe Sanscrit , undertaken more with a view to bringprinted books into use than on account of any instruotion they were themselves calculated to afford . Theprincipal cause of this delay has no doubt been theextreme slowness of printing in India , at least at Bombay ; but had the printing not retarded us , we shouldsoon have been brought to a stand for want of translations to publish . The best remedy appears to be thatsuggested by the Society— to advertise for the best

6. Books.


translations of particular books , or for the best elementary treatises on particular subjects in specifiedlanguages . The books recommended by the Committeein No . 1 are most of them well judged ; but next to asystem of arithmetic , which is already in hand , I shouldthink a treatise on the elements of geometry , with th eapplication of them to practice in mensuration , etc . ,

would be desirable . A system of ethics , as suggested ,would certainly be valuable , but it would be of difficultexecution . In the meantime , a few tracts , or one tractcontaining those prudential maxims which are mostimportant to the poor, and which are least known inIndia, would be of the greatest utility . Those mostrepugnant to their prejudices , as those which discountenance the marriage of infants , expensive feasts to thecaste , etc . , might be introduced in th e mode most likelyto elude or disarm Opposition ; but the success of suchbooks must depend almost entirely on their execution ,and they need only be undertaken by persons who feela strong desire to inculcate the truths to which they refer .26 . When the labour required for these translations

is considered , and likewise the previous knowledgenecessary to render them useful , it is obvious both thatth e reward must be very liberal and that we need beunder no apprehension from the number of successfulclaimants . Each book should, when recommended bythe Education Society , be submitted to a committee orone individual appointed by Government, who shouldpronounce on its fitness for publication . It might beexpedient to have at least two rates of reward , one forbooks absolutely fit for publication , and another forbooks which could , with moderate attention , be adaptedto the press . I should propose that the remunerationshould vary from 100 to 300 or 400 rupees for schoolbooks, to or rupees for superior produc


28 . Should we ever be able to extend Englishschools to the outstations , admittance to them might bemade a reward of merit in other studies which mighttend to render it an object of ambition , or at least toremove all suspicion of our wishing to force our ownopinions on the natives .29 . If it is difficult to provide the means of instruo

tion in the higher branches of science , it is still more so to

7. Enm mhold out a sufficient incitement to the acquisi

mm tion of them . The natives being shut outfrom all the higher employments in their owncountry ,neither feel the want of knowledge in their ordinarytransactions nor see any prospect of advancement fromany perfection of it to which they can attain nor can

this obstacle be removed until , by the very improvements which we are now planning , they shall berendered at once more capable of undertaking publicduties and more trustworthy in the execution of them .

In the meantime their progress must be in a certaindegree forced and unnatural , and for this reason mustrequire more assistance on the part of the Governmentthan would be necessary in a better state of society .

30. The first step in th is stage also would be to giveprizes . These must be of more value , and distributedwith more care than the prizes formerly recommended .

Part of the prizes of the Dakshina have by long custombecome fixed annuities to certain persons , who are supposed for a succession of years to have best meritedthem ; but the remainder ought henceforth to be givenwith a very strict attention to proficiency and as theannuities fall in , the amount of them should be employedin the same manner . It would certainly give muchdisgust if any part of this fund were immediately to beapplied to the encouragement of European science . A

preference has , however, already been given to the


more useful branches ofHindu learning, and this mightbe gradually increased as well by assigning all newprizes arising from lapsed annuities to that species ofattainment as by taking advantage of other Oppe rtunities that might arise . In the meantime a certainnumber of prizes distinct from the Dakshina should beinstituted for persons who might stand an examinationin particular branches of European knowledge . Theexact species of knowledge ought not at first to be toonicely insisted on , but geometry, algebra, the higherbranches of arithmetic , geography, and the knowledgeof our system of astronomy might be among the number.The principal prizes should be of considerable value ;and as they would probably not be claimed for severalyears , they ought to be allowed to accumulate till theamount became sufficiently dazzling to be of itself aninducement to study the elements of a science . Smallerprizes might in the meantime be granted , that evenattempts at improvement might meet with somereward .

3 1 . An obvious means of giving effect to publicinstruction would be to render a certain examination anecessary preliminary to admission to all offices ; but asit is essential that the selection of public flmctionarie sshould depend as much as possible on their fitness fortheir particular duties , it is inexpedient to embarrassthe choice of them by any extraneous conditions .There are , however, instances in which stipends areenjoyed without the exaction of any correspondingse rvice , and in these cases it would be by no means nureasonable to oblige the possessor to confer a benefitboth onhimself and the public by devoting some portionof his life to study . It might , therefore , at some futureperiod he announced that no Warshashan, Nemnuk, orother religious grant or pension would be continued to

7


the heirs of the actual incumbents , unless they shouldfirst pass a prescribed examination . The notificationmight be so expressed as to avoid giving perpetuity tosuch allowances as it might be intended to resume ,and a power might be reserved to dispense with theexamination in cases where there might be peculiarclaims . It may be a question whether a condition likethe present might not be annexed to the enjoymenteven of Inams when they have avowedly been grantedfor religious purposes , and it certainly might be attachedto the succession to such pensions or jahgirs as it maybe thought expedient to make hereditary ,

'

with theexception of such as are given for the maintenance ofthe representatives of great families . As many of theclaimants to the allowances in question reside at a distance from European stations and even from the prine ipe l native towns , it would be necessary that a moderateknowledge of any useful Indian science should besufficient to entitle a person to the benefits of the grant .Wh ere Opportunities of instruction were afforded

,some

knowledge of European science might be required , or atleast a smaller portion of European learning might bemade equivalent to much more extensive qualificationsin the sciences of the country . All this , however , isfor future consideration ; at present everything that islikely to render large classes hostile to our views oneducation should be carefully avoided.

32 . We are now to se e what steps are to be takenimmediately . I have already recommended a

fifififi’

fiymreference to the collectors regarding the number

adopted .

of schools now 1n ex1stence , and the poss1bility of increasing it by means of the Gram Kharch andoth er funds distinct from those of the Government . Itwill be expedient to wait their report before any decisionis passed on those points.

MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

and some plainly— as prizes . The expense of each ,however, should not exceed in all the sum laid down ina former paragraph , including the prime cost of thebook . Those prizes might then be distributed to thecollectors and to the vaccinators if they should enterinto the design ; and they might be requested to commence the distribution either generally or graduallyand experimentally, as they thought most expedient .39 . The Society should likewise have some of the

cheaper publications which are printed under itssuperintendence properly bound at the expense of

Government for distribution as prizes , and the expenseof prizes to schoolmasters should be authorized .

40. The expense of the English school at Bombaymay be immediately authorized , and the School Societyrequested to take the management of it ; the expensebeing limited to rupees a year .4 1 . The professorships for English sciences cannot

be promised without the sanction of the Honourable theCourt of Directors , to whom the question should bereferred ; unless some part of the money allotted toreligious purposes should become disposable , whenstipends and prizes may be held out as far as the sumrecovered will go . The Commissioner at Puna shouldbe requested to avail himself of any such Oppor

tunities .

42 . There are many details to be filled up on theseplans for which I must depend on the kind assistanceof the secretary , and as the correspondence is chieflywith the collectors , the execution may be as well committed to the Revenue as any other department . Iam led to wish it should be so on this occasion fromthe attention Mr. Farish has already given to thesubject, and still more from the belief that Mr . Hendersonis likely to be intercepted before he can make anygreat progress in organizing the proposed plans .

MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 1 0 1

43 . I canconceive no objection that can be urged tothese proposals except the greatness of the expense— towhich I would oppose the magnitude of the object . Itis difficult to imagine anundertaking in which our duty,our interest

,and our honour are more immediately con

cerned . It is now well understood that in all countriesthe happiness of the poor depends in a great measureon their education . It is by means of it alone thatthey can acquire those habits of prudence and selfrespect from wh ich all other good qualities Sprlng ; andif ever there was a country where such habits arerequired , it is this . We have all often heard of the illsof early marriages and overflowing population ; of thesavings of a life squandered on some one occasion of

festivity ; of the helplessness of the Rayats which rendersthem a prey to money-lenders ; of their indifference togood clothes or houses , which has been urged on someoccasions as an argument against lowering the publicdemands on them ; and , finally , of the vanity of alllaws to protect them when no individual can be foundwho has spirit enough to take advantage of thoseenacted in their favour. There is but one remedy forall this , which is education .

44 . If there be a wish to contribute to the abolitionof the horrors of self- immolation , and of infanticide

,

and ultimately to the destruction of0superstition in

India, it is scarcely necessary now to prove that theonly means of success lie in the diffusion of knowledge .

4 5 . In the meantime , the dangers to which we areexposed from the sensitive character of the religion of

the natives , and the slippery foundation of our Govemment , owing to the total separation between us and our

subjects , require the adoption of some measure tocounteract them , and the only one is , to remove their


prejudices and to communicate our ownprinciples andopinions by the diffusion of a rational education .

4 6 . It has been urged against our Indian Government that we have subverted the States of the East andshut up all the sources from which the magnificence ofthe country was derived , and that we have not ourselves constructed a single work either of utility orsplendour . It may be alleged with more justice thatwe have dried up the fountains of native talent , andthat from the nature of our conquest not only all encouragement to the advancement of knowledge is withdrawn

,but even the actual learning of the nation is

likely to be lost, and the productions of former geniusto be forgotten . Something should surely be done toremove this reproach .

4 7 . It is probably some considerations like these thathave induced the Legislature to render it imperativeon the Indian Government to spend a portion of itsRevenue in the promotion of education but whateverwere the motives that led to it , the enactment itselfforms a fresh argument for our attention to the subject .It may be urged that this expense , however wellapplied , ought not to fall on the Government ; thatthose who are to benefit by education ought to pay forit themselves ; and that an attempt to introduce it onany other terms will fail , from the indifl

'

erence of theteachers and from th e want of preparation among thosefor whose benefit it is intended . This would be true ofthe higher branches of education among a people withwhom sound learning was already in request ; but inIndia our first and greatest difficulty is to create thatdemand for knowledge , on the supposed existence of

which the objection I have mentioned is founded .

48 . With regard to the education of the poor, thatmust, in all stages of society, be in a great measure the


rewards for translations are considerable , I think thechance of their being often demanded extremely small— perhaps three a year of different value , in all about

or rupees , is the most we can expect— butwe have the satisfaction to know that any increase inthis branch of expenditure will hear an exact proportionto the extent of the success and utility of that part ofthe present plan . This expense might also at any timebe stopped by advertising that no more rewards wouldbe given after a certain time . Six months ’ warningshould , however, be given to allow people to completeany translations they had begun on .

54 . I have already drawn one example from theliberality of the supreme Government . I may nowadd, as applicable to the whole question , that , inaddition to large subscriptions to education societies ,th e Governor-General in Council has lately allotted thewhole of the town duties , amounting to about six lacsof rupees , to local improvements , of which the schoolsform a most important branch .

55 . Annexed is a memorandum which Mr . Farishwas so good as to draw up at my request , and which

Remarks onM r.

contains much information and many valuable“ m m“ suggestions . I have already availed myselfof many of the ideas thrown out in it . The followingpoints , however , still remain to be noticed and recom

mendedThe importation of types and sale of them at a

cheap rate , with a view to encourage printingThe allotment of prizes for essays in the

vernacular languages of India , and for improvements in scienceThe annual report by each collector on the

state of the schoolsThe obligation onvillages to pay for school

M INUTE ON EDUCATION. 1 9 5

books after the first supply , or (as that mightprevent their applying for them) the obligation topay for such as were lost or destroyed .

56 . Some of the other plans suggested seem to memore doubtful. The payment of schoolmasters inproportion to the number of boys taught is in itselfhighly advisable ; but in the present state of our

superintendence it would lead to deceptions , while thepayment of a very small fixed stipend will keep aschoolmaster to his trade , and his dependence on thecontributions of his scholars for the rest of his maintenance will secure his industry .

57 . It is observed that the missionaries find thelowest castes the best pupils . But we must be carefulhow we offer any special encouragement to men of thatdescription . They are not only the most despised

,but

among the least numerous of the great divisions of

society ; and it is to be feared that if our system of

education first took root among them , it would neverspread further, and that we might find ourselves at thehead of a new class superior to the rest in useful knowledge , but hated and despised by the castes to whomthese new attainments would always induce us to preferthem . Such a state of things would be desirable , ifwewere contented to rest our power on our army or onthe attachment of a part of the population , but isinconsistent with every attempt to found it on a moreextended basis .58 . To the mixture of religion even in the slightest

degree with our plans of education I must stronglyobject. I cannot agree to clog with any additionaldifliculty a plan which has already so many obstruotions to surmount . I am convinced that the conversionof the natives must infallibly result from the diffusionof knowledge among them . Fortunately, they are not


aware of the connections , or all attacks on their ignorance would be as vigorously resisted as if they were ontheir religion . The only efi

'

ect of introducing Christianity into our schools would be to sound the alarm ,

and to warn the Brahmins of the approaching danger.Even that warning might perhaps be neglected as longas no converts were made ; but it is a sufficientargument against a plan that it can only be safe aslong as it is ineffectual , and in this instance the dangerinvolves not only the failure of our plans of educationbut the dissolution of our empire .59 . I take this opportunity of adverting to the

remarks offered by the Honourable the Court of

Directors on the institution of the Native“t PM " College at Puna . Before I enter on thegeneral merits of the question , I beg to notice threeparticular objections which have occurred to the Honourable Court , and which I trust I may be able to remove .

60. The Honourable Court is pleased to observe inParagraphs 20 and 2 1 , that we have taken it forgranted , without inquiry, that a favourable impressionwould be made on the minds of the natives by theinstitution of a college but that experience has shownin other places that no such effect is produced . Itmay, however, admit of a doubt , supposing the institutions alluded to— the colleges of Benares and Calcutta,for instance— to excite no visible feeling at the presentmoment , when they are no longer novelties , and whenthe spirit of our Government is thoroughly understood ,whether they may not yet have produced a mostbeneficial impression at the time of their first establishment. In the case of the college at Puna , the factcan scarcely be contested . One of the principal objectsof the Peshwa ’s Government was the maintenance of

the Brahmins . It is known to the Honourable Courtthat he annually distributed five lacs of rupees among


6 2 . I may here observe that I must have expressedmyself indistinctly in my report , as the Honourable Courthas understood my sentiments to be adverse to an institution like the present . It was my intention in thepassage quoted in Paragraph 33 to say that instead of

expending two lacs of rupees on religious charges , including two colleges , I intended to allot rupeesto the Dakshina, giving the prizes as much as possibleto proficients in law, mathematics , etc . , to support acertain number of professors who might teach thosesciences , and to circulate a few well-chosen books .The only deviations from this plan that have takenplace are that the professors have been paid out of thefunds allotted to the Dakshina, and that some of thoseappointed are meant to teach Hindu divinity and mythology . It cannot be denied that this is an unprofitablepart of the establishment , and it is to these branch es oflearning that Mr . Chaplin alludes when he says thatsome are worse than useless ; but we must not forgetthat we are founding (or rather keeping up with modifications) a seminary among a most bigoted people , whereknowledge has always been in the hands of the priesthood , and where science itself is considered as a branchof religion . In such circumstances

,and supporting

the expense from a fund devoted to religious purposes ,I do not think we could possibly have excluded theusual theological professorships without showing a hostility to the Hindu faith which it was our obj ect toavoid , and irritating those prejudices of the peoplewhich it was the professed design of the institution tosoothe or to remove . I trust these arguments may besatisfactory to the Honourable Court but at all events Imay venture to assure it that the measure was not undertaken without very fullinvestigation of its probable effect,and that I am rather afraid that my inquiries while

MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 1 09

Commissioner in the Deccan , mayhave led the Mahrattasto expect some more important measures in favour of thelearned of their nation than it has been found expedientto carry into execution .

63 . I come now to the question whether,considering

the establishment of the college , without reference tothe conciliation of the people , it was desirable for itsownsake to encourage the learning of the country . Itmust be clearly understood that the question is notwhether we are to encourage Brahmin learning orEuropean learning, but whether we are to encourageBrahmin learning or none at all . The early part ofthis minute has shown that we do not possess themeans of teaching in the native languages the veryrudiments of European sciences ; and that if we didpossess them , we should find few or none among thenatives who are disposed or fitted to receive our instructions . The only point to discuss therefore is ,whether or not the knowledge now in existence is to heallowed to be extinguished. It may be supposed thatas Hindu learning formerly subsisted independent of

our aid , it might continue to do so without our incurring the expense of a college ; but this conclusionwould be entirely erroneous . The Dakshina, which hasalready been mentioned , was expressly designed to eu

courage learning : it formerly amounted to eight or tenlacs of rupees , and though Bajee Row reduced theexpenses , he still gave a small sum to each of

Brahmins , besides large prizes to all who distinguishedthemse lves by their learning . Both he and all hissirdars and ministers employed many learned Brahminsin various oflice s connected with the Hindu ritual andall, on a religious principle , allowed stipends and grantsof land to many others for whose services they had nocall . Add to this that learning was a certain title to

MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

the countenance of the great and to the respect of thepeople

,and we may estimate the incentives to the ao

quisition of it which were destroyed by our conquest .It is true that this encouragement may not have been

judiciously directed , but the effects of it onthe wholewere beneficial , and such as I cannot but think that itis still desirable to preserve . A class of men was

maintained whose time was devoted to the cultivation oftheir understanding ; their learning may have beenobscure and degenerate , but still it bore some affinity toreal science , into which it might in time have been improved . They were not , perhaps , much inferior tothose monks among whom the seeds ofEuropean learning were long kept alive ; and their extinction , if it didnot occasion the loss of much present wisdom

,would

have cut off all hope for the future .64 . These arguments are founded onthe supposition

that the Puna College was always to remain unaltered ,but this was by no means a necessary consequence ofthe institution ; when once the college had become anestablished place of resort forBrahmins , it would be easyto introduce by degrees improvements into the systemof education , and thus render the institution a powerfulinstrument for the diffusion of civilization . Somesuch alterations are suggested in the course of thisminute , and others must be the fruit of time , andcannot be adopted until we have instruments betterfitted to impart instruction as well as auditors betterprepared to receive it .6 5 . At no time , however, could I wish that the

purely Hindu part of the course should be totallyabandoned . It would surely be a preposterous way of

adding to the intellectual treasures of a nation to beginby the destruction of its indigenous literature ; andI cannot but think that the future attainments of the

1 1 2 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

most liable are those which have the maintenance of

learning for their object . Other establishments derivestrength from their connection with the transactions ofcommon life , but those for the cultivation of lettershave no such support, and it is for this reason thatthe aid of Government is required to enable them tosubsist . It would perhaps be giving way too readily todespondency to suppose that because the colleges inBengal have admitted of some abuses , that they neitherhave been nor will be of great utility . In the want ofleisure for careful superintendence among the Europeanssuch establishments must be exposed to fluctuations .They will be neglected under one Government . Theywill be reformed under another ; and on the wholethey will go on and flourish , a monument of the geniusof the great man who planned them in the midstof pressing difficulties and dangers , and ofthe liberalityof the Honourable Court which has supported th em ,

notwithstanding occasional discouragement and tem

porary ill success .68 . Having been led so far into the consideration

of the despatch of the Honourable the Court of Directors , I shall proceed to that part which re

fi rst lates to the college which it was intended tom m

establish at the Residency for the education of

young civil servants ; and I shall propose such a substitute as occurs to me for th e plan which has beenforbidden by the Court .6 9 . The great advantages of a college are , that it

affords the best opportunities of instruction both fromEuropean professors and native munshis , that it supplies books , that it affords some superintendence overthe conduct of the young men

,so that in the event of

idleness or dissipation it can be checked before it hashad time to reach any very injurious pitch. The exam

MINUTE ON EDUCATION. 1 1 3

inations, rewards , and degrees of honour complete theadvantages of the college system.

70. Its disadvantages are that it brings young mentoo much together , that it detains them at the Presidency, and , above all , that by regulating and watchingover a young man ’s studies it takes from h im thestimulus which he would derive from the consciousnessthat his good or ill success was in his ownbands .

7 1 . These advantages are so great that they in somemeasure reconcile me to the loss of the proposedcollege , as far, at least, as the young civil servants areconcerned .

7 2 . We must now endeavour, as well as our meanspermit , to unite the benefits and avoid the disadvantages of both plans of instruction .

73 . With the aid of European professors it is necessary we should dispense , but something might be doneto increase the number of native munsh ies, providedit could be effected without so great an addition aswould render their business insuflicient to support properly qualified men . If they could not be found here ,men with every requisite qualification might easily beprocured from Calcutta . On this subject we could notperhaps do better than consult the gentlemen who havehitherto had the goodness to examine the students .The same gentlemen might be requested to state whatthey conceived to be the best books for young students ,and means might be takento procure suflicient numbersfrom Calcutta, or to print them here . Superintendencewill not be required if we can succeed in preserving theimpression that young men themselves at present entertain of the importance of their acquiring a sufficientknowledge to enable them to pass the examination . If

a young man knows that such a trial must be submittedto before he can enter on the advantages of h is pro

8

1 14 M OUNTS TUART ELPHINSTONE.

fession, and that he has nothing to trust to for carryinghim through it but his ownindustry and attention , it isnot too much to expect that those qualities will beexcited .

74 . The examinations , I understand , are at presentmuch eas ier than those in Calcutta . Something mightbe added to the difficulty , but it ought not to be so

great as either to discourage the student or to detainhim too long among the temptations of a Presidency,and at a distance from the active employments of theservice .75 . The grammatical part of the languages should be

particularly attended to . If that be once complete lymastered , the rest must follow from practice .

76 . The accompanying note by Captain Ruddell,

one of the Examiners to the College of Fort William ,

will show the plan pursued there .77 . The whole of this plan depending on the exam

ination, it becomes necessary to take care that it shallbe effectual . We have hitherto been able to accom

plish the object by the voluntary assistance of suchgentlemen as have happened to possess the requisitequalifications at the Presidency ; but such a casual aidcanscarcely be relied onin a matter of so much importance , especially after the regulation Committee shallhave been dissolved .

78 . The best plan will probably be to appoint a

junior member to be also secretary, with such a salaryas may secure the occasional services of an eminentlinguist . This gentleman , with the Persian secretary,will always make us sure of two eflicient members , andwe may trust to accident for a third .

7 9 . The Examining Committee may continue tomeet as at present, once in three months , and everystudent should be required, at the first meeting after

1 1 6 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.

proficiency in three languages,he will receive

rupees instead of 800.

82 . It is my anxious wish that the higher degrees ofthose prizes should be thrown open to military men .

It is the encouragement of Oriental learning ratherthan the transaction of business that they are designedto promote , and it cannot be the object of Governmentto exclude any labourers from a field the extent of

which is so much beyond our power of cultivation.

8 3 . The orders of the Court of Directors to theSupreme Government are , however, so positive againstthe admission of military men , that I can only proposethe address of an earnest representation to theHonourable Court to induce them to permit itsadoption .

NARRATIVE

PROCEEDINGS RELATING TO THE M URDER

OF GANGADHAR SHASTRI,

1 2 0 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE

repeated infractions of the Treaty of Bassein ; all ofwhich were , from time to time , reported to theGovernor-General , and on one occasion brought to thenotice of the Peshwa ’s Government in a detailed andforcible remonstrance , addressed by Mr . Elphinstone tohis Highness ’s Ministers . The Re sident had , from theunfavourable opinion which he entertained of Trimbakji

’

s character, and the knowledge which he possessed of the motives which led to his appointment tobe Minister (as fully explained in the Resident

’s letter,dated the 27th May, anticipated the probabilityof the British Government being soon involved in discussions with the State of Puna . These changes in theinternal policy of that Court , together with the appre

h ensionswhich Mr . Elphinstone had of the consequencesto which they might lead , were submitted to the noticeof the Governor-General soon after the nomination of

Trimbakjl to conduct the communications between thePeshwa

’

s Government and the Residency) “ Theseexpectations were soon realized , although in consequenceof events entirely unexpected .

It is known that mutual claims have long dependedbetween the Government of the Peshwa and that of theGaikwar , arising out of the former connection betweenthose States . By the provisions of the treaties concluded between the British Government and the Peshwaand Gaikwar respectively, the British Government isbound to arbitrate these claims . A further subject ofdiscussion arose respecting the farm of Ahmedabad ,comprehending the principal portion of the Peshwa ’slands in Gujarat , which had been granted to the Gaikwar ou a lease of ten years ; the term of the lease beingnearly expired , and the renewal of it being an object ofconsiderable importance both to the British and the

25th M arch, 18 15.

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR ’S MINISTER. 1 2 1

Gaikwar’

s interests in Gujarat , a negotiation wasopened for the purpose of endeavouring to obtain it .With this question were connected others referring tothe Peshwa ’s inte rest in Katiawar, the whole forminga subject of considerable delicacy and moment , inwhich the honour and inte rests of the British Govemment were directly concerned .

It was very desirable that the Government of Punaand Baroda should endeavour to come to an understanding onall these points by direct negotiation ; and thatthe arbitration of the British Government should notbe resorted to , except in the event of a failure of thoseendeavours. This course was accordingly recom

mended ;“

and after an effectual attempt to accomplisha satisfactory arrangement through the agency of

the Gaikwar’

s Vakil at Puna , whose measures werecounteracted by every species of intrigue , both thereand at Baroda, instigated unquestionably by Trimbakjl,who had a personal interest in the resumption of thePeshwa ’s direct authority in Gujarat , it was determinedthat Gangadhar Shastri

,the Gaikwar

’

s principalMiniste r, should be deputed to Puna to bring mattersto a close . He accordingly proceeded to Puna in thecharacter of a public Minister

,and under the declared

protection and guarantee of the British Government ,the renewal of the lease of Ahmedabad was positivelyrejected by the Peshwa , and the lands delivered over toh is Highness ’s ofi cers . Every possible delay, procrastination, and evasion were thrown in the way of

the negotiation of the other depending points ; at length ,with the concurrence of the Resident , be determined toretire from Puna, leaving the unadjusted questions tobe arbitrated by the British Government . A remarkablechange in the conduct of the Peshwa and his MinisterTrimbakji, and in their demeanour towards the

1 2 2 NARRATIVE RESP ECTING THE

Shastri , induced him to suspend this intention . HisHighness and the Minister now began to show extraordinary marks of favour and kindness to GangadharShastri , and to endeavour by every means in theirpower to conciliate his regard and confidence ; hisHighness even went so far as to propose that one of hisdaughters should be married to the S hastri ’s son, andthe preparations for the marriage were in some progress . Hopes of an early adjustment of all the depending questions , on terms which the Shastri thought itwould be for his master’s interest to accept , were alsoheld out ; deceived by these appearances , the Shastri,with the consent of the Resident , deferred his departurefrom the Peshwa’s Darbar . He accompanied his

Highness and the Minister ona pilgrimage to Nasik,whither the Re sident accompanied the Court, and hereturned with th e Peshwa to Puna ; and thence proce eded on a visit of devotion to Pandharpur, at theearnest entreaty of the Peshwa and Trimbakji, leavingmost of his attendants at Puna , at their desire .On the night of the 1 4th July, the Shastri received

a message from Trimbakji, entreating him to come to thetemple and perform his devotions . Being indisposed ,the Shastri declined the invitation , which was threetimes renewed with increased earnestness . Yielding atlength to these entreaties , he repaired to the temple ,attended by only four or five persons altogether .Having performed his devotions , and conversed for afew minutes with Trimbakji, he left the temple toreturn home and had only got a short distance from it,when he was attacked and killed by five armed menwho came from the temple , and immediate ly ran awaytowards the same place after perpetrating the murder.The particulars of this affair are detailed in a despatchfrom the Resident at Puna , dated 5th September ; and


by the Governor-General to the Peshwa , ! soon afterhis Lordship became acquainted with the tragical eventat Pandharpur . Mr . Elphinstone also received his Lordship ’s instructions in detail with respect to the coursewhich he was to pursue , in the event of his demand tothe Peshwa for the discovery and punishment of themurderers being complied with , resisted , or evaded byhis Highness . The refusal or the evasion of ourdemands would unquestionably place the Court of Punain a state of enmity with the British Government .Under a supposition that either of these courses mightbe pursued by the Peshwa , from a belief of Trimbakjibeing the author of the guilt , Mr . Elphinstone , thoughhe was enjoined not to precipitate hostilities with h isHighness , was directed not to relax in the prosecutionof our demands

,which could not be retracted with

dignity or security. His attention was also particularlydrawn to the importance of preventing the escape of

Trimbakji from Puna , either with or without theknowledge of the Peshwa ; and as it was possible thathis Highness himself might endeavour to withdraw fromhis capital , itwas also recommended that every oppositionshould be made to th is step should his Highness purpose to adopt it . In order to enable Mr . Elphinstone tofollow this line of conduct with efl

'

ect, he was authorized ,in addition to the control which he already possessedover the Puna subsidiary force , to make requisition formilitary aid to the Governments ofFort St . George andBombay , and to Colonel Doveton , should the progressof events appear to him to require this procedure .

Notwithstanding the urgent demand made by Mr .Elphinstone for an inquiry into the circumstances of

the murder , and the punishment of the criminals whenthey should be discovered , no steps towards an in

15th August.

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR’S MINISTER. 1 2 5

vestigation were taken either by the Peshwa or hisMinister, during their continuance at Pandharpur . As

the general voice pointed at Trimbakji as being theinstigator of the crime, and from the tone ofMr . E lphinstone ’s remonstrance to the Peshwa, it was expectedthat he would not long delay a declaration of the sentiments which h e entertained on the subject , extraordinary precautions were taken by his Highness andTrimbakji for the security of their persons . Beforethe death of the Shastri , the Peshwa had alreadyadopted strong measures for his ownprotection , which ,after the murder, were redoubled . Now troops wereentertained and assembled from a distance , on purposeto guard his Highness ; and when he travelled , hisperson was attended , contrary to his usual practice , bya large body of armed men . The entry of the Peshwainto his capital was marked by every symptom of distrust and anxiety. He arrived in a close palankinwithout giving notice of his approach , and withoutbeing met by any of his chiefs . At night strong guardswere posted both at his palace and at the house ofTrimbakji. It happened also that his arrival at Punawas on the day of a great festival , on which thousandsof Brahmins were accustomed to attend in order toreceive charity from h is Highness , who had hithertonever failed to be present . On this occasion , however,of its recurrence , he was not present . These extraordinary precautions were adopted , as Mr . Elphinstonesubsequently learned , in consequence of the fear which thePeshwa and Trimbakj i entertained of being assassinatedby some of the soldiers of Gangadhar Shastri , whohad remained at Puna with Bapu M airal. After hisHighne ss ’s arrival at the city, the levies of new troops ,and the assemblage of those already in his service , inthe vicinity of Puna, continued as before . These


measures,which had been before carried on with

secrecy , were more openly adopted afte r Mr . Elphinstone had publicly demanded the surrender of Trimbakji to the British Government .On learning that no attention had beenpaid to his

first remonstrance from Ellora, and having becomepossessed of information which left in his mind nodoubt of Trimbakji

’

s guilt . Mr . Elphinstone re

solved not to delay publicly charging the Minister withthe crime of having instigated the murder of theShastri , and calling on the Peshwa for his immediateimprisonment . Mr . Elphinstone judged that thisdemand , the advance of which he regarded to besooner or later inevitable , could then be made with thegreatest effect , and the best prospect of success . Themind of the public , as has been above observed , wasfully impressed with the conviction of the Minister ’sguilt ; Trimbakjl had not had time to work on thefeelings of the Peshwa to subdue the popular clamourwhich was loud against him

, and to silence or removethe most formidable of his enemies ; and Mr . Elphinstone , foreseeing that the instructions of the GovernorGeneral , when they arrived , would he to call on thePeshwa for justice

,deemed that no period could be

more advantageous for making such a demand , as thesubsidiary force could at that moment be spared fromthe frontier , and might return to its cantonments atSirur without creating suspicion .

‘ The considerations by which Mr . Elphinstone was guided in the lineof proceedings which h e adopted were submitted indetail to the Governor-General and received th e mostunqualified approbation of his Lordship , whose viewsonthe whole subject he had correctly anticipated }

M r. Elphinstone’s despatch, dated l6th August.

‘

t M r. Adams’s despatch,dated 10th S eptember.


stone requested an audience of his Highness , which wason various pretexts put off. The Resident accordinglydetermined to discontinue his applications for permissionto wait onthe Pe shwa , and to adopt some other modeof apprising his Highness of what he wished to com

municate . He at length , after some difficulty, succeededin causing to be conveyed to h is Highness a paper containing a direct charge against Trimbakji, and demanding his immediate imprisonment , as well as that ofBandoji and Bhagwant RAW . Mr . Elphinstone had

originally intended to have presented this writing tohis Highness , had he obtained the audience which hesought . It commenced by stating his anxiety to havebe enpermitted to visit the Peshwa , in order to expressto his Highness the surprise with which he had learnedthat no inquiries had been made into th e circumstancesof the Shastri ’s assassination , a neglect which Mr .Elphinstone distinctly imputed to the Peshwa ’s Ministers , who had not allowed the truth to reach him ,

and had consequently prevented his Highness frompursuing those measures , which it was doubtless hisde sire to adopt , in order to mark his abhorrence of thecrime which had been perpetrated , and preserve unimpaired the reputation of his Government . Mr . Elphinstone then informed him that the general voice of hissubjects had from the first fixed the guilt of this transaction onTrimbakji. He recapitulated the principalfacts attending the Shastri’s murder , and the conductof the Minister after that event had taken place , theaccuracy of which he undertook to prove when Trimbakji should be placed in imprisonment , as his greatpower and influence would otherwise deter witnessesfrom coming forward . Mr . Elphinstone argued atlength on th e full conviction which all these circumstances must bring , of the guilt of the Minister, and

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR ’S MINISTER . 1 2 9

concluded by demanding that Trimbakjl, Bandoji ,and Bhagwant Raw should be apprehended, and placedin safe custody until his Highness should have anopportunity of consulting with the Governor-Generalon the subject , and by enforcing these topics by animpressive appeal to the Peshwa’s feelings , as a manof

religion and a prince . The paper terminated by distinctly apprising his Highness that all communicationwith the British Government must be interrupted untilits demand on this point should be satisfied , and assuring him that , after the apprehension of Trimbakji, thechoice of his successor would be entirely left to hisHighness , in the confidence of his making such aselection as would tend to the improvement and preservation of th e alliance .

A day or two after the Peshwa received this paper,

‘

a message was sent to Mr . Elphinstone from S adashiv

Bhau M ankishwar, acquainting him that the Peshwahad perused the writing with the fullest attention , andhad in consequence ordered Bhagwant Raw and Bandojiinconfinement ; but with regard to Trimbakji, a morefull explanation would be made by a native agent ,whom the Bhau requested might be sent to him. Thismessage appeared to Mr . Elphinstone to be insincere

,

as the Bhau from whom it came had long lost hismaster ’s confidence , and as the guards placed over thehouses of the Bhagwant Raw and Bandoji belonged toTrimbakji, with whom , as Mr. Elphinstone was

credibly informed , Bandop had had an interview thepreceding night . To this message , however , he re

turned an answer which he thought best calculatedto soothe the Peshwa , and to prevent his entertainingany alarm for himself, or supposing that it was designedto obtainour demands by force , at the same time that

17th August.

NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE

no direct allusion was made to the possibility of his

Highness having imbibed such apprehensions . Theagent whom the Bhau wished to see being disqualifiedby his age and infirmities from undertaking a negotiation

,Mr . Elphinstone sent another person , to whom

the Bhau delivered a long message on the part of thePeshwa

,professing his attachment to the British Govem

ment,but denying the guilt of Trimbakji, offering ,

however , at the same time , to arrest him immediatelyif his guilt should be proved , and promising even topunish him as convicted of the crime if Mr . Elphinstone could prove the fact of Trimbakji

’

s threeinvitations to the Shastri to come to the temple withfew attendants . Mr . Elphinstone replied to thismessage only by repeating that he was prepared tomake good his charges , and had already furnished hisHighness with sufficient proofs . He therefore againcalled on him to arrest Trimbakji, and warned himagainst the danger which menaced the alliance from theviolence and intrigues of Trimbakji, as long as heshould continue in power.Discussions of this nature continued for some days ,

during which Mr . E lphinstone had occasion to addresshis Highness on the subject of the assemblage of troopsat Puna ; but the Resident

’s remonstrance produced noother result than that of the rendezvous of the troopsbeing fixed at twenty or twenty-five miles from Punainstead of the city , the recruiting still going on as before .During the whole of these discussions

,the Peshwa

chiefly based h is resistance to the demands of theBritish Government, on the ground of the injustice of

arresting a person before he was convicted of the crimewhich was laid to him. He persevered in maintainingthe innocence of Trimbakji , still promising at thesame time to arrest him , if Mr. Elphinstone could sub

1 32 NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE

which was at the same time made to obtain false depositions relative to the circumstances of the Shastri ’smurder , clearly evinced , on the part of the Court of

Puna, a disposition to break the alliance . Mr . Elphinstone opposed to this conduct his usual firmness andcaution ; the intrigues and attempts at deception practised by the Darbar were resisted firmly . Fearing thatthe exaggerated accounts whi ch the Peshwa had re

ce ived of the disturbances at Hyderabad might encouragethe Peshwa in his scheme of resistance to the demandsof the British Government , and impel him to quitPuna

,and at once to throw himself into the situation

of an enemy of the Company , Mr . Elphinstone seriouslywarned his Highness against the course which he mightbe advised to pursue from the violence and intrigues ofh is favourite , whose interests would alone be forwarded ,while the rupture of the alliance would be renderedinevitable , and with it the ruin of his Highness ’s reputationand Government . Mr . E lphinstone also orderedthe subsidiary force to advance to the vicinity of Puna,communicating this circumstance to the Peshwa , andobserving that as the tone of the Darbar appeared to bealtered , and troops were assembled from all quarters , itbecame necessary on his part to adopt correspondingmeasures of precaution . On th e 4th September, Mr .Elphinstone having received instructions oftheGovemor

General , "k communicated to the Peshwa the decision

which his Lordship had passed,in the event , which had

now occurred, of no inquiry having been made into thecircumstances of the S hastri ’s murder ; againwarnedh is Highness of the danger which he was incurring byhis blind support of his unprincipled favourite , and

assured h im that the British Government would notdesist from its demands for the surrender of Trimbakji.

M r. Adams’s despatch, dated 15th August.

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR’S MINISTER. 1 33

Afte r a long consultation with some of his principalfollowers , the Peshwa sent a message to Mr. Elphinstone

,informing him that he had determined to imprison

Trimbakji, on condition that the British Governmentshould not demand his capital punishment, or h is

surrender to its own officers , and that no furtherinquiry should be made into the circumstances of thetransaction ; these conditions were , of course , rejectedby the Resident , who persisted in his demand for theunqualified surrender of Trimbakji to the BritishGovernment ; but in order to allay any fears which thePeshwa might entertain for himself, Mr . Elphinstonemade an unofficial intimation to the Bhau ,

“E that whenonce Trimbakji should be in our custody, no furtherinquiry would be judged necessary. In the meantimeTrimbakji, after having had an interview with the

Peshwa , and received from his Highness assurance of anature to soothe his feelings , and promises of protectionto his family , was sent ofl

'

to Wassantghar, a hill-fortnear Satara the judicious and persevering firmness ofMr . Elphinstone , aided by the Peshwa

’s ownreflectionson the risk which he was incurring of a rupture withthe British Government, prevailed onhis Highness tocomply with the Resident ’s demands . After a conference with M ajor Ford , the oflicer commanding hisbrigade of regular troops , with whom he had frequentlycommunicated during the course of these discussions ,and some of his principal advisers , the Peshwa at

length declared his assent to the surrender of Trimbakji Dengle to the officers of the British Govemment , Mr . Elphinstone assuring his Highness that nofurther inquiry would be considered necessary ; thatTrimbakji

’

s life would be spared , and that he would

5th September.

1 34 NARRATIVE RESP ECTING THE.

undergo no severities which were not implied in astrict confinement.Accordingly a party of Major Ford

’

s brigade receivedcharge of Trimbakji and escorted him from Wassantghar to Puna , where he was delivered over to adetachment of British troops, t and conducte d to Bombaytogether with Bhagwant Raw and Bandoji , who wereto be given up to the officers of the Gaikwar Govemment . Trimbakj1 was immediately placed in strictconfinement in th e Fort of Tanna . During the progress of these discussions there appeared , from thereports of the several Residents , to have been frequentcommunications between the Barbara of Puna, S cindia,Holkar, and the Rajah of Nagpur . The perverse ohstinacy of th e Peshwa was considerably encouraged bythe intrigues of these chieftains , and by the commotions at th e time at Hyderabad .

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLEMOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE , RESIDENT AT THE COURTOF THE PESHWA , TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL DATED

1 6th AUGUST, 1 8 1 5 REFERRED TO IN THE PRECEDINGNARRATIVE .

I intended to have made your Lordship acquaintedwith the circumstances of the Shastri’s murder, by

submitting the detailed account drawn up bythe Gaikwar’s Vakil , and some other papersbut as those documents were confined to the

mere circumstances of the assassination I find myselfobliged to trespass on your Lordship s time with anarrative of th e event, and the transactions that led toit . Your Excellency is already well acquainted withthe hostility evinced towards the Shastri by a party in

19th S eptember. 1‘

26th S eptember.

1 36 NARRATIVE RES P ECTING THE

accomplishment of his views on Gujarat , every meanswere taken to gain over the Shastri . His Highnessoffered his sister-in-law in marriage to the Shastri’sson, and Trimbakji persuaded the Shastri that it wasthe Peshwa ’s wish to invest him with the principalconduct of h is affairs , an offer with which the Shastri ,being a native of this place , was dazzled , thoughI do not imagine that he had made up his mind toaccept it . At this time it was agreed by the Shastri and Trimbakji that the Peshwa should forego hisclaims on the Gaikwar for a territorial cession worthseven lacs of rupees , and that as soon as the Gaikwarshould consent to this arrangement , the marriage alreadyalluded to should take place . I imagine the Peshwa

’sGovernment was sincere in wishing for this arrangement , which would have afforded a present profit and aprospect of further advantages consequent to the ruinof the Shastri . If these plans were really entertained ,I imagine they were overturned by an accident that tookplace at Nasik . At that time the Gaikwar’s consentto the proposed cession was hourly expected , and as themarriage was to take place as soon as the news arrived ,both parties took their families to Nasik , and muchexpense was incurred for the purpose of celebrating theceremony with splendour ; but when it appeared thatthe Gaikwar’s consent was not likely to arrive whilethe Court was at Nasik , the Shastri became anxiousto avoid a connection which would have had an appearance of neglecting his master ’s interests to provide forhis own; and accordingly he desired that the marriagemight be put off for the present . About the same timethe Shastri declined engaging in the Peshwa ’s negotiations with me in consequence of my rejecting his interference, and pointing out in the strongest light theimprudence of h is making himself a minister of the

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR’

S MINISTER. 1 37

Peshwa . This failure of his designs must have irritatedTrimbakj i ; but, above all , the rejection of the marriagewhich had been negotiated by Trimbakji, and whichcould not be broken off or suspended , after the bride hadbeen brought and the preparations had been made ,without great disgrace to the Peshwa . Unfortunatelythe Shastri heightened this feeling by starting otherobjections to the connection . These afl

'

ronts , as Iunderstood at the time , made a deep impression on

Trimbakji, while his conduct on the occasion was inconsistent and unaccountable . He mentioned the Shastri ’s conduct to me as an instance of gross breach of

faith , and as involving him in the utmost disgrace butat the same time he professed his entire forgiveness ofit , and , in fact , he said little on the subject to theShastri , but continued to treat him with more apparentkindness and affection thanever . During th is journeyto Nasik , reports were widely circulated at Puna thatth e Shastri had been seized by Trimbakji ; and as Itreated them with entire disregard , I could not but besurprised at the earnestness with which Trimbakji andh is agent , Harri Aha, endeavoured to convince methat they were mere

.

popular rumours , and were notfounded on any -measures or designs of theirs . Thejourney to Pandharpur soon followed that to Nasik .

On thi s occasion the Shastri peremptorily refused toallow his colleague , Bapu M airal, to accompany him toPandharpur, although the latter expressed great fears ofhis safety . This was naturally attributed to Trimbakji

’

s

influence , as that person had all along showna dread ofthe wary and circumspect character of Bapu M airal,

and had insisted on his exclusion from the conferenceswith h is colleague . His interposition was more openin prevailing onthe Shastri to leave behind the bestpart of his escort, and in dissuading me from aecom

1 38 NARRATIVE RESP ECTING THE

panying him in h is pilgrimage , and that his Highnesswi shed me not to go onthis occasion . On the journeyto Pandharpur , Trimbakji was followed by GovindRaw Bandoji, who had been neglected during the timewhenthe plan was to conciliate the Shastri , but whowas still connected with Trimbakji, and who had aperson , onhis part , stationed with him for h is protection .

This man came to Pandharpur with great secrecy, buthis arrival was discovered by the Shastri immediatelybefore his death . Two days preceding that event ,guards were posted and great precautions taken aboutthe temple and the Peshwa ’s house , and the alarm of

the Punne e assassins was once more set onfoot . Theexistence of this conspiracy , of the name of which so

much use has been made , has lately been fully disprovedby Mr . Russell ’ s inquiries at Hyderabad , and it maytherefore be fairly assumed that the Peshwa’s alarmson the subject of it are either feigned , or inspired bythose about his Highness , to cover any measures themotive of wh ich it is inconvenient to avow . In thiscase the alarm afforded a pretext for increasing theguards , and a way of accounting for the S hastri ’smurder . Strict orders were also issued against bringingarmed men to the temple . The following account of

the occurrences on the day of the S hastri ’s death isextracted from a narrative which was drawn up byBapu M airal, and translated by Captain Pottinger ,immediately after the return of the party who hadaccompanied the Shastri to Pandharpur , and wastransmitted to me on my journey from Ellora .

On t he 1 4th the Shastri went to an entertainmentgiven by Ramchauda Gosai P atankar to the Peshwa ,and on his return home complained of fever, anddesired that if any person came to request him togo to the temple , they might be told that he was in


Dengle’

s Sepoys , who were in front ten or twelvepaces next came two of the S hastr1 s ownHarkaras ,then two M ashaljis with lighted torches , and aboutfour paces behind them was the Shastri ; one Ramchander Barwe , an inhabitant of Pandharpur and apriest of the temple , had hold of the Shastri’s left hand ,and Bapu Chiplonkar, the Shastri

’

s friend , was onthe Opposite side , but a step or two in the rear ; thesethree were followed by the Shastri’s two personalservants ; and when the party had walked some littleway from the temple , three men came runningup behind them ,

as if they were clearing the road forsome person by calling out Pais ! Pais 2” (Make way !make way !) their left hands were folded up in a cloth ,probably intended as a shield , and in each of their righthands there seemed to be a twisted cloth, which is usualfor striking people in a crowd , to made them standaside . One of the assassins struck the Shastri a veryviolent blow , apparently with the cloth , when it wasdiscovered that he had a sword also in his hand ;another seized him by the look of hair onthe crown of

his head , to throw him down , and when he was fallingthe third assassin cut him over the head . Two moremenat this juncture rushed from the front of the party ,and three of the attendants who attempted to stay byth e Shastri were wounded ; on which his friends ,M ashaljis , and followers ran away and left him inthe hands of the murderers , who mangled him in themost shocking manner , and one of them exclaimed ,We have now finished him This was overheard byone of the wounded men . The assassins then threwdown two sword-scabbards and made their escape ; andthe Shastri ’s people , who were following with the old

manalready alluded to , saw five men with naked swordsrunning towards the temple ; they also observed the

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR ’

S MINISTER. 1 4 1

flambeau lying extinguished and smoking on theground , and became much alarmed but not knowingwhat had taken place , two or three of them ranhometo the Shastri s house , and learning he was not there ,they returned to search for him , and found his corpse inthe road almost out to bits . They took the pieces andcarried them home this was about half-past eight atnight . The intelligence was immediately carried to thePeshwa, who ordered additional precautions abouthis own person , and shortly one of Trimbakji

’

s

people came to inquire what had happened . Thepolice officer also attended to see the corpse , and re

turned to report to the Peshwa , observing that one of

the assassins had been seen near the river, and hadthrown downhis sword , and had escaped in the crowdbut that the sword had been carried to Trimbakji.The news shortly reached the Gaikwar camp ; andsome of the principal Sardars came to the tow“to takemeasures for burning the S hastri ’s remains, and oh

tained permission from Trimbakji to that effect, andlikewise an order from his Highness the Peshwa forthe Shastri’s people to have free ingress and egress toand from the city. The following day some of theS hastns Kirrkfms went to Trimbakji, and told himit behoved him , as the friend of the deceased , and alsothe M inister of the Peshwa , to make inquiries towardsascertaining the cause of the S hastri’s murder ; towhich Trimbakj i answered , I am doing so ; but on

whom can I breathe suspicion I have no clue toguide me . The Karki‘ms again observed : It is dueto the Shastri , and also

‘ to the honour of your Government , to discover the origin of what has happened .

”

Trimbakji replied in te rms of civility , and declaredthat the Peshwa was greatly grieved by the event thathad happened ; but that th e Shastri was wrong to


venture abroad without a number of attendants , fifty ora hundred . The KArkUns replied “He consideredhimself in the house of his friend , and besides , it wasnot usual to bring many people on such an occasion .

You know,

” added they , who are the Shastri’

s enemies ;the assassins appeared to be Kamatik men . He re

plied What you say is true ; but how could I avertwhat fate had decreed There is the P urool Sitaram

,

and you have placed one of the Gaikwar’s Kannoji inthe Kamatik, though I cannot take the name of anyenemy . You must now look to yourselves , but dependon my friendsh ip . He who protected you all is now nomore

,and I will do so to the utmost of my power.

The Shastri’s Karkfms then left the place , and thefollowing day they obtained , through Trimbakji, thePeshwa ’s private permission for the Baroda people toreturn to Puna . It was at the same time intimated tothem ti

pit they need not attend again at either Trim

bakji’

s quarters or the Peshwa ’s house .

The murderers appeared to be dressed in shortbreeches

,such as are worn in the Kamatik, but spoke

in the Mahratta language when they exclaimed , as

already stated , We have now finished him !”

In this narrative it is impossible not to be struckwith Trimbakji

’

s solicitude , so disproportionate on theoccasion , about the S hastrl s coming to the temple ,and with the proof that he was expected by themurderers , which , in all the circumstances of the case ,was almost impossible to have happened , had they notbeen acquainted with what was passing between himand Trimbakji. By the question asked in the streets ,the murderers appeared to have been posted before heleft his house , or they must have been so soon after , forhis whole absence up to h is death did not exceed threequarters of an hour . The want of inquiry is also very


To his Excellency the Earl ofMoira , K .G . , etc . , etc .

M Y LORD ,

1 . In my last despatch I had the honour toreport to your Excellency that Trimbakji Dengle

“W h om had assembled a body of plunderers about“9533993

1

32 fifty miles from Puna ; that a detachment ofGokhle s had been sent against them by the

Peshwa, and that I expected soon to hear of their dis

persion. His Highness ’s detachment, however, insteadof dispersing the rebels has quietly sat down in th emidst of the tract throughout which they are dispersed ,and the commander has reported that there are norebels in that part of the country . This language isre -echoed by the Peshwa, who says that he canobtainno intelligence of any assemblage of troops within histe rritories ; and that , anxious as he is to act againstthem , he must depend on me for finding them out .

2 . The insurrection thereof has now changed itscharacter , and appears as an attempt of Trimbakji

’

s

to recover his power, by carrying on war against theBritish Government under the protection of his Highness the Peshwa . As these facts can scarcely fail tolead to important consequences , it becomes necessaryto show the grounds from which I derive my convictionof them .

3 . It is proper , in the first place , to show my reasonsfor ascertaining that there are assemblages of troops inthe neighbourhood of Mahadeo , which is denied by hisHighness . I shall at the same time show that theyare headed by Trimbakji. The simple fact of suchassemblages , in a very frequented part of the Peshwa

’scountry , and within fifty miles of his own residence ,will of itself establish that his Highness is acquaintedwith the proceeding, and his long connivance and sub


S MINIS TER . 14 5

sequent denial of the existence of it , together with hisrefusal to act against the troops assembled , will probably be thought a sufficient proof that the design forwhich they have collected is approved by his Highness .

4 . Early in last January I received intelligence thatTrimbakji was at P hultan, in which neighbourhood heappeared to have already passed some time during themonths of January and February . I heard from numeroussources that he was in that part of the country, constantly changing his residence between P hultan on thewest and Pandharpur on the east , extending his rangeas far as the forts of Saltore and M ymungar on th e

south . On the 1 5th January , the news-writer atNarsingpur announces a rumour that some insurgentsare collecting ; he confirms this report on the 1 8th ,and specifies that 25 horsemen and 100 foot had assembled between S irsatwarre and Mahadeo , under aMaratta Sardar , and that another body was at Purandhar , about twenty miles to the east of the last village .

On the 20th the same writer mentions another partyat M ymungar, and adds a rumour that all are to uniteunder Trimbakji Dengle . On the 24th he writesthat the party at S irsatwarre has moved to Natepotaand Burrud , north of Mahadeo , and that those at

Purandhar have encammd between Mahadeo andM ymungar. On the 26th he announces that moretroops are collecting, and on the 29th he gives thefollowing account of the disposition of the whole

Near Nate P otta and Burrud 500

Near M ahadeo 300

Near M ymungar 600

Near Ph altan 400

Total,

Almost the whole of these were foot , and the bulk of

them Maung and Ramoshis (low and lawless castes like10


Bhils) . At this time I doubted whether the troopsassembled were under Trimbakji ; or , if they were , forwhat purpose such a gang could be designed .

5 . From this time till the 1 8th February, thenews-writer continues to report the accession of freshbodies of infantry to the insurgents , and likewise thecommencement of measures for collecting cavalry . Healso represents that one of his Harkaras , who was sentfor intelligence , had been cut off by the insurgents , andthat he himself was in such danger that he had beenobliged to take refuge in a fortified house belonging toS adash ivM ankeshvar. On the 1 8th February he writes ,that bodies of horse , in parties of from ten to twenty,are moving from all points to join the insurgents atMahadeo ; that the whole country is full of Trimbakji

’

s

spies , and that dreadfulexamples are made of all personswho talk of the preparations of the insurgents . On the1 9th he reports the same intelligence , and gives acopy of a paper inviting the services of a particularchief and his troops, and promising a specific rate of

pay . Similar papers , he says , are circulated in greatnumbers . On the 22nd he says , nobody now hesitatesto speak of the insurrection , or to say that Trimbakjiis at th e head of it . He also mentions that the 1 8thof M arch is the day fixed for the breaking out of theconspiracy .

6 . Early in February the news-writers and intelli

gencers at Puna began to communicate intelligencesimilar to that received from Narsingpur , and by themiddle of the month a full confirmation of it wasreceived from two Brahmins , who were sent separatelyto Mahadeo to collect information . The post-ofl‘iceter at Jewoor (forty miles from Mahadeo , and about

the same distance from Narsingpur) also wrote aboutthe 1 7th that Trimbakji was at Burrud assembling


bourhood of P hultanand Mahadeo ; th at he hadhorse and 300 foot about him ; that he had constantcommunication with Puna and excellent intelligence ;that he had a Vakil from the Pindaris with him , andwas in close connection with the Peshwa , who had veryextensive intrigues onfoot against us in difl

'

erent partsof India ; and that Trimbakji was to set up his

standard about the 1 8th March .

9 . On the lst March , the Narsingpur writer sendsaccounts of more horse-enlisting for Trimbakji. Hespecifies as usual the villages where they are quartered ,and in many cases the names of the commanders . On

the 2md, he writes that rupees have been sentfrom Pandharpur in the night to Trimbakj l . Hementions the names of the persons concerned in sending it, and the spot where a party of horse is stationedfor the purpose of furnishing an escort . On the 3rd,one of the Brahmins sent to Mahadeo confirms th eaccounts of Trimbakji

’

s collecting troops , and addsthat a confidential agent of Appa Desai ’s had had aninterview with him he likewise states that the detachment sent by the Peshwa against the rebels had settledquietly at Natepota, and appeared to be on a friendlyfooting with the insurgents ; the people of the countrybelieved th ey were sent out at Trimbakji

’

s request .On the same day the post-office writer at Jewoor mentions different places where troops of Trimbakjl areposted , and states that much activity prevails in recruiting for him , even about Jewoor and that considerablequantities of treasure have been sent to him fromPandharpur .

10. On the 5th I received an overture from aperson formerly of some consequence , but whose Jahagirhas been sequestrated of late , to say that he had beeninvited by Trimbakji to raise a large body of horse for


him , and offering to give me intelligence , and even toconcur in apprehending Trimbakji.

1 1 . About the beginning of this month a villagercame to Colonel Leighton and acquainted him that abody of troops was quartered in his village , on theNira

,and that Trimbakji had many parties in the

villages around . I sent out Harkaras with this man ,whom he carried in the night to this village

,and

sh owed them the horse . He also showed them asmaller party picketed in the wood at some distancefrom the village while they were looking out for thesea party of horse passed them , travelling with secrecyand by night . They heard everywhere of the intended

.

insurrection , and of parties going by night to j oin it ,and understood everywhe re that it was to break out onthe 1 8th March .

1 2 . On the 6th the post-oifice writer at M eriteh

writes that troops are raising at different places in hisneighbourhood , which he specifies are for Trimbakji,and that others are collecting for him to the south of

the Krishna . The post-ofiice writers at Sangli on theKrishna, and Puse Savali , near Satara, also reports theassembly of troops under Dengle , in the hills of

Mahadeo .

1 3 . On the 7th a person came to a broker employedby me to collect intelligence , and wished him to exchange some gold money. By well-managed inquiriesthe broker discovered that the gold had been issued byTrimbakji to a Pathan chiefwho had enlisted with him,

and whose servant the person who offered the moneywas . He gave much the same account of the state ofTrimbakji

’

s preparations with those already noticed .

It is to be observed that numerous accounts representall Trimbakji

’

s money to be in gold , and constantefforts to be made in all the country from Phultan to


the Bhima , to procure silver in exchange for it . I haveout many accounts brought byHarkaras , all tending toprove the existence of the preparations I have described ,and the notice they have attracted throughout th ecountry ; I shall only add that for the last fortnight atleast Trimbakj1

’

s preparations for an insurrection havebeen the common topic of conversation in Puna, andthat every Karkfm (clerk) who comes to the Residency ,if spoken to onthe subject, treats it as one of publicnotoriety .

1 4 . It is under these circumstances that his Highness the Peshwa asserts that his local officers have

allowed preparations , such as I have described , to goon for two months without noticing them ; that hisministers have shut their ears to the common talk of

the country and of the capital ; that even when hisHighness ’ s attention was drawn to the subject , h ismessengers could learn nothing of these notorious factsand finally , that a detachment of his troops , under anofficer se lected fer the occasion , could sit down in thecentre of Trimbakji

’

s army, and know nothing of itsexistence . After all this, it is scarcely necessary tobring any further proof of his Highness ’ s knowledge ofthe insurrection, the existence of which he so stronglydenies ; but h is confidential adviser and intelligencer ,Prabhakar Pandit , mentioned it to me long ago , andcould scarcely have concealed it from the Peshwa hadit really been unknown to his Highness till then andhis M inister , Sadash iva M ankeshvar, who is not in theseci'st of the Peshwa ’s intentions , casually mentionedto KirshanRaw early inFebruary that he had heard theinsurgents in the Mahadeo Hills intended to attack hisfortified house at Temburni ; that he had thereforeincreased the garrison , and had applied to his Highnessthe Peshwa, who promised him assistance, and who


him. His Highness ’s employment in maturing his

plan also accounts for several deviations from his fixedhabits

,wh ich before excited a good deal of surprise .

The first is his journey to Junar, when Trimbakjiwas supposed to be in that part of the country, soonafter Colonel Kingscote

’

s attempt to seize him at Nadgaum his excuse was, a vow of an annual pilgrimagemade whenhe was in prison , which he had forgottenfor the last twenty years to perform ; another is, hislong residence at P hulsh eh er, out of the way of observation , and the plans he took to explain his motives tome , frequently complaining that he was detained againsthis will by his arm , though the distance is only sixteen miles , and his arm was but little bruised . Thelast

’

is his giving up his annual journeys to Goagur andKopargaum for the first time , I believe , ever since hisrestoration , although the excuse of h is arm has for sometime beenremoved .

1 6 , It remains to examine the extent and design of

the conspiracy . Long before Trimbakj 1 s release , itwas the common opinion in the Mahratta country thatthe Peshwa would endeavour to revenge the disgracewhich be conceived himself to have suffered , by raisingup wars and insurrections against the British in whichhe should not appear himself. It was stated on betterauthority, and in a less vague form , that his Highnesswould try all means for Trimbakji

’

s release andrestoration ; that if he did not succeed by entreatiesand temptation , he would try intimidation and if thatfailed he would secretly foment insurrections , in thehope of wearying us into a compliance with his wishes .All the plans presented , as precursors to the insurrections , have already been tried , and it is remarkablethat the language held by his Highness ’s avowed agentsshould closely resemble that made use of by Trim

MURDER OF‘

THE GAIKWAR’

S MINISTER. 1 53

bakjl s emissaries— the same entreaties and promisesat first , followed by the same absurd attempts at

intimidation , and the same anxiety to obtain a cate

gorical answer immediately before the time when theinsurrection beganto be talked of.

1 7 It will be in your Excellency ’s recollection thaton the 3rd of last November the Peshwa sent me asecret message , saying that as he was going to quitPuna for a time , he was desirous to leave his countrysecure ; that Trimbakji would probably create disturbance s if not conciliated , and he therefore wished toofl

'

er him terms on the part of the British Government,

and offered to answer for his faithful observance of

them . Considering this message as a threat , or atleast an attempt to discover the efl

'

ect which would beproduced on the British Government by Trimbakji

’

s

raising an insurrection , I returned such an answer,

and sent such messages, public and private , as I conceived most likely to impress on his Highness the impossibility of any insurrection on Trimbakji

’

s part forwhich his Highness would not have to answer , and thetotal ruin it would bring on his State if such a proofwere to appear of h is hostility to the British Govemment , and infidelity to the alliance . As his Highnessentered on the present conspiracy in the face of thisremonstrance , and it should seem immediately

‘ on re

ce iving it , it must be inferred that he will not easily bedeterred from the prosecution of a plan so deliberatelyformed . The same conclusion may be drawn from theapparent extent of his intrigues . It appears from theintelligence alreadynoticed , that troops are assembling forTrimbakji in the centre and southern parts of his Highness ’s dominions . Mr . Jenkins ’ information in Novemberand December last showed that similar levies were madeat that time in Berar, under the immediate direction of


his Highness ’s officers at M alghaut, and there are reports strongly corroborated by circumstances that troopsare also rising in Khandesh . It is now many monthssince I heard that his Highness had made some communications to Yashavant Raw Jivaji, who was oncea great freebooter in the Mahratta country. I paid noattention to the report at the time , believing thatYashavant Raw had been long dead ; but not very longafter I was surprised to hear that Yashavant Raw was atthe head of a body of freebooters in Khandesh . Contraryto the practice of such gangs , this body has remainedquiet ever since , and has not been heard of till thistime , but it is now reported in Puna that his Highnesshas a body of men in Khandesh ready to join Trimbakjl, and the last khabar from Khandesh revives themention of Yashavant Raw Jivaji, and says he is getting ready to move all which circumstances agree so

well as to make it very probable that the whole proce edings ofYashavantRaw Jivaji have been directed byhis Highness . His Highness ’s repair of his forts havenever entirely been discontinued , and they are nowcarried on with unusual activity. His Highness ’s overtures to the Gaikwar , and his intrigues at the Courtsof S cindia and Bolkar, have been often brought to yourExcellency ’s notice . The orders lately issued to theVakils afl

'

ord no proof at all that these intrigues arediscontinued , but are quite as likely to have been agreedto on purpose to blind the British Government at amoment when his Highness was contemplating a secretoperation against it . It is to this motive I attributethe usual profusion of attentions and compliances whichhi s Highness has displayed since the time when henow appears to have entered vigorously into his plotswith Trimbakji ; his orders to the Vakils are easilyrendered negatory by h is intrigues through unavowed


current coin have always been re ieased by his Highness ’s own orders . It is to be observed that the greaterpart of the treasure intercepted by our detachment consists of the prohibited coin (Halli sicca) .

1 8 . I now proceed to report the communications Ihave had to his Highness , and the answers I havereceived since the date of my last despatch . Up to the24th February I treated the insurrection as equallyofl

'

ensive to the Peshwa and to the British Government ,and expressed my confidence in his exertions to put itdown ; at the same time pointing out the bad conse

quences of any remissness on his part . On the 24th ,

the Pe shwa ’s Ministers sent me a letter from the commandant ofGokhle ’s detachment , that had gone againstthe insurgents , dated from Phultan, denying that therewas any insurrection , and enclosing a letter from therevenue officer at Natepota to the same effect . TheMinisters triumphantly referred me to those papers

.

for

a complete refutation of all that I had said about Trimbakji and his proceedings ; they also pointed out inpolite language the propriety of deliberation and inquiryprevious to bringing forward charges of so much importance . I replied by stating the disagreeable impression made on me by their denying all knowledgeof a rebellion that everybody else knew of, and sayingthat I had done my part , and that the responsibllty nowrested with them . This only producing fresh denials ,I sent a message on the 2nd March

,requesting an ex

planation of his Highness ’s conduct and intentions , andsaying that I should consider his mere denial of a factso generally known , as a proof that he was determinedto avoid all open and friendly discussions with theBritish Government . His Highness merely replyingby general professions , it was apparent that if theinsurrection continued

,it would require to be put down

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR ’S MINISTER . 1 57

by British troops , and that the presence of Gokhle’

s

party would only lead to mistakes favourable to therebels . I therefore took measures to form a detachment

,

and sent to beg that his Highness would recall histroops , as their remaining inactive so near the insurgents only led the people of the country to supposethat there was a concert between Trimbakji

’

s and hisHighness ’s Government . I also desired to be informedwhether any troops which his Highness said were notrebels were his , or whether he had any troops in thetract round Mahadeo ; I also begged to know whatprecautions had been taken to check the intrigues ofTrimbakji

’

s family and adherents , and what wasbecome of Bhaskar Pandit His Highness now saidthat there must be an insurrection , as I had such apositive account of it ; but asked what he could doHe did not know where Trimbakjl was , and he couldnot obtain intelligence about his followers ; and thathowever anxious he was to show his sincere friendshipfor th e British Government , it was totally out of hispower to do anything which might convince it of hiscordiality.

I

I replied on the 4th , that his Highnessmight give them over as hostages to the British Govemment that he might also give such orders to his troopsand officers as would soon change th e face of affairs .Signs of his cordiality would then appear of themselves ,intelligence would pour in , both on him and us ; hewould ofl

'

er his troops to act with our officers , and thosewho acted by themselves would attack and disperse therebels wherever they were assembled . On the otherhand

, if appearances continued as formerly, I beggedhis Highness to consider the suspicions they would leadto . His Highness continuing his present professions ,offering more troops , and ordering out Major Ford

’ sbrigade, but without taking any of the steps that were


in his power , or even ceasing to deny the existence ofan insurrection , I addressed , on the 7th , a long andserious message to him , pointing out the impossibilityof his continuing his present course without being involved with the British Government ; the impossibility ,in that event , of his ever being trusted more , and thefatal character which the dispute would therefore assume .

I endeavoured to show the uselessness of assistingTrimbakji, who surely was not expected to conquer us ,and with whom he could never make terms ; the impossibility of any arrangements that should even securethe life of that fugitive , until he was lodged in a Britishprison the difficulty his Highness would have insatisfying your Lordship of his good intentions

,even if

this insurrection were to die away , and the wisdom of

adopting such a course as should show that his Highness was sincere in his professions , the result of whichI said could not fail to be the speedy capture of Trimbakji . To this his Highness sent the usual answer ,that his troops were at my disposal

, that they shouldmove wherever I should point out the rebels , and thathe would seize any person whom I should declare to beadherents of Trimbakji. I replied , on the 9th , that myobject was less to crush the insurgents , which could notbe done by a very small body of British troops , than toobtain proofs of his Highness ’s good disposition whichmight be counted on in future times and in all circumstances ; that if h is Highness were disposed he wouldfind no difficulty in discovering the rebels , and in asoertaining who were Trimbakji

’

s adherents . If, then , hewere cordial and since re , he would act onmy formersuggestions ; if not , he would come back and desire meto point out individuals . His Highness now promisedto seize Trimbakji

’

s adherents , requesting me to pointout any that he might omit. He also ordered Major


some reason for not sending any man of rank and consequence to discuss the subjects now in hand on hisHighness ’s part ; I understood him to mean Gokhle ,who perhaps has impressed his Highness with highnotions of the manner in which he would support hisHighness ’s dignity if he were to conduct a conferenceon his part . My answer to his Highness ’s professionswas in the same spirit as those which I sent throughMajor Ford , that his Highness

’s denial of the insurrection obliged me to give way to very unfavourable surmises that his Highness ’s conduct on this occasion , atthe time when your Excellency was impressed with aparticular conviction of his Highness ’s friendship andgood intentions, was calculate d to shake your confidencein h im for ever ; that it could not be expected thataggressions could be passed over as if they did notexist merely because they were not avowed ; that hisHighness was therefore in a situation of danger, andthat the only wise course for him to pursue was todeliver up Trimbakji, which I said would be the bestcourse even for Trimbakji himself. I took pains toefl

'

ace the bad impression made by my messages , ohserving that it is my duty to be explicit with h is

Highness , and that even if I were his own minister Ishould still think I served him better by laying openthetrue state of his affairs to him , however it might offendhim

,than by encouraging him in pernicious courses by

dissembling or assentation ; that with respect to theterms in which my sentiments were conveyed

,his High

ness would recollect that neither I nor Major Fordcould be expected to avoid improprieties in an Indianlanguage ; but that he might be assured I had everywish to render my communications as acceptable as wasconsistent with the principle I had just avowed . I thenbegged Prabhakar Pandit to remind his Highness of

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR’S MINISTER. 1 6 1

the timely caution I had given him on Trimbakjl’

s

escape , of the pains I took to warn h im in Novemberlast of the dangers -of harbouring Trimbakji, and of

the very cordial and friendly terms inwhich I at firstaddressed him on this very occasion , until h is Highnessby shutting his eyes to the proceedings of the insurgents , compelled me to call his attention by loudercomplaints . I said that I had now so many interviewswith his Highness that he was unable to judge whetheranything I should offer, if he admitted me to an audience ,were likely to give him offence and that with respect tosending Gokhle , h isHighness would act entirely according to his own pleasure .

20. During the above discussions I received twodifferent messages from Gokhle , couched in his usualstrain of respect and attachment for the British Govemment , but complaining of my having applied for therecall of his troops , reminding me of his former services ,protesting that there was no insurrection, and assuringme that if the insurgents could only be found out, Ishould soon have cause to applaud his exertions . Ireplied that I had imputed no blame to Gokhle , who nodoubt acted up to the orders he had received that itwas my knowledge of his vigour on former occasionsthat led me to inquire into the causes of his present inaction that with respect to the existence of the insurrection , it was with the Government I had to deal , andthat unless Gokhle insisted on coming forward forhimself, I had no dispute with him on that head . As far

as I can learn , Gokhle has been his Highness’s great

adviser through the whole of the present business ,assisted perhaps by Waman Raw Apte

,and some

others of h is Highness ’s dependents . The plan I conceive to originate with his Highness and Trimbakji .

It suits Gokhle ’s views to fall into any Opinions that his1 1


Highness may entertain and as there is no way to winhis Highness ’s favour like standing between him anddanger , I should not be surprised if Gokhle should nothave talked of his own military powers, and offered totake all consequences on himself. Considering the craftand treachery of his confederate , it is not unlikely thatthis may cost Gokhle dearer than he intends ; but I cannot suppose that h e had any deliberate intention of

incurring the resentment of the British Government , orof embarking in a cause the success of which dependson the constancy of his Highness the Peshwa.

21 . Moro Dixit and his party appear really to

be , as they profess , mere instruments of the Peshwa’s ,

without any great share in his confidence , or any influence over his conduct . It is even impossible thatthey may not be admitted into the secret of h is Highness ’s interior policy ; all his intelligence and some ofh is Vakils of foreign courts are under the managementofWamanRaw Apte ; Moro Dixit has no share whatever in those departments . A Karkim of Gokhle

’

s ,

named Govind Keshav Joshi , is stated from severalquarters to have been lately despatched to S cindia’scamp ; I shall apprize Captain Close of his mission toenable him to find out the object of it .

22 . I have omitted to mention in a former part ofthis letter that the Peshwa has occasional private meetings with the Vakils of Appa Desai , which givessome colour to the alleged connection between thatchief and Trimbakj1 . His late severity to AppaDesai is no argument against the fact , for it is quitein the spirit of his Highness ’s policy to turn against usthe enmity which has been provoked by our exertionsin support of his ownauthority .

23 . I shall now wait a few days to see what coursethe Peshwa determines on , and if he does not take


course . I therefore conclude they are common insurgents, and recommend to his Highness to dispersethem immediately . The report that they are headedby Trimbakji will render great promptitude requisite ;and I therefore hope his Highness will show as muchas in the affair of the last insurgents to the southward .

If Trimbakji is really among these rebels , it is evidentthat

,notwithstanding all his Highness ’s exertions in

his favour,he is determined to disturb his country,

and,as far as depends on him , to embroil him with us .

The only natural conduct for his Highness, in suchcircumstances

,and what everyone will expect of him,

will be to act vigorously against h im, to seize hisfamily and adherents , and to set a price on his head .

This is what will be expected of his Highness .

February 24 th.

Inquire the news of the insurgents near Mahadeo .

Repeat the inquiry regarding the Killedar and M ymanghar . Inquire what the Ministers have heard of

the affair within the last two months , especially thelast fortnight , since it has become the talk of thebazar, and since bodies of horse have been openlyflocking to join the insurgents . Inquire who is theMamlatdar of Natepota, and what he and the Killedarof M ymanghar have said to such an assemblage of

troops within their districts . Say that I have heardstrong and repeated accounts of Trimbakji

’

s being atthe head of the rebels . I am unwilling to believe it ,because it cannot be without his Highness ’s knowledge ; and I cannot believe his Highness is countenancing anyone in taking up arms against his allies .I must , however, in candour mention the bad appearance of the thing

,that his Highness may take measures

to counteract it . It is but friendly to tell him before


hand , that if Trimbakji excites a rebellion , his Highnessmust be held responsible for it ; that he had the meansof preventing it, and ought to have exerted them andthat it is , therefore , of the last importance to h is ownprosperity to quash the rebellion even now , if Trimbakji really is there . From the friendly terms we arenow on , h is Highness will believe that this is meant asreal friendly advice ; it would be far from friendship toconceal such important truths .

February 25th .

I am very sorry to learn that the Peshwa’

s Ministershave not heard of an insurrection that everyone elsehas heard of. The circumstances cannot but give riseto disagreeable impressions in my mind . Having apprised them of the existence and character of the insurrection , I have done my part ; they must now beanswerable for the rest . If hereafter there is aninsurrection , what am I to think of their present denialof the fact ? Gokhle

’

s paper goes for nothing. I neversaid there were insurgents at P hultan. The Natepota man is of no weight ; had he been free of theinsurgents , he would have reported their proceedingslong ago .

M arch 21111.

I have no doubt remaining inmy mind that Trimbakji Dengle is , or was lately , in the neighbourhood,of Mahadeo , and that he is raising troops . Thisindeed , is universally known inPuna and the country ;yet his Highness the Peshwa denies the existence of

the fact . It is impossible to draw any conclusion fromth is but such as is most favourable to his Highness ;I am , therefore , bound to call on his Highness toexp lain his conduct and intentions . Are the troops

1 66 NARRATIVE RESP ECTING THE

assembling inthe neighbourhood of Mahadeo raised byh is Highness

’ s authority, or are they rebels If theyare rebels , why are they suffered to assemble numolested , and why are not their agents , who raise menin all parts of the country , including Puna, apprehendedIf they are not rebels , I hope his Highness will explainhis motives for authorizing or permitting this as

semblage ? It would be an insult to his Highness ’ sunderstanding to suppose that he will endeavour toevade an answer by denying a fact so universallyknown as th e existence of an insurrection withintwenty-five kosses of his capital , unless he is determined to avoid all open and friendly discussion withthe British Government .

Request explicit answers to the important questions Iput yesterday.

What are his Highness ’s intentionsAre the troops in the neighbourhood of Mahadeo his

Highness ’s or rather, as he denies that there are anytroops there , has his Highness no troops in that neighbourhood except the detachment of Gokhle ’s lately sentout there If he says he has not , then whose arethose assembled If he admit there are rebels there ,why are they not extirpatedHis Highness has made himself answerable for the

conduct of Trimbakjl’

s family and adherents whatmeans has he taken to prevent their assisting him ininsurrectionWh ere is Bhaskar Pandit, who formerly commanded

the troops with Colonel SmithI beg his Highness to recall the detachment of

Gokhle’

s that was lately sent out ; it is of no use, as it

does not act against the rebels . It rather does harm,


notorious , his Highness will send me the earliest intelligence of the motions of the insurgents . Instead of hisHighness ’s troops halting in the neighbourhood of therebels , and declaring that they cannot find any rebels ,we shall hear of their dashing at the insurgentskilling some , taking others , and dispersing the rest .If his Highness ’s troops fail to do this , he will place

large bodies of them under British officers , and thuscommand our confidence .When these sort ofsigns appear, we may conclude that

his Highness is disposed to put down the insurrection ,and to support his character as a good ally, and a princewho regards his word . If the other course should continus , I need not say what we must infer .

7 th M arch, 1 8 1 7 .

The notoriety of the insurrection is now a great dealtoo well established to admit of the knowledge of itbeing dissembled ; I can therefore only interpret hisHighness ’s assertion , that he has not heard of it .Having really a sincere desire that h is Highness ’sGovernment should prosper, I cannot but lament thisline of conduct . I do entreat his Highness to considerwhere it will end . To screen Trimbakji and his gang ,is to attack us and can his Highness suppose that hewill pass over an attack without resenting it ? HisHighness must therefore either embark on the side of theinsurgents or on ours and independent of his friendshipand his good faith , his interest strongly recommends hissiding with the British Government . What is it to begained on the other side Is Trimbakji to conquerthe British— what S cindia, Holkar, Tippu , the Frenchand all the world united , could never do or are weexpected to submit without being conquered , and to consent to Trimbakji

’

s restoration when he appears as an

MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR’

S MINISTER. 1 69

enemy, after refusing it to him when a prisoner Whendid the British Government ever

‘

make such a sub

mission Allwars might be avoided by giving up thepoint in dispute , but we unifom ly prefer a war to animproper concession , and to this we owe our prosperity .

If Trimbakji does not conquer us , and we do not submit, what is to se cure his Highness The confidence between him and us was interrupted for sometime , and has at length been fully restored . Perhapsat no time were the Governments more cordial than before the breaking out of this insurrection . If in suchcircumstances his Highness connives at a blow aimed atour welfare , how can we possibly trust him again Thisdispute therefore , if it is again renewed , must be fatalto the independence of one of the parties . Why thenprovoke it I do assure his Highness that I do not,afte r reviewing the whole politics of India, see thesmallest prospect of any injury to the British Govemment ; yet I do most earnestly deprecate a disturbance ,the efl

'

ects of which would be so fatal . His Highnessmay perhaps suppose that he will keep clear of theaffair by merely denying it, or by affecting to act againstthe rebels without really doing so ; but it is easy forany person to tell when another is in earnest , from his

actions , and it is to them that the British Governmentwill attend . His Highness may say that Trimbakjiis out of his control ; but if that were the case , weshould se e his Highness acting vigorously againsteverything that was within his reach . Trimbakji

’

s

adherents would immediately be sent to the Hill Forts ;a guard would be placed over his family and those of

all who had joined him, such as Bhaskar Pant ; hisHighness ’s M amlatdars would strip and dismount everyhorseman who was going to join him ; his Highness

’

sowntroops would cut off some of the rebels, and his

1 79 NARRATIVE RE S P ECTING THE

Highness , who possesses the whole intelligence of thecountry, would give information that would enable our

troops to cut up others ; his Highness’

s oflicers wouldalso concur in pursuing Trimbakji, who would soon betaken prisoner if the Government of the country wereagainst him . How 1s the matter at present ? Trimbakji

’

s adherents live at large at Puna, and every soldierin the country, in consequence , thinks he is pleasingthe Peshwa by going to join the rebels ; all intelligencethat reaches the Government is suppressed and hisHighness himself says he knows of no rebellion . Theresult will be that Trimbakji will break out , and hisfate will be sealed . I have always refused to listen toany proposal about him that did not tend to replace himin a British prison . My language may be rendered stillmore discouraging by disturbances , but never can besoftened ; if, therefore , his Highness has any regard toTrimbakjl

’

8 safety, he will manage to have him placedonce more in our hands, as the only hope he has . Donot let his Highness suppose that I shall receive thestopping of the rebellion at present as a proof of his

Highness ’s good intention ; if it be stopped without hisHighness ’s giving proofs of his determination to crushit, the British Government must conceive that it is onlysuspended till another opportunity, and must act accordingly . There is therefore only one way for his Highness to get well out of the present affair , and that is byacting sincerely against the rebels . If this be hisHighness

’

s wish , it will require no argument to convince meof it I shall perceive at once the altered spirit of hisGovernment , and shall have the greatest pleasure in reporting it to your Excellency the Governor-General , as Ihave now great pain in relating his present proceedings .The only way to remove all troubles , jealousies, and

heart-burnings is to make over Trimbakji.


to time transmitted to us by the Government of

Bombay) , and particularly that which described thePeshwa ’s manner of receiving the communications ofyour Lordship ’s intentions concerning the Pindarics ,gave us reason to hope that notwithstanding the sus

picious earnestness manifested by the Peshwa in soliciting the pardon of Trimbakji, and the intrigues inwhich his Highness appeared to have been engaged atthe other Mahratta Courts , for purposes inconsistentwith his alliance with the British Government , hisHighness was duly sensible of the advantages which bederived from that connection , and consequently desirousto preserve it . The language held by Mr. Elphinstone ,in obedience to the Governor-General ’s instructions ofthe 1 7th January, 1 8 1 7 , was judiciously calculated toassure the Peshwa of your Lordship ’s disposition to actcordially with his Highness , notwithstanding the justgrounds of complaint which had been furnished by hisrecent conduct .

4 . But your secret letter of the 1 2th April last,reporting the flagrant acts of insurrection committed byTrimbakji within the territories .of the Puna State ,and the repeated refusal of the Peshwa to interfereeffectually for the suppression of them , satisfied us thatto ensure the adherence of the Court of Puna to theprinciples of the alliance , and to dispel the dangersincident to the increasing strength and boldness of theinsurgents , it might be necessary to evince to thePeshwa a decided resolution to resort even to theextremity of war , if other measures should be found insufficient for the maintenance of that security whichunder his evasive promises

,and in effect hostile con

duct , was daily menaced and endangered .

5 . We have learnt,through the Government of

Bombay, the series of discussions at Puna which led to


the treaty concluded with the Peshwa on the 1 3th June ,1 8 1 7 and we have recently received , through the samechannel , a copy of the treaty .

”

6 . It would have been most satisfactory to us if thePeshwa had , by a frank and friendly conduct beforeany demonstration of force was employed towards him ,

rendered it possible to bury all that had passed inoblivion , and to leave things onthe footing on whichthey had stood previously to those discussions .

7 . We feel all the objections which lie againstmeasures tending to reduce or humiliate those NativeStates , which from the extent of their dominions andfrom their military habits were formerly ranked as substantive and protecting powers . It is not now necessaryto review the circumstances under which the Puna Statewas first brought down from this character . We sincerelyand anxiously wish that the Peshwa had not furnishedoccasion for a further change in his political situation .

8 . But after all that has passed on former occasions ,when our interference has been solicited by the Peshwah imself for the purpose of recalling his own feudatoriesto their allegiance , and after his passiveness on theoccasion of the recent insurrection , whether proceedingfrom inability or from unwillingness to act effectuallyagainst it , we cannot but acknowledge , however re

luctantly , the existence of a necessity for giving newefficiency and solidity to our connection with the PunaS tate , by assuming a more direct control both over thePeshwa ’ s military force and over his political conduct .

1 4 . The course of these transactions suflicientlyproves the almost irrepressible tendency of our Indianpower to enlarge its bounds and to augment its preponderance , in spite of the most peremptory injunctionsof forbearance from home , and of the most scrupulous

S ee the Collectionof Treaties.

1 74 NAERATIVE RES P ECTING THE

obedience to them in the Government abroad . Butalthough it may not be in our power permanently toassure the peace of India by any moderation of our own ,so long as , whether from motives of natural feeling orfrom habits of restless and perfidious policy , the Statesof India are continually finding or seeking opportunitiesof intriguing or combining against us , the difliculty of

maintaining a system of peace and moderation does notabsolve us from the obligation of pursuing it with themost sincerity and perseverance . A pacific and unambitious policy is that which the interests of theCompany, as well as its duty, and the general sentimentsof the nation as well as the positive enactments of

Parliament , prescribe to the Government of India .1 5 . While we are expressing our approbation , there

fore , of those measures , political and military, to whichyou have been compelled to have recourse by the circumstances of the case referred to in this despatch , weth ink it particularly important to declare that we consider any such case as forming an unwelcome thoughjustifiable exception of the general rule of our policy.

The occurrence of such exceptions has been unfortunately much too frequent but however numerous theinstances in which we may be driven from an adherenceto our rule , nothing in our opinion could warrant a

systematic departure from it . ’

SECRET LETTER FROM BENGAL , DATED 9th JUNE , 1 8 1 7 .

The despatch of the ship Boyne affords a favourableopportunity , of which we are desirous of availing our

selves , for submitting to your Honourable

ntitgfl Committee a continuation of the summary of

p roceedings and transactions of Puna, whichwas communicated to you in our address Of the 1 2thApril , forwarded by his Majesty

’

s ship Lyra.


sense of his duty and interests . The Peshwa continuedto deny the existence of the insurrection , and to call onMr . Elphinstone , if he believed it did exist , to take hisownmeasures for putting it down , while he proceededwith the greatest vigour to raise troops , and to placehis forts in a state of preparation . At last he went sofar as to send his treasure , and even his wardrobe , todifferent places of security— in a word , to manifest adetermination of resisting the earnestly repeated adviceand remonstrances of the Resident , so as to rest thedecision of the question on the issue of the word . Itwas Mr . Elphinstone

’

s object , until he should receiveour instructions , to keep the question open for anydecision we might make

,omitting , in the meanwhile ,

no effort to induce the Peshwa to adopt a better courseof proceeding , and to await the result of Mr . Elphinstone

’

s communications to the Governor-General inCouncil . Your honourable Committee will accordinglyfind that all his communications to the Darbar , writtenor verbal , tended to this purpose , and that he met theevasions , equivocations , and delusive promises of thePeshwa by a steady and unalterable adherence to theprinciple of action . As the preparations of the Peshwaand of the avowed partizans of Trimbakji advanced ,Mr. Elphinstone continued to urge on the Peshwa’sattention the danger of his measures , and the certaintythat a perseverance in them must involve them in ruin .

He new thought it expedient to authorize ColonelSmith to adopt active measures against the insurgents ,with a view to break their strength and disperse thembefore they should have time to make head and becomeformidable , in the event of a rupture with the Govemment itself ; the public professions of the Peshwa stillaffording the colour that our troops were employed tosuppress risings against his Highness ’s authority .


S MINISTER . 1 77

Among the Peshwa ’s proposals , that of sending troopsto co-operate with our detachments was constantlybrought forward , but declined by Mr . Elphinstone ,on the ground that their services in that manner wouldnot merely be useless , but would embarrass the operations of our troops and he invariably declared that itwas not the aid of his Highness ’s troops , but a distinctexpression of his sentiments against the proceedings ofTrimbakji that was required of his Highness . Weshall advert generally to the operations of the troops inthe sequel of this despatch . We now beg to draw theattention of your honourable Committee to the demandswhich Mr . Elphinstone deemed indispensable to bemade on the Peshwa , and the measures he judged itnecessary to adopt in consequence of his Highness ’s continned evasions ofhis promises . Finding that every assurance given by hisHighness was either secretly evaded oropenly violated , and that the Peshwa evidently eitherhoped Mr . Elphinstone would recede in his demands ,or that his Highness actually entertained the design of

proceeding to a rupture , Mr . Elphinstone determinedto bring the matter to an issue he therefore , on thelst ofApril

,sent a written message to his Highness , in

which,after recapitulating what had passed, and uotie

ing the breach of his Highness’s promises to discontinue

his preparations , disband his new levies , and replacehis forts in the situation in which they were before thelate measures were taken regarding them , Mr . Elphinstone signified his intention of placing the British troopsat Puna in a state of preparation . He further communicated the obligation under which he should holdhimself, of taking still more active measures if h isHighness continued his array ; adding , that if his Highness suspended his preparations

,Mr. Elphinstone would

forbe ar from any ulterior steps until he received the12

1 78 MURDER OF THE GAIKWAR’S MINISTER.

orders of his own Government declaring , at the sametime , that he should consider his Highness

’s quittingPuna to be a clear indication of a design to go to war .Mr . Elphinstone , after transmitting this message , gavethe necessary instructions to the officer commanding thetroops of Puna, according to the intimation conveyed toh is Highness . This procedure seemed at first to havemade a suitable impression on the Peshwa, who deliberated with his Ministers , and communicated throughthem with Mr . Elphinstone on the mode of complyingwith

RE P ORT

FROM LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR OF THE BOMBAY

ESTABLISHM ENT,

D E S P A T CHE S

FROM THE HONOURABLE M . ELPHINSTONE TO THE

GOVERNOR GENERAL

To the Deputy Adjutant-general of the Fourth Divisionof the Army of the Deccan .

My letter ofyesterday ’s date will have informedyou of my having removed the whole of the stores

,

treasure , and provisions from our late cantonments to the village of Kirkee , and of their Bu“ M m

being lodged in security therein ; and of the brigadebeing in a state of preparation to move as circumstancesmay require .I have now the honour to report , for the information

of the general oflicer commanding this force , that soonafter I had despatched it I received an intimation fromthe Resident of the probability of an immediate rupturewith the Peshwa, followed by a requisition to move outand attack the Mahratta force , which was then visibleand advancing to the attack of our camp .

I in consequence formed the brigade, and leavingthe headquarters of the second battalion of the 6thRegiment , who were previously weakened by several

1 8 2 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR ’S REPORT.

strong detachments, in charge of the post of Kirkee ,together with the drill , sick, unfits, and two iron twelvepounders , under the command ofMajor Roome , advancedto meet the enemy, a party of whose horse hovered nearthe column and preceded our march .

Having chosen a situation inadvance of our position ,at the distance of about one mile , we formed line , waiting the junction of the Dapori“ battalion , under thecommand of Major Ford , with three field-pieces . At

this period I was joined by the Resident , who mostgallantly exerted himself throughout the day, in settinga distinguished example of zeal and animation to thetroops , encouraging the men wherever it became necessary , and , by his suggestions and information , aiding byjudgment in the execution of the measures it becamenecessary to adopt .

On the approach ofMajor Ford ’s division , and beingreinforced by the Resident ’s escort and troops which hadbeen stationed at the Sangam,

‘r under the command of

Major Cle iland, who had handsomely offered his servicesto me . I order the line to advance , which we continned doing for half a mile .

The Mahratta army , which was drawn up with itsleft resting on the height of the front of Ganesh-Khind ,where a large body of the Vinchur Rajah ’s horse wereposted , extended its right to the Mutah river , in whichdirection the principal masses of their cavalry wereformed, the total amount of which is supposed to havebeen the intermediate undulating plain beingoccupied by a long line of infantry and guns , supported by successive lines of horse , as far as the eyecould see , who , seeing us advance , moved forward from

Part of a brigade raised by the P eshwa, but officered anddisci lined by Europeans.

t e Residency .

1 84 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR’S REPORT.

Soon after th e enemy withdrew the greater part ofhis force to a distance , retiring and drawing off his

guns towards the city ; and as we advanced , the greaterpart of his infantry also , computed at (part of

whom had been posted in advance of his guns andcentre inthe bed of a and in walled gardens ,extending along the front of our position) , now sent outtheir skirmishers

,which , with others on the right of

the line , and rockets from both front and rear, continuedto occasion us a few casualties . The . light infantryof the line , however , under the command of CaptainPreston , easily drove them off and occupied theirground ; and it being nearly dark , I submitted to the

Resident , as the enemy were evidently in full retreat ,the expediency of withdrawing the troops to camp as

soon as it was dark , having fortunately succeeded inour principal object , meeting and driving the enemyfrom the position they had originally taken up . Thiswas accordingly done , and the whole returned to campsoon after eight o ’clock .

I am happy to say, the casualties during the actionhave been less than could have been expected . Thegreater part have fallen on the first battalion of the7th Regiment ; only one European oflicer, however ,Lieutenant Falconer , of the second battalion of the1 st Regiment , is amongst the wounded . Accompanying, I have the honour to forward a return of thenumber .I have not yet heard a correct statement of the loss

the enemy suffered ; I should imagine that it couldnot be less than 300 or 400 killed and wounded .

Native reports make it treble that number. Amongstthe latter are said to be the Minister and some officersof distinction .

A rivulet.

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR’S REPORT. 1 85

A more pleasing duty now arrests my attention , therendering that tribute of grateful acknowledgment dueto the exertions of the gallant force I had the honourto command , and of those individuals to whose officialrank and situation I feel so much indebted , for theircheerful support and devotion to promote the success ofthe action .

The Bombay and Dapori Artillery , under the command of Captain Thew and Lieutenant Lawrie , renderedthe most important services and the Spirited mannerin which the guns were served greatly contributed tothe rapid success of the day .

The detachment of his Majesty ’s 6 5th Regiment andBombay European Regiment , commanded by MajorWilson and Lieutenant Coleman , honourably maintainedby their cool and steady conduct the long-establishedreputation of these valuable Corps and the zealousofi cer who commanded while Captains Mitford Donnelly and Whitehill

,at the head of their respective

battalions, were anxious to afford to their deservingcorps an honourable examwe , which was nobly emulatedby the Resident ’s escort , commanded by Major Cle iland.

To my Brigade Major Captain Halifax, to my

Quartermaster of Brigade Lieutenant Inverarity , andLieutenant Ellis (the Bazaar Master) , and the otherS tafl

'

officers attached to the brigade , I felt extremelyobliged for their exertions during the whole of theaction . Lieutenant Grant , of the Grenadier Battalionattached to the Residency, most handsomely volunteeredhis se rvices to communicate my orders , and particularlydistinguished himself throughout the action . CaptainGordon and Lieutenant Dunsterville were also cheerfulassistants onthe occasion ; the latter does not belong tothis division of the force .

To Major Ford , and the oflicers and men of his fine

1 86 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BURR ’S REPORT.

brigade , I feel the greatest obligations for the cheerfulness and anxiety they evinced to contribute to thegeneral success of the day while it afforded me muchpleasure to witness the anxious and humane attentionof Dr . Meek and the medical gentlemen to the importantduties devolving on them at this interesting moment .

On my return to camp , finding Lieutenant-ColonelOsborne had arrived , I delivered over charge of thebrigade under my command to him , having solicited hispermission to express my acknowledgments , in orders ,to the gallant force which I had had the distinguishedhonour of commanding onan occasion of such particularinterest .

I have , etc . ,

(Signed) C . B . BURR ,

Lieutenant-Colonel .Camp at Kirkee

,

6fk Nm'

ember,

Return of the killed and wounded of the PunaBrigade , under the command of LieutenantColonel C . B . Burr , in the action near Puna ,5th November , 1 8 1 7

Art illery : Two Lascars wounded .

Honourable Company’

s Bombay European Regiment : One private killed one private wounded .

Second Battalion 1 st European Regiment : Oneprivate killed ; one lieutenant , one Havildar, one Naik ,one Bhisti , five privates , wounded .

Second Battalion 6th Native Regiment : Fourprivate s killed ; tenprivates wounded .

First Battalion 7th Regiment : One Havildar, oneNaik , one drummer, nine privates , killed ; one Havildar ,three Naiks , thirty-four privates, wounded .

1 88 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

disafl'

ection, he was compelled to charge first, butacquitted himself with courage and fidelity . Gokhle

avowed to Apaji Laxuman, Appa Desai Vakil , immediately before the action , that his confidence of successand impatience to engage were founded on the certaintythat our Sepoys would come over by companies or

battalions on the field .

After the afl'

air of the 5th , the Peshwa’s army was

dismayed . His Highness sent for Hareshwar, thebanker , lamented the breaking out of hostilities , andwith his usual insincerity professed his wish to have re

mained at peace , and threw the whole blame of the war ,both plan and execution , on his Sirdars . On thisoccasion he disavowed the burning of the Residency, andsaid he would be very glad to build a new one but hiswhole discourse appears to me to be merely a specimenof his accustomed double-dealing , and of his wish , evenin the worst of times , to keep open some separate channelof intrigue for his own use .

Some days after the action , the Peshwa’s officers

picked up some spirit , and set about circulating themost absurd reports of their successes and of the defe ction of our allies . They were joined by DharmaJIPratab Raw (the freebooter) , and it is said by the son

of Raw Rambha ; Chintaman Rav also joined beforetheir flight from Puna . Gokhle set up a white flag asan asylum for all who should desert us before a certaintime after that no pardon was to be given to any manwho had served us . All the servants of English gentlemen who happened to live at Puna were hunted out

by Gokhle , and many treated with great severity ; thehouses of most of them were given up to plunder , butnone of them were put to death .

Some time before the breaking out of the warthe Peshwa had concerted with all the Bhils and

DE S P ATCHE S OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 1 89

Ramosh is, and other predatory tribes in his country ,to shut up the roads and plunder effects belonging tous . They have readily obeyed an order so much suitedto their inclination , and have not confined their depredations to British property. They have , however, Shutup th e roads ; that to Bombay is further Obstructed bythe garrison of Logus, and by a detachment which hastaken possession of and stockaded the Bore Ghat ; nodawks have been received from Bombay since the 5th ,General Smith , however , has sent a strong detachmentto open the road , and one of less strength to keep openthe communication with Ahmednagar . No more convoya have been cut off since the first few days after thewar ; but I am greatly concerned to state that Lieutenant Ennis , of the Bombay Engineers, has been cutoff near Sakur Mandava , where he was employed on

survey . He had beenrecalled , but from anover-confidence in the strength of his guard he did not fall backon any station . He was attacked in the night by theinhabitants of Sakur Mandava , and next morning wassurrounded by the Bhils and other adherents of Trimbakji, who is still in that neighbourhood . LieutenantEnnis was Shot while engaged with the enemy, and h isdetachment of a Jamadar and twenty-five men foughttheir way to a more friendly part of the country . Somekoss on this side ofAnna Bootch they were received andfed, and sent off in disguise by the Patel of a village ,whom I shall not fail to discover and reward . CometsHunter and Morrison were in Gokhle ’s custody ; theywere at first in charge of Major Pinto , who is said tohave treated them well

, and resisted Gokhle’

s orders touse them with severity but before the Peshwa’s flightthey were put in chains

,and sent to Gokhle ’

s fort ofKongori, in the Konkan .

In consequence of the execution of Captain and

1 90 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE .

Mr. Vaughan , I have addressed letters of remonstranceboth to the Peshwa and to Gokhle . To the former Ionly threatened retaliation , in general terms , for anyrepetition of such atrocities but to Gokhle I declaredexplicitly that any individual , however exalted in

‘ hisrank

,who should order the death of a British prisoner ,

should answer for the crime in his ownperson .

I omitted to state that on the 1 8th General Smithsent out a detachment to take some guns , which , with abody of infantry , had got ofl

'

to the neighbourhood of

the fort of S inhaghur. Fifteen guns were taken withoutany loss ; besides these , forty-six were taken in Puna ,and one in the Peshwa’s camp large quantities of

ammunition have likewise been taken .

The army is now in full march after the Peshwa,

who , it is rumoured, intends to return to Puna , or holdsthat language to encourage his troops . Trimbakjihas not yet joined him , whether from distrust on hisownpart , or policy on the Peshwa

’s, is not known .

’

SUBSTANCE OF A P R1VATE LETTER FROM M R . ELPHINSTONE , DATED 22ND DECEMBER, 1 8 1 7 .

The Peshwa having passed the range of Ghats , northof Juner, which is not practicable for guns at any

point west of Ahmednagar , we are moving tothe Narbada Ghat ; in the meantime , it isnot altogether impossible that the Peshwa

may descend into the northern Konkan , or may send adetachment to disturb that part of the country . Thisis the more probable , as all the horse who generallyannoy us have disappeared to-day . It is also probablebecause the approach of General Pritzler from thesouth , and the probable appearance of a light divisionto the west of Ahmednagar, will render his escape

1 9 2 DES PATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINS TONE.

ten miles , and from thence to Lingdes, about ninemiles ; between these three places he Spent

mifi'

fififiz. the time from the 1 7th to the 27th . The

more eastern Ghats being diflicult for guns ,General Smith moved up the Nimba Dewra Ghat . Heleft Sirur on the 22nd, and on the 25th reachedHanwantgav, nearly on th e direct road from Ahmednagar to Kopergaum. From Hanwantgav he madea long march to Sangamner , and on the 27th he

marched farther west to Tugav.

The Peshwa appears to have calculated on the

General ’s proceeding towards K0pergaum, for he senthis tents to Wasseer, a pass , on the 27th , as if heintended to cross the valley of the Paira, near Aholah ,and proceeded by the great road to Nas ik ; but on

hearing of General Smith ’s approach to Sangamner,he changed his route , and moved to Kotul onthe morewestern Side through Bajori . On General Smith ’

s

reaching Tugav, he seems to have thought he couldnot pass to the northward without the risk of beingentangled in the hills , and overtaken by our troops, inconsequence of which he retraced his steps on the

28th , and arrived on the same day at Wattur, adistance of near twenty miles, through Ghats , fromwhence he proceeded to Chankan, about forty miles,in two marches .

At Gbankan there is a strong little fort, from whichhe drove out a party of Peons belonging to CaptainRobertson , Superintendent of Police at Puna, andleaving 100Arabs for a garrison , proceeded to Phulsheber, two miles from this place . Next day he wassurprised by the appearance of the small detachmentunder Captain Staunton , and he Spent the first inrepeated attacks on it with his whole force , h is Highness himself looking on from a distant h ill . The

DE S P ATCHE S OF HON . M. ELPHINSTONE . 1 93

detachment , though distressed both in provisions andwater , maintained its post against such unequal numberstill th e 2nd, when the Peshwa heard of General Smith

’sapproach , and continued his flight to the southward ;he ascended the little Bore Ghat on the same day

,and

was followed by his whole army in the course of thenight .The details of the gallant defence of Captain

Staunton ’s detachment shall be forwarded as soon asreceived .

On the Peshwa ’s return to the south , General Smithset out in pursuit of him , and ascended the Wassira

Ghat , after which he left three battalions with his

heavy guns and stores under the command ofLieutenantColonel Roles, and proceeded over the Malsiras andLag Ghats to this place , where he arrived yesterday , and halted to-day , the first time for a fortnight ,during which he had marched upwards of 200

miles . ’

To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings , K .G . ,

etc . , etc . , etc .

M Y LORD,

General Smith ’s reports will have informedyour Excellency with the operations of this force sinceits marchfrom Puna . ThePeshwa kept at a considerable distance , and made moderate marches, A

lftfiwhir.

merely sumcient to prevent our gaining onhim .

Elphinstone“

The troops with him amount to about horse,

of which the greater part belong to southern Jahagirdars , who refuse to quit his person , and the rest are theremains ofhis ownhorse , after the best have been selectedby Gokhle . He has likewise or infantry .

He was lately joined by horse under NaroPant Apte , who had been detached to bring the Rajah

13

1 94 DESP ATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

of Satara to Wassota, when General Smith was inthat neighbourhood , and who arrived with him in thePeshwa ’s camp five days ago . The Peshwa has h istents as usual , and is accompanied by his wife . Gokhle

remains in the rear with a light force of abouthorse

,who have neither tents nor baggage of any

description , but Sleep by their horses , which arealways saddled , and generally Shift their ground once ortwice in the course of every night . This force consistsof parts of Gokhle

’

s own troops , and those of the Vinchurkar and Purandhar . Their object is to hang onthe rear of this army , to plunder the baggage , to cut offsupplies , to intercept communications , and generally tocramp General Smith ’s operations . In the first modeof annoyance they have been totally unsuccessful ; andthough they prevent supplies coming in , unless understrong escorts , yet as they have the grain in thevillages

,no great inconvenience is occasioned by th e

prevention . They are more successful in stopping communications ; but the effect of them is chiefly felt intheir Obliging the light and heavy parts of the army tomove inone body , and in the delay occasioned by thenecessity of guarding against their possible enterprises .Notwithstanding those obstructions

,General Smith has

marched , on an average , fifteen miles a day ever sincehe left Puna ; and as he is about to leave his batteringtrain at this place , he will henceforth be able to pressthe Peshwa much closer , and with much less exertionto his army . The Peshwa ’s course was first direct tothe south ; but from Puse Savli he turned east , andmarched in that direction to Pandh arpur , from whencehe moved first north and th en north-west, towards Puna .

He passed within twenty miles of that capital , and isnow near Junar , fifty miles north-west of this cantonment . He is said to have late ly been joined by Trim


Rajah of Nagpur . Yesterday a Brahmin , calling himse lf Balkrishna Shastri , and professing to be an agentof the Peshwa

’s , arrived at camp in disguise . He t e

presented himself to have been sent to Puna by thePeshwa from Parali , where his Highness was aboutthe last week in November, but ordered to remain quiettill further orders . These orders arrived about a fortnight ago , when Balkrishna waited on LieutenantRobertson , who has remained in charge of Puna . Heopened his mission to that officer, and the object of itappeared to be to persuade us that the Peshwa was himself our friend , but was not a free agent , being borneaway by the violence of Gokhle and Ballaba ; to prevailon me to apply for an armistice , and , finally , to ascer

tain whether we were likely to direct our attention tothe person of the Peshwa, or to that of the Rajah of

Satara . Captain Robertson very judiciously ridiculedthe idea of our asking an armistice , recommended thePeshwa to come forward openly and throw himself onour mercy as the only means of keeping his musnud,and pointed out the ease with which we might set up anew Peshwa . Balkrishna held nearly the samelanguage to me that he had to Captain Robertson ,except that he did not mention the armistice

,and spoke

of the Peshwa ’s coming alone into the camp if hereceived encouragement . He did not specify whatencouragement was expected ; but as he spoke of ourbehaving as formerly , and not as for the last year, Iconceive that he has no thoughts of unconditional submission . My answer was that I did not know that hewas sent by the Peshwa , but that what I had to saywas no secret , and I would therefore communicate it .It was that I had received no orders , and did not knowwhether your Excellency would treat with the Peshwaeven now ; that I was sure you would not if he pushed

DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE . 1 9 7

things to extremities ; th at he must be sensible howmuch we lost by not setting up a new government , towhich the Sardars who disapproved of his Highness ’smeasures might repair , and that he had better endeavourto Obtain terms before it was too late . BalkrishnaShastri was desirous of remaining a day , first to allowme time for consideration , and afterwards for his own

convenience but I thought it best to send him immediately out of camp . If these overtures come fromthe Peshwa they are probably insincere . It seemsh is plan to throw the Odium of the war onhis Sardars ,and to endeavour to maintain a sort of neutrality forhimself; but his reception of Trimbakji, if true , is aproof that he has no immediate thoughts of peace

,or

he would not throw so great an obstacle in the way of

an accommodation .

Some time ago I received a letter from M adhavRao

Dadaji, the sonof P arsharam Bhaw , explaining thathe had beenobliged to send h is nephew, Rao Sahib, tojoin the Peshwa , but that he was still ours at heart .As nothing better can be expected from the Jahagirdars,while we can neither secure them by setting up a newgovernment , nor alarm them by overrunning theirJahagirs , I thought it best to say that I was sensible thatRao Sahib ’s joining was the effect of necessity, and thatI should wait for any demonstration of his attachmentuntil your Excellency Should determine on some plan forsettling the government . I used this language in thebelief that it would have an equally good effectonthe Peshwa and the Jahagirdars to be reminded ofthe possibility of our efi

'

ecting a revolution . The chiefsofMiraj , Kurandwar, and Sirwal sent verbal answers ;no reply has been received from the other Jahag irdars .

While General Smith was marching to the southward , I received a Vakil from the Rajah of Kolhapur,

1 98 DESP ATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

professing his attachment , reminding me of his claimsto Chihori and M anowba, and offering his services incollecting grain and providing depots if they should berequired . He said any of his forts, including Kolh apur,was at our service .

General Smith marches to-morrow in pursuit of thePeshwa, whom he will probably now be able to presswith more effect than ever. The presence of the Rajahof Satara in the Peshwa’s camp is a proof of hiswant of confidence in his forts , and it will be an ad

ditional encumbrance to his flight in the plain .

I have , etc .,

‘

(Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE ,Resident at Puna.

Camp near S irur,25th December,

To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings , K.G . ,


M r LORD,When I had last the honour to address your

Excellency, on the 4th instant , the Peshwa had

ascended the Bore Ghat , twenty miles east of Puna, onh is way to the southward .

When General Smith se t out in pursuit of the Peshwato the northward, on the 22nd of December , General

Lem, from P ritzler was advancing to join this division ,m”“Plu m“ with the intention of forming the new distributionso often alluded to in my letters . He was requestedto take up a position calculated for intercepting thePeshwa, Should he return towards the south to throwhis stores and heavy baggage into Sirur, and to takeup the pursuit of the Peshwa as soon as he Shouldcome into his neighbourhood . To enable him to do sowith effect , General Smith sent the second battalion

zoo DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

ance . On the 1 7th , however , they appeared in force ,and General P ritzler sent out his cavalry against them ;Major Doveton , who commanded , charged three succe ssive bodies , amounting in all to withthree squadrons only

,and put them all to flight , killing

and taking about forty men . From this time GeneralP ritzler pursued the Peshwa ’s track to Galgalla ,without seeing any more of his horse . General Smithmarched from Sirur onthe 8th instant with his lightdivision , and proceeded in a southerly direction byP edgaum on the Bhima , and a pass east of the templeofMahadeo , towards Athni ( or Hathni) . His intentionwas to intercept the Peshwa should he return towardsthe north , or to support General P ritzler if necessary .

When within a march of Athni on the 2 lst instant , hereceived intelligence of the arrival of the Peshwa atth at place , moving west, on which he marched in the

direction of Miraj , to prevent the Peshwa’s escaping

to the west of him , and then moved down, thirty milesin all , to Ugara , a place on the Krishna where thePeshwa had been encamped the night before . ThePeshwa now crossed the Krishna and made a feintof moving on his guns and infantry at Nipani ; butsuddenly turning north

,he marched along the right

bank of the Krishna towards Satara , where he arrivedon the 27th . General Smith , on receiving intimation ofthis movement , renewed his march to the northward ,but kept the left bank of the Krishna, to prevent thePeshwa’s escaping to the westward , as has sinceproved to be

'

his real design . Near Tasgav, on the23rd, General Smith was overtaken by the whole of

the Peshwa ’s light army,which had been reinforced

since we last saw it , and amounted to not less thanmen at the lowest computation . Thi s

body was commanded by Gokhle , Appa Desai, Trim

DESPATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINSTONE . zo r

bakj i , the Vinchurkar, and several of the Patwardhane . After leaving General P ritzler they hadheard that the Peshwa with his heavy division waspressed by General Smith , and had come by forcedmarches to his assistance . This appearance was so

sudden that they were enabled to cut ofl’

a few Sepoysand upwards of 200 men of General Smith ’

s

Bazar , in a village where they had gone to procure.grain . These men were afterwards released by ordersfrom the Peshwa , and given half a rupee each to paytheir expenses to camp . The horse pressed onthe rearall the march , rocketing and sniping , and wounded anofficer, two Europeans , and seven Sepoys. They continued this sort of attack , but with less boldness , untilthe 29 th , when we approached the Salpe Ghat . Onthat day the Peshwa , finding General Smith near himonthe east with his light division , and his reserve underColonel Boles approaching from the northward , beganto fear being enclosed among the branches of thewestern Ghats ; he therefore left Satara, and by a forcedmarch crossed infront of General Smith , descended theSalpe Ghat , and moved off to the eastward . His lightdivision , after anunsuccessful attempt to pass GeneralSmith and join the Peshwa, made another push at aplace where the valley leading to the Ghat is about sixmiles wide . General Smith moved out with the cavalryand horse artillery, supported by infantry to interceptthem , and forced them to separate and fly in great confusion along the face of the hills . Some of theirBazar fell into our hands, but the greater part of thehorse got through , and the rest returned towards Satara .

All have now joined the Peshwa , who was lastheard of at Natepota. On the 30th General Smithdescended the Ghat and j oined his reserve , havingmarched for forty days with only three halts, in which

zoz DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

time he has gone through 570 miles . The wholepursuit of the Peshwa amounts already to 8 50 miles .We are now waiting for General P ritzler, who followedthe Peshwa to Galgalla, and is now on his returnby the route pursued by this division . His cattleare much exhausted during his pursuit of the Peshwahe moved twenty-three days without a halt , andmarched a distance of 300miles in eighteen days , notwithstanding his heavy convoy and his numerousSick .

I shall do myself the honour to submit to yourExcellency my correspondence with General P ritzlerup to this time . General Smith ’s report of his operations Shall be forwarded to your Exce llency as soon asit is received . The inte rruptions of our communications prevent my hearing often from General Munro ;my last letter is dated the 2 1st. General Munro hadtaken the field (though I am not informed with whatforce) , had reached and taken Dumwal and Gadag ,and had reduced all the Peshwa ’s and Gokhle ’s countrysouth of the Ghatprabha. The people of the countryhad cordially assisted him in expelling the Mahrattas .General Munro had also , in a great measure , succeededin drawing off the Desai of Kittur, and some otherlocal chiefs , from the Peshwa

’s cause . He had dis

persed a body of P indaries returning from Chittledurg ,

probably part of the body that passed Malkapur onthe8th of December , and the report of the country statesthat he had likewise cut up a part of Gokhle ’

s troopsunder Kashi Rav Kokrah . I Shall transmit copies of

my correspondence with General Munro to Mr . Adam,

from which your Excellency will be informed of myproceedings regarding the southern Jahagirdars .

Your Excellency will have heard from Bombay thatthe troops belonging to the northern Konkan , under


the Peshwa . Another party , consisting of

horse and Arabs , who had fled from Nagpur underGanpat Rav , lately passed to the south of Jalana on

their way to join the Peshwa by the route of MungiPaithan . Colonel Deacon was in pursuit of them onthe 23rd ; but I have not heard with what success .Godaji Dengle is said also to be coming to the southward with a party ofArabs raised in Khandesh . Thesereinforcements must be very welcome to the Peshwa ,who seems disposed before long to try the fortune of

another battle . His moving out guns at Nipani andother places appears to me to be indicative of such aresolution . Some effort of the kind may be required toprevent the Jahagirdars deserting him, and the state ofhis cavalry probably renders him averse to place all hishopes in flight . Many of the horse with his army are

said to be greatly exhausted , and General P ritzlerfound many abandoned in the villages through whichhe had passed . The best horse are with the Peshwa ,whose whole personal division does not in all probability exceed from to the rest are inthelight force , which must be 1 5 ,000 strong . All thechiefs except Chintaman Rav are with it .I continue to receive indirect overtures from the

Peshwa , to which I pay no attention .

I have , etc . ,(Signed) M . ELPHINSTONE ,

Resident at Puna .

Camp, Louad,313! January,

To Francis Warden , Esq . , etc . , etc . , etc .

S IR ,

I have the honour to enclose , for the information of the Right Honourable the Governor, a copy of

DES P ATCHE S OF HON. M. ELPHINS TONE . 2 05

a letter which I have this day addressed to Mr. Adam ,

reporting the fall of the fort of Satara, Le tter

and the communications which were made to Elph instone .

h is Highness’

s connections and titular oflicers uponhoisting the flag of the Rajah of Satara .

I have , etc . ,(Signed) M . ELPHINSTONE .

Camp, Satara,12th February,

To John Adam , Esq . , etc ., etc . , etc .

S IR ,I have the honour to acquaint you with the

surrender of the fort of Satara to the force under thecommand of Brigadier-General Smith .

The Rajah ’s flag was hoisted yesterday under a royalsalute . I th is day assembled such of hisHigh

Le tter

ness ’s connections and titular Officers as are to from M r.

be found about this place , together with someof the principal inhabitants of the Petta , and acquaintedthem with the intention of the British Government todeliver the Rajah from confinement , and to place himat the head of a sovereignty sufficient for his comfortand dignity , and that of the other members of his house .

I prefaced this declaration by an exposition of thecauses of the deposition of Baji Rav, the abject statefrom which he was raised by the Treaty of Bassein, hissubsequent prosperity and professions of gratitude , h isprotection of the murderer of the Shastri , the magnanimity of the British Government on that occasion ,the Peshwa ’s subsequent intrigues and the insurrectionhe set onfoot, the moderation

'

of the British Governmentin still maintaining him on his throne , his professionsof gratitude and of zeal in co-operation against theP indaries, his exertions at the same moment for the


subversion of our power , his treacherous attack on our

lines , his violations of the law of nations and usages ofcivilized states , and his final avowal of his participationin the murder of the Shastri , by his public recall of

the perpetrator of that atrocity .

The promises of the British Government in favourof the Rajah were received with every appearance of

gratitude and satisfaction , and I have no doubt will beattended with the most important consequences .

I have , etc .,

(Signed) M . ELPHINSTONE ,

Resident .Camp, S atara,12th February,

To F . Warden , Esq . , Chief Secretary to the Govemment of Bombay .

I have sincere satisfaction in forwarding a

“m m“, m.

Copy of the accompanying despatch from“Wm “ Brigadier-General Smith , for the information of the Right Honourable th e Governor in Council .

I have , etc . ,(Signed) M . ELPHINSTONE ,

Resident .Camp, before S inhaghur,

26th February,

To F . Warden , Esq . , Chief Secretary to the Govemment of Bombay .

I have the honour to enclose , for the informa

“m m “m .

tion of the Right Honourable the Governor ,mm w“ a copy of a letter , dated the 1 2th instant ,which I have received from ‘ Brigadier-General Smith ,

2 08 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE .

as he can spare in that part of the country . Thepresence of General Munro , the dislike of the inhabitants to the Mahrattas , and their knowledge of thebenefits of our Government from their vicinity to theprovinces , would enable a small force to gain greateradvantages to the south of the Krishna , than a muchS tronger one in any other part of the Peshwa

’

s dominions . If there were only troops enough to reduce afew strong forts that overawe the country, there can belittle doubt that th e whole of the inhabitants wouldcome forward to assist us . If it be desirable to undertake this settlement from the facility with which it maybe accomplished

,it is still more so from the importance

of the consequences to which it would tend . Thelands of almost all the great Jahagirdars are situated inthat direction , and their being occupied or threatenedwould soon draw off those chiefs from the Peshwa .

The direct effect of such a secession on the Peshwa’spower would be great , and the effect on public opinionwould be much greater . The seizure of this countrywould also cut off much of Bay Rav

’

s ownresourcesit would narrow the ground of his operations and itwould facilitate ours , by enabling us to form depotswhere they are now much wanted , and to derive all theadvantages of carrying on war on the borders of afriendly country.

It would enable General Munro to advance in thisdirection , so as to meet the progress of this division ,and thus to reduce the whole of the country south of

Puna before the monsoon. It would likewise shut upthe only direct entrance for the Peshwa and his bandittiinto the Company

’s territories , and would compel them ,

if they ventured on such an invasion , to penetrate inthe first instance through the dominions of the Nizam ,

and to traverse a great extent of country before they

DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE . 2 09

approached our frontier . But the great argument infavour of the proposed arrangement is its tendency tobring the present war to a conclusion . I thereforesubmit it to the Right Honourable the Governor , in theconfidence that it will meet with his approbation , unlessits execution should materially interfere with the

general policy of his Government .I have , etc . ,

(Signed) M . ELPHINSTONE .

Camp, Nira Bridge ,‘ 16th February,

To Francis Warden , E sq . , etc . , etc . , etc .

S IR,

I have the honour to forward , for the information of the Right Honourable the Governor , a “m m m .

copy of a letter dated l6th instant , which “m m “

I have addressed to Brigadier-General Smith for his

future guidance in pursuit of the Peshwa .

I have , etc . ,


Camp at S inhaghur,20th February,

To his Excellency the Marquis of Hastings , K .G


M Y LORD,

1 I had the honour to receive yourExcellency ’sletter , dated April 6th , on the morning of the 25th ;the light division was then within a marchof Puna , and it occurred to me, as promising

3 15532.great advantages , to request Colonel Smithto arrange so as completely to surround the city onhisarrival at his ground , and then to demand that thePeshwa should give hostages for the surrender of

14

z ro DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

Trimbai within a fixed time , to give his Highnessa certain time to consider of this proposal , and in theevent of h is not complying, to endeavour to force hispalace and seize his person . This proceeding wouldhave been justified by my declarations to his Highness ,which bound neither party longer than till the receiptof your Excellency ’s orders , and which had besidesbeen daily violated by his Highness . It would havebeen very important if successful

,by preventing the

Peshwa ’s escaping to his numerous forts , and thusfinishing the war at a blow ; but some considerationsinduced me to give up th e plan , and finally to determinenot to attack the Peshwa in Puna at all , if it werepossible to avoid doing so .

2 . The first of these considerations was thatnotwithstanding my declarations , the mere circumstance of ourkeeping up our intercourse with him would lead thePeshwa to expect some formal notice before we proceedto hostilities ; and that from the manner in which weobtained our footing in the heart of his country , hisHighness was entitled to more delicacy than a princegoing to war in other circumstances .

3 . Another equally powerful consideration was theprobable fate of the city of Puna . The inhabitants havebeen so much accustomed to look upon us as friends ,that the approach of our troops and all other preparations had excited no alarm ; I believe , indeed , thepeople in the city have more confidence in us than inthe Peshwa . His Highness has not less thanArabs and other infantry in Puna, besides the cavalry,and he possesses a fortified palace in the centre of

the city . It is not, therefore , to be supposed that hecould be seized without a struggle and inthe event ofresistance , it would scarcely be expected of any troopsthat they Should distinguish between the part of the

2 1 2 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

part of the Barra Bhai , a famous body of free troops ,who were formerly attached to that prince , but I believehave now quitted him ; the insurgents to the southwere said to have disappeared from the country aboutJut and M ann (where , indeed , the presence of MajorMacdowell ’s detachment rendered it impossible for

them to remain) , and were represented to be in smallernumbers thanbefore in the south of the Konkan, and inthe neighbouring parts of the Western Ghauts .

6 . On the lst of May I received information of thecapture of the Peshwa ’s fort of Prasit Gar by theinsurgents

,which was also confirmed by the Durbar .

On the 2nd Ragho Pant came to me and said that theprogress of the rebels had now reached an alarmingheight

,and that it became absolute ly necessary for the

Peshwa to take vigorous measures against them . Thefirst object was to recover the fort they had taken , forwhich purpose a force composed of th at under NaroPant Apte , and detachments belonging to Gokhle andWaman Rav Apte should assemble near Banaur, andsome guns should be sent to them from Puna ; that asthe Mahrattas might be inclined to the rebels , Gokhlehad been ordered to entertain as many natives of othercountries as he could that to prevent the capture of anymore forts his Highness intended to send military storesand other necessaries to all those belonging to hisgovernment , and to increase the garrisons and that asthe fort of Wassota was of particular importance andhad no guns mounted onit , his Highness intended tosend some to it . Considering all that had passed onthe subject of the Peshwa ’s forts and preparations , Icould not but look upon this as a very undisguisedattempt to obtain my acquiescence in his open prosecution of the measures on which I had so oftenremonstrated . I had long supposed that th e rebels


would be allowed to take possession of some of thePeshwa ’s forts , and the improbable account given byRagho Pant of the capture strengthened my belief inthe collusion of the Peshwa ’s officers in the occupationof Prasit Gar ; the rebels were represented to haveintroduced themselves into the fort as countrymencarrying bundles of grass , in which th ey had concealedarms . This sort of stratagem is often practised intowns where many country people are allowed to carrytheir goods unsuspected to the market , but it does notat all seem suited to a hill-fort , where there is probablyonly a small garrison , where there can be no market ,and in all likelihood no great consumption of grass ,as they are in general difficult of access to animals .Even if Prasit Gar had been taken by some independent insurgents , and not made over to Trimbakji, thesame measures that were successful ona similar occasiona year ago , were the most likely to have been adopted onthis , without general exertions and new levies onforeigntroops , and without sending guns to Wassota, which, asit has been many months preparing for a siege , canscarcely be liable to be surprised by a rabble . I pointedout these suspicious and the grounds of them to RaghoPant, and said that the Peshwa

’s proceedings couldnot be misunderstood ; that this was indeed no morethan an opencommunication of the preparations whichhad been so long carried on unavowed that his Highness was at liberty to adopt any measures he thoughtproper ; that the British Government was equally atliberty and that whatever might happen after this , hisHighness could not complain of being taken un

prepared .

7 . On the 3rd I received intimation of the stoppingof the post by the insurgents in Cuttack , which renderedit entirely uncertain when I might receive the instruo


tions for which I had so long been looking , and obligedme to come to the resolution of acting without waitingfor them . I understood by a private letter from Mr .Adams, dated the 7th , that the surrender of Trimbakjiwas likely to be made the preliminary to all negotiations ;and it was the universal Opinion here , justified by allappearances , that the Peshwa would stand a contestrather than give him up . In the event of war , therewas little doubt that his Highness would fly to Rayagar,inthe Konkan , where it would be impossible to carryonoperations after the commencement of the monsoon .

That season seldom commences in this part of Indiaafter the first week in June , so that there was only onemonth left for this important Operation and consideringthe difficulty of transporting a battering-train downtheWestern Ghats , few of which are practicable for guns ,and the still greater difficulty of bringing it up afterthe rains began , there appeared to be considerable hazardin undertaking the siege , however early , and a certaintyof ill success if it were any longer deferred . On theother hand , if the Peshwa were secure in Rayagar,and had carried his brother with him , as he certainlywould do , we should be unable to act at all in theKonkan during the rains

,and equally unable to adopt

any settled plan for establishing a new government inthe Deccan . From this last circumstance , and fromthe peculiar situation of the Peshwa as nominal headof the Mahratta Empire , it was probable that alengthened contest would draw in the greater part of

the Mahratta powers , if not of the majority of theMahratta nation . After fully discussing these subjectswith Colonel Smith, it appeared to me highly imprudentto delay longer than the 6th , which would give timefor my instructions to arrive , supposing a duplicate tohave been sent by Nagpur, or supposing the post

2 1 6 DESPATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINSTONE.

and bewildered, and his appearance betrayed the heightof confusion and terror but of late he has held regularDarbars , has entered into partaking of entertainments atthe houses of his chiefs, and discussing his preparationsalong with them , and conciliating them by oomphments and professions of his reliance on their courageand fidelity . He showed a temporary alarm for a dayor two , after the measures taken to increase theefficiency of the Puna Brigade ; and likewise a fewdays ago , when he sent for Mr . Jefferys , the surgeon of

the Residency, on pretence of consulting him about hisarm , he showed evident signs of alarm , and told M r.

Jefl'

erys that he saw the dangers of his situation , andwas will-ing to purchase a renewal of our fri endship byany sacrifice except that of Trimbakji. His Highness ’s confidence appears to have been partly foundedon the prospect held out to him of success in the oldMah ratta warfare of hostilities and flying armies of

plundering horse, and partly on a rooted conviction

that we would not proceed to extremities . These hopeswill perhaps account for his conduct, especially whencombined with the favourite Mahratta maxim of holdingout in every negotiation till the very last moment , without caring for the disgrace of ultimate submission .

9 . Early in th e morning of the 7th I sent in theenclosed paper to the Minister, demanding that thePeshwa should engage

,before the expiration of twenty

four hours , to surrender Trimbakji within a monthfrom that day ; and should give up the forts of S inghur,Purandh ar , and Rayagar, as pledges for fulfilling hisengagement . It was necessary

,for the reasons already

stated , to give a short period for consideration , and along one could not be required at the end of a discussionof three months ’ duration . I thought it advisable toallow a liberal time for the apprehension of Trimbakji,

DE S PATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINS TONE. z 1 7

and it was absolutely necessary to take some securityto prevent a repetitionof the same illusory proceedingswhich I had already so often experienced . I accom

panied the first memorandum with a note to the Bhau ,in which I adverted to the nature of your Lordship ’sprobable demands , but assured him that if the Peshwaacceded to the preliminaries now proposed , those demands Should not go to deprive him of his musnud.

10. The Minister received th is paper with so muchdiflidence , and put ofl

’

delivering it to the Peshwa untilafter dinner for reasons so very fri volous , that hismessage would have appeared contemptuous but for theMahratta practice above alluded to , of putting on abold face to the last . The whole day passed without amessage from the Peshwa, and with an appearance ofsecurity which seemed to be intended to conceal adesign of his Highness’s leaving the city during thenight . This suspicion was confirmed by the preparations which were made immediately after sunset. All

the horse in the city got under arms , and repaired tothe neighbourhood of the Peshwa’s palace powder andball were delivered out to them

,and they were desired

to be prepared to move at a moment’

s warning. Oneparty of horse belonging to Gokhle was led out bythe chief in person to a place on the southern side ofthe city, where it remained during the night . Thegeneral impression in the city was that the Peshwa intended to retreat and so strong was my conviction of

this intention , that I was on the point of writing tQColonel Smith

,to beg that he would put the cavalry in

motion for the purpose of frustrating it . I , however ,thought it best to run the risk of his Highness efl

'

ectinghis escape , rather than that of driving him to extremitieswhile professing to offer him terms .

1 1 . At this time I received a visit from Prabhakar

2 1 8 DESPATCHES OF HON. AI . ELPHINSTONE .

Ballal and Bapu Kourikar, who came applying for adelay of four days , which I decidedly refused . I enclosea detailed account of this conference , because anattempthas been made to misrepresent it . About one am . onthe 6th , Krishna Rav came to request a delay of five

days , and to beg that I would give up my demand forRayagar, and be contented with S inhagar and Purandhar.

This of course was refused , and Krishna Ravwas desiredto acquaint the Bhau that though our other measuresshould proceed, the city should not be attacked untilthe unresisting inhabitants had been allowed time towithdraw . About daybreak Prabhakar Pandit returnedwith a similar request , to which I gave a Similar answer.Part of this short conversation was important in onepoint of view

,but need not be detailed in this place .

By this time the troops had passed the Residency, and Iwas on the point of setting out to join them , when Jayawant Rav (the principal person under the Bhau) arrivedwith Krishna Rav. The same attempts to obtain analteration in the terms , or delay in the execution , werenow made once more ; and on these failing , JayawantRavconsented to give up the forts after which a discussiontook place about the time at which they were to sur

render , and the means of removing the property. Thetime was at length made to depend onthe arrival of ourdetachments alone , and no property was to be removedafter possession was taken except the private propertyof the garrisons . Jayawant Rav then requested thatthe troops marching to the towns might be stopped ,or removed if they had arrived ; but this was declineduntil the terms should have been carried into execution .

It was indeed impossible to have stopped them , for

although I lost no time after Jayawant Rav’s departure ,

I did not reach the head of the line until Colonel Smith ’soperations were complete d .

azo DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

as greatly to delay its progre ss . After furnishing himwith a palankin and guides of our own, the detachmentset off again , and ought to reach Rayagar by to-morrowevening . About five in the afternoon Colonel Smithmoved off with the light division to a position aboutfour miles south of the city , where he still remains .

1 4 . The people of the city observed the first operations of the troops with the greatest appearance of

security ; but when they saw the preparations kept uponboth sides, they began to apprehend a contest in th estreets , and showed considerable agitation and alarm .

This ceased when the troops were removed , and , exceptwhere their own safety was endangered , the whole of

the people appeared to view the contest with the mostperfect indifference . Gokhle and Ch intaman Rav aresaid to have been indignant at the Peshwa’s submission ,and to have stayed away from his palace , though hesent them messages of explanation and apology .

I have , etc . ,


Resident at Puna .

P oona,9th M ay,

NOTES OF A CONFERENCE W ITH HIS HIGIINES S THE

PESHWA, M AY 6TH, 1 8 1 7 .

The Bhau began a long speech onthe advantages ofthe alliance , the Peshwa

’s desire to preserve it , and the

M r.

propriety of removing any obstruction that2323; had arisen in it .m’ PM “ The Peshwa then took up the discourse , andenlarged on the dependence of his family for two generations ou the English

,the opposition he had met with

in all stages of his reign from all the members of th e

Mahratta Empire , and the report he had received from

.DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE . 2 2 1

the British Government . He pointed out in greatdetail that his ruin was certain if this support waswithdrawn , and protested his determination to adhereto the alliance as long as he lived ; he said he hadmany enemies who might misrepresent his conduct, butthat these were the real sentiments of his heart . Thiswas replied to by Mr . Elphinstone

’

s saying that hisHighness , it appeared , was anxious to maintain thealliance that the British Governmentwas at last equallyso , but that differences had arisen which were now tobe removed ; that the British had never listened to hisenemies

,but th at he had given his ear to those who

were enemies both to the British Government and tohis Highness

,and that this had brought things to the

present pass . Th e Pe shwa prote sted that he had alwaysconsidered the enemies of the one state as the enemiesof the other . Mr . E lphinstone stated the conduct ofthe British Gove rnment about Trimbakjl, and thewarnings he had given his Highness till after the marchto Natepota, and that it was very gradually , and bygreat neglect of Mr . Elphinstone

’

s representations , thatthings had been allowed to gain the length they had.

The Peshwa endeavoured to exculpate himself from aconnivance at the insurrection , and said that he hadsent out Gokhle

’

s horse at a very early stage of it ; andif they had failed to obtaininformation of it , it was nothis fault . Mr . E lphinstone enlarged on the notorietyof the insurrection , and expressed surprise that thePeshwa had never heard of it, when Mr . Elph instoneunder so many disadvantages had been able to apprizehis Highness of the various stages of its progress . Mr .

Elphinstone adverted to the general belief that thePeshwa protected the insurgents , and the great advantage the insurgents derived from that opinion . ThePeshwa expressed h is wonder that people should enter


tain such an opinion , and said that his state was full ofhis enemies . Mr . Elphinstone explained the reasonswhy the people entertained that opinion— that hisHighness denied the existence of the insurrectionwheneverybody else knew of it that he always treated theinsurgents as the enemies of the English exclusively ,while his officers offered them no opposition ; and toconclude , that he prepared his forts and armies as ifhe was determined to support the insurgents , or toresist any demand of the British Government to act

against them .

His Highness entered into the usual explanations ofhis conduct in these respects , and added that he wasready to punish any of the people who had known of

the insurrection, and who had not told him of it . Mr .Elphinstone asked why none of them had been punishe dhitherto , when his Highness was satisfied that there wasa rebellion which had not been reported to him . Heanswered that Gokhle was powerful , but that now Mr .Elphinstone and the Bhau should have an inquiry, andthat the delinquent should be punished . Mr . E lphinstone said that it was not Gokhle ’

s officer , but all theofficers in the country who ought to have reported and

their not having done so could only be attributed to asecret influence in favour of the rebels . Mr. E lphinstone added that Trimbakji was still at large , andstill exciting an insurrection , and that nothing was

done against him . His Highness said that Trimbakjihad a number of friends

'

and relations , and muchmoney ; but that if Mr. Elphinstone would Show anybody who had assisted him , he should be punished .

Mr. Elphinstone replied that it belonged to the Govemment of the country to make those discoveries ; thatTrimbakji had left Tanna without any money, thatall his houses were in the Peshwa ’s country , and all

2 24 DE S P ATCHE S OF HON . M. ELPHINSTONE.

done than had been effected during the last eight monthsby his Highness , in endeavouring to seize the person of

Trimbakji.His Highness replied that his exertions now should

be unremitting ; that he would issue orders , with hisown seal affixed to them , and deliver them to Mr .Elphinstone , directing all h is officers to aid in securingTrimbakjl s person ; that, for himself, he had neverseen Trimbakji from the moment he had left Puna togo to Wassandar ; that to this fact he was ready toswear by the water of the Ganges ; and that thereason of his having made no effort to ascertain whereTrimbakji was hitherto , was the knowledge his Highness had of his numerous enemies , who , if he madethose exertions , and Trimbakji had escaped out of hisdominions , would have represented his flight as connivedat by his Highness . Mr . Elphinstone reminded hisHighness of his having made a similar declaration aboutnot searching for Trimbakji seven months ago , and ofh is having afterwards promised , on Mr . Elph instone

’

s

remonstrating , to make the most diligent search forthat fugitive that it appeared h is Highness had madeno such search ; that the same assurances which wouldhave been quite sufi cient inthe commencement of thediscussions were by no means so now ; and that h isHighness must promise to seize Trimbakji within acertain time , and give some security for performance ,otherwise his Highness might put ofl

'

a settlement for awhole month, and then say that he had endeavoured tofind out Trimbakji, but had failed in obtaining theobject of his search .

The Peshwa rejoined by saying that he was readyto give this promise under his own hand for the satisfaction of the Governor-General .Mr . Elphinstone then reminded the Peshwa of the


principles on which an adjustment was brought aboutwhen Trimbakji was formerly demanded ; that thingshad by no means come to such a pitch as at present,and yet amity had only been restored by his Highnessdelivering up Trimbakji and agreeing to abide by anyfurther demands which the Governor-General mightdictate , provided they were not of such a nature as tooverturn the alliance ; that on the present occasionmatters had become far more serious , and that the twoStates were now on the eve of a rupture ; that Mr .Elphinstone could not answer for the present state of

things lasting an hour, or a day (certainly not two days) ;and the Peshwa could not expect that the only repar

ation he was to make was to be a mere promise to exerthimself to discover and to seize Trimbakjl.The Peshwa replied to this by mere professions of

sincerity .

M r. Elphinstone observed that in a case like thepre sent no proof of sincerity could be admitted exceptperformance ; that unless Trimbakji were seized and

given up there could be no security against futuredisturbances of the same or a more dangerous nature ,t he moment our army was employed at a distance .The Peshwa said that his army should , in a case

of that nature , be placed in the van to bear the bruntof the battle that we should see how they exertedthemselves ; and that , if they were destroyed in theattack , it would be then time for the English troops toact, and not till then . Mr . Elphinstone said that whatwas wanted was a proof that his Highness ’s own

designs were friendly , and that his declaring his inabilityto act efl

'

ectually against an enemy of the BritishGovernment within his own territories gave very littlereason to rely on his goodwill . M r. Elphinstone thenturned to the Bhau, and asked him if he had received

15

2 2 6 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE .

the message sent to him through Krishna Rav regardinga paper which it was his intention to send to his Highness ; to which the Bhau assented . Mr . Elphinstonethen recapitulated the state to which th ings had beenbrought , said that he begged his Highness to reflectthat the demand he now made for Trimbakji was notonhis own part , that he was announcing the resolutionsof the Governor-General , from which he could notrecede if he were inclined ; that he would send thepaper alluded to to-morrow morning , which specifiedthe security required from his Highness for the fulfilment of this preliminary ; and he entreated that h isHighness would seriously weigh the matter, for that hehad only a day for consideration ; and he trusted that hewould , by acceding to the proposal , preserve the alliance .

During the latter part of the conversation thePeshwa constantly asked Mr . Elphinstone to point outin what way he should act to seize Trimbakji. Mr .Elphinstone said that it was impossible for him to pointout in detail the measures that were to be adopted byhis Highness ’s Government , but that if his Highnesswould Show a serious wish to apprehend Trimbakjl,Mr. Elphinstone would answer for his success ; that thevery question (so unusual with his Highness) how hewas to manage an interior afl

'

air of his own government , evinced a disinclination to act cordially on th epart of h is Highness ; that Mr . Elphinstone would ,however, mention a few of the steps which his Highness might take , though he would not say that theremight not be more and better ways that would occur toa person familiar with the country, and with the meanspossessed by the Government ; his Highness mightseize all Trimbakji

’

s adherents , some of whom werein Puna , and many in the countries in which Trimbakji had raised his men ; such as M ahadaji Pant , the

2 2 8 DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE .

The Peshwa replied by saying that there were manypersons of the Dengle family . Mr . Elphinstone saidthese were Trimbakji

’

s near relations ; to this thePeshwa replied by saying he had, of course , manyrelations . His Highness then said that the supposedTrimbakj i might be an impostor assuming his name ,as had happened in the case of the famous Bhea whofell at P aniput. Mr . Elphinstone said there could beno object in the insurgent ’s taking Trimbakjl 8 name ,that he was a person of low origin , and that he onlyacquired consequence by his Highness ’s countenance ;that generally speaking he was detested throughout hisHighness ’s dominions , and that it was idle to talk of

anyone assuming so popular a name as the means ofraising an insurrection .

Mr . E lphinstone , in conclusion , conjured his Highness , as he valued the friendship of the British Govemment and the welfare of his own state , to thinkseriously of what had been said , and to be preparedwith such a resolution as might avert a rupture .

The Peshwa replied by the most cordial professionsof his devotion to the British Government , and saidthat so seriously did he reflect on the present state of

affairs , that he loathed his meals , and could not sleepfrom extreme anxiety . Th e Bhau asked how theanswer to Mr . Elph instone

’

s demands was to be transmitted. Mr . Elphinstone replied that it did not signify .

If it was in acquiescence a common jasuds mightbring it ; and if not , no messenger could effect a change .

While the preparations for the ceremony of taking leavewere making , his Highness paid numerous personalcompliments inhis manner to Mr . E lphinstone , makingthe warmest professions towards him , and declaring thathe knew him to be his best and most valuable friend , andlooked to h im alone for advice in these times of difficulty .


DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 2 2 9

NOTES ADDRESSED To HIS HIGHNESS THE PESHWA,DATED 7TH M AY.

I need not repeat what has so often been said on thesubject of the pretended insurrection so long connivedat by h is Highness, or of the preparationsmade by his Highness , apparently to supportthat rebellion . The proceedings amounted toa commencement of war on the part of the Peshwa ,but I proposed a truce on certain terms , all of whichhad been broken by his Highness I proposed to hisHighness upwards of a month ago to discontinue hishostile proceedings and wait the answer of the Govemor

General to my report of h is Highness ’s transactions . Atthat time his Highness agreed to forbear from anyfurther preparations , and even promised of his ownaccord to reduce those which had been already made .His Highness, however , not only failed in the lastpromise , but systematically departed from other articlesof my demand . He continued. to recruit his troops ,and to prepare his forts , until it became necessary tofulfil the declaration contained in my first note, bysimilar proceedings on the part of the British Govemment since which his Highness has continued his secretpreparations

,the insurgents have taken th e fort of Prasit

Gar, and his Highness has formally announced tome his intention of strengthening the garrisons of all

his forts , and in particular of sending ordnance to thefort of Wassota, which it is well known has beendiligently provided for a siege for many months . Thusit appears that his Highness , instead of waiting theanswer of the Governor-General , has carried on all hisoperations without the least restraint, so that every dayimproves his situation

,while it renders worse that of the

British Government, by bringing nearer the setting-in

2 3C DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

of th e rainy season . These considerations render itimpossible for me , consistently with prudence , to waitany longer ; and in order to prevent the necessity of arupture , I must insist on the immediate surrender of

Trimbakji Dengle within the period of one month .

A month is allowed to give time to send orders forseizing Trimbakji and bring him to Puna, but it isimpossible for me to allow the season to pass awaywithout some solid proof of the Peshwa ’s sincerity .

I must therefore insist on being put in possession of

three of h is Highness ’s principal forts as security for hisfulfilling the agreement . These forts are S inhagar,Purandhar, and Rayagar ; of which I expect S inhagar tobe delivered up in the course of to-morrow, Purandhar inthe course of the next day , and the other fort immediately onthe arrival of the troops before it . If anydelay whatever takes place in making over these forts ,hostilities shall commence without delay . In the eventof his Highness making over the forts in question, heShall be at liberty to put his seal on any treasure orvaluables that may be deposited in them , and the wholeshall be restored to him in the same state in which it isgiven over, without hesitation or demur, immediately onthe fulfilment of the preliminary article above mentioned .

Th is done , we shall proceed to negotiate respecting thesatisfaction to be afforded to the Governor-General forth e Peshwa ’s recent breach of treaty, as well as thesecurity to be given for his future good conduct . Itwas my wish to have waited for the Governor-General ’sinstructions, and to have made his Highness acquaintedwith the full extent of his Excellency ’s demands atfirst ; but as his Highness would not suspend his proce edings, it was impossible for me to suspend mine .

‘ I must request that his Highness will give me adefinite answer to the demand made in this paper before


days ’ delay on the Peshwa’s part , saying that hewould give up th e forts at the end of that time ,but that he required the interval to consult his ownpeople . Mr . Elphinstone said there was no need of

consideration on a subject that had so often beendiscussed that he could not accuse himself of omittingto warn the Peshwa , step by step , of the consequencesof his conduct ; that he only asked the Peshwa togive security for performing what he had often promised ;and that if his Highness meant to comply he could doit then as well as four days hence , whereas if he meantnot to do so, the gain of time was an object . PrabhakarPandit continued to urge his request , and saying thatfour days were nothing in addition to so many days thatwere past , Mr . Elphinstone said that he had made uphis mind after full deliberation

,and that no reason had

been brought forward why he should alter it he addedthat he was unwilling to speak ill of the Peshwa at alltimes , and especially on an occasionthat might be thelast on which he would communicate with his Highness ,but he could not but remind Prabhakar Ballal of therepeated promises made by the Peshwa, through him,

and of the uniform breach . of every one of them by hisHighness . After so many disappointments Mr . Elphinstone said he could not trust to his Highness ’s promisesagain. There were several pauses in the conversation ,after one of them Mr . Elphinstone said that he heardthe Peshwa was on the point of flying ; that his doingso would bring on hostility

,even before the appointed

hour that Mr . Elphinstone could not but be reluctantto de stroy an alliance of so many years ’ standing , butstill it was his duty to refuse the delay solicited .

Towards the end of the conversation PrabhakarPandit altered his language , which had from the first beenambiguous . He formerly let it be understood that the

DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 2 33

forts would be given up at the end of four days , andnow said that an answer should be returned after thatpe riod .

Bapu Konrikar was afterwards called , and the sameobservations were repeated to him that had beenmade to Prabhakar Ballal ; in addition to what passedbefore , one of the Brahmins said that the Peshwarequested this delay of Mr . E lphinstone as a mark ofhis private friendship . Mr . Elphinstone said he was ata loss what to answer to such a request, as the thingwas immssible . When the party had risen to breakup Bapu Konrikar repeated several of the argumentsfor delay , and Mr . Elphinstone repeated his answer,and took a solemn leave of them, saying the time fornegotiation was now fast expiring, and that he trusted hisHighness would yet consider and preserve the alliance .


Resident . ’

To the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings, K.G . ,


M Y LORD,I have not addressed your Excellency since

the 9 th instant , because I had no change to report inthe Peshwa ’s conduct or measures . I amhappy to have it inmy power at length to

Egg ;state that he appears to be sincerely desirousto apprehend Trimbakji, and to recover the favour of

the British Government . Up to the middle of themonth his Highness continued to use every exertion toput things in train for a flight from Puna . He issuedthree months ’ pay to the troops in his service , and continned to add to their numbers . His forces out of

Puna continued to assemble near Satara, in conse

2 34 DES P ATCHE S OF HON . M. ELPHINS TONE.

quence of the orders they had formerly received . His

principal adherents sent their families away from Puna,and their example was followed by most people in thetown whose circumstances admitted of it . His Highness also brought about an entire reconciliation with hisbrother , with whom he is said to have interchanged themost solemn oaths . His Highness ’s plan at that timewas thought to be to retire with his brother to Satara ,and after arranging for the security of the Rajah , toproceed with the force under Naro Pant Aptehorse and foot) either to Wassota or Dharwar . On thenight of the 1 3th it was the universal belief that hisHighness was on the point of quitting Poona , in companywith Gokhle : all his horse was ready , and by everyaccount I have received he was nearer setting outthan at any other period

,excepting

,perhaps , the night

of the 8th . He was,however , prevailed on to stay,

and although he has Shownseveral Signs of adhering tohis former system

,since then I think he has been

becoming gradually less inclined to any desperatecourse . One proof of the continuance of his indiscreetconduct was his issuing four or six lacs of rupees to hisprincipal Sardars for their troops , so late as the 1 7thinstant .During all this time the Peshwa sent frequent

messages to me through S adashiv Mankeshwar , re

quiring a prolongation of the period assigned for theapprehension of Trimbakji, and requesting my consentto his going away from Puna , on account of ane clipse ; he first mentioned Nasik as the place he was

going to , and afterwards P hulsh eher. His Highnessalso attempted

,through the same channel , to draw from

me a disclosure of the terms which were to be imposedon him if Trimbakji were seized . I declined complying with any of these applications , Observing that

2 36 DES PATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINS TONE .

see more distinctly than ever the dangers with whichhis state was surrounded . He began to express greatanxiety about the conduct of the British Government at the expiration of the month and respecting the terms to be imposed if Trimbakj i weresurrendered . He wavered for some days between thedifl

’

erent courses that were before him, sometimes consulting S adashiv Mankeshwar , and sometimes his rivalMoro Dixit , onthe best means of obtaining good termsfrom th e British Government, but oftener concerting with his old advisers the measures to be adopted incase of hostilities .

At length , about the 20th instant , he appears to havedetermined on yielding to the counsels of MoroDixit . He then issued proclamations ofl

'

ering a rewardof two lacs of rupees and a village worth rupeesa year to anyone who would bring inTrimbakji, deador alive , promising rewards for every informationregarding him, and for the apprehension of his ad

herents, and granting a pardon to all his followers whoshould desert him , except twelve ringleaders , againstwhom , as well as those who should refuse to come inon this proclamation , the severest penalties wereannounced . Many hundred copies of this proclamationhave been issued by his Highness , one hundred weresent to me , and have been distributed through our

numerous detachments , and sent to all our news-writersand other agents , as well as to the Government of

Bombay and Madras , and to all the Residencies .Besides issuing this proclamation , hisHighness threw

all Trimbakji’

s adherents who were confined in Punainto chains , and sent them to difl

’

erent hill -forts . Healso sent orders to se ize the families and destroy thehouses of the twelve excepted from the amnesty , andapprehended some others

,of whose offences I am not


informed , and gave the most public indications of adesire to proceed with vigour against Trimbakji . HisHighness had before gone through the ceremony of

issuing orders to his oflicers to seize Trimbakji, andhad desired SadashivMankeshwar to employ a numberof Harkaras in searching for him ; but those stepsmade no impression upon anyone , especially as theundertaking was committed to the Bhau, whom hisHighness is known to regard with distrust and dislike .

His present activity is a contrast to his former indifl

'

erence . He personally takes a great share in all theproceedings of his Ministers and although he suffersthe punishment of his habitual insincerity , in the distrustwith which all his professions are received , yet mostpeople are now convinced that he is Sincerely desirousof recovering the ground he has lost , and of purchasingthe security of his own person and Government by thesacrifice of the favourite for whom he has exposedhimself to so many risks .It is not certainly known where Trimbakji is at

present , but it is thought he is in the hills to the southof the river Perana . He was reported to be expected atAlandi on the 1 2th , with strong circumstance of probability . I sent a detachment of cavalry and infantry toapprehend him , which failed from various causes . On thenext night ColonelFitzsimon, who commands the reserveat Koregaum, received similar intelligence , and sent astrong detachment to Alandi ; this also failed, andthough there are some strong circumstances in favourof Trimbakj1

’

s having narrowly escaped both times, itis still doubtful whether he ever was at Alandi .

‘ The insurgents in Khandesh are reported to haveassembled near Durab , to the estimated number of

Colonel Doveton has detached Colonel Walkerwith a light force against this body . Colonel Doveton

2 33 DE S P ATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINSTONE .

himself remains at Borenair with the main body of theHyderabad subsidiary force .

Colonel Thompson ’s detachment is nownear P andharpur ; its presence has effectually checked all attempts atinsurrection inthat part of the country , which ColonelSmith justly considered as the most disposed to rise .Colonel Milne ’s detachment is at Ahmednagar . TheVinchur Jahagirdar has again had an action with aparty of insurgents near Sangamner , and has killedseveral . The P atwardhans, except Chintaman Rav,remain at Lassore , where they were posted by ColonelSmith . Chintaman Rav is at Puna ; of his

horse have joined Naro Pant Apte . Appa Desai hastaken no part in these disturbances .The Rani of S awant Wari has succeeded inrecon

oiling her chiefs , and has shown every intention of

carrying into effect the plan alluded to in the letterintercepted by Mr . Hall ; but it is to be hoped thechange in his Highness the Peshwa’s conduct will havea great effect onhers .Ballaji Koonjar died at Pandharpur on the 1 7th

instant .I have , etc . ,(Signed) M . ELPHINSTONE ,

Resident at Puna .

’

TRANSLATION OF A MEMORANDUM SENT TO HIS HICBNEssTHE PESHWA, ON THE 1 4TH M AY, 1 8 1 7 .

I formerly explained to your Highness that thedawk from Calcutta was stopped , and that therefore a

delay had arisen in the receipt of the GovernorGeneral ’s answer to my letters ; but I was

already aware that no discussions would take placewith your Highness

’s Government until the surrender

M emorandum.

2 40 DESPATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINSTONE.

delivery of Trimbakj i to an English detachment , Ishall be prepared to communicate his Lordship ’sdemands

,which if not complied with , will prevent the

continuation of peace . In the meantime , if his HighnessShould quit Puna during th e present discussion , or ifhis Highness ’s troops should move from their presentposition , it will be considered as a declaration of war ,and the British troops will immediately act . I havebeen directed by his Lordship to communicate th is for

your Highness’s consideration , and I have therefore

written the above memorandum .

’

To Sir Evan Nepean , etc . , etc . , etc .

Camp at Kirkee ,6th November,

3

The increase of the Peshwa ’s preparationshaving led me to call in the light battalion , and the

reports from Puna having induced GeneralSmith to concentrate his force at P ultamba,the Peshwa resolved to take the opportunity

of attacking us before our reinforcements arrived .

Accordingly , he sent me a message , requiring me tosend away the European regiment and to make variousother arrangements , as the price of his friendship . Onmy refusing , he withdrew to a hill on the south of thetown , and sent out his troops against our force . Theparty from the Residency was withdrawn into camp ,and the line moved out to meet the enemy at fouryesterday afternoon . Their very numerous cavalry didlittle or no mischief; they had not many guns , and theirinfantry were not engaged . After a fe eble stand theydrew off their guns , and , it being now dark , our linereturned to camp . The Peshwa is still at the hill of

P arbatti, and the Gokhle , with his Highness’s troops ,

DESPATCHES OF HON. M. ELPHINSTONE. 2 4 1

is in the rear of their yesterday ’s ground , where theywill perhaps stand anaction . Their loss is considerable inthe affair of yesterday ; ours I thought yesterdaynot above 30 killed and wounded, but I am afraid itwill prove 100. The light battalion, and auxiliaryhorse , joined us this morning. I beg you will excusethis scrawl , but all my writing implements , with everything I have , except the clothes onmy back , form partof the blaze of the Residency, which is now smokingin sight .

I am , etc . ,

‘

(Signed)’

M . Eh pnmee oue .

’

To his Excellency the Marquis of Hastings, etc . , etc .

M Y LORD ,

The pressure of business for these severaldays, and the uncertainty of the result , have preventedmy hitherto reporting to your Excellency ;but as we are now in a state of open war

mmwith the Peshwa , it is necessary to acquaint

p 0°

you with the manner in which the rupture was broughton, leaving all details for a subsequent despatch .

The great military preparations of his Highness thePeshwa , his distinct refusal to send any part of theforce he had collected away from Puna, the threateningposition he had occupied in the neighbourhood of our

camp , and above all , his unremitting endeavours tocorrupt the fidelity of our native troops

,rendered it

absolutely necessary , in my judgment, to remove thebrigade from the very bad position it occupied at thetown , to that selected for it by General Smith .

This circumstance , and that of our cantonment beingonthe alert on the 29th ultimo , the night before thearrival of the Europeanregiment , removed the appear

1 6


ance of confidence which had been in some measurekept up between us and the Peshwa: This appearancehad afl

'

orded no advantage , except that of protractingan open rupture , for his Highness proceeded in all

respects as if he were at open war ; and all his subjectsspoke of his declaring against us as an event in whichnothing was uncertain but the time .The efl

’

ect of our withdrawing was to encourage thePeshwa ’s people , who plundered our cantonmentswithout any obstruction from their own Government,and also talked openly of the impending destructionof our detachment . Anoflicer on his road to Bombaywas also attacked , wounded , and plundered in open day ,about two miles from Puna , and as far from theResidency ; and the language of the Peshwa

’s Ministerwas that of perfect estrangement and disregard . HisHighness also continued to push his troops Up towardsours , as if in defiance ; it was announced that heintended to form a camp between our old cantonmentand our new position , and or horse moveddown for the purpose . On this I sent a message ,begging that the motives of our movements might notbe misconstrued , but that the Peshwa might forbidthese aggressions at the same time announcing that ifany troops attempted to press on us , as in our oldposition , we Should be obliged to treat them as enemies .The Peshwa replied by a promise to restrain his troops .

On hearing the first intelligence of the preparationson our cantonments , and of our intended removal toKirkee , General Smith , who had been prepared for a

rupture onthe Peshwa’s part, concentrated his force onP ultamba, recalling his detachments from the Ghats ;he likewise ordered the light battalion , wh ich was on itsroute to join him, to return to Sirur . These proceedings having attracted the Peshwa’s notice , and being

344 DE S P ATCHES OF HON . M. ELPHINS TONE.

be sent away, and the native brigade reduced to itsusual strength that our cantonments should be removedto a place to be pointed out by his Highness ; that theResidency might remain and on these terms his Highness would maintain his friendship with the BritishGovernment . Otherwise , that his Highnesswas actuallymounted , and would repair to some distance from Puna,to which place he would never return until his termswere complied with . I replied that I believed GeneralSmith was still at P ultamba, that the battalion wascertainly coming in , and that the great assembly of

troops by his Highness , and the positions they occupied ,were suflicient reasons for my wishing to strengthen thebrigade ; but that I could assure his Highness that itwas brought on by no design of attacking him , and hemust do me the justice to ownthat none of the formerproceedings against his Highness

,of which he had com

plained , were undertaken without full notice to hisHighness ; that it was out of my power to withdrawthe troops ; and that h is Highness was not entitled byany engagement to demand it ; that, on the contrary,he had promised to send his troops to the frontier

,and

that he ought to fulfil his promise , which would removeevery ground of disagreement . Vitt0j1 Naik thenbegan to talk in a style of complaint and menace ,adverted to the former disputes , in which he said thePeshwa had given way merely from friendship for theCompany ; and asked me if I imagined that his Highness was not a match for us onthe day when Puna wassurrounded . He then repeated his message

,and desired

a categorical answer. I replied as before , and askedhim if I was to understand that when his Highnessquitted Puna I was to consider him at war . VittojiNaik said he had no message on that head

,but that

his Highness would square his actions by ours . Hewas


afterwards a great deal more distinct , for he repeatedhis demand , declaring if I did not comply with it , thefriendship would not last ; and warning me of th e

'

bad

efl'

ects of a rupture . I then renewed my assurances ofour wish for peace , and said that if his Highness movedto his army, I should withdraw to camp ; that if heremained quiet , or receded , we should still consider himas a friend , and should be careful not to cross the riverthat separates our camp from the town ; but that if histroops advanced towards ours , we should be obliged toattack them . Immediately after Vittoji Naik quittedme the Peshwa left the town , and withdrew to Parbatti ; and within less than an hour large bodies of

troops beganto move in the direction of our camp , andin such a manner as to cut ofl

'

the Residency . On thereceipt of Vitt0j1 Naik

’s message , I had withdrawn acompany that had been left in the Old cantonments ;and as soon as it reached the Residency, the detachmentthere marched Off to camp , keeping a river betweenthem and the Peshwa ’s troops , who were moving in thesame direction . The Residency was immediately plundered and burned . As the Peshwa ’s troops advanced ,Lieutenant-Colonel Burr fell in , and very judiciouslymoved out to meet them . He was joined by the battalion formerly in the Peshwa ’s service , from Dapori .As he advanced a cannonade was opened from thePeshwa ’s guns , which did little execution , and soonafter the line was surrounded by vast bodies of cavalrycoming on at speed . The lst, 7th Native Infantry ,which was drawn Off from the left of the line , by theeagerness of the men to attack a battalion of Gokhles ,

was charged while separated , but completely heat off

the attack , and th e derangement was promptly repairedby Colonel Burr

,who immediately joined the corps ,

and by his coolness and promptitude speedily extricated


it from its perilous situation . The horse continued tomove round in large masses until the end Of the affair,but were deterred by Colonel Burr ’s skilful arrangements from any more attempts to charge . After firingsome rounds from the field-pieces , the line moved forward

,the Peshwa ’s guns were drawn off, and soon after

the whole field was cleared of his troops , on whichColonel Burr returned to this camp , it being now dark .

The loss of our brigade in this affair amounts to about90 men that of the Peshwa ’s troops is said to be about500. I am sorry to learn that Moro Dixit is amongthe killed . The Peshwa is now on the hill of P arbatti,immediately to the south of Puna ; and his troops areon the side of the town Opposite to this place , muchdisheartened . There are somanyobjections to attackingthe town , and so little could now be done by pursuingthe Peshwa ’s troops without attacking it , that Lieutenant-Colonel Osborne , who arrived yesterday eveningand took the command of the brigade , has determinedto remain in his present position until the arrival ofGeneral Smith , who may be expected in a week or tendays . Unfortunate as a quarrel with the Peshwa maybe at this moment , I have no doubt your Lordshipwill think it was inevitable . It was evidently meditatedat the time of the Peshwa

’

s promises of cordial aid , andhad late ly been advanced too far to leave his Highnessany hope of averting it by professions or explanations.It is, therefore , a happy circumstance that his Highnessshould have thrown off the mask before he had madeany progress in his intrigues with our native army.

Nothing could exceed the zeal of the Sepoys in theaffair of yesterday. I Shall have the honour of transmitting Lieutenant-Colonel Burr ’s report as soon as Ireceive it . I beg leave to point out to your Excellencythe great zeal and exertions of that oflicer, in removing


Dixit , were wounded , and Abba P urandhare had ahorse killed under him . The Vinchurkar was sus

pected of treachery . The Peshwa himself set CE for

Purandhar , and was with great difficulty persuadedto remain in camp by Gokhle , who declared that hisflight would be followed by the dispersion of his army .

In the course of the succeeding days the Mahratta armywas concentrated on the side of Puna most removedfrom our camp

,and his Highness encouraged the

S ardarsfi paid for the horses that had been killed inaction , and bestowed presents and distinctions on suchmen as had been wounded . Yesterday evening thewhole army moved out from behind the town and eu

camped to the east of our old cantonment , in open viewof this camp , at the distance of about four miles .The only signs of activity which the enemy has dis

played have appeared in his attempts to cut off suppliesand to shut the roads in this he has in some mannersucceeded , as some officers and some convoys wereadvancing

,on the faith of our alliance , with little or no

escorts . Comets Hunter and Morrison , escorted by aHavildar’r and twelve Sepoys , had arrived at Wuroli,

within twenty mile s of Puna, when they were sur

rounded by some hundred horse and some Arabs , and ,after a fruitless resistance , were compelled to lay downtheir arms . The Sepoys were not detained , and one ofthem has arrived in camp but the oflipers were madeprisoners , and are stated by one report to have beenmurdered in cold blood ; but more authentic accountsrepresent them to have been carried into Puna .

Captain Vaughanand his brother were seized at Talle

gam, on their way to Bombay , and although theyoffered no resistance , they are stated by a negro servant,who brought an account of their capture

,to have been

M ilitary chiefs. 1' A native sergeant.


put to death in the most ignominious manner . Thenegro is so distinct in h is relation of their executionthat there is no reason to doubt the fact , except whatarises from the atrocity of the action .

‘ The Peshwa ’s conduct has in some instances bornemore of th e character of civilized war . A conductorand a Naik

’

s"E party belonging to the Peshwa ’ s

battalion , that were in charge of some stores in asuburb near the Residency, were induced by assurancesof safety to quit a defensible house which they occupied ,and the promises made to them were faithfully observed .

Mahomed Harifl'

, the Munshi of the Residency, hadalso defended his house with Arabs , was invited to quitit , and sent out of the city unmolested . He had aninterview with Gokhle before he came , which was interesting in many respects , especially from Gokhle

’

s

producing a paper under the Peshwa’s seal, investinghim with all the powers of the Government , and fromthe avowal of Vittoji Naik that

‘

the Residency andcantonments were bumed by the Peshwa ’s own orders .I had before supposed this wanton outrage to be thework of some of the rabble that compose his Highness ’sarmy . On the other hand , Gokhle had shown the utmostactivity in seizing and plundering all persons who arethemselves or who have relations in our service .

’

A corporal.

R E P O R T

TERRITORIES CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA.

DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY.

THE whole extent of the country under the Commissioner may be very roughly estimated at squaremiles

,and the population may be guessed at

but this does not include any of th e detached territoriesbeyond the Nizam ’s frontier .The grand geographical feature of this tract is the

chain of Ghats , which run along the western boundaryfor its whole length . Between this range and the sealies the Konkan , now under Bombay . It extends from40 to 50 miles in breadth , includes many fertile placesproducing abundance of rice , but , in general , is veryrough , and much crossed by steep and rocky hills .

Towards the Ghats , the country is in most placesextremely strong, divided by hills intersected byravines

,and covered with thick forest . The range

itself is from to feet high, extremeabrupt, and inaccessible on the west . The passes are

numerous , but steep , and very seldom passable forcarriages . The table-land on the east is nearly as

high as many parts of the ridge of the Ghats, but in

2 54 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

general the hills rise above it to the height of fromto feet . The table-land is for a consider

able distance rendered very strong, by numerous spursissuing from the range , among which are deep windingrugged valleys often filled with thick jungle . Farthereast the branches from the Ghats become less frequent ,and the country becomes more level , till the neighbourhood of the Nizam ’s frontier , where it is anopen plain .

The northern part of the chain of Ghats, and thecountry and its base , especially to the west , is in

habited by Bhils . The kolies, who somewhatresemble the Bhils , but are less predatory

and more civilized, inhabit the part of the range tothe south of Baughhaud and the country at its base onthe west as far south as Bassein . They are also

numerous in Gujarat . The Bhils possessthe eastern part of the range , and all the

branches that run out from it towards the west, as farsouth as Puna ; they even spread over the plains to theeast , especially on the north of the Godavari, and are

found as far off as the neighbourhood of the Wards .

On the north , they extend beyond the Tapty andNarbada , and are numerous in the jungles that divideGujarat from Malwa , as well as in all the eastern partsof Gujarat. They are a wild and predatory tribe ; andthough they live quietly in the open country , theyresume their character whenever they are settled in a

part that is strong , either from hills or jungles . TheBhils differ from the other inhabitants in language ,manners, and appearance ; they are small and black ,wear little clothes , and always carry bows and arrows.

In appearance , they much resemble the mountaineersof Baughalpur. The Bhils and kolies, when in thebills or strong places, live under Naiks or Chiefs of theirown , who have some influence over those in the neigh

2 56 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES

the south by the range in which are the fort of

Chandore and the Ghat of Ajanta : on the south-westit is bounded by the range of Sahyadri, commonlycalled the Ghats , at the termination of which south of

the Tapti is the hilly tract of Bagalan. The plainof Khandesh descends towards the Tapti from the hi llson the north and south (especially from the south) onthe east it is bounded by S cindia

’

s and the Nizam ’

sterritories on the plain of Berar ; on the west , the plainalong the Tapti extends , without interruption , from thehills to the sea ; but it is divided from the rich countryabout Surat by a thick and extensive jungle . Thoughinterspersed with low ranges of unproductive h ills , thebulk of the province is exceedingly fertile , and it iswatered by innumerable streams , on many of whichexpensive embankments have formerly been erected forpurposes of irrigation . Some parts of the province arestill in a high state of cultivation , and others , morerecently abandoned , convey a high notion of their formerrichne ss and prosperity ; but the greater part ofKhandeshis covered with thick jungle , full of tigers and otherwild beasts , but scattered with the ruins of formervillages . The districts north of the Tapti in particular,which were formerly very populous , and yielded a largerevenue , are now almost an uninhabited forest . Thedecline of this province , from the flourishing conditionwhich it had long since attained under its Mohammedanmasters , is to be dated from the year 1 802 , when it wasravaged byHolkar’s arm-y . This blow was followed bythe famine in 1 803 , and its ruin was consummated bythe misgovernment of the Peshwa ’s officers . The Bh ils,who had before lived mixed with the other inhabitants,and had , as village watchmen , been the great instruments of police throughout Khandesh , withdrew to

' thesurrounding mountains, whence they made incursions,

CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA . 2 57

and carried off cattle and prisoners from the heart ofthe province . The Pindarics annually ravaged the opencountry : various insurgents plundered at the head of

bodies of horse and parties of Arabs established themselves in some of the numerous fortresses and ghurieswith which Khandesh abounds , and laid all the neighbourhood under contribution .

The expulsion of the Arabs was a natural consequenceof the war , and no parties of plundering horse were ableto keep the field ; but the settlement of the Bhils was awork of more time and difficulty . Those in the Satpura mountains were the most formidable , as thatrange , though not perhaps above feet high

,is

deep and strong , and so unhealthy that no stranger canlong remain in it . The plan adopted by CaptainBriggs , and zealously executed by Lieutenant-ColonelJardine , was to stop the supplies of the Bhils , whichare all drawn from the plain ; to cut off any parties thatattempted to issue to plunder , and to make vigorousattacks on the points in the bills to which the principalBhil Chiefs had retired . These measures soon reducedthe Bhils to accept the very favourable terms held out

to them ; which were to forbear their depredations, theChiefs receiving pensions , and allowances for a certainnumber of men , and binding themselves to restrain theexcesses of their people .The same plan was carried through

,with less exer

tion , with the Bhils of the Chandore range , and withthe Bhils and Kolie s in Bagalan . The terms haveoccasionally been broken by some Chiefs, but on th ewhole , they have succeeded beyond my most sanguineexpectations , and have effectually delivered the provincefrom this species of invasion. The only attacks of theBhils are now made in parties of three or four , who robpassengers . These outrages have beenresisted by the

1 7


police , and are stated by Captain Briggs to be greatlyonthe decline . I have little doubt that a continuanceof this vigilance , together with the liberal provisionauthorized by Government for the Bhil watchmen , willsoon completely extinguish the remains of these disorders .The efl

’

ectual protection of the people is the first andmost important step towards restoring the prosperity of

Khandesh ; but, from the havoc that has been madeamong the population , a long period must elapse beforeit can Show any great signs of improvement . A verylight assessment , and the favourable terms on whichwaste land is granted to speculators , will, it is hoped ,accelerate this crisis , and not only draw back the nativesof Khandesh who have retired to Guzerat and othercountries , but even attract new settlers from place swhere the population is over-abundant .Captain Briggs has applied himself with great zeal to

the improvement of the district , and has adopted andsuggested various plans for that purpose : among these ,a principal one is the repair of the embankments , andthe fear of their falling into irretrievable minis a strongmotive for commencing onthis undertaking early. Butat present the great want of Khandesh is in population ;and where waste land is abundant, people are morelikely to be attracted by the easy terms on which thatis granted , than by the richness of lands irrigated bymeans of dams ; where , from the necessity of repayingG overnment for the expenses of erecting and maintaining them , the condition of the cultivator has generallybeen observed to be worse thanon land which has notthe advantage of these costly improvements .Captain Briggs describes the people of Kh andesh as

peaceable and inofl'

ensive , but timid , helpless, unenterprising, and sunk under the oppression and the multi

2 60 RE P ORT ON THE TERRITORIE S

and army . Nasik does not contain more than a

fourth of this number. Pandharpur is still smallerthan Nasik, and the rest all much smaller than P andh arpur . Ahmednagar , however, must be excepted , whichis reckoned to contain souls , and is increasingrapidly .

This tract is the oldest possession of the MahrattaGovernment , and is by far the most decidedly Mahrattain the composition of the inhabitants . The characterof that people is fully depicted in the answers to th equeries which I sent to the collectors , especially inCaptain Grant ’s .The Brahmins , who have long conducted all the

business of the country , are correctly described by Mr .Chaplin as an intriguing, lying , corrupt , licentious ,and unprincipled race of people to which CaptainGrant adds with equal truth , ‘ that when in power theyare coolly unfeeling, and systematically oppressive ,

’ andnow generally discontented , and only restrained byfear from be ing treasonable and treacherous . ’ Theyare superstitious, and narrow in their attachment totheir caste , to a degree that has no example elsewherebut they are mild , patient , intelligent on many subjects ,even liberal and enlightened ; and , though regardless ofsufferings which they may indirectly produce , they arenaturally very averse to cruelty and bloodshed : thereare among them many instances of decent and respectable lives , and although they are generally subtle andinsincere , I have met with some on whom I coulddepend for sound and candid opinions .The Mahratta Chiefs , while in power , and especially

while with armies, are generally coarse , ignorant,rapacious and oppressive .Those settled intheir owncountry , and unconnected

with courts and armies, bear a much better character,

CONQUERED FROM THE P E SHWA . 26 1

being sober , industrious , and encouragers of agriculture .

It must indeed be remembered , both of this class andthe Brahmins, that we see the very worst of the whole ,and that it is among those at a distance from the seatof Government that we are to look for any virtue thatmay exist in the nation .

The soldiery . so much resemble the Chiefs, thatindividuals of the two classes might change placeswithout any striking impropriety . The Chiefs of courseare more vicious , and probably more intelligent . TheMahratta soldiery love war , as affording opportunitiesfor rapine in an enemy ’s country , and marauding in afriend ’s. In battle , they seem always to have beenthe same dastardly race ; but they are active , hardy ,vigilant , patient of fatigue and privations ; and , thoughtimid in action , they show great boldness and ente rprisein their incursions into distant countries ; and on alloccasions they appear to have the greatest confidence intheir horses , though little or none in their swords .Their plan in a campaign is to avoid general engagements , to ravage their enemy

’s country, and to cut upconvoys and detachments ; in an action it is to dispersewhen attacked , and to return to the charge , when theenemy has broken , to plunder : by these means theyare enabled to prevail against better troops than themselves .The Mahratta peasantry have some pride in the

triumphs of their nation , and some ambition to partakein its military exploits ; but , although circumstancesmight turn them into soldiers or robbers , at presenttheir habits are decidedly peaceful . They are sober,frugal , industrious ; mild and inoffensive to everybody ;and among themselves neither dishonest nor insincere .The faults of their Government have , however, createdthe corresponding vices in them ; its oppression and

2 6 2 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIE S

extortion have taught them dissimulation , mendacity ,and fraud ; and the insecurity of property has renderedthem so careless of the future , as to lavish on amarriage or other ceremony the savings of years of

parsimony . The first class of these vices , thoughprevalent throughout the whole in their dealings withGovernment, is more conspicuous among the Patels ,and others who are most brought into contact withtheir rulers ; and the effects of the second are felt inthe debts and embarrassments in which the whole of

the agricultural population is plunged .

It may be observed , in conclusion , that the militaryBrahmins combine part of the character of Mahrattasoldiers with that of their own caste ; and that thecharacter of the Mahratta soldiery, in like manner,runs into that of the cultivators . Taking the whole asa nation , they will be found to be inferior to theirMohammedan neighbours in knowledge and civilization , in spirit , in generosity , and perhaps in courage ;but less tainted with pride , insolence , tyranny, efl

'

emi

nacy, and debauchery ; less violent , less“bigoted , and

(except while in armies onforeign service) more peaceable , mild , and humane .

MAHRATTA KARNATIK .— The country south of th e

Krishna, or, as the Mahrattas call it, the Kamatik, hasfew hills and few places incapable of cultivation .

Except in the immediate neighbourhood of the Ghats ,it consists of extensive plains of black or cotton ground ;a large portion of it is , however, uncultivated , especiallyof the parts which have been under the Government ofGokhle and Appa Desai . The high cultivation of theP atwardhans’ lands has often been mentioned . It is nodoubt owing in a great measure to their good management ; but in a great measure likewise to the oppressionof their neighbours , which drove every man who could

REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIE S

SKETCH OF THE M AHRATTA HISTORY.

The whole of the territory above described does notbelong to the British Government ; and what doesbelong to it is not all under our immediate administration . The other possessors of independent territoryare the Rajah of Satara , the Rajah of Kolapur ; and ,on a smaller scale , the Nizam , S cindia, Bolkar, theRajah of Berar and the Gaikwar . The lands held bydependent Ch iefs belong to Angria, the Pant Sachiv,the P ritti Nidhi , the P atwardhans, and other Jahagirdars . To give an idea of the situation of all theseChiefs , and indeed of the general state of the country,it is necessary to take a hasty view of the history of theMahrattas .The Mahratta language and nation extended from

the Vindyadri or Satpura mountains , nearly to theKrishna ; and from the sea onthe west to a wavingfrontier on the east , which may be tolerably indicatedby a line drawn from Goa to the Warda near Chanda ;and thence along that river to the Satpura mountains .The whole of the territory was probably under a Mahratta King , who resided at Deoghari , now Dowlatabad ;but this empire was subverted in the beginning of

th e fourth century, by the Mohammedans , and remainedunder various dynasties of that religion until the endof the seventeenth century , when the greater part wasdelivered by Sivaji and his successors . The easternpart still remains under the Moguls .The grandfather of Sivaji was of very humble

origin ; but his father had attained a considerable rankunder the kingdom of Bljapur ; had been entrustedwith a Government ; and profiting by the weakness ofthe King ’s power, had rendered himself nearly in

CON QUERED FROM THE P E SHWA . 2 65

dependent in the southern part of the Bljapur

dominions . The same weakness encouragedS ivajl to rebel , and plunder the country ;and he was enabled , by the increasing confusions inthe Deccan, to found a sort of Government , which thedesultory operations of Aurungzebe , distracted by hisnumerous and simultaneous foreign wars , allowed himtime to consolidate . His rebellion began about 1 64 6 ;he declared himself independent in 1 6 74 ;

and at his death , about 1 68 2 , he was possessed of great part of the Konkan; the rest being inthe hands of the Moguls of Surat , and in those of thePortuguese , or held for the Bijapur Government bythe S iddies or Abyssinians of Janjira . He seems alsoto have possessed the greater part of the line of Ghats ,and to have Shared with the M ohammedans the tractimmediately to the east of those mountains, as far northas Puna , and as far south as Kolepur.Most of these possessions were wrested from his son,

who was reduced to the hills , and part of the Konkan ,when Aurungzebe was drawn off to the subversion of the monarchies of Golkonda andBijapur. The convulsions occasioned by the extinction of those states completely unsettled the country,and threw a large portion of the armies , which hadhith erto maintained tranquillity , into the scale of theMahrattas , to whom the Jamidars throughout the Deccan also appear to have been inclined . The conse

quence was, that although on the execution of Sambaji , the son of S ivajl, in 1 689 , his son

and heir Shahuji fell into the hands of theMoguls, and his younger brother Rajah Ram, whosucceeded him, was shut up in the P ortof Gingee , south of Arcot so that for severalyears the Mahrattas had no eflicient head , yet they

1685-87.


were able , under different leaders , to withstand, and atlength to deride the efforts of the Moguls , which wereenfeebled by the faction of th e Generals , and the de

clining age ofthe Emperor , till the year 1 707 ,when the death of Aurungzebe , and the con

tests among his successors , set them free from all

danger on the part of the Moguls . The Chiefs left incharge of the Deccan first faintly opposed , and thenconciliated th e Mahrattas : a truce was concluded about1 7 10, by wh ich they yielded the Chouth and this , onthe confirmation of the agreement , together with aformal grant of their territorial possessions by the

Emperor in 1 7 1 9 , may be considered as thefinal establishment of the Mahratta Govem

ment, after a struggle of at least sixty years .During the period between the death of Aurungzebe

and the confirmation of the Chouth , etc . , a great revolution had taken place among the Mahrattas . Shah uRajah , the sonof SambajI, was released in 1 708 ; buton his returnto the Deccan he found himself opposedby his cousin Sivaji , sonof Rajah Ram . This Princehad succeeded on the death of h is father in 1 700 butbeing either very weak , or entirely deranged in hisintellect , his affairs were conducted by his mother,Tara Bai. Shahu Rajah was enabled , chiefly by thegood conduct of his Minister Ballaj i Vishwanath , togain over Kanoji Angre , the chief support of his rival

’scause , and to seat himself on the Mahratta Musnud . Heimmediately appointed Ballaji to the ofllce of Peshwa ,wh ich had before belonged to the family of Pingle , butwas forfeited by its possessor ’s adherence to the causeof Tara Bai . Shahu Rajah being incapacitated by hismental imbecility from exercising the authority withwhich he was invested , the entire administrationdevolved on BallajI Vishwanath .


by his son Baji Rav Balall. This Chief, who appearstOhave been a man of activity and abilities , took fulladvantage of the weakness , the distractions , and themutual jealousy and treachery of the Moguls . He overranall Malwa , and had entirely reduced it some time about

the year 1 735 ; while the troops of the Senapatti , another great General of Shahu Rajah ,

had made similar progress in Gujarat . The rivalry of

these Generals renewed the domestic distractions of theMahrattas ; but Bajl Rav finally overcame the Senapatti ; as Nana Sah ib subsequently did his powerfulservant , the Gaikwar , in 1 7 50, when he compelled thelatter to submit implicitly to his authority , and to make

over half of Gujarat to his oflicers. Baji Ravdied in 1 74 1 , and was succeeded by his son

BallajI Baji Rav, commonly called Nana Sahib .

Th is Prince was the first of the Peshwas who openlyexercised the sovereign authority on the Rajah ’ s behalf.His two predecessors had always affected to act underthe orders of that Prince ; but Rajah Shahu dying in

1 749 , it was alleged by the Peshwa that hehad formerly invested him with the sove

reignty of his dominions , on condition of his keepingup the name of the Rajah ’s descendants . I may hereremark , that it appears more than doubtful whetherthe Rajahs of Satara ever pretended to possess absolutesovereignty, or to hold their territories otherwise thanas vassals, either of Bijapur or of Delhi . Nana Sahibwas an inactive Prince; and entrusted his internalgovernment to his cousin Sadash ivRav Bhau, and thecommand of his armies to his brother Raghunath Rav,

the father of the late Peshwa. A temporaryexchange of these functions occasioned the

defeat and fall of the Bhau at P aniput, and the deathof Balaji , who never recovered the shock .

CONQUERED FROM THE P E SHWA. 2 69

The Government then fell into the hands of Raghunath Rav, who detained M adhav Rav, the son of

Nana Sahib , in a state of tutelage and dependence ;but who was not long able to resist the talents andenergy which that Prince early displayed . M adhav

Rav then took the reins into his ownhands, imprisonedRaghunath , and reigned for eleven years . Though atleast equal to his predecessors as a General , M adhav

Rav ’s chief praise arises from his Civil Government .He was the first who introduced order into the internaladministration , and who showed a sincere desire toprotect his subjects from military violence , and toestablish something like a regular dispensation of

justice .

His death, which happened in 1 77 2 , was soonfollowed by the murder of his brother Narayan Rav ;the usurpation of Raghunath Rav and a long struggle

,

in which the English were unsuccessful supporters of

the claims of that usurper . During this disturbedperiod , and the thirt een years of comparative tranquillity which followed , Nana Fadnavis acted asRegent in the name of the infant sonof the murderedNarayan Rav. The territories in the Deccanwere quiet, and were governed in a spirit ofpeace and moderation , which aided the former measuresof M adhav Rav insoftening the predatory habits of theMahrattas ; but at the same time , the great Chiefs ofHindustan began to appear rather as allies than as

servants ; and, although the connection of the Mahrattas as a confederacy was probably at its greatestheight at this period , yet the seeds of dissolution , whichwere inherent in the nature of it , began evidently todisplay themselves . A short view of the members of

this confederacy will show the loose ties by which thewhole was held .

2 70 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIE S

The State of Tanjore was scarcely ever even inalliance with Satara ; that founded by Malhar RavGhorapare , in the north

"

of Mysore , was in nearly th esame situation ; and that of Kolapur never joined it inany war. The confederates must therefore be theRajah of Berar, the Gaikwar, S cindia, Bolkar, thePowars

,and the Chiefs of Jhansi and Sagar . The first

of these powers was closely united in interest withPuna , and had no points of disagreement ; yet it wasfrequently at war with the Puna State , and seemed tohave been almost as much connected with the Nizamas with it . The Gaikwar was Oppressed and subdued

,

a vassal rather than a confederate . He joined the firstpower that appeared against the Mahrattas in this partof India , and has adhered to his alliance to the last .The other Chiefs were subjects and servants of thePeshwa , and were themselves born and bred in theheart of the Mahratta country, as were the whole of

their national troops ; not one of whom to th is day,

perhaps , was born in their foreign conquests . Besidesthe ties of kindred , language and country, which inmost nations keep up a connection for ages

,the

Mahrattas had a strong interest in opposing theircommon enemies ; yet there is perhaps no instance inwhich they were all engaged onone side in a war ; andit is surprising that states so circumstanced shouldbe unable to keep up a closer alliance for a periodlittle exceeding the natural life of man . These factsdo not , however, Show that there is not at this momenta confederacy cemented by common country , commoninterests, and common enmity to their conquerors, butthat there is nothing particularly durable in the connectionto prevent its dissolving at no distant period .

1790. At the death of Madhoo Rav Narayanin 1 79 6 , the whole of the great Mahratta Chiefs ,


Peshwa was now to possess in peace a small compactterritory ; and as th is had formerly partaken of theloose government of the general mass , it became thePeshwa’s object to consolidate his power , and establishit on such a footing as would allow of his governingwith as much ease as other Eastern Princes .Some progress had been made towards this state of

things during the government of M adhav Rav and

Nana Fadnavis ; and Baji Rav himself, from temper asmuch as from policy, had already adopted the coursemost suited to his Situation . The head of an unpopularparty

,and educated in a prison , he had little sympathy

with the bulk of his nation , and little desire for anyenterprise in which he might require their assistance .

His only wish was to gratify his love of power and ofrevenge , without endangering his safety or disturbinghis ease . He had therefore begun his administrationby plundering all the Ministers connected with hisenemy . Nana Fadnavis had seized on the Jahagirs

of his principal Opponents . When the treatyof Bassein relieved him from all apprehension

of resistance , he gave a loose to his desire for depressing the great and degrading his enemies .Almost all those who had been connected with the

government of his predecessors were discarded ; thegreat Sardars who held lands

'

were eith er dispossessedor kept at a distance , and obliged to yield implicitobedience to his will . No attempt was made to restorethe old army ; the Chiefs who had commanded it wereleft inwant . The Court was almost entirely composedof new men ; and the few troops that were retainedwere commanded by Upstarts , and paid from the treasury.

A severe famine that followed Baji Rav ’s restora

tion , prevented the natural effect of his reduction of themilitary force : many men perished, and more horses ,


and the vacancies occasioned by the deaths of the

owners of land , afforded a provision for many who hadtill then maintained themselves by the profession of

arms . Many more went to the camp of S cindia, whowas then exchanging his Mussulman retainers forMahrattas : others found employment with Bolkar andthe Rajah of Berar : and many probably joined thehordes of Pindarics , which begun about this time tobe Conspicuous .The discontents of the Chiefs were kept under by

the presence of a British force , and great progress hadthus been made in reducing the country to the statedesired by Baji Rav, when other events occurred toinduce him to change his system . The progress th athas been made has , however, been favourable to us .The number of Jahagirdars, though still very great , hasbeen lessened ; the pride of the nation has been humbled ,and its military strength reduced . The war and previousyears of intrigue and opposition , however , unsettledmen ’s minds ; the reduction of the armies of S cindia, theBhosale and the P indaries have increased the numbersof the soldiery ; the destruction of the smaller Jahagirdars in Hindustan has thrown them and their retainersback on their old country, and our having raised our

irregular horse and formed our civil establishmentsbefore Baji Rav ’s adherents were sufficiently depressedto come over to us , has left most of them out of employ . So that there are now two irregular armies— theMahratta one and our own ; and three civil establishments— Nana Fadnav1 s, Baji Rev

’s , and ours— withinthis one territory .


The principle I adopted for the civil administrationbeing to preserve unimpaired the practice which Ifound established , this part of my report ought to consist entirely of an account of the Mahratta system ; andalthough more changes have been introduced than wereintended , that will in fact occupy a very considerableportion of the statement which is to follow .

My information is derived , ina great measure , fromthe Jamabandi reports of the local cmcct e , on revenuesubjects ; and onjudicial ones , from the answers of thesame gentlemen to a Series of queries which I circulated about the end of last year . These answers areforwarded , and I beg to recommend them to attention .

That of Mr. Chaplin is of particular value . CaptainGrant ’s contains much information , both on the pointsimmediately in question , and on the general characterof the people ; and those of Mr. Thackeray, SubCollector of Rane Benore , have likewise considerablemerit . Besides this view of the former practice , I shallpoint out the changes that have occurred ; and as localopinions are always of use , I Shall add such suggestionsas occur to me on the course to be pursued hereafter ;though the want of general knowledge , as well as of

experience in the departments to which they refer , mayoften make them crude or erroneous .In whatever point of view we examine the native

government in the Deccan , the first and most important

mmfeature is , the division into villages or town

”‘m m ships . These communities contain in miniature all the materials of a state within themselves, andare almost suflicient to protect their members , if allother governments were withdrawn. Though probablynot compatible with a very good form of government ,


from the Government (generally from that of theMoguls) , are entitled by virt ue of it to lands andfees , and have various little privileges and distinctions ,

ofwhich they are as tenacious as of their land .

(1 rt 113?aFulfi ll:Their office and emoluments are hereditary

,W ell S h own in

1535118183n and saleable with the consent of the Govern

2,193,33n3m4ment, but are se ldom sold , except in cases of

$21 , extreme necessity , though a partner is somewas forwardedb y Cap t a intimes admitted , with a careful reservation ofRobertson, inh fH’ZmIt

em-

1813,the superiority of the old possessor. Th e

N0-6 Patil is head of the police , and of theadministration of justice in his village , but he needonly be mentioned here as an officer Of revenue . Inthat capacity he performs on a small scale what aMamlatdar or a collector does ona large ; he allots thelands to such cultivators as have no landed propertyof their own, and fixes the rent which each has to pay :he collects the revenue for Government from all therayats conducts all its arrangements with them , andexerts himself to promote the cultivation and th e

prosperity of the village . Though originally the agentof the Government , he is now regarded as equally therepresentative of the rayats, and is not less useful inexecuting the orders of the Government than inasserting the rights , or at least in making known thewrongs , of the people .The Kulkarni keeps the numerous records and

accounts of the village . The most important are : 1 st,m m ,

the general measurement and description of

W e Captainall the village lands ; 2nd, the list of fields ,fiat-

92229 99 9 4

with the name , size , and quality of each , theterms by which it is held , the name of the tenant, therent for which he has agreed , and the highest rent everproduced by the field ; 31d , the list of all the ln

CONQUERED FROM THE P ESHWA. 2 77

habitants , whether cultivators or otherwise , with astatement of the dues from each to Government, and thereceipt and balance in the account of each ; 4th , thegeneral statement of the instalments of revenuewhich have been realized ; and , 5th , the detailedaccount where each branch of revenue is shown undera different head , with the receipts and balance oneach .

Besides the public records, be generally keeps theaccounts of all the cultivators with each other, andwith their creditors ; acts as a notary public in drawingup all their agreements and even conducts any privatecorrespondence they may have to carry on . He haslands, but oftener fees allotted to h im by Government ,from which he hold h is appointment .The Chaugulla acts under the orders of the Patil ,

and assists him in his duties ; he also has thecare of the Kulkarnis’ records .The most important revenue duty of the Mhar is to

watch over the boundaries , both of the village landsand of each individual ’s field ; to se e that they Watchmanare not encroached on , to give evidence in caseswhere they are disputed he watches over crops , whethercut or growing , as long as they are in the fields . He isalso the public messenger and guide , and will bementioned again as a most important actor in th e

police .The P otadar, besides being the village silver-smith ,

assays all money paid, either to Governmentor to individuals .With the few exceptions already mentioned , all the

villagers are cultivators ; and these , as there are fewlabourers , are distinguished by their tenures into twoclasse s, that of M irasis or landed proprietors , and thatofUpris, or farmers .As I was particularly directed to attend to the

P otadar.


tenures of land , I have called on the collectors to

mm “,o , furnish the requisite information ; only two

landedtors, answers have been received , but the enclosedCaptainRobort

gar

}

. Extracts , No. 7 , fromletters written onother

gig, £3530? subjects , sufliciently elucidate this question .

{333 They are , perhaps , the more to be depended on ,iiiif

’69

331 because all of them , except Captain Grant’s

tain Br i g g s ,dated June 22. and Captain Briggs’s second letter , were

1819 , and Cup

334 13213933:written before any question had been put , that181” could influence the write rs ; and that they arenot produced by any speculations , but forced on thecollectors , by th e course of their ordinary business .The deeds of sale enclosed in Captain Robertson ’ s letterof March 9th , throw a clear light on the manner inwhich the Mirasi tenure was regarded by the people! also enclose and by the Government . The result of those

report on th esame subject reports , and of my ownmqumes Is, that a

fifitnfilarge portion of the Rayats are the proprietors

$2? of their estates , subject to the payment of a“23932

"

mmt’

t‘

tfixed land-tax to Government ; that their pro133. if perty is hereditary and saleable , and they are

never dispossessed while they pay their tax , and eventhen , they have for a long period (at least thirty years)the right of reclaiming their estate , onpaying the duesof Government . Their land-tax is fixed ; but the lateMahratta Government loaded it with other impositions ,which reduced that advantage to a mere name ; yet sofar, however, was this from destroying the value of theirestates , that, although the Government took advantageof their attachment to make them pay considerably morethan an Upri, and though all the M irasdars were , inordinary cases , obliged to make up for failures in th epayment of each of their body , yet their lands weresaleable , and generally at ten years

’ purchase . Thisfact might lead us to Suppose , that even with all the ex


These are all the tenures on which land was held , asfar as regards the property of the soil . The assignments by Government of its own revenue , or Share of

the produce , will be mentioned hereafter . It need onlybe observed , that in making these grants it could nottransfer the share of a M irasdar. Even Baji Rav,when he had occasion for Mirasi land , paid the priceof it .Such are the component parts of a village : its trans

actions with Government will be explained hereafter ,but there are some of its internal affairs stillto be mentioned . The maintenance of the

village temple ; its fixed and authorized pensions , andannual charities ; its ceremonies and religious festivals ;its alms to beggars and entertainments to guests, especially to Brahmins and Fakirs ; its occasional amusements , tumblers , dancers , etc . its nazars to superiors ;its ofl

’

erings to the Patil and other village officers onoccasions of condolence or congratulation the expensesof the Patil on the public affairs , and the fees of peonsstationed in the village , entail a number of expenses onthe community , which , unless allowed for from theGovernment revenue (which is very rare) , are defrayedby a tax on the village . This tax falls on the cultivators, especially on the M irasdar, and is a greatsource of profit to the P atils and Kulkarnis . Ingeneral these expenses were in the proportion of onetenth , or from that to one-fifth , to the public revenue .The three first charges were called Salabad, or permanent , and were provided for by permanent assessments ;and the rest S andirWarrid, or contingent , which werepaid by extra assessments called S audir Warrid Patti ;these last were always liable to a scrutiny by theM amlatdars, who probably perceived that all expensivecharges against the Rayats would in time fall on the

CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 2 8 1

Government . In addition to these , were occasional expenses , such as repairs of the village walls , the necessityof entertaining S ibandie s for defence , or of paying anenemy or an insurgent for forbearance , which it wasbeyond the means of the village to defray at once ; Inthis case the village contracted a public debt

,

which was gradually paid by an annual assessment included in th e S audir Warrid Patti , and sometimes provided for by mortgages , or grants of land onthe part of the villagers . These grants were

v m tg

called Gaum Nishut Inams ; if they were“lig

a

nd'

so small as to be admitted , or be likely to be admittedby the Government , no rent was charged on them ;but if they were too large to be agreed to , or to escapeobservation , the revenue was paid by all the otherRayats, the creditor still enjoying them rent free ; smallgrants were also made for temples , or to Brahmins ,which were always acquiesced in by the Government ,but the villagers have never pretended to any propertyin the soil , beyond the estates of the M irasdars.

The next division is a Taraf, composed of an indefinite number of villages , with perhaps an additionof uninh abited mountain and forest land (there Deshmukh i,

D e s p and e s

being no other land not inc luded . in somevillage) . A Taraf is under no particular trict offlce rsoflicers ; several of them make a Pargana, which isunder a Deshmukh i or Zamindar , who performs thesame functions towards the Pargana as a Patil towardsthe village . He is assisted by a Despande , whoanswers to the Kulkarni, and a Deschaugulla. TheDeshmukh and Deschaugulla, like the Patil andChaugulla, are Mahrattas . The Despande and Kulkarni are Brahmins : above these ofi cers there appearto have formerly been S ar Deshmukhis and Sar Despandes; but this order of things is not remembered

,


though there is still one family of the ancient SarDeshmukh is extant , beside the Rajah of Satara, whoextorted the oflice of S arDeshmukhi from the Mogul ,as a pretext for some exaction from the country . Theonly Sar Despandes I have heard of are in th e

Konkan . There is also anOfl‘icer called Sar Kanungo

in Khandesh , whose office probably corresponds withthat of Sar Despande . There are other ofi cers stillin existence in some places , such as the Sar Patil , theNargund , etc . , whose present functions are too unimportant to promise any advantage from an investigationof their ancient condition . It is universally behavedin the Mahratta country , that the Deshmukhis, Despandes , etc . , were all oflicers appointed by someformer Government ; and it seems probable that theywere the revenue oflicers of the Hindu Government ;that these oflicers, being hereditary, like most othersunder th e Hindus , they were in possession of too

much knowledge and influence to be dispossessed bythe Mohammedans, who, though they appointed districtoflicers , availed themselves of the experience of theZamindars , and allowed th em to settle with the P atils,explaining their proceedings to the more immediateofficer of Government . They even often farmed out

the whole Pargana to the Deshmukhis, who by thismeans acquired so much authority in some parts of thecountry as to be able , on the decline of the Mohammedan kingdoms in the Deccan

,to maintain themselves ,

for a time , in independence . The Mahratta , or ratherthe Brahmin Government, was led by this conduct , andby their embezzlements of the public revenue

,almost

to set aside the employment of the Z amindars, transacting all business directly with the P atils, by meansof its own oflicers . This change , though probablyproduced by the policy and avarice of the Brahmins, is


revenue . Deshmukh is and Despande s , as well as P atilsand Kulkarnis, sell their own land and fees (or Wattan,as both are called) , but neither pretends to any propertyin the rest of the lands . It seems to be thoughtthat they cannot even sell the ir offices (though P atilsand Kulkarnis can) , and it is even doubtful if they cansell their fees , though they may pawn them . Theirland they can certainly sell.

A number of Parganas formerly composed a Sircar ,but this division is now completely disused ; and that

M ahratta m into Parganas and Tarafs , though still kept“m“”m “ up in records , is not always the real revenuedivision . To explain this completely would lead meinto the complicated system of the Mahrattas , which isthe less necessary , as that system is now, as far aspossible , laid aside . Anidea of the divisions to which itleads , and which vary in difl

'

erent places , may be derivedfrom the following account of one of the simplest cases .The first pretension of Sivaji was to levy from the

Rayats, as Sar Deshmukh i, ten rupees for every hundred

Barnum levied by the Government . This was afterm m wards followed by a demand of a fourth of

the Government collections , which at length was yieldedby the Moguls . The fourth thus acquired ,is called by the Mahrattas the Chouth ; it

was immediately divided by the Prince with his Ministersand Sardars . A fourth of it was at firstreserved for the Rajah , and collected by

the Prati Nidhi, the Peshwa , and the Pant S achiv,

under the name of Baabti. Six per cent .on the whole Chouth , before the deduction

of the Baabti, was given under the name of Sahotrato the Pant Sachiv. The remainder of the

119 122 222

Chouth , under the name of Mokassa, waspartitioned among the Sardars, on condition of main

Chouth .

Baabti.

Sahotra.


taining troops , of bearing certain expenses , and of

paying a certain portion of money to the treasury .

The Sar Deshmukh i shared the same fate , and fromthese funds some Inams were also granted , and somecharities defrayed .

Subsequently to the acquisition of the Chouth , theremaining three-fourths of the country (which is calledJahagir, in contradistinction to the Chouth) fell also intothe hands of the Mahrattas . The division then stoodas follows

Sup osing the Government shareSar eshmukhi

Government RevenueViz. Chouth , or fourth

Jshagir

Totalwith Sar Deshmukh i

M okassa

TotalChouth

Subdivisions of M okassa.

Sahotra, 6 per cent. onth e whole ChouthAyinM okassa

TotalM okassa

This gives but an imperfect idea of the numeroussubdivisions which have been made in most parts of

the country . Some were assigned to Jahagirdars, andf their separation from the bulk of the revenue was thusnecessarily perpetuated but evenwhere they all fellinto the hands of the Government, it still kept them upin name , and sometimes even inpractice . Thus oneman would sometimes collect the Sar Deshmukhi,


another the Jahagir dues , a third the Mokassa, a fourththe Baabti, and a fifth the Sahotra, onthe same village .In this case the holder of the Jahagir would settle thesum to be paid by the village , the M okassadar wouldsend and collect his share from the Rayats ; but theother claimants would allow the holder of the Jahagir tocollect the rest, and pay to each his share , the amountof which each would ascertain from the village accounts .But when there was a defalcation each endeavoured tocollect his own and throw the loss on his neighbour ,and a general struggle ensued , in which the Rayate weresure to suffer from the violence of the combatants . Inaddition to this distribution of the revenue , variouscauses broke up the Parganas , and made the Mahrattarevenue divisions exceedingly scattered and intermixed .

Their gradations of authority departed as far from theuniformity of the Mohammedans , as their divisions ofM ahratta of the territory . In general each revenue

h ear. ofvenue

”

division was under an officer , who Ina largedistrict was called Mamlatdar, and in a small oneKamavisdar ; under these Tarafdars or Karkuns, whohad charge of a considerable number of villages, andunder them Sh ekdars, who had four or five . Thenomination of the M amlatdars rested with Government ;that of the inferior agents with the Mamlatdar . Therewere , however, in every division permanent ofi cers

called Darakdars, appointed by Government, andgenerally hereditary , whose signature was necessary toall papers, and who were bound to give information of

all malpractices of the M amlatdars These officerswere the Divan , who was the deputy to the Mamlatdar ,the Fadnavis, or keeper of registers , the P otanavis, orcash accountant , etc .In some provinces, especially in remote ones, such


penditure in his own oflice , drawn up by the Fadnavis,and signed by the other Darakdars . These were carefully revised , and , as from the mode of payment inadvance there was generally a balance in favour of th eM amlatdar , all unauthorized charges were struck out of

it , and often reductions were made on account of supposed embezzlements , without much proof or investigation . The admitted balance was carried on in accountfrom year to year, was sometimes compromised bypartial payments , by grants of annuities , etc . , but wasseldom fully paid . On the other hand , all balances dueto the Government were exacted , though the Mamlatdarwas not bound to pay the sum inserted in his estimate ,if the receipts fell short of it . If the defalcation wasowing to corruption on his part , he was obliged torefund ; and if to his negligence , he was removed fromhis office . Though , in this adjustment of accounts , alladvantages appear to be on the side of the Government ,yet the M amlatdars do not appear to have complained ,or to have sufl

'

ered much in reality . They had probablymany ways of making money , which eluded the utmostresearches of the Government, especially as they couldgenerally find means to engage the Z amindars andDarakdars on their side . The sources of their profitwere concealment of receipts (especially fees , fines , andother undefined collections) , false charges for remissions , false musters , non-payment of pensions , andother frauds in expenditure .The grand source of their profit was an extra assess

ment above the revenue , which was called Saudir

Warrid Patti . It was levied to pay expenses of thedistrict not provided for by Government, and naturallyafforded a great field for peculation one of the chief ofthese expenses was called Darbar Kharch , or Antasth .

Th is was originally applied secretly to bribe the


Ministers and auditors . By degrees their bribes becameestablished fees , and the account was audited like therest but as bribes were still required , another increaseof collection took place for this purpose , and as theauditors and accountants did not search minutely intothese delicate transactions

,the Mamlatdar generally

collected much more for himself than he did for hispatrons . It was said that it was chiefly the Govemment that suffered by these frauds , and that the impostsdid not fall heavy on the Rayate . If this were so, itwas probably owing to the interest the M amlatdars hadin the prosperity of their districts , from the long periodsfor wh ich they were allowed to hold them . Many menheld the same district for as long as fifty years .The following was the manner in which the Mamlatdar

raised the revenue from his district . At the beginningof the rains he sent for the Patil , and gave hima general assurance that he should take nomore than was usual ; the Patil giving a writtenengagement , specifying the quantity of cultivated land ,the quantity ofwaste , and that granted at a just rent tonew settlers , and promising to realize the revenue . Hethen went to his village , encouraged the Rayats to cultivate , procured them loans , or forbearance from formercreditors , promised to get them Takavi (or advancesfrom the Mamlatdar) , and prevailed on them to undertake the ploughing of new lands . Takavi was givenby the Mamlatdar , not by the Government ; it waspayable in two or three years with interest , andsecurity was given by the Patil , or several of the Rayats.

About the end of one year, when the principalharvest was nearly ready to be cut, the Mamlatdarmoved

‘

out into his district,and was attended by the

Patils of villages , with their Kulkarnis, who laidbefore him the papers already enumerated . The whole

1 9

d re venue .


country has been surveyed , and each field classedand assessed according to its circumstances and quality .

The northern districts were surveyed by Mallik Umbar ,and the southern by the Adil Shahi Kings , besidespartial and imperfect attempts at surveys by the Mahrattas . The assessment fixed by those monarchs iscalled the Tankha . The whole amount thus assessedwas never actually realized in some villages , while inothers a greater revenue may have been collected . Thisgave rise to another rate , being the highest ever paid ,which is called the Kamil or Hemaul, and which isconsidered m ore applicable to practical purposes thanthe Tankha ; that of the last year , or of any recent year ,is called the Wasul or Akar . All these rates are con

tained in the Kulkami’s papers , with the other particulars mentioned before , which ought to give a fullview of the state of the inhabitants and cultivation . TheMamlatdar was enabled , by the intimate knowledge of

the village possessed by his S hekdars , to judge of theaccuracy of these statements , and he proceeded to settlethe revenue of the ensuing season , on a consideration of

the amount paid in former years , combined with aregard to the actual state of things . The Patil represented any ground there was for relaxation , in the termsin which he expected the support of the Deshmukhi andDespande ; all hereditary officers being considered as

connected with the Rayats. The Patil was likewiseaccompanied by some of the principal Rayats , especiallyof the M irasdars, who were witnesses to his proceedings

,and who also assisted him with their opinions .

These discussions generally ended in a second moreparticular agreement, onwhich the Patil interchangedwith the Mamlatdar an engagement fixing the revenuethat of the Mamlatdar was called the JamabandiPati, and that of the Patil , Kabul Katha. The

2 9 2 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

or into irons . This rigorous treatment was seldomnecessary for the regular revenue ; it was moreemployed in exacting extraordinary taxes , and underthe farming system the practice of it was frequent andsevere . If a whole village resisted , these severities fellon the Patil ; but previous to that extremity a horseman was billeted on the village , or a fine levied toinduce it to submit . The payments were by threeinstalments

,corresponding with the seasons of the

Rabi, Tusar . and Kharif cr0ps ; there was frequentlyanother at the end of the year, to recover all outstanding balances .The above relates to the regular rent or tax on the

land , for it may be considered as rent with regard tothe Upris, and a s a tax with regard to the M irasdars

(it is called by the natives , Ayin Jama , or propercollections) . Another regular source of revenue , leviedpartly on the Rayats and partly onthe other inhabitants ,

is that termed by the Mahrattas , SavaiJama (or extra collections) ; these taxes

vary considerably in different districts , and even indifferent villages . The following list , though notcomplete , gives an idea of their nature . The first fallchiefly or entirely on the cultivators , Dakah Pati : atax of one year’s revenue in ten

, on the lands of theDeshmukh i and De spande ; Hak Chouthai, a fourthof the fees , levied every year ; Mhar M harki, aparticular tax , on the Inama of the M hars ; MirasPati , an additional tax , once in three years , onM irasdars : Inam Fijavi , a payment of Inamdars,of a third of the Government share of their landsyearly ; Inam Pati , an occasional tax , imposed intimes of exigency on Inamdars Pandi Gunna, anadditional levyi equalto twelve per cent . on the Tankha ,once in twelve years ; Vir Hunda, an extra tax on

CONQOERED FROM THE PESHWA. 2 93

lands watered from wells . Other taxes were on tradersalone . These were M ohterfa, a tax on shop-keepers ,varying with their means in fact , an income-tax ;Baloti , a tax on the twelve village servants . These

,

too , are sometimes included in the Ayin Jama , andin some places the M ohterfa forms a distinct head byitself Bazar Baithak, a tax on stalls at fairs KumbharKam, on the earth dug up by the potters . The following might fall indiscriminately on both classes ; GharPati , or Amber Sari , a house-tax levied from all but

Brahmins and village officers . Batchappani, a fe eon the annual examination of weights and measures ;Tag, a similar fe e on examining the scale s used forbulky articles Dekka , or th e right to beat a drum onparticular religious and other occasions ; Kheridi Jins

(or purveyance) , the right to purchase articles at acertain rate ; this was generally commuted for a moneypayment : Lagna Tikka , a tax onmarriages : PautDauma , a particular tax on the marriage of widowsMahis Pati , a tax on buffaloes : Bakre Pati , a tax onsheep . There were also occasional contributions inkind , called Fur Furmanesh , such as bullocks ’ hides

,

charcoal, hemp , rope, ghee , etc . , which were Oftencommuted for fixed money payments many other sumswere paid in commutation for service . All these collections were made by the Patil in small villages , thoughin towns there was a separate officer to levy those mostconnected with the land . Government had othersources of revenue included in the Savai Jama ineach village , besides those enumerated . The principalwere as follows : Khamawis, Gunehgari, or KundFurshi, as fines and forfeitures ; Baitul M al (Escheats)amount (profit from deposits and temporary se questrations) ; Wancharai , paid by cattle grazing onGovemment lands ; Ghas Kattani, or grass cut onGovernment


lands ; Devasthan Dubbi , derived from offerings toidols ; Kharbuzwarri , on melon-gardens on the bedsof rivers . Besides all th is , and besides the GaumKh arch , or village expenses , there were taxes to defraythe Mehel SaudirWarrid, district expenses not alreadyprovided for by Government , in which were includedmany personal expenses of the M amlatdars, and a largefund for embezzlement and corruption for himself andthe courtiers who befri ended him .

In addition to all these exactions , there wereoccasional immsitions on extraordinary emergencies ,2 2 2 2 9 24 t which were called Jasti Pati , and Yeksaliand occasional122 9 9 91219 2 2 . Pati . If these happened to be continuedfor several years they ceased to be considered as

occasional impositions , and fell into th e regularSavai Jama ; but until the introduction of the

farming system , they are said to have been as rare asthe occasions which furnished the pretext for them .

The changes introduced by that system may bedescribed without much difi culty . They were in fact

The m rather aggravations of the evils of the ancientmm system , than any complete innovations . The

ofli ce of Mamlatdar , instead of being conferred as afavour on a person of experience and probity, whocould be punished by removal if h is conduct did notgive satisfaction , was put up to auction among thePeshwa ’s attendants , who were encouraged to bid high ,and sometimes disgraced if they showed a reluctance toenter onthis sort of speculation . Next year the sameoperation was renewed, and the district was generallytransferred to a higher bidder . The Mamlatdar

,thus

constituted , had no time for inquiry , and no motive forforbearance ; he let his district out at an enhanced rateto under-farmers , who repeated the operation until itreached the P atils. If one of these ofiicers farmed his


accounts . It was then that his exactions were mostseverely felt ; for he had a fixed sum to complete , andif the collections fell short of it , he portioned out thebalance among the exhausted villages , imposed a Jasti

(Z edati) Pati , or extra assessment , to pay it , and leftthe P atils to extort it on whatever pretence and bywhatever means they thought proper . We are nowsuffering from th is system , for as we have no trueaccounts

,and are afraid to over-assess , we are obliged

to be content with whatever the people agree to .

Captain Briggs ’s collections in Kbundesh , though willingly acceded to by the Rayats, are yet much heavierthan any that appear in the accounts during the tenyears of Oppression that have depopulated Khandesh .

Some places , no doubt, escaped the oppressions of thefarming system . Where a village belonged to a manof influence , or a favourite of such a man , the assess:ment fell light on him , and he gained by the emigration ofRayats, occasioned by the misfortunes of his neighbours.The above sources of revenue were collected by th e

village establishment ; the following were in the handsof distinct officers directly under the GovernmentZakat , or Customs — This was a transit duty levied

by the bullock load but the rate varied in proportionto the value of the article ; the highest waseight rupees . It was levied separately in

every district, so that property was frequently liable to bestopped. and searched . To remedy this inconvenience ,there was a class called Hundekaris in towns , whoundertook for a Single payment to pass articles throughth e whole country. These men arranged with thefarmers of the customs , and were answerable to themfor the sums due . In addition to the transit duty

,

there was a tax of 1 2 per cent . onthe sale of animalsincluded inthe Zakat .

Cus toms.


2 . The Government lands were another source of

revenue not included in the villages ; Governmentthey were divided into Shairi (cultivated 12 2 9 2 .

fields) ; Kurane (grass lands) ; Bag (gardens) ; andAmbrai (orchards) .3 . The Sheep-pastures . —This was a tax paid by the

Kh illarries, or wandering shepherds , for the Sheep-pastures.

right to feed their flocks on all waste lands, from the

Tapti to the Tungbhadra.

4 . Banwa .—A fee paid for leave to cut Forests.

wood in the forests belonging to Government .5. Kotvali . —This may be called town duties ; it

comprised , besides the taxes included in SavaiJama, a variety of other imposts

,among Townduties.

which the most considerable was a tax of 1 7 per cent .onthe sale of houses .6 . Tanksal. —The mint .7 . Watan Zabti — Produce of lands be Sequestration.

longing to Z amindars, sequestrated by Government .Nazar . —Fines , or fees paid on succession to

property. If a son succeeded his father he was notliable to this payment , unless he were aJahagirdar, or other servant of Government .But in cases of adoption (that is , in almost allcases exceptwhere a son succeeded) it was exacted from all persons .The first six articles were always , or almost always ,

farmed ; the rest were not . The Zakat , before thecession of Puna, produced about five lacs of rupees ,the Sheep-pastures about rupees , the mint atPuna yielded rupees ; the others were confounded with the general receipts of the districts whereth ey were situated . The Watan Zabti yielded 5rupees . The amount of the Nazars was too fluctuatingto be guessed at.The Kotwalset in Nana Fadnavi’s time yielded

Fines and foes.

2 9s REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES

rupees , of which a great part was produced bymoney extorted from persons guilty or suspected of

adultery . Baji Rav, much to his honour , abolishedthis pretext for extortion , but h is lenity was far frombeing approved by the better part of his subjects . Theother articles were trifling . Abkarri , which is so

important with us , did not yield above rupees .The use of spirituous liquors was forbidden at Puna , anddiscouraged everywhere else ; the efl

’

ect of this systemonthe sobriety of the people is very conspicuous .The outline of the revenue system adopted Since our

acquisition of the country is contained in my letter

m m“ dated July l0th , conveying instructions to thecollectors , and in that dated July 1 4th ,

enclosing instructions for M amlatdars . The leadingprinciples are to abolish farming, but otherwise tomaintain the native system ; to levy the revenueaccording to the actual cultivation to make the assessments light to impose no new taxes

,and to do none

away unless obvious and unjust ; and , above all, tomake no innovations . Many innovations were , however,the result of the introduction of foreign rulers andforeign maxims of government ; but in the revenuedepartment most of them were beneficial . The country ,which had been under many M amlatdars, with veryunequal extent of territory and power , was placedunder five principal Ofi cers (I include Satara) , withmuch stiperior weight and respectability . The chiefauthority now resided in the district , and devoted h iswhole time to its affairs , and all subordinate agentswere obliged to follow his example . The stragglingrevenue divisions of the Mahrattas were formed intocompact districts , each yielding from 50 torupees a year

, and placed under a Mamlatdar. Thenumerous partitions of revenue (Chouth , Babti,being thrown into the hands of one agent , were


introduction of some men from the Madras provincesthough very anxious to employ the revenue oflicers of

the Mahratta Government in general , I thought it desirable to have a very few of our oldest subjects , as wellfrom general policy in a new conquest , as to introducesome models of system and regularity . As each collectorwas to have two principal officers to check each other , Ithought it would contribute to that object and answerother ends to have one of them from the Madrasprovinces . General Munro was also obliged to bringa very great proportion of persons of this descriptioninto the country under his charge . They are moreactive , more obedient to orders , more exact andmethodical than the Mahrattas

,but they introduce

forms of respect for their immediate superiors quiteunknown here , while they Show much less considerationfor the great men of the country, and are more rough ,harsh , and insolent in their general demeanour . Itmight be worth while to consider how much of thesecharacteristics they owe to us , and how much to theMussulmans .The duties of the M amlatdars are to superintend th e

4 9 2 99 19 9 9 2 collection of the revenue , to manage the police ,planationof th e

iffim’tgfifsetefitto receive civil and criminal complaints , re

ferring the former to Panchayats , and send

mamas; mg up the latter to the collector . They havetors enclosedin his le tte r ,

a S irashtedar, who keeps their records , anCa tainBl’lgg

’

s

t’smxtre

d

t

a

e

’

f’

e

d accountant , and some other assistants . Theunc“

{331309

633233pay of a Mamlatdar 18 from 70 to 1 50 rupees1

93; a month , and that of a S irashtedar from 35

35?“sM5?". to 50 Th e systems adopted by all the

I’x

bt

t

ltin collectors were founded on the Mahratta

structions

g:mm: 13practice , though varying from it and fromAW W h each other in some particulars. The foundation for the assessment

'

Inall th is was the amount paid


by each village in times when the people consideredthemselves to have been well governed . Deductionswere made from this in proportion to the diminution of

the cultivation , and afterwards further allowances weremade on any specific grounds alleged by the Rayats.

The amount to be paid was partitioned among theRayats by the village officers , and if all were satisfied ,Patas were given , and the settlement was ended .

All the collectors abolished Jasti Patis (or arbitrary taxes having no reference to the land or trade) ,and all regulated the Saudir Warrid, doing away allexactions on that account , more than were necessaryfor the village expenses . Captain Briggs even abolishedthe Saudir Warrid Pati altogether, and defrayed the

village expenses from the Government revenue , limitingth e amount to 4 per cent . on the gross Jama . Theexpediency of this arrangement is , however , doubtful ,both as to the close restriction of the expense and thelaying it onGovernment ; all paid great attention tothe circumstances of the Rayats , and made their assessment studiously light . There were , however, somepoints of difference in their proceedings . Mr . Chaplinand Captain Grant contented themselves with ascertaining the extent of the land under cultivation , by theinformationof neighbours , and of rival village officers

,

aided by the observation of their ownservants . CaptainPottinger and Captain Robertson had the lands of somevillages measured , but only in cases where they sus

pe cted frauds and Captain Briggs began by a measurement of the whole cultivation either of Gangtari alone ,or of both that and Khandesh . All the collectors keptup the principle of the Rayatwari settlement , and somecarried it to a greater extent than had been usual withthe Mahrattas . Mr. Chaplin and Captain Pottinger ,after settling with the Patil for the whole village ,


settled with each Rayat,and gave him a Pata for his

field . Captain Grant and Captain Robertson settledwith the Patil and gave him a Pata , but first ascer

tained the amount assessed oneach Rayat, and inquiredif he was satisfied with it and Captain Briggs , thoughhe settled for each field, did it all with the Patil ,taking an engagement from him to explain at the endof the year how much he had levied oneach Rayat .This refers to the settlement with the villages . The

customs have been farmed on account of the difficultyof preparing a tariff, and of superintending the introduction of a new system , while the collectors were so

fully occupied in other matters . No complaints are

made, from which it may be inferred that the present

system , if not profitable to Government, is not Oppressive to the people . The exemptions of our campdealers have been done away , the original motive of

them (to prevent disputes between our people and thePeshwa ’s) being no longer in force . The exemptionmade no difference in the price of articles to the troops ,though it afforded a pretence for great frauds in thecustoms . The only good cfl

'

ect it had was to attachdealers to the camp bazaars ; but the exemption fromtaxes while in cantonments , and from the customs alsowhen on service , may be expected to be sufficient toretain them .

The Sheep -pastures are still a distinct farm , but thearrangement is so inconvenient, from thewant ofauthorityin the hands of collectors over shepherds entering theirdistricts , that I propose to alter it .None of the taxes called Kotwali are now levied ,

they having either been done away or suspended byBaji Rav. If they should prove only to be sus

pended , the unexceptionable ones ought , if possible , tobe restored .

304 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES

early habits of inquisitiveness and observation , as wellas by the nature of his allowance , which being partly asmall share of the grain and similar property belongingto each house , he is kept always on the watch toascertain his fees , and always in motion to collectthem . When a theft or robbery happens , the watchman commences his inquiries and researches : it is verycommon for him to track a thief by his footsteps ; andif he does this to another village , so as to satisfy thewatchman there , or if he otherwise traces the propertyto an adjoining village , his responsibility ends , and it isthe duty of the watchman of the new village to take upthe pursuit . The last village to which the thief hasbeen clearly traced becomes answerable for the property stolen

,which would otherwise fall onthe village

where the robbery was committed . The watchman isobliged to make up this amount as far as his means go ,and the remainder is levied on the whole village . Theexaction of this indemnity is evidently unjust, since thevillage might neither be able to prevent the theft norto make up the loss ; and it was only in particularcases that it was insisted on to its full extent , butsome fine was generally levied ; and neglect or connivance was punished by transferring the Inam of thePatil , or watchman , to his nearest relation , by fine , byimprisonment in irons , or by severe corporeal punishment . This responsibility was necessary ; as , besidesthe usual temptation to neglect

,the watchman is often

himself a thief, and the Patil disposed to harbourthieves with a view to share their profits . Thispeculiar temptation in case of theft has made thatoffence to be most noticed . In other crimes , the villagehas less interest in connivance , and probably is suffi

ciently active ; but gross negligence in these cases alsowould have been punished by the Government . I

CONQOFFED FROM THE PESHWA. 59 5

have mentioned that besides the regular village watchmen others were often entertained from the plunderingtribes in the neighbourhood . Their business was toassist in repelling Open force , and to aid in the appreh ensionof all offenders , but chiefly to prevent depredations by their own tribe s , and to find out the perpetratorswhen any did occur .The Patil was under th e same authority as a police

oflicer that he was as a revenue one— the M amlatdar, whoemployed the same agents in this departmentas in the other . The Mamlatdar saw that allvillagers acted in concert , and with proper activityand when there was a S arsubh edar, he kept the samesuperintendence over the M amlatdars. These officershad also considerable establishments to maintain thetranquillity of their districts . These were the Sebandis or irregular infantry , and the small parties of horsewhich were kept in every district ; they were , however ,employed to oppose violence , and to support the villagepolice , not to discover offenders . With the Mamlatdaralso rested all general arrangements with the chiefs ofBhils or other predatory tribes , either for forbearingfrom plunder themselves

,or for assisting to check it in

others . The M amlatdar had great discretionary powers,and even a Patil would not hesitate to secure a sus

pected person , or to take any measure that seemednecessary to maintain the police of his village , forwhich h e was answerable .

This was the plan of the police up to the time ofBaji Rav, during the reign of M adh av Rav I.

,and

likewise during the administration of Nana Fadnavis ;it is said to have succeeded in preserving great securityand order.The confusions in the commencement of BanRav ’s

20

District P olice .


reign , the weakness of his own government , the want

fimt

gqfof employment for adventurers of all kinds,

Rav. and the effects of the famine , greatly derangedthe system of police and to remedy the disorders intowhich it fell , an office was instituted , under the name

of Tapasnavis, the special duty of whichwas to discover and seize offenders . The

Tapasnavise s had districts of different extent , notcorresponding with the usual revenue divisions , andonly comprehending those portions of the countrywhere the services of such oflicers were thought to bemost required . They had a jurisdiction entirelyindependent of the M amlatdars, and had a body of

horse and foot which was t he principal instrument of

their administration . They had also Ramoshis andspies , whom they employed to give information; andon receiving it , they went with a body of horse to thevillage where the theft happened , and proceeded to

seize th e Patil and the watchmen , and to demand thethief, or the amount of the property stolen , or the finewhich they thought proper to impose , if the offencewere any other than theft . The detection of the

offender they seem to have left in general to the

ordinary village police . It may be supposed that sucha violent proceeding , and one so foreign to the ordinarysystem

,could not fail to clash with the forme r institu

tions ; and accordingly there were constant and loudcomplaints by the M amlatdars and villagers , that theTapasnavises were only active in extorting moneyunder false accusations , and that robbers rather flourished under their protection . The Tapasnavises,on the other hand , complained of indifference , connivance , and counteraction onthe part of the villagersand revenue officers .Great abuses, it must be mentioned , are stated to

308 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

low,and both he and they derived much profit from

unavowed exactions . The police , however, was good ;on the whole , murders or robberies

,attended with

violence and alarm , were very rare ; and I havenever heard any complaints of the insecurity of property .

Next to the prevention of crimes and the appreh ension of criminals , comes the manner in which offences ,

etc . , are tried and punished : in this areM ahrattas . involved the authorities competent to try , theforms of trial , and the law by which guilt is defined ,and punishment awarded .

The power of administering criminal justice , underthe Mahratta Government , was vested in the revenue

By wh om 29 .

officers , and varied with their rank , from theM W ° Patil , who could only put a man for a fewdays in the village choki . to the S arsubh edar, who inlatter days had the power of life and death . Formerlythis power was confined to persons invested with thefull powers of Government by being entrusted with theM utalliki seal , and to great military chiefs in theirown armies , or their own Jahagirs .

The right of inflicting punishment was , however,extremely undefined , and was exercised by each man ,more according to his power and influence than to hisoffice . One Patil would flog and fine , and put in th estocks for many we eks ; and another would not evenventure to imprison . Most M amlutdars would hang aRamosi , Bhil , or Mang robber , without a reference ;and those at a distance would exercise their powerwithout scruple , while the highest civil officers , if atPuna , would pay the Peshwa the attention of applyingfor his sanction in a capital case . A Chief was thoughtto have authority over his own troops and servants

,

wherever he was . S cindia, while he affected to act

CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 309

under the Peshwa, put many of his Chiefs and Ministers

(even Brahmins) , who had been accused of plots, todeath . At Puna, Appa Desai , in 1 8 13 , while com

pletely in the Peshwa’s power, blew away one of h is

Sardars from a gun , for conspiracy against him, andwas never questioned , though the execution took placewithin a mile of Puna .

There was no prescribed form of trial . A principalrebel , or a head of banditti , would be executed at once ,onthe ground of notoriety ; any Bhil , caughtin a part of the country where the Bhils wereplundering the road , would be hanged immediately . In

doubtful cases the chief authority would order some of thepeople about him to inquire into the afl

'

air. The prisonerwas examined , and if suspicions were strong he wasflogged to make him confess . Witnesses were examined ,and a summary of their evidence and of the Statementof the accused were always taken down in writing .

They were sometimes confronted with the accused , inthe hope of shaming or perplexing the party whosestatement was false ; but this was by no means necessaryto the regularity of the proceedings . The chiefauthority would generally consult his oflicers, andperhaps employ a committee of them to conduct aninquiry but I should doubt whether Panchayats wereever generally employed in criminal trials , thoughmentioned by Captain Grant to have been so in theSatara country.

In crimes against the State , the Prince made suchinquiries, or directed his Ministers to make such , asseemed requisite for h is own safety, and gave suchorders regarding the accused as their case seemed torequire . Torture was employed to compel confessionand disclosure of accomplices .Trials of this sort were naturally considered in a

3 1 0 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIE S

despotic Government as above all law ; but even incommon criminal trials , no law seems ever tobe referred to , except in cases connected with

religion , where Shastris were sometimes consulted .

The only rule se ems to have been the custom of thecountry, and the magistrate

’ s notice of expediency .

The Hindu law was quite disused , probably owing toits absurdity ; and although every man is tolerablyacquainted with its rules in civil cases , I do not believeanyone but the very learned has the least notion of its

criminal enactments .The following were the customary punishments.

Murder, unless attended with peculiar atrocity, appearsnever to have been capital, and was usuallypunished by fine . Highway robbery was

generally punished with death , because it was generallycommitted by low people , for a greater distinction wasmade in the punishment on account of the caste of thecriminal than the nature of the crime . A man of

tolerable caste was seldom put to death , except forofl

'

ences against the State . In such cases birth seemsto have beenno protection . Vitoji, the full brotherto Yeshwant RavBolkar, was trampled to death by anelephant for rebellion

,or rather for heading a gang of

predatory horse . S ayaji Atole , a dispossessed Jah agirdar, was blown away from a gunfor the same ofi

’

ence ,yet it is well observed by Mr. Chaplin that treason andrebellion were thought less of than with us . Thisoriginated in a want

'

of steadiness , not of severity, inthe Government . When it suited a temporary convenience an accommodation was made with a rebel ,who was immediately restored, not only to safety , butto favour. BalkrishnGangadhar received a Jahagir forthe same insurrection for which Vitoji Holkar wasput to death . Viswas Rav Ghatge , who headed a

Criminal law.

3 l 2 REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

been the Mahratta practice to punish murder, especiallyif committed by a man of good caste , by fine ; but onthe other, the M amlutdars would frequently release Bhilrobbers contrary to the established custom , and evenallow them to renew their depredations , on the paymentof a sum of money . No other punishment , it may beaverred

, was ever inflicted on a manwho could affordto pay a fine and onthe whole , the criminal systemof the Mahrattas was in the last state of disorder andcorruption .

Judging from the impunity with which crimes mightbe committed under a system of criminal justice and

police such as has been described , we Shouldbe led to fancy the Mahratta country a complete

scene of anarchy and violence . No picture , however,could be further from th e truth . The reports of the

collectors do not represent crimes as particularlynumerous . Mr . Chaplin , who has the best opportunityof drawing a comparison with our old provinces

,thinks

them rather rarer here and there . Murder for revenge ,generally arising either from jealousy or disputes aboutlanded property , and as frequently about village rank ,is mentioned as the commonest crime among theMahrattas . Arson and cattle-stealing, as a means ofrevenging wrongs, or extorting justice , is common intheKamatik. Gang robberies and highway robbery arecommon , but are almost always committed by Bhilsand other predatory tribes, who scarcely form part ofthe society and they have never , since I have been inthe country, reached to such a pitch as to bear a

moment ’s comparison with the state of Bengal describedin the papers laid before Parliament .It is of vast importance to ascertain the causes that

counteracted the corruption and relaxation of the police ,

CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA . 3 1 3

and which kept this country in a state superior to our

oldest possessions , amidst all the abuses andAttempt to

Oppress10ns of a Native Government. The£ 3

1

333;

principal causes to which the disorders inBengal have been attributed are : the over-population ,and the consequent degradation and pusillanimity of thepeople ; the general revolutions of property, in conse

quence of our revenue arrangements,which drove the

upper classes to disafl'

ection, and th e lower to desperation the want of employment to the numerous classes ,whether military or otherwise , who were maintained bythe Native Government ; the abolition of the ancientsystem of police , in which , besides the usual bad effectsof a general change , were included the removal of

responsibility from the Zamindars ; th e loss of theirnatural influence as an instrument of police ; the loss ofthe services of the village watchmen the loss of a holdover that class which is naturally disposed to plunder,and , in some cases, the necessity to which individualsof it were driven to turn robbers , from the resumption oftheir allowances the separation of the revenue , magisterial, judicial , and military powers , by which all wereweakened the further weakness of each from the checksimposed on it ; the delays of trials , the difficulties of conviction, the inadequacy of punishment , the trouble andexpense of prosecuting and giving evidence ; the re

straints imposed by our maxims on the assumption of

power by individuals , which , combined by the dread ofthe Adalat , discouraged all from exertion in supportof the police ; the want of an upper class among thenatives , which could take the lead on such occasions ;and , to conclude , the small number of European magistrates (who supply the place of the class last mentioned) , th eir want of connection and communication


with the natives , and of knowledge of their languageand character.The Mahratta country presents , in many respects , a

complete contrast to the above picture . The peopleare few compared to the quantity of arable land . Theyare hardy , warlike , and always armed till of late years .The Situation of the lower orders was very comfortable ,and that of the upper prosperous . There was abundance of employment in the domestic establishmentsand foreign conquests of the nation . The ancientsystem of police was maintained . All the powers ofthe State were united in the same hands , and theirrigour was not checked by any suspicions on the partof the Government , or any scruple s of their own. Incases that threatened the peace of society , apprehensionwas sudden and arbitrary, trial summary , and punishment prompt and severe . The innocent might sometimes sufi

'

er, but the guilty could scarcely ever escape .

As the magistrates were natives , they readily understoodthe real state of a case submitted to them , and werelittle retarded by scruple s of conscience , so that prosecutors and witnesses had not long to wait . Intheir laxsystem , men knew that if they were right in substance ,they would not be questioned about the form ; andperhaps they likewise knew that if they did not protectthemselves , they could not always expect protectionfrom the magistrate , whose business was rather to keepdown great disorder than to afford assistance in cas esthat might be settled without his aid . The M amlutdars

were themselves considerable persons , and there weremen of property and consideration in every neighbourhood Inamdars, Jahagirdars, or old Zamindars . Thesemen associated with the ranks above and below them, andkept up the chain of society to the Prince . By th is meansthe higher orders were kept informed of the Situation

3 1 6 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES

becoming irksome , and their influence impaired bybringing their conduct too often under the correction of

their superiors . I would lend a ready ear to all complaints against them for Oppression , but I would notdisturb them for inattention to forms ; and I would leavethem at liberty to settle petty complaints their ownway,provided no serious punishment were inflicted on eitherparty. We may weaken the P atils afterwards if wefind it necessary , and retrench their emoluments ; butour steps should be cautious , for if we once destroyedour influence over the P atils, or theirs over the people ,we can never recover either . Care ought also to betaken of the condition of the village watchmen , whoseallowance , if not suflicient to support him, and to keephim out of temptation to thieve , ought to be increased ;but it ought not to be so high as to make him independent of the community , and it ought always to bein part derived from contributions which may compelhim to go his rounds among the villagers , as at present .If the village police be preserved , the next step is to

preserve the efficiency of the Mamlatdar ; at presentall powers are invested in that officer, and as long as

the auxiliary horse and S ebandis are kept up he hasample means of preserving order . The only thingrequisite at present is that the Mamlatdar shouldhave higher pay to render him more respectable andmore above temptation , and to induce the bettersort of natives to accept the office . When the

S ebandis are reduced in numbers and the horse discharged , our means of preserving the police will begreatly weakened , at the same time that the number of

enemies to the public tranquillity will be increased thenumber of S ebandis now in our pay , by giving employment to the idle and needy , contributes , I have no doubt,more than anything else to the remarkable good order


which this part of our new conquests has hithertoenjoyed . The Mamlatdar will also feel the want ofmany of the Jahagirdars and others of the upper classwho used to aid his predecessors with their influence ,and even with their troops . The want of that classwill be still more felt as a channel through whichGovernment could receive the accounts of the state of

the districts , and of the conduct of the M amlutdars

themselves . The cessation of all prospects of rise willof itself in a great measure destroy the connectionbetween them and their rulers , and the natural distancewhich I am afraid must always remain between nativesand English gentlemen will tend to complete th e

separation . Something may be done by keeping up thesimplicity and equality of Mahratta manners , and byimitating the facility of access which was conspicuousamong their Chiefs . On this also the continuance of

the spirit of the people and of our own popularity willprobably in a great measure depend . Sir HenryStrachey , in his report laid before Parliament ,attributes many of the defects in our administrationinBengal to the unmeasurable distance between us andthe natives, and afterwards adds that there is scarcely anative in his district who would think of sitting downinthe presence of an English gentleman . Here , everyman above the rank of a Harkara sits down beforeus , and did before the Peshwa ; even a common Rayat ,if he had to stay any time , would sit downon the ground .

This contributes , as far as the mechanical parts of thesociety can , to keep up the intercourse that ought tosubsist between the governors and the governed : thereis , however, a great chance that it will be allowed todie away. The greater means of keeping it up , is forgentlemen to receive the natives often , when not onbusiness . It must be owned there is a great difficulty


in this . The society of the natives can never be initself agreeable ; no man can long converse with thegenerality of them without being provoked with theirconstant selfishness and design , wearied with theirimportunities , and disgusted with their flattery . Theirownprejudices also exclude them from our society inthe hours given up to recreation

,and at other times

want of leisure is enough to prevent gentlemenreceiving them ; but it ought to be remembered thatthis intercourse with th e natives is much a point of

duty, and contributes as much towards good government as the details in which we are generally occupied .

Much might likewise be done by raising our

M amlatdars to a rank which might render it creditablefor native gentlemen to associate with them . It mustbe owned our Government labours under natural disadvantages in this respect both as to the means of

rendering our instruments conspicuous, and of attachingthem to our cause . All places of trust and honourmust be filled by Europeans . We have no irregulararmy

' to afford honourable employment to personsincapable of being admitted to a share of the Government , and no court to make up by honours an

empty favour for the absence of the other more solidobjects of ambition . As there are no great men in our

service , we cannot bestow the higher honours and thelower, onwhich also the natives set a high value— as theprivilege of using a particular kind of umbrella, or of

riding in a palanquin— cease to be honours under us ,from their being thrown open to the world . Whathonourswe do confer are lost from our ownwant of respectfor them , and from our want of suflicient discriminationto enable us to suit them exactly to th e person and theoccasion , onwhich circumstances th e value of thesefanciful distinctions entirely depends.


sufficient object of emulation . For this purpose Iwould allow it rupees a month , which , consideredas the very highest salary to which a native couldattain is surely not too much . I have fixed theseallowances below what I at first thought it expedient ;and in judging of their amount , the great difference inexpense between this territory and the old provincesmust be borne in mind . The pay of the commonservants here is more thandouble what it is in Bengal.

But if the proposed allowances should still seem morethanthe finances can bear , it ought to be recollectedthat economy , no less thanpolicy, requires liberal paywhere there is considerable trust , a maxim long sinceconfirmed in its application to the natives by theexperience and sagacity of General Munro .

Having thus formed a chain from the Patil to thecollector , and having provided them with such rewardsas circumstances will admit , it is of at least equalimportance to take care that they should be punishedfor neglect . The proposed improvement in theSituation of a Mamlatdar provides some means of

punishing him by affording him allowances which itwould be a serious misfortune to lose , and which wouldadmit of his paying fines , by giving him a characterthat should make reproof a punishment and prospectswhich he would be unwilling to forfeit . Imprisonmentor other punishment may be added if his oflence weremore than neglect . A still stronger responsibility mustbe imposed on the Patil

,village watchmen ; and in

village s where the Kulkarni manages , on him also .

The practice of levying the value of the property loston the village ought not , I think , to be entirelyabandoned . I am aware that it has been objected toby the highest authorities , and that it is in reality harshand often unjust but I think it better to regulate than


abandon it . It is a coarse but efl'

ectual remedy againstthe indifference of the neighbourhood to the sufferingsof i ndividuals , and if the great secret of police be toengage many people in the prevention and punishmentof crimes , it will not perhaps be easy to find a measuremore advisable . It was adopted by our own early law

givers , and is not less suited to the state of society inIndia than it was in England under Alfred . When itis plain that a village could not prevent a robbery

,the

exaction of the money could of course be omitted ; butwhere there is either negligence or connivance

,it ought

to be levied either whole or in part. A fine would atall events be expedient in such a case , and this is apopular and established method of levying it : it keepsa heavy punishment hanging over every village where arobbery is committed , and throWs the burden ofprovingits innocence upon it ; whereas a fine would requireproof of actual connivance

,and would after all be com

plained of as a hardship ; while a levy of the same sumin lieu of the property lost would , if less than thevalue of the property , be felt as an indulgence .It appears an objection to this plan , that it afl

'

ords

the Mamlatdar an opportunity of collecting more thanhe brings to account , but in such a case the villagerswill of course complain , as they always did when themoney was taken from them unreasonably ; and thisabuse , like many others ,must depend for a remedy onthe vigilance of the collector.On this, inde ed, itwill have been long since observed ,

the whole system must depend, its object being to provide sufficient powers , and leave it to the principalofficer to guard against the abuse of them . That hewill always succeed , is more than I would promise ;but perfection is not to be looked for, and we have onlythe choice of taking away from our agents the power to

21


do good , or leaving them in some degree the power todo harm . Against this even a system of check andlimitation will not always guard ; for a man may becareful not Openly to commit irregularities, while he issecretly guilty of every sort of oppression . AS long asthe chief power in the district is in able hands , the gooddone by the inferiors on this system will far preponderate over the evil ; and if the collector be deficient ,I am afraid that no distribution of powers would makeup for his want of capacity, or do more than palliate orconceal the evils to which such a want would give rise .The highest rank in the chain under Government

should be a Court , or an individual vested with a generalcontrol of all departments, who should be frequently inmotion , and whose business should rather be to superintend the whole system than to administer any part ofit, and to see that essentials were attended to ratherthanrules were not violated . I would vest the fullestpower over the oflicers under them in the collector

,

and in like manner it would be proper for Governmentto pay the utmost attention to the principal cflicer

’

s

recommendations , originating in the good or ill conductof the collectors . So general a charge , of course , requires great industry and abilities : it is to be hopedsuch may be obtained ; and if they are not , I despair ofsupplying their place by any machinery that can possibly be invented .

I have introduced those remarks under the policewhere they first occurred to me but it is evident theyapply equally to any other branch of the Government .I now return to the police .The Spirit of the people has been mentioned as of

the first importance ; and although that may be ex

pected to flag under a foreign rule , and still more undera strong Government which protects all its subjects, and


belongs to police , might easily be raised by a wrongem ,system to importance ina political view . The

$2, ”333331, plan which has been found most efl'

ectual inmm the old province , especially in the Bhangal

pore hills and in the Jungle Mabe ls of Midnapore , isto govern this people through their native chiefs, whoseassistance is rewarded by the support of Government ,and in some cases by pecuniary allowances . Thisplan has been kept up here , as it had been by th ePeshwa, after an unavailing attempt to manage theBhils by force alone . It is the only one practicableuntil the gradual efi

'

ects of civilization shall have undermined the power of the chiefs , at the same time that itremoves the necessity for their control over the people .The principal chiefs are at present allowed pensions,and a certain number of Bhils, of their selection , arealso paid by the Government . Th ese measures at oncefix them in the interest of Government, and securetheir influence in their tribe . It is, however, necessaryto guard against the abuses of this system , which arethe chiefs harbouring thieves , or conniving at robbers,and their acquiring such an influence , as may temptthem to oppose the measures of Government . Thefirst evil will be provided against by exacting strictresponsibility from the chief, and fining or otherwisepunishing him if frequent offences take place withinhis jurisdiction ; whether the punishment should beimprisonment or removal of the same family mustdepend on the notions of the Bhils, which ought to beinvestigated , not only for this purpose , but to prepareus for questions of disputed succession to chiefships ,that we may not destroy the power of this engine ofgovernment by running counter to the opinion of thepeople whom it is to sway. For the other object, it isnecessary to grant no increase , either in extent of land

CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA. 32 5

or in authority to any chief, without its being clearlynecessary for repressing disorder, which necessity isnot likely to be felt . The Bhils may also be graduallyencouraged to settle inthe plains, either as cultivatorsor as watchmen to villages, a change which wouldweaken the power of the chiefs by lessening the

number of their retainers. In the meantime it willberequisite to ascertain , with as much precision as the

case admits of, the powers wh ich the Bhil chiefs arein the habit of exercising under the old Government .This inquiry is indeed necessary , to prevent an inexperienced magistrate from interfering unintentionallywith the privileges of those ch iefs .The only innovations yet introduced by us into the

form of the Mahratta police are our closer superintendence , and the proh ibition of the indefinite M ,mconfinement of suspected persons by the P atilsand M amlatdars ; but there must be a great differenceinthe spiri t of our administration , and perhaps badeffects may be felt from it when the great awe withwhich we are now regarded is worn off, and when our

principles come to be better understood . Though thenatives put up with petty disorders , they checked greatones with a rough hand , and gave themselves no concern about the attendant evils . If robberies were committed, they seized all the suspicious characters in theneighbourhood ; and if they succeeded in restoringquiet, they did not care though a hundred Ramoshissuffered imprisonment and torture without a fault .Such a course would not be thought of under our

Government ; but we must consider how much ourabstaining from such tyranny must weaken us, andmust provide a remedy in some more tolerable shape .

I am afraid that remedy is not to be found in ouradministration of Criminal Justice , which is next to be


examined . This difl'

ers greatly from the Mahratta

m mm practice ; the power of punishing is takenJustice . from the Patail , and that which is left to the

Mamlatdar is limited to a fine of two rupees and confinement for twenty-four hours . The powers of thecollector are not less than those of a Sarsubhedar,except in the article of inflicting capital punishment ;but his manner of exercising his power is altogetherdifferent . According to our practice , a prisoner isformally and publicly brought to trial . He is askedwhether he is guily . If he admits it , pains are takento ascertain that his confession is voluntary ; if hedenies it , witnesses are called on without furtherinquiry . They are examined in the presence of

the prisoner, who is allowed to cross-examine them ,

and to call witnesses in his own defence . If thereis any doubt when the trial is concluded , he isacquitted ; if he is clearly guilty, the Shastri iscalled on to declare the Hindu law . It oftenhappens that this law is unreasonable ; and whenthe error is on the side of severity, it is modified ;when on the side of lenity, it is acquiesced in . Thelaw officers are always present at the se trials . InKhandesh a regular jury is generally assembled , whoquestion the witnesses , and pronounce on the guilt ofthe accused . In Satara the political agent calls inseveral respectable persons

,besides the law oflicers, and

benefits by their opinion,both in the conduct of the

trial and in determining the verdict . When the trialis concluded and the sentence passed , in cases of

magnitude , it is reported for confirmation by the commissioner, where the same leaning to the side of

lenity is shown as in the Court itself.The punishments awarded by the Shastris are as

ollows : Death , which is executed in cases of murder ,

32s REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

and never punishes while there is a possibility of the

innocence of the accused . Wh en it does punish, in itsanxiety to prevent its inflictions from being revolting tohumanity it prevents their being terrible to ofl

'

enders.

Even death is divested as much as possible of its

horrors. No torments , no lengthened exposure , noeffusion of blood , or laceration of members, even afterlife is exting ished. Some of these are properly re

jected as detestable in themselves ; others that wouldstrike the imagination of the people are set aside ,because they also strike the imagination of the legislator . Imprisonment with hard labour is our greatresource next to death , and this is by no means onecalculated to over-awe ofl

'

enders. Our imprisonment isso carefully divested of all circumstances of terror, thatthere is nothing except the fetters that is likely tomake the least immessionon a native . To a Europeanconfinement is irksome , solitary confinement intolerable .Bread and water, or bad fare , bad lodging , public ex

posure , all are real evils to him ; but a native neitherloses in point of food nor lodging and shame , I shouldthink , had less effect on him . In fact , by severalof th e reports from the districts (specially by Mr .Chaplin’s answers to my queries), it appears that theimprisonment ordered by our officers is far from beinglooked on with dread , and that they think that, withthe regular subsistence and comfortable blanket theyget in gaol , they are better ofl

’

than they would be intheir ownvillages . There are even instances— one atSattara, and one in Puna— of people committing pettyofl

'

ences to procure th e maintenance allowed to prisoners .Imprisonment, especially when accompanied with labour,must , however , be a state of suffering to any man ;separation from family and friends must also be anaggravation ; and , onthe whole , it would be absurd to


contend that imprisonment is no real hardship to a

native . The worst of it is, that it is a hardship to thesufferer without seeming one to the spectators ; and if,as I fancy is the case , on the present footing it is atleast as ineffectual for reformation ; as, for example , itunites all the bad qualities that can be combined in a

punishment . If to make up for our defects in convicting offenders, and inpunishing them when convicted ,we have recourse to immisonment also , explainingthat in this case it is not meant as a punishment, wecomplete the destruction of its use for example . Inshort , it may be questioned whether our system doesnot occasionas much suffering as the native one but

it is spread over a greater surface , and therefore makesless Sh ow, and neither shocks th e legislator nor alarmsthe criminal .These evils have Often been remarked before ; it is

easier to point them out than to suggest a remedy, and

greater experience might perhaps only Show Immm m ,

more clearly the difficulties to be overcome . “W “

It is possible that every civilized Government may notbe suited to a society on a less advanced stage , and thatcoarse expedients, at which our minds revolt , may bethe only ones likely to check those evils which originate in the barbarism of the people . I shall, however,notice a few points, from the consideration of whichsome profit may be gained .

Too much care cannot be taken to prevent forcedconfessions— that is , confessions extorted by fear or torture ; but there ought to be no scruple in getting at .th e

truth by cross-examinations of the accused . Aninnocent man cannot criminate himself, and it is well that a

guilty man should do so.

The magistrate ought to h ave the assistance of someintelligent natives of his ownchosing at the trial . Their


knowledge of the people would often lead to discoveriesof the truth that might escape a European ; but it isbetter that the conduct of the trial and the decisionshould rest with the magistrate . The Panchayats inKhandesh have answered better than might have beenexpected but Captain Briggs has pointed out many inconveniences in that mode of trial , and it is obviousthat where a Brahmin on one hand , or a Bhil on theother , was to be tried , it would be too much to expectunprejudiced decision . The Shastri ought still toattend , and to be consulted ; but we ought not to beguided by the Hindu law , which is a new introductionof our own. The customary punishments for the mostusual offences might easily be ascertained and modified ;thus highway robbery and gang robbe ry (which thenatives always punished with death) might be changedinto perpetual imprisonment , unless attended withwounding or attempt to murder. The Hindu punishments might also be exchanged for such as we can execute , and thus when we did succeed in convicting anoffender, th ere would be no longer a chance of hisescaping by the absurdity of the sentence . Some of

the Hindu punishments are too dreadful to be inflicted ,others are too trifling to be of any use in deterring .

The Hindu law ofi cer at Ahmednagar sentenced one

man to be thrown from a height upon a spike , andanother to be fined six fanams for the same offence ,because in one case the stolen property had been accidentally recovered , and in the other it had not . Castealso had great weight in dete rmining the punishment ;and this ought, to a certain extent , to be attended tostill , because an opposite conduct Shocks the prejudicesof the people, which , unless we conciliate , all our

justest sentences will be looked on as tyranny. Ourpunishments , I should think , might be made more in


persons in such a manner as to preserve the distinctionbetween their treatment and that of convicts . Theirplace of confinement might be more like a workhousethan a prison . They might be taught trades , andallowed the fruit of their ownindustry, either in clothesand food at the time , or in a sum of money to be givenat their release . Mr . Bruce , the judge of Bellary, haslong since introduced the manufacture of blankets andsome other articles into his gaol , and all the paper usedin the neighbouring Katcheries is the work of his convicts. A place might be constructed for their residencewhich might combine the plan so much recommendedby Mr . Bentham , with the economical arrangementsuggested in Bengal . A circular or octagon wall , withan open arcade or tiled veranda to runall round inside

,

deep enough to afl'

ord shelter , and deep enough for concealment ; this veranda to be partitioned off into cellswith walls , and to be shut inwith an iron grating or adeep ditch in front to prevent the prisoners meeting inthe open space in the middle . Each cell might contain from two to eight prisoners , who would thus becut off from the corruption that is always found incrowded prisons ; and a wall across the middle of thecourt might make a still more complete division, so as

to admit the convicts , if necessary , into the same on

closure . In the centre should be a circular buildingfor the gaoler , from which he might see into every cellin both courts , while he himself was concealed byblinds . Frequent visits from the European authoritieswould be suflicient to complete the supervision . Persons less suspected might be consigned to the care andresponsibility of the P atils of their villages , on the

plan practised by Mr . Bayley at Burdwan ; and thereare cases where wandering and thievish tribes mightbe seized and compelled , on painof imprisonment

,to

CONQUERED FROM THE P ESHWA . 333

reside in particular villages , according to the plan re

commended by General Munro in his letter on thepolice of the ceded districts .It is to be observed, in respect to the confinement of

suspected persons , that the practice is much lessobjectionable towards particular castes than others .Some avow that they were born and bred robbers , andthat it was the intention of Providence that they shouldremain so. Surely society is entitled to take measuresagainst men who set out with so Open a declaration .

These are all the suggestions that occur to me,

except that the powers of the M amlatdar should beaugmented to allow his punishing petty afi

'

rays, whichought never to go beyond the Paragua, and that thePatil should be permitted to exercise a similar authority to the very limited extent that is requisite to keepup his influence in his village .I may here say something of the moral character of

the people . Falsehood in all shapes pervades allranks ; and adultery and prostitution are com M om, W m ,"

monin the upper classes , but in them alone .“ PM “

Drunkenness, the peculiar vice of the lower orders,is almost unknown in the Mahratta country, whichhas th ence a decided superiority in morals over the old

provinces. It arises from the discouragement to thesale of spirituous liquors , and as the revenue from thatsource is insignificant , we should probably do well toprohibit it altogether . Public opinion , and above allthe opinion of . the caste , and the dread of expulsion ,are the restraint onvices . These powers are , in theMahratta country, in the

"

hmds of the whole caste .In the Kamatik there are regular censors to each caste ,called Ganacharies, besides religious Gurus investedwith great power . But these institutions are convertedinto the means of gain , and the morals of the people


are there decidedly worse than in the Mahratta country .

The other vices are not more rare , and drunkenness iscommon in addition .

I do not perceive anything that we can do to improvethe morals of the people except by improving their

education . There are already schools in allI ts o

towns , and m many villages ; but reading ismmm mmconfined to Brahmins , Banyans , and such of

the agricultural classes as have to do with accounts .I am not sure that our establish ing free schools wouldalter this state of things , and it might create a sus

picionof some concealed design on our part . It wouldbe more practicable and more useful to give a directionto the reading of those who do learn , of which the pressafl

'

ords so easily the means .Books are scarce , and the common ones probably ill

chosen ; but there exist in the Hindu languages manytales and fables that would be generally read , and thatwould circulate sound morals . There must be religiousbooks tending more directly to the same end . Ifmanyof these were printed and distributed cheaply or gratuitously , the effect would , without doubt, be great andbeneficial . It would , however, be indispensable thatthey should be purely Hindu . We might silently omitall precepts of questionable morality , but the slightestinfusion of religious controversy would secure the failureof the design .

It would be better to call the prejudices of the Hindusto our aid in reforming them , and to control their vicesby the ties of religion , which are stronger than those oflaw. By maintaining and purifying their present tenetsat the same time that we enlighten their understandings ,we shall bring them nearer to that standard of perfectionat which all concur in desiring that they should arrivewhile any attack on their faith, if successful , might be


CIVIL JUSTICE

It is necessary to examine the native system of CivilJustice with attention , and ascertain its success in

affording protection to men ’s rights . If thisshould prove even moderate , it will scarcely

(M “a“be thought advisable to attempt any altera

tions ; but if the plan be found inadequate to the endrequired , it will be necessary to see whether any alterations can be introduced to render it more efiicientwithout changing its fundamental principles, or wh etherit is necessary to set it aside altogether, and to introduce a new system in its room .

The authorities by whom Civil Justice was adminis

tered were the following : in the country the Patail ,By whom over him the Mamlatdar and Sarsubhedars ;“m m and above all the Peshwa, or his Minister.Jahagirdérs administered justice in their ownlands ; thegreat ones with little or no interference on the part ofthe Government . In some towns there was a judicialofiicer, called the Nyayadhish , who tried causes underthe Peshwa’s authority, and any person whom thePeshwa pleased to authorize might

,conduct an investi

gationsubject to his Highness’s confirmation.

If a complaint was made to a Patil , he would sendfor the person complained of ; and if he admitted thedebt , would interfere partly as a friend to settle themode and time of payment . If the debt were disputed,and he and his Kulkarni could not by their owninfluence or sagacity effect a settlement to the satisfaction of both parties , the Patil assembled a Panchayatof inhabitants of the village , who inquired into thematter with very little form , and decided as theythought best ; but this decision could not take placewithout the previous consent Of the parties.

CONQUERHO FROM THE PESHWA . 337

If the complainant were refused a Panchayat or disapproved of the decision , or if he thought proper not toapply to the Patil , he went to the Mamlatdar, whoproceeded nearly in the same manner as the Patil ;with this addition , that he could compel the party complained of to submit to a Panchayat , or else makesatisfaction to the complainant . When there was aS arsubhedar, the same process might be repeated withh im or at Court. But in all this there was no regularappeal : the superior authority would not revise thedecision of the inferior unless there had been some grossinjustice or reason to suspect corruption . In cases ofless purity— that is, in almost all cases— the superiorwas influenced in receiving the appeal by the consideration of the profit promised as a compensation for thetrouble .Though the Government oflicer endeavoured himself

to settle the dispute , and though it rested with h im todecide whether or not the case required a Panchayat ,yet it was reckoned gross injustice to refuse one on a

question at all doubtful , and it was always reckoned asuflicient ground for ordering a new investigation whenthere had been no Panchayat .The Panchayat may therefore be considered as the

great instrument in the administration of justice , and itis of consequence to determine how the assembly was constituted, what were its powers ,and what its method of proceeding and enforcing orprocuring the enforcement of its decrees .The members of a Panchayat were generally selected

by the oflicers of Government , by whom it was grantedwith the approbation of the parties , and often at theirsuggestion ; sometimes the parties chose an equalnumber each

,and the oflicer named an umpire . A

person on the part of Government not unfrequently22

Panchayat.


presided at Panchayats , especially at Puna , and directedtheir operations ; this oflicer must , however , be ob

jectionable to the parties . In affairs where Govemment was concerned , it ordered some of its ownoflicers toinvestigate the matter ; but they were expected to bepeople not objected to by the other party . The members were people of the same situation in life as theparties , or people likely to understand the subject indiscussion ; as bankers in a matter of account : Deshmukhs and Deshpandes when the suit was about land .

Their number was never less than five , but it has beenknown to be as great as fifty . The number was re

quired to be odd . It generally met at the house of theoflicer who summoned it .In villages the Patil got some of the most intelligent

and impartial Rayats to sit under a tree , or in theTemple , or Choultri. Nobody attended on the part ofthe Government ; and as the submission of the partieswas voluntary , their wishes were of course moreattended to than elsewhere . The consent of the members , however , was everywhere reckoned essential to aPanchayat and the first act of the meeting was to takea Rajinama, or acknowledgment , of such a consent .Security was also not unfrequently taken for the partiescomplying with the award of the Panchayat . In pettydisputes in villages , the parties gave two straws in tokenof submission , instead of a written Rajinama.

It might be expected that so burdensome a dutywould not be willingly undertaken , especially as therewas no authorized fe e to be gained by it ; but besidesthe compliment of being selected by the parties , therewas the hOpe of presents from one or both , which itwas not disgraceful to take , unless to promote injustice .

The parties likewise entreated the persons they wishedto accept the oflice , and the oflicer to Government

34° REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

by the Panchayat as long as they thought it necessary .

At that time the parties were kept at a distance fromtheir friends , but afterwards they might assist them as

much as they chose . A man might , if it were inconvenient for him to attend , send Karkun in his service ,or a relation but the trade of a Vakil is not knownaccounts and other written evidence were called forafter the examination of the parties , and likewise oralevidence when written failed ; but a great preferencewas given to the evidence of written documents . Thewitnesses seemed to have been examined and crossexamined with great care

,but the substance only of

their evidence was taken down briefly without thequestions , and generally intheir own hand if they couldwrite . The natives have not the same deference fortestimony that we have they allow a witness no morecredit than his situation and character and connectionwith the case entitle him to they also lay great stressonhis manner and appearance while giving his testimony . Oaths were seldom imposed , unless there werereason to suspect the veracity of the witness, and thengreat pains were taken to make them solemn .

When this examination was concluded , the Panchayat, after debating on the case , drew up an award

(which was termed Saraunsh or summary) inwhichthey gave the substance of the complaint , and answer ;an abstract of each of the documents presented on

either side ; a summary of the oral evidence on eitherside , with their own decision on the whole . A copy of

the award was given to the successful party ; and to theloser

, if he required it ; another copy was deposited withthe oflicer of Government . In villages where was muchless form ,

the Panchayat was often conducted in theway of conversation , and nothing was written but thedecision , and sometimes not even that . In important


cases,however, all the usual writing was performed by

the Kulkarni .Throughout the whole proceedings , the Panchayats

appear to have been guided by their own notions of

justice , founded no doubt onthe Hindu law, and modified by the custom of the country . They consulted nobooks , and it was only onparticular points immediatelyconnected with th e Hindu law, such as marriage , orsuccession , that they referred to a Shastri for his

Opinion .

On the report of the Panchayat, the officer of

Government proceeded to confirm and enforce its

decree : the Panchayat having no executive powers ofits own. From this cause frequent references to themagistrate were required , and he was given a considerable influence onthe progress of the trial .If either party objected at this stage , and showed

good reasons why the award should be set aside , theoflicer under whose authority it sat might require it torevise its sentence , or even grant a new Panchayat ;but this was not reckoned proper , unless corruptionwere strongly suspectedNo other notice was taken of corruption , unless in

such cases the decision of a Panchayat was alwaysrespected , as the proverbial expression of Panch Parme shwar APanchayat is God Almighty ’

) fully testifies .Even after an award was confirmed , an appeal lay to

a higher authority, and a new Panchayat might begranted even a new Mamlatdar might revise the proce edings under his predecessor . This was probably astretch of power but everything under the Mahrattaswas so irregular and arbitrary , th at the limits of justauthority can with difficulty be traced .

Inenforcing the decision , much of course dependedon the power of the magistrate . If a Patil found the


party who gained the cause could not recover h is dueby the modes of private compulsion , hereafter described ,he applied to the Mamlatdar to interpose his authority,and in cases where that was insufficient the Mamlatdarapplied to the Government .It was in this manner that ordinary disputes were

settled . Those about boundaries , which are extremelyfrequent (except in Khandesh) , were settled by a Panchayat, composed of Deshmukhs , De shpande s , P atils,and Kulkarnis , assisted by the M ahars of the disputingvillages , who are the established guardians of landmarks and boundaries . They are also very frequentlyadjusted by ordeal , one mode of which is for the Patilto walk along the disputed boundary

,bearing on his

head a clod composed of the soil of both villages,kneaded up with various strange ingredients , and cousecrated by many superstitious ceremonies : if it holdtogether , the justice of his claims is established ; and ifit break , he loses his cause . Many other sorts of

ordeal are also performed with boiling oil , or by takinganoath and imprecating certain curses if it should befalse . If no evil occur within a fixed time , the godsare conceived to have decided in the swearer ’s favour .These ordeals were not uncommon in all cases , as

well as in boundary dispute s , but chiefly when othermeans of ascertaining the truth had failed .

Disputes about caste were settled by the caste , unlesswhen a complaint of unjust expulsion took place

,when

the Government ordered a Panchayat of respectablepersons of the caste from an unprejudiced part of thecountry .

As it has been shown that Panchayats had no powersm am a ,

of their own, and were moreover somewhath ow assembled

and th e ir mert , it is necessary to examine the machinerydecisions , howm om by which they were kept in motion

,and their


at a distance , or if attendance were inconvenient , a

deputation from the Court , with some person from the

parties, was sent to take his evidence , and the Mamlatdar gave his aid to the proce ss ; or if the witnesslived very far ofl

’

, a letter was written , requesting himto state the facts required . When the witness was aman of rank , a deputation would be sent to him fi'

om

the Government , accompanied by parties who went as

supplicants for his aid rather than as checks on hismis-statement, and he was solicited to relate what h eknew, which was repeated in the Court . Even if thewitness were not of such rank as to prevent h is comingto the Court , still if he were a man of any consequence ,he was received as a visitor , and the questions were putto him in the way of conversation

,and with all th e

usual forms of civility .

When persons of this character were the defendants ,instead of summoning them to the Nyayadhish , a letterwas written by Nana Fadnavis , desiring them to settlethe complaint . If this did not succeed , the Vakil wasspoken to ; and ultimately they experienced the displeasure of Government , or part of their land was madeover to the creditor . Generally, however, great favourwas shown to men of rank . If the plaintiff was alsoa man of rank , a Panchayat of men of the same condition would be appointed if all other means failed .

One of the enclosed translations (No . 1 9 ) is an awardin a case where the ancestors of JuanRav Nimbalkar ,a Jahagirdar of the highest rank , were the parties .The proceedings were much the same as those I have

already mentioned to have been practised in the districts, but more was done inwriting than elsewhere .To give a clear idea of the manner in which Panchayatsproceeded , I have the honour to enclose the award of

one conducted under the superintendence ofRam Shastri


(No . 20) and decision in a simple case of the presentday (No .

The Panchayats were more frequently named by theparties than the judge ; but Ram Shastri and h is

deputies seem frequently to have presided at the trial ,the Panchayat performing nearly the same functions as

a jury in England . A good deal of the investigationseems to have been entrusted to Ram Shastri

’

s Kar

kuns , who reported to him and the Panchayat ; and inthe decree the names of the members of the Panchayatare not mentioned , even when it is merely a repetitionof their award . The decision was always in the

Peshwa ’s name , and inall cases of magnitude requiredhis signature ; all cases relating to land were of thisdescription , and the same holds all over the country ,where claims to land are considered more immediatelyunder the superintendence of Government . It was notunusual , in the country as well as in Puna , for a

Government ofi cer to receive the complaint and answerwith the documents , and th e written evidence of witnesse s , and lay the whole in this shape before thePanchayat , who could call for more evidence if theyrequired it . Much time must h ave been saved by thisarrangement , but it gave the oflicer of Governmentconsiderable Opportunities of imposing on the Panchayat. The members of the Panchayat received nofe e , but when they had much trouble the winner of thesuit made them openly a present for their pains .A sum of money was likewise levied for the Govem

ment from the winner, under the name of Harki , whichI believe means congratulatory offering ; and from the

loser, under the name of Gunh egari, or fine . TheseGunhegaries varied with the means of litigants , butin revenue accounts I observe that one -fourth of the

property is always put down as the price paid forjustice by the plaintiff when he wins his cause .


The plaintifl‘

losing his cause was obliged to pay theexpenses of the defendant , if the latter were poor .No regular monthly or other returns of causes de

cided were made out .When a cause was decided against the defendant , the

Court settled the mode of payment with reference tohis circumstances , either ordering immediate payment,or directing payment by instalments , or granting thedebtor , if entirely destitute of the means of payment , anexemption from the demands of his creditor for a certainnumber of years .When a matter had once come to a trial , it was

always expected that Government should enforce thedecision ; but with the irregularity so characteristic ofthe Mahrattas , the plaintiffwas often permitted to enforcethem himself ; and this was effected by means of thesystem called Takkaza, which , though it strictly meansonly dunning

,is here employed for everything , from

simple importunity up to placing a guard over a man ,preventing his eating

,tying him neck and heels , or

making him stand on one leg,with a heavy stone on

his head , under a vertical sun .

It is remarkable that in all claims (except for land)when the plaintiff has the power, this Tukkaza is thefirst step in the suit ; and it is not until the person whosuffers by it complains of excessive or unjust Tukkaza,that the Government takes any concern in the cause .This in some measure accounts for the ready acquisscence to defendants in the nomination of Panchayats ,etc .

, and it is indeed employed intentionally as a meansof accomplishing that end . When Government enforcedthe debt , it used nearly the same severities as individuals ; it also seized and sold the property of thedebtor , but generally spared his house , and took carenot to reduce him entirely to ruin . It likewise often


so to the poor . The power of the local oflicer mustalso have had a tendency to check appeals , and evento restrain the demand for Panchayats in cases wherehe was desirous of' deciding in person ; and this desirewould chiefly be felt in cases where he had an inclination to be the friend of one party , or where he hoped tomake something by selling his favour to both . Inshort , there can be little doubt of the difficulty of getting justice , unless by means of bribery or of powerfulfriends .The Panchayats themselves were open to corruption

and to partiality , and when free from those stains theywere still slow and feeble in their motions and uncer

tain in their resolutions . When the Panchayat wasassembled , which from its interference with the pursuitsand interests of the members must have been a matterof diflicult and rare occurrence , it had not suflicientpowers to seize the defendant , to summon the witnesses ,or to compel the production of documents ; in the eventof any opposition it must apply to the oflicer of Govemment , and thus , besides unavoidable delay , it wasexposed to constant obstruction from his indolence andwant of leisure , and even from his corruption . If a

deputy of the Government oflicer sat with it to executethose duties , it was still liable to be obstructed fromcorruption , and was besides exposed to the influence ofthe Karkun , who presided . Whenit had got possessionof the evidence , the members were not calculated to

decide on nice or intricate causes ; and if they wereperplexed they met without coming to a decision , orallowed the matter to lie over until some circumstanceprevented the necessity of meeting any more . Verygre at delay took place from these causes , and trialswere oftenleft entirely unfinished . When memberswere chosen by the parties and interested in their cause ,

CONQUERED FROM THE P ESHWA. 349

they were rather advocates than judges , and their dis

putes produced as much delay as the neglect of theothers . When they were impartial they were indifferent and irresolute , unless some member , and verylikely one who was stimulated into activity by a bribe ,took the trouble of deciding off the hands of his colleagues , and procured their consent to a decision of his

own. When their award was signed the Panchayatdissolved , and their decree remained with the localofi cer to enforce or neglect , as he chose . Where somuch was left arbitrary, there was of course muchcorruption ; and it is very frequent now to have acomplaint from a man who has a decision of oldstanding (even from the Nyayadhish at Puna) whichhe has not been able to get enforced. Even when thedecree of a Panchayat was passed and executed , onewould think it must, from the way in which theassembly was constituted , have had little good effectbeyond the case it had tried ; for as there was nowritten law , and as Panchayats were composed of menof different habits and conditions , their awards mustbe supposed to have varied , so as to afford no greatcertainty beforehand as to the decisionto which anyPanchayat would come , and this uncertainty must haveled unceasingly to new litigation . All accounts

,it

must be owned , agree in representing the knowledge ofthe common people in the customary law of theircountry , and consequently the uniformity of theirdecisions when formed into Panchayats , is far beyondwhat could be expected ; but the inconvenience alludedto must still , to a certain extent , have existed . Thewant of principle in the rulers was another cause of

uncertainty and litigation . No decisionwas final ; a

new Mamlatdar or a new Minister might take up acause h is predecessor had decided ; the same man


might revise his own decisions from corrupt motives ;and there was as much difficulty in being exempt froman unjust revision , as it has already been shown therewas in obtaining a just one .

If this were the state of things under Nana Fadnavis , it was doubtless worse under Baji Rav. Thefarming system made over each district to the highestbidder , who was generally the most unprincipled manabout the Court ; and as full support was requisite toenable him to pay h is revenue , it consigned the peopleto h is oppression without a remedy. The farmer ’ swhole time and thoughts were occupied in realizing hisrevenue . Justice was openly sold , and except as amarketable commodity, it was never thought of. Theparty in the wrong could always , by a bribe , preventhis cause going to a Panchayat , or overturn the decisionof one . An appeal lay from the under-farmer to theupper, whose income depended on the exactions of theauthorities below him ; and from him to the Minister,who never received a complaint without a present ; orto the Peshwa, who never received one at all . Inconsequence the Government afforded little justice tothe rich , and none to the poor.But with all these defects , the Mahratta country

flourished , and the people seem to have been exemptfrom some of the evils which exist under our

igggegifmore perfect Government . There must, therefore , have been some advantages in the system

to counterbalance its obvious defects , and most of themappear to me to have originated in one fact , that theGovernment , although it did little to obtainjustice forthe people , left them the means of procuring it forthemselves . The advantage of this was particularlyfelt among the lower orders , who are most out of reachof their rulers , and most apt to be neglected under all

t 352 REPORT ON THE TERRITORIES

protected both from the injustice of their neighboursand tyranny of their superiors , and that class is themost numerous

,most important , and most deserving

portion of the community .

It was in the class above this that the defects of the

judicial system were most felt, and even there they hadsome advantages . As the great fault of Governmentwas its inertness , people were at least secure from its

over-activity . A Government oflicer might be inducedby a bribe to harass an individual, under colour of

justice ; but he could not be compelled , by the merefiling a petition , to involve those under his jurisdictionin all the vexations of a lawsuit . Even when bribed ,he could not do much more than harass the individual ;for the right to demand a Panchayat was a bar toarbitrary decree s , and although he might reject orevade the demand , yet the frequent occurrence of acourse so contrary to public opinion could not escapehis superiors , if at all inclined to do justice .

The inertness of Government was counteracted byvarious expedients which , though objectionable in themselves , supplied the place of better principles . Thesewere private redress , patronage , and presents . Thefirst occupies the same place in civil justice that privaterevenge does in criminal among still ruder nations . Itis this which is called Tukkaza by the Mahrattas , andwhich has already been mentioned as so important inbringing on a trial . If a man have a demand from hisinferior , or his equal , he places him under restraint ,prevents his leaving his house , or eating , and evencompels him to sit in the sununtil he comes to someaccommodation . If the debtor were a superior, thecreditors had first recourse to supplications and appealsto the honour and sense of shame of the other partyhe laid himself onhis threshold, threw himself on his


road , clamoured before his door , or he employed othersto do all this for him : he would even sit down andfast before the debtor

’s door, during which time theother was compelled to fast also, or he would appeal tothe gods and invoke their curses upon the person bywhom he was injured . It was a point of honour withthe natives not to disturb the authors of these importunities , so long as they were just , and some satisfaction was generally procured by means of them . If

they were unjust , the party thus harassed naturallyconcurred with the plaintiff in the wish for a Panchayat, and thus an object was obtained which mightnot have been gained from the indolence of the magistrate . Similar means were employed to extort justicefrom the ruling power. Standing before the residenceof the great man , assailing him with clamour , holdingup a torch before him by daylight, pouring water ,without ceasing , on the statues of the gods . Theseextreme measures, when resorted to , seldom failed toobtain a hearing , even under Baji Rav, and there wasthe still more powerful expedient , both for recovering adebt or for obtaining justice , to get the whole caste ,village

, or trade , to join in performing the above ceremonies until the demand of one of its members weresatisfied .

The next means of obtaining justice was bypatronage . If a poor man had a master , a landlord ,a great neighbour, or any great connection , or if hehad a relation who had a similar claim ona great man ,he could interest him in his favour and procure hisfriendly intercession with the debtor ; his applicationto the friends of the latter, or finally his interest withthe public authority , to obtain justice for his client .This principle was not so oppressive as it seems atfirst sight , or as it must have been if it had been

23


partial, for it was so extended that scarcely any man

was without some guardian of his interests . Bothsides in a cause were thus brought nearly equal , andthe effect of the interference of their patrons was tostimulate the system , which might oth erwise havestood still .If this resource failed , a present or the promise of a

present to the public authority or those who had

weight with him would be efficacious . The fee of onefourth of all property gained inlawsuits was, in fact,a standing bribe to invite the assistance of the magistrate .The number of persons who could grant Panchayats

also expedited business . Beddes the Nyayadhish andthe numerous M amlatdars and Jahagirdars , many peopleof consequence could hold Panchayats under the expressor implied authority of the Peshwa, and every chiefsettled the disputes of his own retainers , whetheramong themselves or with others of the lower andmiddle classes . A great number of disputes werealso settled by private arbitration , and their proceedings

,in the event of an appeal, were treated by the

Government with the same considerations as those of

Panchayat held under its ownauthority .

Thus some sort of justice was obtained , and it wasless impure than might be expected, from the sourcesby which it was supplied , because public opinion andthe authority of the magistrate set bounds to Tukkaza,and the institution of Panchayats was a restraint onpatronage and bribery .

The Panchayat itself, although in all but villagecauses it had the defects before ascribed to it , possessedmany advantages . Though each might be slow , thenumber that could sit at a time , even under the superintendence of one person , must have enabled them to


racter of the people ; but I should conjecture that simplecauses were speedily decided, and complicated onesvery slowly . The Nyayadh ish principally tried the latterdescription , and in twenty years it filed less thancauses , ofwhich it is believed that one-half were neverdecided . Panchayats appear generally to have givenjust decisions, but men in power could obstruct a reference to those assemblies , and could prevent the exeemtion of their decrees . That justice was often denied ,or injustice committed , appears from the frequency of

Thullee , which is a term for robbery, arson , and evenmurder, committed to oblige a village or Governmentofi cer to satisfy the claims of the perpetrator. Thiscrime is commonest to the southward of the Krishna, butmurders onaccount of disputes about landed propertyare everywhere frequent . With regard to its effect onthe character of the people , the Rayats seem in mostrespects simple and honest , but there is no regard fortruth or respect for an oath throughout the whole community ; and forgery, intrigue , and deceit are carriedto the highest pitch among the P atils, Kulkarnis,and all who have much opportunity of practising thoseiniquities . There is no punishment for perjury or

forgery . In the annexed award of a Panchayat (No .

it appears that thirty-three persons entered into anengagement to swear to anything that one of the partiesmight dictate , and for this complicated offence theywere mildly reprimanded by the Nyayadhish . Litigiousness does not seem to have been at all prevalent , unlessthe obstinacy with which people adhered to any claimsto landed property can be brought under that head .

Com 118011 of Such are the advantages and disadvantagesth c a vanof th e m ve of the native administration of justice whichplanwith thoseof th e Adnlat . are to be weighed against those of the planadopted in our provinces. If we were obliged to take

CONQUERED FROM THE PESHWA . 357

them as they stood under the Native Government, thescale would probably soon be turned ; but as it is possible to invigorate the system and to remove its worstabuses, the question is not so easily decided . The moststriking advantages in our plan appear to be— that thelaws are fixed , and that as means are taken to promulgate them they may be known to everyone that thedecisions of the Adalat, being always onfixed principles , may always be foreseen that there is a regularand certain mode of obtaining redress ; that the decisionon each separate case is more speedy than in any nativecourt , and that it is more certain of being enforced ;that justice may be obtained by means of the Adalat ,even from oflicers of Government , or from Governmentitself ; that the judges are pure , and their purity andcorrectness are guarded by appeals and that thewhole system is steady and uniform, and is not liableto be biassed in its notions by fear or affection , policyor respect .On the other hand , 1t appears that although the regu

lations are promulgated , yet , as they are entirely new tothe people of India , a long time must pass before theycan be generally known , and as both they and the decisions of the Court are founded onEuropean notions,a still longer period must elapse before their principlescan be at all understood ; that this obscurity of itselfthrows all questions relating to property into doubt , andproduces litigation, which is further promoted by theexistence of a class of men rendered necessary by thenumerous te chnical difi culties of our law , whose sub

sistence depends on the abundance of lawsuits that bythese means an accumulation of suits takes place , whichrenders the speedy decision of the Adalat of no availthat the facility given to appeals takes away from theadvantage of its vigour in enforcing decrees, and renders


it on the whole, in many cases, more feeble and dilatorythan even the Panchayat , while in others it acts with astemness and indifference to rank and circumstancesvery grating to the feelings of the natives ; that itscontrol over the public officers lessens their powerwithout removing the principle of despotism in theGovernment , or the habits engendered by that principlein the people , and that by weakening one part of themachine without altering the rest, it produced derangement and confusion throughout the whole ; that theremoteness of the Adalat prevents the access of thecommon people , and that if M unsifl

’

s with fees , Vakils ,etc . ,

be adopted to remedy this evil , they are not exemptfrom the corruption of the native system , while theyoccasion in a remarkable degree the litigious spiritpeculiar to ours .This view of the Adalat is taken from the reports

drawn up in Bengal , and it is possible that many of thedefects described may originate in the revenue system ,

in the voluminousness of the regulations , or in otherextrinsic circumstances a supposition which appears tobe supported by the state of the Courts under Bombay,where most of the evils alluded to are said to be stillunfe lt . But enough will remain to satisfy us that thechance of attaining or approaching to perfection is assmall under our own plan as under that of the nativesthat on either plan we must submit to many luconveniences and many abuses and that no very suddenimprovement is to be looked for in the actual state of

things . If this be the case , it becomes of the first consequence to cherish whatever there is good in the existing system , and to attempt no innovation that can injurethe principles now in force , since it is so uncertainwhether we can introduce better in their room .

I propose , therefore , that the native system should


restraint , their hatred of novelties , and their dread of

getting into difl‘iculties in an unknown course of proseeding , and thus exposing themselves to our supposedstrictness , would be sufl

‘icient to prevent any honest

Patil from calling a Panchayat , or any disinterestedinhabitant from serving as a member ; but it is onlythe honest who would be thus deterred : those wholooked to profit through fraud would run a little risk inpursuit of their selfish designs , and would study ournew laws so as to qualify themselves to evade them .

The Patil should be encouraged , as at present , tosettle disputes amicably , if he can, and otherwise torefer them to Panchayats , on the old model .No papers should be required from those bodies but

a Rajianama (or consent) by the parties to the arbitration of the members , and a Saraunsh (or decision)as concise as they choose to make it . When these twopapers can he produced , the decision should be final ,unless in case of corruption or gross injustice . Whenthose papers are wanting , the cause must he consideredas still liable to investigation , but no censure is to bepassed on the Panchayat for failing to produce them .

When a Patil refuses to grant a Panchayat , the Mamlatdar may , on complaint , direct him to afford one ;and if either party object to a Panchayat in his ownvillage , the Mamlatdar shall be at liberty to order oneat his own residence , or at any other village , as Ibelieve was practised by the Mahratta Government .But unless both parties give their free consent to thearrangement proposed by the Mamlatdar , that oflicer

must report the case to the collector, and await hisorders .Appeals from village Panchayats should be made to

the collector, who , if he thinks the Panchayat has notbeen freely chosen

,or that it has not fully decided ; or


if on a summary inquiry he discovers any gross erroror injustice , or sees good ground to suspect corruption ,may order a new Panchayat , either at the originalvillage , or elsewhere . In this inquiry the collectorcan of course direct the Mamlatdar to make any localinvestigation that may be necessary , and he can employhis assistant , or an Amin , either in conducting thesummary inquiry , or in superintending the second Panchayat : but he ought on no account to go into aninquiry in any ordinary case merely because thePanchayat appear to him to have decided erroneously ;the object of this appeal being rather to watch over thepurity of the courts , than to amend their decisions .The appeal ought to be to the collector, rather than tothe Mamlatdar , to prevent that oflicer either quashingcomplaints, or needlessly drawing up causes from thevillage tribunals to his own .

These rules will provide for the adjustment of disputes among villagers , but there are many mercantileand other persons who reside in towns , and are notsubject to the authority of any Patil . For thesepersons another plan must be adopted . When theybelong to trades , the Sheti , or head of the trade , mayperform the functions performed by the Patel , insummoning a Panchayat , with the consent of theparties , and when these means are insuflicient a complaint may be made to the Mamlatdar, who, if hecannot accommodate the matter, either by his owninterposition or a Panchayat agreed to by both parties ,must report it to the controller, who will authorize aPanchayat of persons of the same order. When theparties leave the nomination of these Panchayats tothe Mamlatdar , or other oflicer of Government , hecannot be too careful to select the members, so as tomake attendance as little onerous as possible . Persons


unemployed ought to be preferred to men in business , .

and the whole to be managed as much on the principleof rotation as the disposition of th e parties may admit .The objection of the parties to any member ought, however, to be always attended to , and if they show adisinclination to the persons proposed by the Govemment agent , they ought to be allowed to name fourrespectable people themselves , who ought to chose a

fifth as an umpire . If th e members cannot agree, theumpire must be named by the Government oflicer.

In very large towns the superintendence of thesePanchayats may be too much for the M amlatdars toundertake , and it will therefore be found necessary tonominate officers (to be called Amins , or whatevername has hitherto been in use among the Mahrattas)expressly for the administration of justice . Theremight be one to every M amlatdar

’

s district , or one toevery two ; but it ought first to be tried whether th eM amlatdars are sufi cient to keep down the business , asthe institution of so many dispensers of justice , besidesthe revenue oflicers, will certainly be new , and its effectsonthe Panchayats and on the people cannot be clearlyforeseen ; some means , must, however be found out tomake up , in Puna especially, for the numerous chiefs andministers who formerly used to assemble Panchayats .For this purpose , I think , there ought to be three nativejudges at Puna with salaries amounting to 200 rupeeseach , and three of inferior rank with inferior salaries,who should receive complaints referred to them by thecollector , and submit them to Panchayats , or decidethem themselves , when both parties consented to thatmode of adjustment .In such cases as the collector should expressly pre

scribe , causes to be tried by Panchayats might beshaped by the Amin in such a manner that the


the natives , or a small addition might be made to thesalary of a certain number

,who might be constituted

regular authorities , to decide on points of law .

Appeals ought to be received from the Amins on theprinciple above mentioned , and in the same manner thecommissioner should receive special appeals from thecollectors , not with a view to revise their decisions oneach case , but to give him an opportunity of ascertaining that his instructions are acted up to

,and that the

custom of the country is not departed from .

It is chiefly by this superintendence that we canhope to purify and invigorate the native system , so as

to convert it from a mere engine of oppression into aninstrument for a more extensive dispensation of justicethanexists even in our ownold provinces .It is indispensable on this principle that the collector

should give audience, for at least two hours every day ,

to all ranks , receive complaints viva coca, and grantdecisions and orders on M amlatdars, as the casesrequire . If he confine himself to receiving petitions inwriting, it is impossible that he should have time tobecome acquainted with the state of things in his

district . This practice , combined with the collector’s

tours round his district , ought to be a great check onthe M amlatdars , and those oflicers ought likewise to beobliged to answer speedily and fully every complaintmade against them or reference sent to them . Thegreat indulgence and forbearance recommended towardsPanchayats and P atils should have no place towardsM amlatdars, on whose purity and efliciency so muchdepends , and with whom those qualities can only bepreserved by strict discipline .The amount to be decided on by a Panchayat , under a

Patil, might be limited to 1 50 rupees , and by a Mamlatdar or Amin , without reference , to

‘

rupees ;


when the amount exceeds this , the Mamlatdar oughtnot to call a Panchayat, even with the consent of theparties , until he has taken the Collector

’s orders . Anysum might be referred by the collector , but great causes ,where delay and distance are of least consequence

,

would be best done under his ownsuperintendence .Causes , in which great Sardars are parties , should be

reported to the commissioner, who should take measureshimself, or send special instructions 1neach case . Noclaim for a debt incurred during the Mahratta Govemment ought to be enforced against this class with morestrictness than that Government would have evinced ,and all intercourse relating to causes of those personsshould be conducted according ‘

to the practice of the

former Government , as above described .

Rules ought to be made limiting the period at whicha suit can be entertained . Twelve years from the commencement of the dispute would be sufficient in casesof personal property , but a very long period must beallowed in disputes about land , provided always thatno prior decision by a competent authority has takenplace .These rules must be observed by the M amlatdars and

Amins , but they must not extend to P atils, who mustbe guided by custom alone .A period ought also to be fixed , after which appeals

on complaints of gross error, bribery, etc . , will not bereceived : these ought to be short when the causewas tried by a Panchayat , and long when by a singlejudge .M amlatdars and Amins should send registrars of the

causes they try to the collectors , and the collectors tothe commissioner , but nothing of the sort should berequired from the Patil .So far, indeed , am I from wishing to clog the pro


ce edings of the lower orders with forms, that I think adecision ought to be rece ived and enforced by the publicauthorities , by whomsoever it has been passed, in everycase where there is a written consent to the arbitrationon the behalf of the parties, and a written award onthat of the arbitrators.

Too much pains cannot be taken to encourage privatearbitrations, and this is the more necessary from anopinion, which appears to be industriously propagated ,that our Government resents and punishes any interference of individuals in afl

'

airs which are within itsjurisdiction .

The employment of professional Vakils ought to bestrictly forbidden , both in the M amlatdars, Amins , andcollectors ’ Kacheries ; with the P atils, they are notlikely to exist .Similar pains must be taken to guard against pro

fessional arbitrators , a description of persons who werenot unknown under the Mahratta Government, and whoappear, from Mr. Lumsden

’s report, to be becomingcommon under ours . This class, to all the bad qualitiesof hired Vakils , adds that of corruption inthe decisionof the cause . Perhaps some rule should be fixed tocompel the M amlatdars and Amins to attend to thiscaution , but this is the only regulation I would venture topropose regarding Panchayats .The difficulty of assembling the members , and of

getting them to come to a decision , suggests, at firstview, some rules to promote those ends but none can ,I think , be ventured on without the risk of makingattendance first entirely compulsory, and then veryodious . The magistrate may exercise his influence ,and even an indefinite authority as hitherto , to procureattendance and decision but he ought to use no absoluteforce , and, above all, to impose no fines nor other


by the sale of stamped paper for all deeds and contracts , which would be a security against forgery , aswell as the means of raising a revenue .In cases of appeals , I would oblige the appellant to

enter into a bond to pay a particular fine if the complaint proved vexations ; and this , as well as the fineimposed on the loser , would only be a mitigation of theMahratta practice in both cases . Decrees should beenforced inthe mildest forms in use with the Mahrattasa Harkara, or, in a case of a respectable man , a Karkun, should be sent to insist on the payment of thesum decreed , and to prevent the debtor eating fromsunrise to sunset, unless it were paid . The propertyof the debtor ought also to be sold , but not his house ,nor the implements of his profession . If all this shouldbe insufficient , he should be imprisoned for a period , tobe fixed , on the report of the Panchayat , according tothe amount of his debt , and the fraudulent or litigiousspirit he had displayed .

A question arises regarding the native practice of

Takkaza. If left as it was among the natives, it leadsto every sort of oppression , and the more as thesufferer is often prevented coming to complain . If

done away entirely , the great principle which drivesmen to Panchayats , private arbitrations , and voluntarycompositions , is put an end to , and every creditor iscompelled to come to court . It is absolutely necessaryto prohibit the use of force , but perhaps all restraintsand inconveniences that depend on the point of honourought to be allowed to remain .

The plan I have proposed has many obvious and

Advantages ,“palpable defects , and many more will no doubt

fi rearmappear when its operations are fully observed .

1’ It has this advantage , that it leaves unimpaired the institutions , the opinions , and the feelings ,

CONQUERED FROM THE P ESHWA .

that have hitherto kept the community together ; andthat

,as its fault is meddling too little , it may be

gradually remedied by interfering when urgentlyrequired . An opposite plan, if it fail , fails entirely ;it has destroyed everything that could supply its placeand when it sinks , the whole frame of the society sinkswith it . This plan has another advantage likewise ,that if it does not provide complete instruments for thedecision of suits , it keeps clear of the causes thatproduce litigation . It makes no great changes , eitherreal or apparent , in the laws ; and it leads to norevolution in the state of property . The establishedpractice also

,though it be worse than another proposed

in its room , will be less grievous to the people , whohave accommodated themselves to the present defects ,and are scarcely aware of their existence ; while everyfault in a new system , and perhaps many th ings thatare not faults , would be severely felt for want of thisadaptation . I do not , however, mean to say that ourinterference with the native plan is odious at present .On the contrary, several of the collectors are of Opinionthat a summary decision by a European judge is moreagreeable to the natives than any other mode of trial .This may be the case at first ; but if the decisions ofEuropeans should ever be so popular as to occasion thedisuse of the native modes of settlement , there wouldsoon be a run on the courts , and justice , however purewhen obtained, would never be got without years of

delay .

There must , however, in the system now proposed ,be a considerable sacrifice of form , and even somesacrifice of essential justice ; and it is to be expectedthat the abuses which will be observed under it will

give particular disgust to most of our oflicers, becausethey are repugnant to our ways of thinking , and we are

24


apt to forget that there are equal blemishes in everyother system , and that those which are the leastoffensive in our eyes are often most disgusting to thenatives . This unsuitableness of the native system toEuropean ideas is , however, a very serious objection toits adoption , and renders it doubtful if we shall be ableto maintain it after the officers to whom it is to beentrusted shall have ceased to be selected merely fortheir fitness.If our own system be unintelligible to the natives , it

is at least intelligible to us , and as its characteristic isstrict rules and checks to departure from them , it is noteasy to go wrong . Moreover, as it possesses no verynice adaptation to the native way of thinking , a littlederangement is of no great consequence . But thenative plan can seldom be thoroughly understood byany of us : we may act against its plainest rules frommere ignorance , and we must all be liable to strike atits vital principles whenwe think we are only removingits defects . Nor is it necessary that the legislatorshould fall into this error to produce the most fataleffects . The error of an inferior executive ofi cer is

suflicient to overthrow the system . The commissionerperceives the numerous irregularities , abuses , andcorruptions in village Panchayats , which may beavoided by a few simple rules , and the complete insightand effectual superintendence that would be gained bya mere report of the P atil

’

s proceedings ; he makeshis regulations , directs a register to be drawn up ,

punishes the neglect of his orders regarding it , andfrom that moment there is an end of village Panchayats ,until P atils shall be found who will undertake thosetroublesome and unknown forms from mere publicspirit , with the chance of punishment and censure forunintentional failure . Not less effectual would be the


causes filed at Puna, of which there have beensettled without a trial

By P anchayats “ 376By injunctionfromthe collector 539

Dismissed onth e nonattendance of the plaintiff 408

And there have be endecidedBy the collector and his assistants . 234

By P anchayats, chosenby th e parties 44

By Amins 248

In the end of March causes were undecided ;on the whole , I should think that the means weUltimato im have hitherto possessed have not been suflipr

t’

ifgafe

zfitiu

cient to meet the demand in Puna , and$5?a perhaps , owing to the constant occupation

of M amlatdars in revenue business , the same maybe true in the country . I hope the plan now proposed will be more effectual . Should it fail , it willbe necessary to have numerous Am ins for holdingPanchayats , and to adopt by degrees stricter rules tocompel the attendance and hasten the decisions of thosebodies . If that should be insufi cient, M ansifs must beempowered to try causes by themselves , in which casethere must be a European judge to hear appeals fromthem all ; but these improvements must not be introduced until they are wanted

,and we must be careful

not to induce the natives to give up their present modesof settling disputes , by holding out a prospect of pureand abundant justice which we may not ultimately beable to realize .To sum up the effects of our revenue , police , and

judicial systems , we have , in revenue , lighter , moreS igr

‘plmgiryflof equal and more certain assessment , less pecum ansemonta lation , and consequently less profit to theagents of Government . In police , more attention andmore vigour , but less violence , and so far less efliciency .

In civil justice , the great change is that Government


has taken on itself the whole responsibility of protectingpeople ’s rights , but there is more form ,

more purity,

more delay in some cases and less in others . Incriminal justice , more system ,

more scruples,more

trials , more acquittals , more certain punishment for allcrimes except robbery, and for that both less certainand less severe .

AP P ENDIX .

TRANSLATIONS of a deed of purehase executed inthe

year S hale 1 726 Raktakshi, onFaush Vadya P ratiP ada , between Janoji BinDatoji, P atil, Kaddamof the village of Gaivi , inthe P argana of P haltan,and Bhimaj z Bin Assaji, P atil Yadoay, the

M ukadam (or Chief P atil) of the village ofJiregaum, inthe P atas Taraf of the P rant of P una ,sur 1 2 1 4 Hejri.

The reason of this deed of purchase being executedis , that the Mukadam (or chiefship) of the abovementioned village

,Jiregaum,

being exclusively mine ,and that as there has been a severe famine in the landthe whole of this year, and many have died for want offood , and as I also find myself reduced to the lastextremity, from an absolute want of every kind of

sustenance , or means of procuring it , excepting by disposing of my Wattan (hereditary office , and landsperhaps) and Service if I were not to dispose of someof it I should die , and the whole world would be lostto me , I have resolved to save my life by dividing myWattan Vriti, and admitting partner to its engagement .With this fixed design I have come to you , and fallen


onyour neck , begging that you will preserve my lifeduring the continuance of the famine , and that, in consideration of your doing so

,you will accept a half of

the rights of my M ukadami, while I retain the otherhalf.Thus petitioning and speaking to you , in the strongest

manner you have consented , and I now execute thisagreement , to testify my voluntary relinquishment inyour favour of half my rights or sole M ukadami of

the above-mentioned village , and that in considerationthereof, I have before witnesses accepted and receivedseven hundred and one rupees . You have thus preserved the lives of my family , and we shall henceforwardjointly enjoy all rights (Thag) , dignity (M dnpén), etc . ,according to the undermentioned detail .

First. HAKDARI, OR RIGHTS AND PER

QUISITES .

1 st . GHUGABI . Two Maunds , at the rate of sixteenP tiilis per Maund on each cultivated Chahur of land .

Half this grain or half its value shall be yours,and

half mine .2nd. BHIiI . Jama on the annual present from the

Sarkar , on settling the Jama, amounting to 25 rupees ,shall be one half yours and one half mine .

3rd. FALBHSBK. For every Chahur of cultivatedland I am entitled (at the reaping season) to an hundredbundles of the grain produced ; half of this shall be

yours , and half mine .

4th . HURDA NIM BOR . The half of what I receivefrom each field onthese accounts shall be yours

, andhalf mine .Remark. Hurda is unripe Jarvi , which it is con

sidered pleasant to eat roasted : the quantity received


9 th . DHANGABKOHE M i a (woollen weavers’ looms) .

Half shall be yours , and half mine .

10th . M onTARAFA. What is received on marketdays , or fairs , from shopkeepers, Banians , etc . such astobacco , Supari , Nagvel Pan, Gal, etc .1 lth . Bi psorr Jams (Miras land) . Nineteen

Rukas of this land,you shall have half ; that is , eight

Rukas in one place , and a Ruka and a half inanother place which contains a well , the whole of

which I give up to you . I retain the other half of theland .

1 2 . I have a well in one Ruka of ground appro

priated for the growth of vegetables ; half shall be yours ,and half shall remain mine .1 3th . You shall have half my tenement to reside in .

1 4th . Attached to the M ukadami, or P atilship,there are Inam lands to the extent or half a Chahur,or six Rukas . You shall enjoy half of this , while Iretain the other half.1 5th . The village M ahars who perform service for

me , shall also do yours .1 6th . Close to the village I have three Rukas of land ;

one and a half Rukashall be yours, and the rest continue to be mine . But besides this , there is a quantityof land without tenants or labourers , and which belongsto the village . You shall take half of this land , whileI retain the other half.Remark. The meaning of the latter sentence is ,

perhaps , that they should enjoy an equal title to thedisposal , or, if it may be termed, to the patronage of

the land , because there is always a small fee receivedby the P atils who let out or sell the occupied fields ofthe village . This passage , however, argues stronglythe right of the P atils to the disposal of all lands notpossessed by the Government

, as Sheri and Kuran ’

lands .


S econd. MANPAN , DIGINTY AND PRECEDENCE .

1 st . TASBI . (The annual Government present onthe full payment of the revenues . ) We shall receiveTasri year and year about .2nd. On the festival of the Holi , it will be customary

for both to bake bread . The musical instrument playersshall come to my house first , and go playing before metill I arrive at your house , when we shall both set out ;my bread being carried on the right of your bread, andonarriving at the place of worship (a tree) I shall tieup yours under it . We shall then together equally gothrough the worship and the rest of the ceremony conjointly and at the same time .

3rd. On the occasion of Shiralsh et (a ceremonywhich occurs on the Shasti , or 6 th , the day afterNagpanchami) , we shall both make an image of

S hirtilshet (a Rajah who reigned two Ghatkas) , andtogether carry the images , after our women have dancedround each , to the well or tank, and throw them intoit at the same instant . Your Shiralsh e t shall go inprocession on the left of mine .

4th . On the Pole Amavashya, the bullocks of bothshall set out at the same time— yours on the left, andmine on the right— and in this way, the one equal withthe other, they shall be walked in procession roundHanuman ; but the music shall precede my bullockshome , while yours remain until it returns , when youshall bring your bullocks home with music also .5th . On marriages and Pats I shall first receive

Vida , Tilak (PanSupari , and a mark on the forehead) ,and then you ; on like occasion the Khandwa (alarge , round sweet cake) shall be equally sharedby us .


6th . We shall worship not all the old gods , but all

the new ones that may be set up together, and notbefore or after each other.7th . The heads of all goats sacrificed to any Of the

gods which before were wholly mine , shall now be halfof each head yours .Remark. Hanumén is never offered the sacrifice of

an animal ; to Bhawani , Khandoba, and Bahairoba,such sacrifices are acceptable ; the carcase of thegoat is eaten by the owner of the goat and his

friends .8th . On the full moon (of Magh) I shall receive a

goat , and then you shall receive one .

9 th . We shall be entitled to a pair of shoes from theChambhar once a year .l0th . The village Dherds, on festivals and great

occasions , shall give us both a piece of firewood, butmine shall be given first .1 lth . On Kaul Patras my name shall be written

uppermost , then yours, and below only one Plough

(plough is the signature of a cultivator) .1 2th . We shall each have a goat on the Dasara, and

their value will be put inthe village expenses .1 3th . On the Divali , etc . , the pipers shall play at

my door first , and then at yours .1 4th . We shall make the DasaraPuja together .1 5th . Invitations to marriages , etc . shall be first

given to me .

l6th . The Shelagiven on Pats (marriages of widows ,or rather contracts answering the chief end of marriages)is to be shared between us .1 7th . The present of the Dhangars from their flocks

shall be equally shared by us .1 8th . Half the Gal and Til given on the San

krant shall be yours , and half mine . In this manner


their rights to the property of the soil , by purchasingit from the Government, or the village , or whether ithas always been inherent to them , and that the Govemment has either usurped their rights in some instances ,or broken through a custom of allowing lands lyingwaste from a deficiency of population afterwards tobecome the inheritance of the multiplying descendantsof the original number of land proprietors .The Deccan landlord is proud of h is situation , and

is envied among his brethren , who are the cultivatorsof lands not their own: their feeling of attachment totheir fields is remarkably keen , and no consideration butthe utmost pecuniary distress will induce them to abandontheir rights of proprietorship . These rights are eitherinherited or purchased , and it is a remarkable circumstance , that in the body of the deed of sale it isinvariably usual to record that he who sells his landshas begged of him who buys them to become thepurchaser. It would seem that this information isdeemed requisite as a safeguard to the buyer, in couse

quence of the known reluctance of all landlords to partwith their lands , to show that no subterfuge was usedto force or trick them from the original proprietor. Ihave the honour to enclose the translation of two deedsof sale of land . The first has been executed and actedon without any reference to the Government . Thesecond has been secured to a confirmation , first on thepart of the ruler during whose reign it was executed ,and afterwards by his successor. When a Thulkurreedies without heirs , or leaves his native country toreside in another, his lands become the property of thevillage , unless the proprietor returns before thirtyyears .The lands of the Deccan villages are all measured ,

or supposed to be so. The village accounts are made


up by accounting for the disposition of its lands. Everyfield has a name . The lands are appraised accordingto their quality of Utam , first rate , Madhyam ,

middling,and Kaniet , or poor land . The Thalkari pays landrent to Government according to the extent and qualityof h is lands . This land-rent is supposed to admit of

no increase .The Enlwari ought probably to be pronounced

Kaulwziri, which would signify a person holding aKaul or permission . The Kulwari , whatever be theorigin of his name , is , in fact , a farmer. He cultivatedlands not h is ownunder different names , according toth e nature of his agreement .

Translation of a Kharedi P atra , or Deed of P urchase ,dated 1 739 S hah Ishwar Nam S amwatchar Chaitra

S huddya Tritte .

To Pandurang Rav RamchandarBinge, of the villageof Underi Taraf Haveli Kriyat Mawal, Pargana Puna,from Bheyji, the sonof M ahadaji, and M ad0j1 , the sonof Jag0j 1 Krissid, of the same village . Sur San SabaAshar Maya Tainva Alaf, 1 226 Fasali.

A deed of purchase is executed to this effect for thisreason , that inasmuch as we formerly received from you9 1 7 rupees on account of six Rukas of the Thal field,called Gana, transferred to you along with the well inmortgage for 2 7 years , and that at the end of the abovementioned period you

,having received from the enjoy

ment of the land the value of your money , were torestore it to us ; and that as at this time 65 years of


the period of the mortgage having expired , 205 yearsstill remain , and we are reduced to distress and to thechance of dying from want of food , we have now cometo you , to fall onyour neck and to petition you , that asyou have a right to our land for 20} years , and we arereduced to want, you will in consequence of our jointdesire accept for ever of half— namely , three Rukés of

the land mortgaged to you , with half the well— oncondition that you will immediately yield your title tothe other half to us , making the price of the half wegive you up , ona calculation of what we should have topay, to redeem the whole six Rukas mortgaged for20} years , 6 75 rupees .We , therefore , hereby give to you the land above

mentioned for 6 75 rupees , the sum we may be said toowe you for th e whole land mortgaged , and with itshalf the well attached to it, and the western half of thetenement we possess, Thalkaris in the village , withwhatever walls there may be thereon , namely , byHaths inlength from north to south , and twelve Bathsin breadth from west to east . You are bound to preserve all th e customs of the village , and to conformto particular customs heretofore established in respectto the land and rights now made yours ; such as thepayment of the S arkar’s revenue , P urelapan. etc . , therights of the Kulkarni, and the Balut of the Ba

luties ; and you will enjoy , you and your sons , andyour sons ’ sons, to future generations , the land abovementioned and onthe ground in the village given toyou , you will build a place , what you please , and beundisturbed ; and we engage to be answerable for anymolestationgiven you by any of our friends or relationsso that you will sustain no injury . This deed of pur

chase which we have written is valid (Sahi) , dated thel6th of the month Jamadilakhar.


executed in the name of Raiji, alias Ragh0j 1 , to thefollowing purport

(Here follows a deed of purchase similar to EnclosureNo . 1 .

A died of purchase of the above tenour having beenexecuted was confirmed in the year S ursanMaya Wa

Alaf by the deceased, Baji Rav Pandit Pradhanto your grandfathers , at which time Santaji

’

s son

Mahaji and Tukaj1 Patil having been brought tothe presence and asked what lands they had voluntarilytransferred to your grandfathers , stated as follows

lst.— P art of our Inamlands, to equalto l§Rukas ,viz. , belonging to M ahaji P atil

Ditto to Takaji ditto

Rukas I}2nd— P art of M iras land

1 . Of the field called Soandur, containing 24 Rukas 6

2 . Of the do. do. Kole Thal, containing 12 lg

Rukas 74

And 3rd — A part of our premises in th e village , 45 Baths longand 40broad.

Now you having brought a deed of purchase corresponding with the above statement , and having allproduced a document executed by the deceased BajiRav, confirming its validity , and as you are desirousthat th e present Government should also testify thesame , it is hereby decreed that you and your sons anddescendants shall enjoy in Inam and in Miras th e

lands , etc . , according to the tenor of the confirmatoryact of the late Baj i Rav Pandit Pradhan , and thatyou shall continue to conform to the practices of thevillage , in regard to the lands you have acquired .

(Signed) H . D . ROBERTSON .


Extract of a Letter, dated the 22ndDecember, 1 8 1 8 , fromCap tainBriggs, P oliticalAgent inKhandesh, to the

Honourable M . Elphinstone .

The remainder of the province , and that part of

Ganthadi under my authority , appears to have undergone a Similar survey in the time of M alikambar,the founder of Aurungabad , and the successor to theGovernment of the last of the Nizam Shai Princes .As far as my inquiries have enabled me to learn , theassessments were pretty much the same as those of

Akbar’

s, but the nature of th e landed tenure wasessentially different .This Prince seems thoroughly to have comprehended

the use of the soil to Government by identifying theinterest of the cultivator with its fertility . WhileAkbar considered the land the property of Govemment , M alikambar confirmed the right of cultivatingcertain fields to the Rayats ; he made a considerableportion of the land private property ; the lands of thevillage were considered the joint property of the township , the fallow land was the common for the pastureof th e cattle , and the ploughed ground was either theproperty of individuals or cultivated by tenants , whoreceived a portion of the crops . It appears to havebeen a principle of his wise administration to encouragethe possession of private landed property as a means ofattaching their cultivators to their own soil , and makingover in perpetuity to them what is only useful toGovernment as long as they continued to remain onit .The farmer holding private land is called Wattandar,or hereditary proprietor, and the mere cultivator isstyled Upri, and is a tenant at will . The whole of

the village officers— such as the Patil , the Kulkarni ,25


the barber,the washerman , the watchman , the carpenter,

the smith , the goldsmith , the potter, the Joshi ,astrologer or schoolmaster, and the carrier— had eachh is field assigned to him ; his office and his land areboth hereditary and so far personal that both one andthe other are saleable , or transferable by gift ; theselands are free of taxes as a remuneration for the performance of their offices , and to ensure in each village ,however small , one of these useful members of thecommunity. The M ahars or Dheds , hereditary watchmen of each village , are those to whom boundarydisputes are referred for settlement . These boundariesare marked by stones fixed in the g round , and beneatheach stone is usually deposited an earthen pot full ofcharcoal . It is surprising how these landmarks are

preserved long after villages are uninhabited , and so

tenacious are landholders of their fields that they willoften cultivate them at the distance of three or fourmiles from the place they reside in if their ownvillageis deserted, rather than take up with new ground thatmay be near or more convenient as mere tenants . TheWattandar, or Mirasi Rayat , holds his land of right : itis also hereditary , saleable , or transferable , and on theoccasion of its alienation from the family title-deeds aremade out and witnessednet only by the military authorities , but theDe shmukh of the district and several of thesurrounding P atils are called onto be present at thetransaction . The Wattandars adhere to their lands andvillage in spite of oppression and cruelty, provided theirlanded tenure is not interfered with , and where we se e

half-deserted villages we find on inquiry that the inhabitants who have dese rted are for the most part whatare termed Upri Rayats, or tenants at will . This classdiffers only from Wattandars by having no right to thesoil : they come and settle in the village , and are


e lude the whole of the classes composing the husbandmen .

Such are the various modes of cultivating and raising the ground-rents or taxes called AinJama. Theassessment appears to have suffered no change withinthe last two centuries , and I am disposed to think thatthe system adopted by M alikambar, of making landsover in perpetuity, is of great antiquity among the

Hindus , and was probably once uniformly adoptedthroughout India . Whenever the Ain Jama appearsto have increased , it has been in consequence of ad

ditional cultivation , not of an increased rate of assessment , and nothing is more favourable to the extensionand improvement of agriculture than a moderate butpermanent tax , and an interest inthe soil . The portionremaining to the cultivator should be such as to enablehim to add indirectly to the wealth of the State ; heshould not only have the means of improving his fieldand taking in more ground , but he Should have sufli cient

left to live in such a way as to encourage manufacturesand trade , and thus become an indirect promoter of therevenue derived from the customs , as it must be evidentwhen there is no opulence in the people there can beno source from whence revenue can be derived .

Extract of a Letter dated the 1 5th January, 1 8 1 9 , fromCap tain P ottinger, P rovisiona l Collector at Ahmed

nagar, to the Honourable M . E lphinstone .

Whena Patil wished to obtain Istawah for himselfor any of the Rayats of his village , he repaired to theS h ekdar, or (if near him) to the Kamavisdar, to whomhe applied for the usual Kaul . An inquiry was theninstituted into the nature of the soil , the number of


years it had lainwaste , the probable length of time itwould require to bring it into complete cultivation , thenumber of bullocks that would be needed for eachplough to till it , the facilities which the situationoffered for irrigation , and the means which the cultivators had of availing themselves of this circumstance .As soon as all these points were ascertained the soilwas valued , with reference to any contiguous fields orvillage lands of a similar description , and the Kaulswere then drawnout under the Kamavisdar’s seal andgiven to the P atils, who handed them over to theRayats , with an exhortation to avail themselves of th eS arkar

’

s kindness , and to use their best exertions toprofit by the terms he had obtained for them .

When the Kaul had thus been formally executedand delivered , the Rayat became virtually the owner ofthe field or proportion of ground stated in it, because solong as he fulfilled the terms and paid his rents withregularity he could not be deprived of the right of

cultivation ; but the moment he failed to do either of

these , the Kamavisdarwould dispossess him , and entrusthis land to another on the same or a difl

'

erent footing asmight seem necessary . This, however, was a very harshmeasure , and therefore scarcely ever resorted to . If it

was found that a Rayat’

s ground had really been overvalued in the first instance , and that , with every wishto do so , hewas unable to pay his rent , the Kamavisdarmight on h is own responsibility

,where they had not

beenreported , relax in the terms ; or, if they had beenbrought to the notice of the Sarsubha, it was usual towrite to that officer and get his leave to alter them .

Wh en the period of an Istawah grant expired , theRayat might, if he chose , cease to cultivate to the fullextent of his ground , but by so doing he forfeited (as Ihave already stated) his claim to it in future and the


Patil , in concert with the Shekdar, acting under permission from the Kamavisdar, was bound to find ifpossible another cultivator whose tenure was exactlythat of h is predecessor. On the other hand , if theRayat was pleased with his lands , he had it in hispower to secure them in his family as a M irasi, orhereditary possession , by Simply agreeing to pay therent of them whether they were cultivated or not. The

rent received by it to Government in this case is termedShahra , and nothing short of utte r poverty will preventits being paid . A man will sell his house and bullocks ,or clothes , and even bind himself to serve another , toensure the payment of his Shahra , because it is honourable and respectable inthe eyes of his neighbours topreserve his M irasi lands ; and when he fails to payhis dues upon them his ruin is considered as decided ,and he becomes a bankrupt .The preceding is a brief view of the practice observed

in the just and flourishing periods of sovereignty of thePeshwas , but many of these regulations have beenwidely deviated from in latter times . M irasi landshave been seized from the lawful holders and transferred to relations and dependents of court favouritesand partizans of great men . Kauls have been grantedby P atils without the sanction of even a S h ekdar, andthe consequences have been that their friends werefavoured whilst other Rayats were overburthened withdemands to make up the deficiencies . Every succeeding year increased this evil , by reducing the number ofRayats, some of whom fled , whilst others sold theircattle to pay their last year’s rent and become servantsof their more fortunate neighbour . The farmers andtheir agents , having no interest in the general prosperityof the country , did not take the trouble to investigatethe motives and fairness of Rauls , and cared not whence


has not been since the Mohammedan Conquest in 1 306 ,and there are no village records which come withinthree or four centuries of that period .

The prevalent Opinion , which is supported by Hindulaws and by history, is , that unclaimed land cleared bythe subject is his oinh eritance , and that he should payfor the protection he received from the State one -sixthof the produce in ordinary times , and one -fourth intime of war .The Mohammedans in their conquest considered

themselves as masters of the persons and property of

all infidels whom they subdued . The conqueredpossessed therefore nothing of right . It appears tome they were employed to cultivate the land of theconquerors, and received half of the gross produce aswages , and to bear all the expenses of cultivation . As

the Mohammedans became identified with the natives ,some relaxations occasionally took place ; but the hypothesis that the Government is the lord of the soil seemsfounded on the opinion that the conquered lose everything but what is restored by the victor , and wheneverthe husbandman alone retains the half of the grossproduce , it seems to me that he is rather the labourerthan the tenant of Government , much less the pro

prietor of the soil .The only Prince , which I know of, who promoted

the sale of land , and the privileges of real proprietorship , was M ullic Umber, and I imagine it will be foundthat these rights were under the last sovereigns of theNizam Shahi Dynasty .

I have , etc

(Signed) JOHN Bamas,Political Agent in Kh andesh .

To the Honourable M . ELPHINSTONE , etc . , etc . , etc .


Extract of a Letter from Cap tain Grant, P olitical Agent

at S atara , to the Honourable M . E lphinstone , dated

1 7 th August, 1 8 1 9 .

The hereditary, or those termed such , are the Deshmukh , Deshpande , NSdgouda, Desh Chougula, Patil ,Kulkarni , and Chougula.

It is not intended to enter on any definition of theduties of these in this report , where I Shall merelyconfine myse lf by stating generally the claims whichthey have onthe lands and revenues of the district .Deshmukh and Deshpande are compound Sanskrit

words, and the institution of the oflices is accountedvery ancient . They have been termed Jamindars byMohammedans , a name which the modern Deshmukhsand Deshpandes are ambitions of retaining, but I haveseen nothing to prove their having ever beenon thefooting ofMoghul Jamindars. The only omcers , whosesituation was nearly approaching the Jamindars of

Bengal , were the M okasdars of the Bijapur State ; butI have nothing very clear respecting them .

The claims of the hereditary ofi cers, or Hakdars , inthis district, partake of the intricacy and confusion inwhich the whole accounts are involved .

The De shmukh ’

s Hak is very variable in FaltanDesh ; it is one-fourth of the whole revenue ; in Karadit is a twentieth part of the arable land , and 5 per cent .on the land revenue . In Man perhaps nearly the

same , but with a claim to one half of all fines leviedwithin the district, which , however, has not been satisfactorily established . In Nirthadi it is the assignedInam land , and a Simple fixed money payment , whichis paid wholly or in part . The De shmukh of Wtii

was the same as Karad, but the Hak or Wattan , as the


right is termed, was for a time attached by Shahu, thefourth Rajah the ready-money Hak was then raised to10 per cent . , and when it was restored to the Pisalfamily, the extra 5 per cent . was not given to them ,

but it was continued onaccount of Government, underthe head of P anchoutra, literally 5 per cent .To this exaction , and an extra assessment of 23 per

cent . on the S arde shmuki of Wai, may be ascribedthe permanent extra assessment of 73 per cent . on

Kurve , which has been already noticed .

The Deshpande Hak is also not uniform it may bereckoned at one half of that of the De shmukh ; bothcommonly have claims upon the customs .The Nadgouda has also some claims upon the

customs ; he has his Hak in Inam land , and 2 percent . on the land revenue .The Desh Chougla

’

s pay is not general where it isacknowledged he h as Inam land and a money paymentfrom the S adiwar.

Deshmukhs and Deshpande s style themselves Jamindars, whilst P atils and Kulkarnis come under th egeneral term ofWattandars. The Patil has Inam land ,M ushara, a ready-money payment on the S adelwari,an allowance for S irpav and sometimes , though rarely,a share in th e customs ; he also receives a contributionin kind from the Rayats, termed Ghugari .The Kulkarni has also Inam lands , an assignment

in money on the Sadelwar, besides S irpav allowancethe grain payment made to the Kulkarni is termedM ushara.

The Chougula has a smaller share in a similarmanner.The Balute have land and a Hak in kind from the

Rayats.

In the Mahratta country all inheritance goes by the


of all known emolument , but beside the purchase-moneythere are fees to Government and regular dues to bepaid to the other hereditary officers upon admittinganother person into the gate . The whole of th e

hereditary officers bear witness to the deed of sale ,which list of signatures is taken in a public assemblyand is turned to the gate M uhzar. The share of Hakupon customs shall hereafter form a separate report .The hereditary officers are amenable to a tax called

the Dehak Patti , which is the whole amount of theirHak , exclusive of their Inam lands , and may be leviedevery tenth year . This has never been regularlylevied , and is a very unpopular tax ; at first view it

se ems only reasonable that those ofiicers, when notexecutive , should be required to contribute somethingto the exigencies of the State , yet many poor womenand families who have small shares of Hak would begreatly distressed by it unless it could be levied onindividuals posse ssing above a certain income derivablefrom this source but this would require a minutenessof information which we cannot easily acquire .As the extent and assignments of all rent-free lands

will be shown in the statements which I shall forwardnext month , I shall at present pass on to the variomtenures of the farmers who pay a revenue to Govemment , leaving the others at rest for the present .All persons who possess hereditary right to any fields

come under the head of Wattandars of such and sucha village , though they may have actually resided alltheir lives at Gwalior whereas all others who do notpossess this right, though present in the village , and.though they and their ancestors may have resided therefor a century, are termed , in common with the passingMahratta traveller who has slept a night in the Dharmsala, Upri or stranger .


The common farmer holds his land upon a contractor lease from the village authorities , which is called hisKaul it is generally renewed from year to year, andseldom exceeds three years he is obliged to conformto the customs of the village , and commonly pays hisSarkar dues in money ; he is said to hold his KhandMakta , or Ukta.

AWarrenda Kari is a person who holds lands in asimilar manner, but beyond the limi ts of his own villageboundary .

A Share Kari is one who holds lands virtually theproperty of Government . Shara is commonly a particular species of property, which may have reverted to

'

Government , either by becoming forfeited , or by someformer purchase , for the purpose of planting trees . Itmay also have been land which , from time immemorial ,has not been within the bounds of any village . A

Share Kari may be a person holding a few mangoesfor th e season .

A person renting land under an agreement of payinghalf the produce in kind is said to hold it in Batai .The Rayat , however, whose situation merits most

particular attention , is the cultivator of lands in whichhe has an hereditary and proprietary right , and whoholds h is land in perpetuity on paying a fixed rent toGovernment . To this tenure you have particularlydirected inquiries , and I shall endeavour to state all Ihave been able to collect respecting these Miras lands.

The M irasdar has , without doubt, a perfect propertyin his field, as long as he continues to pay the amount

.with which it may be burdened , together with th e rightof disposing of it , even

'

without the sanction of Govemment . How he became originally possessed of thisright, it is diflicult to account for ; there is no directevidence of the whole land having been all Mirasi in


ancient times , but there is aproof in the Thul Jhora, orrecord of the fields in villages , that a vast quantity of

the land formerly registered Minis is now Khand M aikta,

or held in common lease .An opinion prevails that all land was originally

Miras , and that in the ancient Hindu Raj the soilbecame the acknowledged property of th e person whofirst cleared it of stones and jungle .The usual manner of obtaining this right from

Government at a more recent period I have alreadyhad the honour of explaining in my letter of the 2 9thof January , on the subject of the Istawa lease ; butsince I wrote that letter I have had more opportunity ofhearing opinions and judging of Mahratta feeling regarding this tenure , and I now find it as generally consideredan overstretch of power on the part of Government toresume any Minis field , merely because the M irasdarhas failed in paying his rent , or because he has retiredto some other part of the country to evade payment .Simple insolvency onthe part of the M irasdar does

not appear to have given Government the power of

disposing of field in Miras to another. When the

M irasdzir cannot pay his rent , the amount of the duesfalls on the other M irasdars should the insolventM irasdar remain present in the village ; but if heshould quit the district , the others are not called uponto pay the rent : during his absence the Governmenthas a right to make the most of the field, and even tolet it on lease , but for a period usually not exceedingthree years , and till the expiration of which theM irasdér cannot claim restitution .

That numerous examples of a less forbearing conducton the part of the late Government can be adduced Iam well aware , but there is no species of property inthis country that it has so much respected as Miras

4 0° REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

remaining abroad , he can be required to give in a

written renunciation of his Miras right, which , whenobtained , allows the Government a full power of disposing of his lands ; but without this document there isno authority that can dispose of such land in Miras toanother, until the death of the M irasdar , and thedeath or renunciation of his heirs . In case of its beingthought an object to ascertain th is, the mode of doingso is from the village ; should the villagers bear testimony to the certain or supposed death of the M irasdarand his heirs, Government can then di8pose of the landto another person in Miras ; and should any heir afterwards appear , he has no claim whatever, unless he canclearly prove that the evidence of the villagers was given ,knowing it to be false , or that he had beenin such a

situation as had put it entirely out of his power to keepthe Patil and Wattandar apprised of his being alive .When such can be proved , he has a right to the fieldupon the payment of all loss or other equitable charge ,either by the Government or the occupant ; but underthe circumstances just described , and in all others whenthe field is merely held by an ordinary cultivator, incase of the return of the rightful heir , the Miras mustbe restored at the expiration of the lease , which usuallyis done without requiring arrears of deficiency to bemade up , although it is admitted that Government hasa right to demand them . As to paying for improvements, the ordinary cultivator had no security until theissue of the late orders for any outlay, and consequentlywould not incur anexpense which was not likely to bereturned in crop during the existence of his lease .Shilledars about to take the field , or any person in

immediate want of,money, frequently mortgage their

Miras land , the value of which of course dependsentirely on circumstances .

CONQOERED P ROM THE PESHWA. 40 :

To form a precise estimate of the number of years’

purchase of Miras land is by no means easy,and will

require more inquiry and much longer experience thancanbe obtained in one season . My present notion is

,

that when the established assessment only is levied,the

Rayat has , on a fair average , one -third of the grossproduce , the Government has a third , and a third goesfor seed , Hakdars, bullocks , implements , and subaistence to the cattle ; the year

’

s purchase would thereforebe found by a series of the years of rent , and in anaverage of thirty deeds of sale from 1 780 till 1 8 10which have been examined , the general rate is tenyears ’ purchase .Industry and natural advantages may improve a field

so much as to yield the M irasdar upwards of threefourths of the produce . The year ’s purchase in thesecases can only be ascertained by fair statements fromthe occupant , which I cannot say I have been ableto obtain satisfactorily ; either from a want of intelligence , or more probably

‘

of candour, the people cannotyet be brought to understand the intention of suchinquiries .Land held at will, I suppose , may have one -fourth

of the gross produce in the hands of the Rayats ; butfor the reason just stated I have no other means of

ascertaining the fact than the following°

observationThe Kunbis , not M irasdar, prefer the tenure

called Batai— that is, dividing the produce withGovernment to the ordinary farm . The mode of thisdivision is first to set aside the dues of the P atils,Kulkarnis, and Balute , the quantity required for

next year’s seed ; after wh ich the division is made , andthe rest of the Hak dues fall onthe Government share .But after the first deductions, the subsequent division ,the wear and tear of implements, the purchase of


cattle and finding their subsistence , there will remainlittle more than a fourth of th e gross produce .M inis hereafter appears to be a very desirable

tenure as long as the established fixed assessment , usualin the country , continues to be equitably levied , as theM irasdar has not only much more personal considerationshown to him by his townsmen , but he has all

the advantages which industry can give him in the wayof improvement . But when pretences were sought ofextorting extra payments it was worse than the ordinarylease , as it placed the proprietor more in the power ofthe revenue farmer . Thus Miras land latterly becameof no value , and had it been possible for such a systemof undefined exaction to have gone onwithout controlfor any length of time, it is highly probable that theMiras tenure would have disappeared .

In estimating what falls to the Rayat of the ‘ grossproduce , a considerable portion is made up of the dailysubsistence he is deriving from his field . If hiredlabourers are employed , I have with some precisionascertained from Brahmins who farm in this way thatthey derive a profit of one-eighth inan ordinary year,but this is calculated on what they save by the produceof the field for family consumption .

With regard to the tenures of land , there does notseem to be any doubt that the Miras land was considered private property, in as far as it uniformlydescended from father to sonor to the nearest heir, andonly reverted to Government on the failure of kin of

the former possessor or its not being claimed by themfor a long course of years . The M irasdar could sellor give it away with the permissionof Government, butnot otherwise , and as long as he finds his rents theGovernment had no right to interfere with his lands ;but whether the ground was cultivated or not, he was


M iri sdars, or other accidental circumstances , such asquarrels amongst brothers , or relations , about thedivision of their lands , which they often desired to giveup altogether rather than resign to each other any partof what they held to be their rights ; or, perhaps , thepoverty of the M irasdars and declining state of thecountry may have induced many to give up theirlands .In support of the conjecture that the whole of the

land was formerly Miras , it may be observed that inmany villages th e whole of the land is still Miras , andcultivated by M irasdars in others the whole is styledMiras

,and still stands under the name of the M irasdars,

although part of it has become waste , or has revertedto Government , and is cultivated by Sukwastus inconsequence of the absence of the M irasdars and theirheirs

, or other causes ; in many villages which havelong possessed Upri lands , the fields are still knownby the name of the M irasdar to whom they formerlybelonged .

The P atils, Kulkarnis, Deshmukh , Despande , etc .,

hold Wattan lands in virtue of their office : but theydiffer from Miras lands in that they pay no rent , exceptin most cases an Inam Tizai ; that they are attachedto the office , and may be sequestered by Governmentfor any offence , which Miras land cannot , unless forvery great crimes which involve the whole family of theM irasdar. The P atils and Kulkarnis can , however ,sell part or the whole of their Wattans and rights toany person , with the permission of the Deshmukh ; andDespandes can do the same . The P atils and Kulkarnis and Jamiudars are often also M irasdars as

well as the inferior officers of the village. In somedistricts the Miras lands pay a triennial tax calledMiras Patti , but this is only in the Puna Subha and


the districts of Junar and Supa. It does not atonce appear why the Miras lands should be so muchmore valued than the Upri, since if equal in extentand quality they are taxed alike , or rather the M irtisdérpays more than the other, besides the Miras Patti, ashe must pay for the whole of his lands whether cultivated or not ; whereas it is only the Upri land actuallycultivated which is taxed . There is , however , littledoubt that Miras lands , though rated the same as Upri,are actually more productive

,owing either to the ir

having been all at some period Minis , and the Uprilands being neglected and having become inferior, or tothe advantages enjoyed by the M irasdars having beensufficient to induce them to bestow labour and expensein improving their lands above Upri ; for it appearsthat the Kama] ofMiras land , once fixed , was not subjectto any casual increase in consequence of improvement ,as the Upri was ; and we may add , the naturalattachment of man to a birthright handed down to himfrom his ancestors , and of which he was sure of enjoying the undisturbed possession , as well as the satisfaction of being able to leave to his family an inheritance ,which seems to have been always respected in a countrywhere every other species of property is so extremelyuncertain . It is certain that , although the NativeGovernment may have occasionally seized onMiraslands for its own purposes , it was looked upon as agreat act of oppression ; that in the time of NanaFadnavis, when the country was comparatively pros

perous and well cultivated and governed , Miras landsbore a much higher price than during the capriciousand arbitrary Government of Baj i Rav ; that the Miraslands are more improved than the rest and that a veryconsiderable value is set upon the possession of themby all classes of Rayats. If any land, which was


wanted for the purposes of Government , happened tobe M iras, some other Upri lands were given in exchange and, perhaps , in later times nothing at all .But even Bajl Rav always paid for any Miras landswhich he wanted for his own use , and purchased themfrom the M irasdar s , generally at their own price , likeany private individual . There are instances of M irasdarshaving refused him their lands on any conditions , andhis being obliged to submit .The Government was always willing to grant lands

to the Rayats on the M iras tenure , on payment of aNajar : this power was in many parts of the countrydelegated to the De shmukhs and De spande s , and evento the P atils and Kulkarnis . No Sanad was re

quired , the mere registering of the grant in the villagepapers being usually sufficient . Any Rayat whoseancestors had cultivated a spot of Upri land for acertain period , in some places sixty, in others onehundred years , without interference from formerM irasdars, became in fact the M irasdar of that landwithout any further grant ; should, however, thedescendants of the former M irasdar claim and makegood their right within sixty or a hundred years , a partof the land was restored to them , and the remainderconfirmed to the M irasdAr after that period all formerclaims were superseded .

The Government could grant Miras lands in Inam toother people— that is , the revenues of the lands ; but asit possessed no rights over the land itself, it could of

course transfer none to the Inamdar. Instances of

disputes on this point have occurred , but have alwaysterminated in favour of the M irasdar.

(Signed) J. MACLEOD ,

General .

(A true copy .)(Signed) J . MACLEOD.


An Inam is a free grant in perpetuity, without anyimplied condition , except that in some instances onethird of the rent called Inam Tizai is paid to Govemment , when it is not otherwise expressed in the Sannadan Inam is , in fact , private freehold , or not , accordingto the above condition , but by far most commonlyentirely freehold .

Assignments in Saranjam are held onthe conditionsof military service , and are either as personal pay , Z atSaranjam, or for the support of troops, and the maintenance of forts called S aranjam.

Dewasthanare revenues dedicated to the support ofPagodas ; they are granted on all kinds of property , invarious ways , and are considered permanent .S awasthén is a place where a God is supposed to be

actually present , or incarnate ; as Ganpati is supposedto animate the Living God at Ch inchur. Revenuesdedicated to the support of such persons or temples arecalled Sawasthan, and are grants inperpetuity .

The word S awasthan is believed to be different fromS arasthan(ownplace) , which is applied to the territoriesof petty Princes or Rajas , whose districts are consideredentirely their own, and governed independently by themselves , without any interference on the part of theGovernment .Warshasans are originally religious or charitable

pensions , paid either from the Huzur treasury , inwhich case a Sannad was not required , or by grants onthe revenues of the M ahdls, or any particular parts of

them , which were generally confirmed by Sannad , andwere considered as descending from father to son ,being usually continued by the M amlatdars to the sonor immediate heir of the late incumbent , on applicationto that effect . It would appear , however, that onthedeath of the present incumbents they may be resumed


or disposed of at the pleasure of Government,and

accordingly, onthe M amlatdar’

s reporting such circumstances , should there be no immediate heir, or shouldhe be in any way considered unworthy

,the Warshasan

is sometimes either reduced , or taken away altogether .In cases , however , where Sannads have been granted ,such exercise of power does not seem to have been usual .Rozinadars are persons receiving a certain charitable

donation , daily or yearly ; these, together with allowance to Pirs and Khairats , were for the most partoriginally granted by th e Mogale , and continued by theMahrattas . They seem to be considered nearly on thesame footing with Warshasans, and to be permitted togo on without much interference .

The same may also be said of Dharmadaws, whichare charitable allowances to religious persons , or forreligious purposes . And Balpurwarish is, which aregenerally pensions to the families of persons killed inthe service . Dharmadaws and Balpurwarish is areusually granted on Sannad , as are sometimes alsoDengis .Miscellaneous pensions or allowances , not coming

exactly under any of the above heads , are called Killa;they are in some cases confirmed by Sannad, and considered permanent .A Nemnuk is a fixed annual payment from any

particular specified source,whether in money or kind .

An Itlakh is a payment either in money or kindfrom a public treasury or store . And a fixed annualpayment (Nemnuk) , from any public treasury , ispeculiarly called an Itlakh Nemnuk .

A Nemnuk , therefore , is a grant conferred on anyperson as a fixed annuity , either from the Huzurtreasury for which S annads were not issued , or fromthose of the M ahals, or out of any specified source of


revenue , for which regular Sannads were usuallygranted . Nemnuks were usually granted , either onaccount of past or present services , or were fixed inBen, or in part , of some other allowances formerlyenjoyed . Their terms and duration seem to havedepended very much on circumstances : such as wereconfirmed by Sannad were usually held to be permanent

,though it would appear that during the late

Peshwa ’s Government they were frequently reduced .

A detached village , which has by any circumstancesbeen separated from the Mahal to which it originallybelonged , is called P hulgam, and such villages in onedistrict , or belonging to one person , are generallyclassed together as a Mahal, under th e name of the

Dhutgam of such a district, or person .

The allowances to Pagodas (Dewastan) , or generallyItlakh s in money or kind , from the treasury of thedistricts , and the quantities of grain and other articlessupplied , are expressed in the regular accounts ; theyare , however, not accurately fixed , but vary a littlefrom year to year, as the expenses of the Pagoda mayrequire , or other circumstances occasion ; they seem ,

however , to be pretty constant , and very rarely to havebeen resumed , or even reduced . The article s suppliedin kind are many and various : they are usually converted into money, at the average prices of the differentyears , from whence the particular accounts . are taken ;and the differences from year to year are so small as notto be worth anything .

(True extract) ,(Signed) J . MACLEOD.

The Huzur Daftar is the records of Government , as

registered by the Government officers . In it were kept


and passed by the Fadnavis, and day-books or journa ls

(Rozkirds) were kept of all transactions that occurre d ,of all sums paid or received, and of all grants or

appointments made or resumed .

The Behera department received the accounts fromthe districts , which were made up into official form s

for the inspection of the Fadnavis, as Talleband s ,Azmash , Behera, etc . The Talleband was a comple teabstract of the actual receipt and expenditure of th e

revenues for the past year ; from it was framed th eAzmash , or estimate for the next or current ye ar .

This was a rough estimate compared with the Behera,wh ich was a corrected statement of all known receip tsand of all fixed authorized expenditure , and formed th ebasis of collection for the current year.The S aranjam department was charged with th e

accounts of all S aranjams , Inams, etc . ; in short , allDumallawhatever .Besides these were the department of accounts

generally (Aisal) , of military expenses and contributions (Wari) , and such like . These arrangements ,however, varied with the pleasure of the Fadnavis or

the business that might occur .In the EkBerijDaftar at Puna were received , arrangedand deposited , all accounts from the other

‘ departments ,and from them were framed abstracts of the total t ece ipts , expenditures , and balances of Government onall

accounts, for the year (called Tarjuma) also Khatavnis ;which are abstracts of all kinds of expenditure arrangedalphabetically under their proper heads

,in the manner

of a ledger ; and , in short, the whole of the revenueand financial transactions?of the State were registeredand arranged , and their accounts deposited in thisoffice .The general contents of the Daftar under the

CONQUERED FROM THE P ESHWA. 4 1 3

Peshwas may be described as follows , viz ., all accounts

rendered to the Government of the revenue and ex

penditure of the districts , with the settlements of themby Government the accounts ofdistricts rendered by thehereditary district oflicers , and those ofvillages by villageofficers , of farms , of customs , etc . accounts of all alienations of the public revenue

,whether Saranjam, Inam ,

or otherwise , of the pay, rights , and privileges of theGovernment and village oflicers ; accounts of thestrength and pay of troops , and the expenses of allcivil , military , and religious establishments . In theRozkirds were registers of all revenue transactionsgenerally, together with all grants and payments , andmore particularly the accounts of all contributions andexactions levied on foreign states , the whole of whichwere considered and exhibited in one comprehensiveview in the Tarjumas . The records

,however, were

probably not complete to the extent described . It issaid that NinaFadnavis introduced the greatest im

provements into the Daftar , as he did into the transactionof accounts in general , and during his administration, viz . , from about 1 76 5, with the exception of afew years up to 1 79 6 , it was kept with much regularity .

From the accession of Baj i Rav the regular receipts anddeposit of accounts in the Daftar was not only muchneglected , but its establishment was almost entirely doneaway

,and people were even permitted to carry away

the records or do with them what they pleased . TheDaftar was in consequence much mutilated , and throwninto great confusion .

After the occupation of Puna, in November , 1 8 1 7 , therecords were found in different places , in a state of the utmostdisorder ; but considering all circumstances , tolerablycomplete for a period of 88 years— that is , from 1 1 30

(ai) 1 72 9 inclusive , up to the breaking out of the


war , with the exception of a blank of about seven years ,viz .

,from 1 1 57 ( 1 757) to 1 1 63 (1 76 2) in

clusive , of which most of the records were burnt whenPuna was taken by the M ogals ; for the 27 years preceding this blank , the Daftar is moderately perfect, andfor the 32 succeeding years up to 1 1 7 9 (1 79 6)the accession of Baj i Rav, the records are nearly com

plete , particularly from 1 774 , when Nana Fadnaviscame into full power ; but during the reign of Baj i Rav,the last 2 1 years , they are by no means full .It is doubtful how far the accounts in the Daftar

may be depended upon as true and candid statementsit is probable that they were often manufac tured toanswer the purpose of individuals ; a very remarkabledegree , however, of consistency and relative accuracyis to be found in the accounts for many years , such as

must have required no small industry to effect, and themore ability if the statements are actually false .

Since the foundation of the Daftar establishments,

under the Commission , the Daftar has been completelyexamined and arranged into separate districts

,and

mostly also into Parganas , and its arrangement byyears also is in considerable progress . Full and com

plete statements of all allowances , as Saranjam (Fauzand Z at) Tainat and such like , have been made out , andalso lists of all Inams, Dewasthans, and SawanstAn,Dharmadaws , Kitta, Wtirshésan, Nemnuks, Nozinadars, Khairats, allowances to Pirs and Fakirsand Mosques , Balpunwarshi , M af, Bakshis , Dengi ,M ezwani, Garden and Sanadi lands , Wattan landsof Jamindars, and for the Deccan, Kamatik , andKhandesh , and the Peshwa

’s Provinces in the Nizam ’

s

country, which have also been translated, and forwardedin Mahrattaand English to the collectors . Similar listsof the Konkan and Gujarat are in progress ; the Daftars


parative state of cultivation and improvement, and

assessment of the country at different times . Those ofthe armies and establishment , and particularly theRozkirds, s how the progress of the Mahrattaconquestsand dominion , and the most important acts and eventsof their Government ; and the Tarjummas furnishcomplete statements of their general wealth andresources.

(Signed) J . MACLEOD.

(True Copy. )(Signed) J. MACLEOD.

P una, 15th S eptember, 1819.

Translationof a Yad of a Niwddepatra (Award) .

Draught of a Niwadepatra to M ud0j1 Naik Nimbalkar, Deshmukh of P rant Phaltan .

You came to the presence at Purandhar, and statedas follows My great-grandfather, Bijaji Naik ,had four sons : the eldest M ahadaji Naik , the secondGokaji Naik , the third Wungaji Nai k , and thefourth M odhajl Naik ; three of these died withoutissue . M odhaji Naik had two wives , the elder S iwaw ,

the younger Jiwaw . First Jiwaw had a ch ild , JanojiNaik, and afterwards S iwaw had a son, named Rijaj i Naik . M adaji Naik , the eldest son of the first,Bijaji Naik , possessed the Jahagir of the P argannaof Khattaw , and other M ahals, and resided at theThana of Khattaw, which belonged to him . M adajiNdik took (the young) Bijaji Naik for his adoptedson, and died at Gwalior . The Wattan and Jahagirwere continued to Bijaji Naik , and afterwards thedeceased Jh ahoo Maharaj gave Rajis Bai 111 marriageto M odhoji Naik, son of Janoji Naik, and the


Maharaj desired Jan0j1 Naik’s father to give him a

village for his subsistence . His father , however, wouldnot comply , but was offended , and went into the M ogal

’

s

country after him Janoji Ndik and h is son Mudhoji Naik enjoyed the Jahégir. At that time th eWattan was held by my Gumasta. I returned to myWattan about twenty or twenty-two years after thedeath of the father of Bijaji Naik, in the M ogal

’

s

country , and during the lifetime of M udhoji Naik ,who then gave me in the Pagoda his sword and shieldand place , as his older, and was about to give up theWattan to me when he died ; on this the deceasedMadho Rav Pandit Pradhan confirmed to me myWattan and Jahagir, which I accordingly enjoyed forsix or seven years . But during the troubles whichoccurred on the death of Narayan Rav Pandit Pradhan,

S agunabai, wife of M udhoji Naik, got the Wattanand JAhagir for herself, and now enjoys possession of

them . But I am the older in the Deshmukh i. Ihave never to this day shared my Wattan with any of

my younger relations I make th e main allowance fortheir support , but do not allow them to interfere . Inow pray that orders may be given for my rights , whichhave existed for many years , being restored , and continned in the same way for the future . ’

M udhoji Naik bin Bijaji, with their seals, etc .,

addressed to Bijaji Naik bin M ahadaji Naik . Uponthis an order was given to Sagunabai to send an agenton this affair to the presence , and Narshinw Rav

Konherwas sent by her for this purpose . Narshinw RavKonh er asserted that M adaji Naik had never adoptedBijaji Naik, that M udaji Naik is the son, BijajiNaik the younger brother of Jan0j 1 Naik , who wasthe father-in-law of the Bai , and the eldest sonof thefirst M ud0j1 Naik , and M udoji Nalk has therefore

27


no claim to seniority . Having stated this , he produceda M uhuzar, with its se als, etc . , naming Bijaji Naikbin M udh0j1 Naik, upon which the papers of bothparties were examined in the Huzur. M ijalos Mudhoji Naik produced his papers , and in

.

his Rajpatraand M uhuzur appeared the name of Bijaji Naik binM adaji Ndik ; and Narshinw Rav Konh er producedhis M uhuzur, in which was written Bijaji Ndik binM udoji Naik . As no decision could be formed fromthe papers of the two parties , therefore you (M udojiNaik) were asked what is to be done now . On whichyou replied : Since no decision can be given on thisRajpatra and M uhuzurs, let the Deshpandes, Patils,and Kulkarnis of the district be sent for and examined ,and whatever decision is made ontheir evidence , that Iagree to obey .

’

Narshinw Rav Konher, having consulted with the Bai, answered : Since M odoji Naiksays that M adaj1 Naik adopted Bljaji at Khattaw, andthat he will prove this by the evidence of the inhabitants of Khattéw, this evidence I agree to on which anorder was sent from Government with some messengersto Khattaw, who brought back some witnesses withthem , and some others who happened to be here on theirownaffairs , were pointed out by you . At length twentysix witnesses were examined , in the presence of bothparties , in the temple of Sopandew. These witnessesdeposed that Saguna Bai had given a letter to

Bhikaji Mankeshwar , and sent him to them (thewitnesses) desiring them to make inquiry and informher whether M ahadaji had adopted Bijaji Naik ornot ; and that Bh ikaji Mankeshwar had told themmany matters besides , from which they understood thebusiness . In reply to this , they wrote that they wouldnot interfere in the business ; that she would be informed of the whole by Bhikaji Mankeshwar himself.


their ancestors had for telling them On which th eDeshmukhs wrote in answer , that a quarrel about th eirWattan had formerly been referred to P hlatan, and thatthey had gone with their fathers to Bijaji Naik , whentheir fathers had told them . This evidence they sub

scribed ; they were not influenced by the Samapatrawhich they had before signed . That the son had beenadopted was true ; upon this Narshinw Rav Konh e r

named seven witnesses of Khattaw , viz ., Surerupji

bin Fakirji Bhartare Deshmukh , Khando Jiwaji De shpande

, Gupur Sha wallad M aniksha Kazi , Lingoj iwallad Row10j1 Naykora, Baboo bin Bhikajl Parit ,Sulan wallad M anekhanM oolana, Bhujanga bin Gangaji Shimpi , in all seven . These persons were examined in presence of the parties , in the Pagodaof Nanayndew , near Purandhar , in the followingmannerS urerupj i bin Fakirji Bhartare De shmukh deposed

that a paper on this subject from Saguna Bai h adbeen received in his village . That he had inquiredof the Ballotis , etc . , who replied in writing , thatthey knew not whether M ahadaji Naik had adoptedBijaji Naik or not . This very paper the witness produced ; on which the witnesses were cross-examined ,and again desired to speak the truth . The witnessesagain gave a written declaration that they knew not ,nor had their fathers ever told them , whether a sonhadbeen adopted or not . The substance of this evidenceand of the S amapatra was mentioned to Narshinw RavKonh er, and it was remarked that eight persons hadgiven testimony against him , and not one for him towhich he replied Of the twenty-six persons who hadagreed to swear anything , eighteen have deposed to

nothing , and eight have given evidence for the oppositeparty but I will not admit their testimony unless the


witnesses are brought to Jejuri, and sworn on the

tortoise of the God ; if he shall confirm their truth ,then will I admit it, and I shall not desire to call anyother witnesses from Phaltan .

’

A Razinama was re

quired by Government to this effect . To this Konh eralso agreed, but said he was the elder party ; thatwhatever the Sirkar ordered

,he would readi ly obey ;

but that the had not given any Takrar or Zamin ,and therefore he could not now give a Razinama. The

Razinama was not further insisted on, but as NarshinwRav had desired that the witnesses should be swornon the tortoise at Jojuri , and promised to admit theirevidence , and had requested the Sirkar’s consent .Accordingly the twenty-five witnesses , out of the wholethirty-three , who could depose to nothing , were , withthe consent of both parties , dismissed . The remainingeight were sent by Government , with Moro Harri , andalso the Wattandars of some other M ahals, and one

Mahratta for each of the parties , to Jojuri . On theirarrival there , in the presence of Bapuj1 M ahadew

Namzada, and the Karkune and Patil and Kulkarni ,and P ujaris, and Langis , etc . , of Jejuri ; and M agojiTaura onthe part of the Bai , and on yours Ramsing ,on the 1 5th Kartik , saw the witnesses bathed , andall the marks on their bodies were carefully noted ,and the circumstances and marks , the occurrence orappearance of which on their bodies within ten nightswas to prove the falsehood of their oath , according tocustom, were also written down . Holy water was thenplaced on their heads , and sandal-wood on their forehead , and a necklace of flowers about their necks , andthe witnesses were then separately cross-examined onthe tortoise of th e God , whether M ahadaji Naik hadadopted Bijéjl Naik or not , and adjured to speak thetruth ; on which they declared in writing on the tortoise


that M ahadaj l Naik had adopted B1jajl Neiik ; thatthis their forefathers had told them , and this was true .

This writing was confirmed by the eight witnesses , thenlaid before the shrine of God , and brought back and

given to Moro Harri . It was then brought downalong with the witnesses to the village , in presence of

the Mahrattas , and placed in the Kacheri and watchedday and night for ten days once a day the witne sseswere brought before the God , and then carried to theKacheri , and there in presence of the two Mahrattasexamined whether any of the marks should be found on

their bodies ; on being found pure a certificate was

written every day , and the witnesses were di smissed totheir houses . In this manner the ten days passed .

The witne sses underwent this trial according to theiroath

,and were proved true ; and Moro Harri returned

to the presence with the witnesses , and a certificate tothe above effect from Bapuji M ahadew Namzada, andthe Karkuns and Patils and Kulkarnis of Jej uriNegoji ; the Mahratta on the part of S agguna Bai

had gone away privately on the seventh night of thetrial .The whole circumstances of the oath were investi

gated and duly considered in the Huzur Kacheri , inpresence of Narsh inw Rav Konher, and it appearedclear that the witnesses from Khattaw had proved thetruth of their oath on the tortoise of the God . Theright of seniority of M udhoji Naik to the Deshmukh iwas clearly proved , and the claims of the Bai, assertedby Narshinw Rav Konh er, were proved to be false onwhich this letter has been written to you that you mayobtain possession . You are the chief De shmukh of

Phaltan ; the whole of the Wattan of the Deshmukhi,with its rights , benefits , and privileges and Inam lands,and usufruct, etc . , as they belonged to your ancestors ,


Our original ancestor was Tanop , whose sonwasTatoji, whose son was d ji, whose sonwas Tu

koji , who had seven sons, four of whom left noissue ; of the three others , the eldest was Mawji, thesecond Santoji, and the third Mahaji . The de

scendants of M atwji are still in the country , and

their history shall be inquired into and communicated .

Of th e second son, Santoji, are descended one son,Tatoji, whose son, Gomaji, had two sons , the elderof whom , Bhikaji, had three sons , Tatoji, Sambaji ,and M ahadaji ; of these Sambaji left no issue , theother two are still alive . Gomaji

’

s se cond son, M akiji,had two sons, Firangoji and Gonji, who are still alive .OfMakaji , the third sonof Tukoji, are descended a son,Ddssoji, whose son, Rukoji, had two sons , the elder ofwhom , Mahaji , had two sons, Satwdji and Subhanji,who are now alive .This is our genealogy ; we know of no common

ancestor of Jiwaji’

s and ours . Our ancestor is

Tinoji, and he had enjoyed from early times theChougulki of Wadhu . The mother of Tainoji lefther village and went to Nergursar. At this timeTanoji and his brother M ayaji were ch ildren ; on theirgrowing up , they began to inquire of their motherwhere their Wattan was. She replied

,Our Wattan

is the Chougulki and three Sajgannis of land of

Wadhu .

’ On hearing this information , Tanoji wentto Wadhu ; but th e villagers would not admit him ;and Tanoji began to vent his revenge in acts of injurytowards them. At this time Maske , Patil of Apte ,and Kale and S ewle , Patils of Wadhu , joinedtogether and rescued and brought back from Tanojia herd of cattle which he was driving away ; uponwhich TAnoji began to commit violence upon the

people of Apte . After this M aske , Patil of Apte ,

CONQUEREI) FROM THE P ESHWA. 4 2 5

gave Trinop 6 Sajgannie of Thall land , and havingtaken him over, made him his brother ; and Kalle andS ewle , Patils of Wadhu , gave Tan0j1 4 Sajgannisof their ownThall land and a house , and talked himover, and restored to him also 3 Sajgannis of land,wh ich had originally belonged to him . Tanoji andh is brother Tatoji enjoyed the whole of these lands

,

until Tdt0j1 was killed by Bhullaji Gumasta of

Maske , Patil of Apte ; upon this d ji, th e sonof

Tatoji, fled to the country and died there , leaving ason Tukoji, who returned to Apte and obtained his

Wattan and land and house from Dhuggeg Pritil .Kanoji Bhandari then complained that he was thedescendant of Tanoji ; but the whole village and theKunbis of twelve other villages testified that Tukojiwas the true descendant of Tainoji, and that Kanojiwas not . A judgment was given , and a M ahajar

(testimonial of right) of the Chougulki was givento Tukoji, and 1 S ajganni of land to Kanoji . Fromthenceforth , the Chougulki of Apte and 5 Sajgannisof land and a house have been enjoyed by the family ;before Tukoji, the Chougulki of Apte did not belongto us .Jewop Bhandari is no blood-relation of ours . His

ancestor, Rahoji , and ours , M ahoji, had a dispute ;since wh ich time Rahoji has possessed the Chougulki of Wadhu . Whether it belonged to thembefore Rdhoji, we do not know ; nor whether M ahOjl,

son of Tukoji , enjoyed the Chougulki of Wadhu .

But he certainly possessed and lived in the house ,between the houses of two S ewles in Wadhu , andhad 4 Sajgannis of land , but of which his an

cestor had before given 9 Bukhas to Vetal; thereremained 1 5 Bukhas of land , wh ich M ahoji enjoyed .

Rahoji then began to quarrel with M ahoji about


the land , saying that he was his brother , and ought tohave half the land ; both of them were much distressedby this quarrel . At length , Herji, P dtil of Wadhu ,reconciled them to each other, and gave 8 Bukhas out

of the 1 5 to Rahoji, and the remaining 7 Bukhaswere enjoyed by M ah0j1 . The certificate of this partition was lost , and Rah0j1 began to complain again ,on which M ahoji left the village , and is still in the

country . One S ajganni of land of Apte had been givento KanOJl, besides wh ich he had enjoyed for manyyears , from our grandfather, another Sajganni of Thallland .

During the reign of th e P ddshas , the ancestor of

Jiwji , his grandfather or great-grandfather , by nameKamloji, was a man -of power , and had cultivated thewhole of the lands of Wadhu and Apte . At that timeTashnif had been sent by the Padshato him for th e

Chougulki ; of which half was given to S ewle Chougulki , and half kept by Kamloji, for this reason , thatthe daughter-in-law of Dhuggeg, who had been seizedand carried off to the M ogal

’

s Ténnaof S iképur, had

been recovered and brought back by Kamloji, onwhich account he (Dhuggeg) had bestowed his Chougulki of Apte by writing on Kamloji, who thereforekept half the Tashnif besides this , he had other claimof possession . A quarrel between his family and ourshas existed in the village , but we have enjoyed possession . The village of Apte was given by the Sarkarto G0pal Rav Barve . At that time Jiwji and M akajicultivated our lands , and from that time our quarrelhas continued .

Being questioned on the Takrar of JiWJ1 , Tatoy ,

etc . , reply ‘ that on the quarrel between Jiwji’

s ance stors , Rdhoji and M ahoji, Rahoji went through anordeal insupport of h is being the true heir of Trinoji,


no issue , but Yamajl had four sons , the e lde stUdaji, the second Banoji , the third Jiwp , the

fourth M av31, who had no issue . Gogaj i, se condson of Rah0j 1 , had four sons , Hawji,S antaji, and Bawaj i Héwji had two sons , Ta

naji and Yessaji ; had two sons , Wallojiand Gundji , who are both still alive ; the third son,S antaji, had also two sons , M ankajl and Raghoji,who are also living ; the fourth son, Bawajl, is stillliving . Kamloji, third son of Rahop , had four sons,one of whom died without issue ; there remainedthree , Ramji , M ahadji, and S ambhaji ; Ramp h ad

a son named Tawji, now living ; M ahadji had threesons , one of whom is dead : the remaining two ,

Jduop and Ndwji, are still living ; Sambhaji hadone son, Khandoji, who is also alive . S omaji, fourthson of Rahoji, had four sons : lst, Satwaji 2nd,Subhanji ; 3td, Kussaji ; 4th , Trinajl, all of wh omare now alive . Jiwaj i , fifth son of Rahoji, had alsofour sons , M 4131 , Dhanj i , S hetyaji, and Kanji , whoare still living . M ahoji, second son of the originalS omaji, had a son named Tétoji, who had a son

named Mahon, whose sonwas Krinop , who died withoutlssue .

The originalKamlop , the second brother, had a sonnamed Ramji , who had a son, Mayaj i , who had twosons , Kamlop and Bawajl, the former of whom diedwithout issue ; and Bawaj i had two sons , Ramp andM dhadji, who both left the country . Th is is mygenealogy .

My original ancestors, S omajl and Kamloy , hadobtained 2§ Bukhas of land— altogether, 9 Chahur of

the village of Wadhu . Abbaji Patil had given themth is land , and the Chougulki of the village . BhullePatil , of Apte , had given S ajgannis of land in

CONQUERED FROM THE P ESHWA. 4 2 9

Wattan to them , in wh ich Tinajl obtained theChougulki, allowed his lands to fall waste , andbrought from the Kallewarri TukojiBhandarri (a brotherby surname) to assist him in the cultivation of

the land , and gave him 7 Rukhas of h is land of

Wadhu ; he also gave 7 Rukhas to Kanoji Bhandarri , and 6 Bukhas to M anajl Bhandarri, and9 Bukhas to Tanajl Vitab , and 4 Bukhas toKanaj1 Khosti . In this manner Kamkoji and Jiwjigave their lands to these five persons, and madethem their brothers , but they were not relations byblood . After this there remained to themselves1 2} Sajgannis of land . Of this some more was givento persons of whom no heirs now remain . My greatgrandfather, Rdhoji Bhandarri, also shared 6 Saj

gannis of land of Apte , for the sake of maintaining itscultivation , in the following manner : To Jiwji, son of

Kanop , he gave 6 Bukhas ; to Maw p, sonof Tuk0j 1 ,9 Bukhas ; to Gundji Bhandarri, his blood-relation ,6 Bukhas . After dividing the lands in this manner

,

Rahoji kept the remaining 1 5 Bukhas for his ownuse . Since the administration of Dhabhare , Tatojiand Shahoji made a complaint , and seized and confined my grandfather and uncle , and commanded themto have no intercourse with M ukajl and Bhikajl.

Since then the family have enjoyed possession , but theTashnif has remained with the Patil , which usedformerly to be given to us . On a former occasion

,

when the P adsha’

s Tashnif was sent to Apte , myancestor

, Kamlaji, had a dispute with S ewle , sayingthat the half Chougulki was his , and he would takehalf the Tashnif, onwhich the question was taken upby caste at Talapur , and the Patil of Apte broughtS ewle and Kamloji with him , as the Chougulkis ,into the Pagoda ; on wh ich the Tashnif was equally

43° REP ORT ON THE TERRITORIES

divided between them . Formerly my ancestors left thecountry , at which time Hiskumi Bhau (nominal or

assumed brother) Kanoji was at Apte ; and Tuk0j1 ,coming from Wadhu , began to quarrel with him,

calling himself the true descendant of Tandji . Thisquarrel was settled in an assembly of twelve villagers ,which decided that Tuk0j1 was the rightful heir of

Tandji , and not Kanoji ; and accordingly a M ahajarwas given to Tukoji, after which , for five or tenyears , I know not whether he enjoyed possession ornot . Hearing that the M ahajar had been granted, mygreat-grandfath er, Rdhoji, came to the village , andbegan to quarrel with M ahoji, the son of Tukoji.The dispute lasted for five or ten years without anybenefit . At length he established his right by performing th e ordeal at M oh eri. The certificate of theordeal , and of the whole afl

'

air, which were granted onthe occasion were partly Spoiled in a box . M ah ojiwas expelled from Wadhu , and received 9 Rukh tis of

land in Apte . Since then another dispute has oc

curred— the M ahajar of that occasion is in my possession— and from that time until the time of KrisnajiDhabhare he had not possessed the Chougulki of

Apte , but now Dhabhare has unjustly given it tohim .

The S adipatra (document in evidence) of TritonBhandarri :lst . A M ahajar (award) , dated Shak 1 558 , Dhatri

S amwattchare lstAshwin Shud , assembled at the villageof Apte twelve persons , named by the caste ; by whomthis M ahajar is written . That TUkOJl and KanojiBhandarri have a dispute regarding the Chougulki ;both their statements have been heard , th e M ukaddam

and all th e Dyh eyum (Wattandérs of the same caste)and Babule , of Apte , deposed that Tukoy was the


9 Je shtaWuddha, atApte , S an1093 , in an assembly ofeight persons (named) where is a quarrel about ahouse and land between RahOJl and Jatuji BhandariTen persons and others being assembled , declare , Ourancestors have never mentioned to us anything aboutthe family or ancestors of Banoji Bhandari, nor havewe ever in our lives known anything about them . Weswear by our forefather and the God to prevent anyinjustice in this matter . ’

Copy of a petition of Sh erektir Gomaj1 BhandariThere is a quarrel between Jiwaji Bhandari and

me , respecting our Wattan of Wudhu ; on wh ich weboth went through ordeal at Mohori , but M atushvar

Ai Sah ib sent for us both , and having annulled theformer ordeal , ordered us to perform another before thewhole of our village when we returned to our village ,the villagers restored to me my lands and house . Butnow he has taken my house and land from me , and hasdriven me from the village . I therefore beg that thevillagers would assemble , and inquire into my case .

’

The Sadakpatr of Jiwaji Bhandari .lst . Letter from th e M ukaddams and Shaite Ma

bajans of Mohori village , Taraf Ganjun Mawal , tosome Patils, M ukaddams, and Shaite M ahdjans of the

village of Kesnand, in the Puna District : You havesent to our village Ravji Bin S omajl Bhandara,complainant ; and M ahuji Bin Tukoji Bhandara, defendant , both Wudrook Turuf P abul, with a letter,requesting us to settle the quarrel which these twopeople have about some land . We have , th erefore ,assembled ten persons of the caste to inquire into theaffair , to whom Ravy has given him a Tukrar, sayingthat he had brought M ahuji from Majri , given himseven Rukhas of land , and made him his brother, andthat M ahuji is not the descendant of Tanaji.

’


On the other side , M ahuj1 stated in writing that hewas the descendant of Tamiji, being the fourth generation from him .

’

On hearing these statements all of us endeavoured topersuade them both to submit to the decision of thecaste , to which Rahoji agreed ; but M ahuji wouldnot consent , but appe aled to the ordeal . M ahuj1 was

then desired to perform the ordeal , that he was thedescendant of Tandj i ; but he replied that the complainant Rdhoji ought to do it , to which Rahojiconsented ; and on Friday, the 28th of the monthJamadilaval, his nails were pared close and his handsfastened up in bags . On Sunday he took out theRuwa (a small piece of metal at the bottom of a vesselof hot oil) declaring that M ahuji was not the truedescendant of Tanajr. On Tuesday, the 25th of

M argshirsh Shudha, his hands were examined , andRdhoji proved to be true . The whole of the Wattanland and possession of Tandji whatever must be givento Rahoji M ahuj1 has no right to them . Dated 1 607 .

2nd. M uhuzur Shak 1 607 , Krodhan Sawantsar,assembled at that village of Wudhu Budruk T .

Pabal, San 109 5 . Rayats of the caste (named) thePatil and other villagers , in all twenty-four persons .These persons being assembled to investigate the case ,Gomaji bin M ahoji Bhandari brought a paper fromthe De shmukh , desiring that the villagers of the casteshould be assembled and do justice to both th e personsconcerned , and settle the dispute , and a P arvangi fromAli Shaw Fazil Khan Darogha to the same effect ,Jiwaji bin Rahoji Bhandari brought a P arvangi fromKhoja S anpak, Foujdar of Thane. Kongam, directingthe lands to be confirmed according to the ordealwhich had been performed at M oheri, and not

permit Tatoji to interfere , and that the P arvangi28


which Tatoy had got before was null. The assemblyhaving examined the above papers , sent Visaji DaduKulkarni to Yeswant Rdv S iwant , S irojdar at Koregam ,

to tell him that the Deshmukh had called an as

sembly of the caste to inquire respecting the Wattanand lands of the Bhandaria, but that an orde r

was necessary for them to proceed to a decis ion;onwhich he gave orders for the assembly to de c ideaccording to justice , and the whole of the village rs ,M ukaddams, and Sakal Prabhu Thalwais and twe lveBalotes of Apte , assembled together to investigateth e case Both persons produced their papers as

followsGomajl bin M ahujl produced the M uhuzur which

had been given at Apte . Jiwéji bin Rah op pro

duced the M uhuzur of the ordeal at M oheri, and alsothe decision of an assembly of three or four villagersat Apte . Having examined all the papers , and takensecurity from both parties , viz .

, for Jiwaji Rdvp ,

Chougule of Koregam ; and for Gomaji Subaji S iwba,Chougule of Apte , that each would submit to whateverthe assembly directed

,both gave in Rajinamas and

Tukras in writing . The witnesses were then examinedbefore the whole of th e assembly standing in the Murkkund (a circle described onthe ground to represent ahill) , with a cow

’s skin ontheir heads , and gave testimony as follows1 st. S iwle M ukaddam deposed that the origin of

the family is not of this place , but of Apte— Rahojihad Miras land in Wudhu . That on account of someinjuries committed by Tandji he had talked themover , and gained his friendship , by giving him hisdaughter , and nine Bukhas of land , in Miras , out of

his own ; that besides this , he had given him nothing.

That he knew not what relation this person was to


wards KanOJrBhandare was going to leave the village ;but that he had given him 6 Bukhas of Thall , andkept him . When the whole of the land was in cultivation , he gave Kanoji 6 Sazgannis of land ; thatthen Kankoji , son of Tandji , came from Wudhu ,

and bringing th e Patil and Balotes, brought Tukojifrom Kellewadi , and gave him into his (the deponent

’ s)ancestor ’s hand . That Kanop and Tukoji began toquarrel about the garden lands of Kankoji , and thattime Tukoji was proved to be the true descendant ofTrinaji, and Kanoji

’

s pretensions to be false . That thebrother of Rahoji was one of the assembly who gavethis decision— that seven generations have seen noancestors of Rahoji . He has only enjoyed possessionsince the ordeal.5th . The Thalwdiks and Sathi Praja of Wadhu

and the Dhigges and Chougules of Apte deposed thatthey know not who was the descendant of Tandy .

They knew of the M uhuzur which had been givenat Apte by the assembly of the P atils of twelvevillagers , on the dispute between Kanoji and Tuk0j1.At that time Rah oji

’

s ancestor was not in the villagebut on Rdhoji

’

s coming to . the village , he fixedupon Re snund, for his Panchayat ; and then havingtaken security , they referred the case to M oh eri,

where Rahoji performed the ordeal and was cleared,and M ahuji proved false ; that all this they knew .

Having weighed this evidence , it did not appear toagree in any way with M ahuji

’

s Sukar . Rahoji’

s

ancestor was not in the village when the M uhuzur was

given at Apte . When he came to the village andbegan his dispute , it was settled by ordeal, onwhicl:Rahoji was proved true , and M ahuji false . Of

this the evidence is clear. The M uhuzur of the

The Wattandars and all the villagers.


assembly of M oh eri, which Gomajl has, is annulled ;the villagers knew that M ahuji was unjustly accused .

Jiwaj i bin Rah0j1 has enjoyed his Wattan since theordeal , and M ahuji has no ground of complaintagainst him . The ancestors of Rahoji did with theirown hands , and out of their own pleasure , give9 Bukhas of Apte and 7 Rukhés of Wudhu , whichthey let M ahuji enjoy in comfort ; besides this , hehas no claim to the house and land and Chougulkiof the two villages . Tandji is the original Wattandar;anordeal has been undergone for the Chougulki andhouse and lands of the villages . The whole Wattanand lands and house above mentioned are Rahoji

’

s ,

and let Jiwaji enjoy them .

3rd. Jaminkatba of Resnund SantOJl Jddhav of

Kesnand, security for Rah0j1 ; Newji Arguwra of

Wudhu Budruk , security for M ahuji.4th . Niwadepatra Shak 1 623 , Uraish Savantchari ,

1 7th October, Wadhya, dated Tuldpur. Assembledseven persons of the caste (named) who having deliberated , have decided that Babji S iwla and M ahadjiS iwla, Chougulas of Apte , and Kamlaji Bhandari, of

Apte , have come to us and preferred for decision a dispute between them , respecting the Chougulki of Apte— and have given a Rajinama and Katha, that theyagree to the true evidence of the M ukaddams of Apte ,given in the Pagoda . Upon th is Khetji, Patil ofApte ,went into the holy Pagoda , and took them both by thehand , in asseveration that they were both his Chougulasby right

, an inheritance and descent : any future interference with this decisionwill be in vain.

Parwana under seal of Jurjarul Mulk M yrul

M abhi , Nawab Assutkhan, dated 7th of the Moon of

the month Safar elMuzafar San 27 , to the Guméstds,Award.


and Jahagirdars , De shmukh s and Deshpandis, M ukad

dams and M uzafars of Pabul, Sarkar Jumar . Be itknown that new wallad S omaji Bhandari , of

Wadhu , in the above -mentioned district , has comeand complained that the oflice of Chougule has be

longed to my family for many generations , but nowTatoji, the son of Tukop Bhandari , of Apte , supplanted me by violence and injustice : therefore itis written that the said Tut0j 1 has by deceit andfraud carried away the S annads, and is not to betrusted

,and according to the Hindu Sannad under the

signature of the M ukaddams and Shuitye s and Muhuzurs of M oheri, the right of Chougulkar of theabove-mentioned village has been confirmed to the saidRahoji : that whatever rights or privileges belong tothat situation are to be restored him . You are thereforedesired to restore him to his rights forthwith, and toobey this order without reply or delay.

Having thus weighed and considered the Takrar,and P ursish , and papers of both parties , it appearsby the evidence of both that they are not of the samefamily , but only brothers by surname . The Wattanland of Wudhu has existed for many years . Tandjiobtained the land of Apte and half the Chougulki.This point is asserted by Jiwaji only. On examiningth e actual state of possession , it appears by the papersthat both have had possession at times in both villages ;but the possession of Jiwaj i in the village of Wudhu

seems to have been more permanent , as it appears thatRavp

’

s descendants have enjoyed uninterrupted possession of the Wattan and lands of Wudhu sincethe quarrel between Rahoji and M ahoji Bhandari,and the ordeal which was undergone . In the Shak1 607 , Gomaji made an attempt to dispute the point ;but this being proved false , no dispute has occurred


particulars of the evidence of each village are not given ;but Kanoji Bhandari himself confe ssed the very pointin dispute , viz . , that Tukoji was the true heir of

Tandji . This be ing the case , what ground could hehave for dispute at all On minute ly examining thisM uhuzur, it appears that no cross-questioning or dueexamination of the witnesses took place . They all

said the same at once , and the M uhuzur was madewithout further inquiry or investigation . But Jiwajialso allows that th is M uhuzur was given , but that hisancestor was in another country at the time . WhenKanoji began the dispute , Jiwaji and Kamloji, bythe desire of the villagers, brought Tukoji from

Kellewadi, and th e villagers , be lieving from the circumstance that he was their brother, declared that he wasof the family of Trinaji. Looking , therefore , to the

matter of ordeal, we have the certificate from M ohori ,th e place where the ordeal was undergone , by wh ich itappears that the nails of Rdhoy were pared off three

days before , and bags put over his hands ; that onSunday he performed the ordeal, that on Tuesday hishands were examined , and his truth proved ; but tothis Tatoji objects, that he rubbed his hands with th ejuice of a Wanaspatti (plant) , and was thus enabledto undergo the trial . On the other hand , many ordealshave been performed at M oheri , and have beenconducted with fairness and justice ; how should any trickhave been allowed in this instance Tatoji

’

s assertion of Rahoji

’

s having rubbed the juice of the

Wanaspatti over his hands appears false . That theordeal was undergone is manifestly established by thepapers

, as well as the admission of both parties . Inshort , the ordeal was performed becauseno just decisionhad been given upon the ev1dence of the villagers ;falsehood was proved , and the possession on both


villages confirmed to Rahop . Since then Gomajr, thedescendant of M ahoji, again made a complaint whichwas proved false , and a M uhuzur given to this efl

'

ect.

Tandji h imself made the Wattans of both villages ;but Tukoji says that he only reviewed that of

Wudhu , and obtained for the first time that of Apte .Rahoji, however, e stablished by ordeal in the quarrelwith Tatoji

’

s ancestor M ahoji, that he , and notM ahoji, was the true descendant of Tandy , and itwas decided that Rahoji should enjoy Tanaji

’

s Wattanof both villages. M ahoji is not the descendant of

Tinaji, and therefore has no claim to the Wattanof

e ither village . This fact has long beendecided .

Tatoji now wish es to have the village assemblyagain called, evidence examined , and a fre sh decisionpassed ; but as anordeal has b eenundergone , it is notproper that any further investigation should now take

place . Since the Gods have signified their decisiononthe result of the ordeal, what would the words of menavail We have just se en that the judgments of thevillage assemblies at two different times had beencontrary to each other, and that anordealwas then resortedto ; after th is, to send for witnesses and enter into a

fresh inve stigation would be useless. By the M uhuzur

of Shak 1 558 , Jiwéji’

s ance stor was not proved falsein the dispute , nor were they proved false at any timein any subsequent dispute betweenthem and the ancestors of Ti toji ; but the ancestors of Ti toji wereproved false . The M uhuzur which was granted infavour of Kanoji during the absence of Jiwaji

’

s ancestor, wasnu irregular intemperate proceeding. However,had no ordeal taken place , this M uhuzur must havebeen anauthority ; but it was at once annulled by theresult of the ordeal . That Tatoji should have nujustly , and by force , enjoyed the Wattan of Apte after


the ordeal is proved by its result to have been improper .

(True translation)(Signed) J . MACLEOD .

P una, 18th September.

’

(True copy)(Signed) J . MACLEOD.

TRANSATION or A S ini tmsn, 1 8 1 9 .

Sakaram Ramchandra Patwardhan versus GovindViswanath Patwardhan , in a dispute respecting property . These two persons having written and given intheir declarations and securities , and produced theirdocuments in evidence , and given ina list of the namesof a Panchayat by which they agreed to abide , thisPanchayat , having investigated the affair , has drawn upthe following abstract .S akariim Ramchandra complains Shrimant

Rajeshri Babasaheb (the Peshwa) gave me on the

occasion of a Shraddh , a Bakebana of rupees,and desired me to go and build a house at P hulgam.

This money my uncle Govind Patwardhanlodged for mein the hands of JanobaRénade , at 10 annas interest.Of this I have received 4 27 -3-0 rupees, and a balanceof -1 3-0 rupees is due as follows :viz . , by JanohaRanade , -l4 t -0rupees , and Govind Pant P atwardhan , 579 -1 4Q-0 rupees . This balance is due by themboth , and I now desire an order that the part of itwhich has been received by Govind Pant may beinquired into and settled .

’ Dated P halgunWaddya, 10Shak 1 740. The respondent, Govind Viswanath Patwardhan, answers : My nephew Sakaram Ramchandrareceived this money from the Sarkar to build a house at

444 THE TERRITORIES OF THE P ESHWA.

inquiring into the truth '

of which it appears thatSakaram Pant had owed to Govind Pant 250 rupees ,and that an obligation to that effect had been given bySakaram Pant , dated loth Shak M argsirsh Shak 1 737but that the debt had been settled by Sakaram Pant,and his note received back . The above claim of

Govind Pant is ante cedent to this settlement , and yetno mention of it appears ; and the writing itse lf is incorrect , nor was there any mention of it in the obligation to Sakaram Pant . Four of the Panchayat ac

cordingly recommended that Ballaj i Pant Kalle shouldbe asked about the business , and according to hisanswer both parties should abide . Upon this Ballaj iPant Kalle was sent for to the Adalat , where , inpresence of the parties and Panchayats , Ballaji PantKalle and Bajibhat Kelkar declared in the HuzurKacheri that a Panchayat had been assembled by them,

and that it had rejected the claim of 1 67 -8 -0 rupe es .

This claim then is false . This being the case , GovindPant must therefore pay to Saktiram Pant 247-8 -0

rupees, besides interest . The members of both partiesin the Panchayat subscribed to the above decision , vizWaman Shastri Si the , d u Chimnaji Thatte ,

Balkrishna Gangadhar Joshi , DenkarAnnandrdv Joshi ,inthe manner th e members of both partie s decided thatGovind Pant should pay the above balance to SakaramPant . Dated 4th of May, 1 8 1 9 .

Confirmed . (Signed) W . J . Lunsnsx.

(True translation)(Signed) J . MACLEOD.

P una, 19th December, 18 19 .

(True copy)

(Signed) J. MACLEOD.

M INUTE BY THE PRES IDENT,

EXTRACTED FROM EAST INDIA PAPERS,

’

Von III. pp. 697— 701.

4 70 M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

who have , from the weakness of former governments ,eluded or resisted the just claims of the Sarkar. Bothpay a sum to Government , which Government appe arsto have had the right to increase . It was not usual tointerfere with the internal management of their villages ,or to examine the state of their receipts . Our Govemment has asserted the right , without always assumingthe exercise of internal interference but it is only of

late that it has begun to inquire into the collections , byestablishing Talatis in Girasia and M ehvas villages .The whole of the Pargana of Dhandhuka, Ranpur, andGogha, except the Kasbas (or chief towns) , are in theh ands of Girasia Rajputs , as is a considerable part of

Dholka . There were a few also in Viramgam , whichhave been swallowed up during the exactions of theMarathas . The Kasbatis of Dholka, though Mussalmans , and the chief of Patri , though a Kanbi, and

though both differ from the others in the nature of theirtenure , may yet be reckoned in this class ; but by farthe greater number are Rajputs . They resemble theirneighbours and brethren in Jalawad , but are more intelligent and respectable . The chiefs ofLimdi and Bhavnagar are among the number of our subjects in thosedistricts , though they have large possessions elsewhere .They are quiet and obedient . Talatis have been introduced into the villages of those of Dholka, and all theirrevenue but 20 per cent . of their own share , afterdeducting that of the Rayats , is now levied by Govemment . The police , also , has either been committed toMukh i Patels , in a manner independent of their authority

,or left in their own h ands , subject to all restric

tions of that humble officer of the police . The othersare still on their former footing as to revenue ; butthey are under the Adalat , and are either themselves

MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT. 47 1

agents of the magistrate or are superseded by theirPatels . The principal M evasis are the Kolis of Chovaland those of P rantej, Harsol , and Modasa districts .The former are quite reduced , have received Talatis ,and pay all their revenue but 25 per cent . ; but th elatter maintain their independence , and in some instances their rebellious and predatory spirit.2 . The land of villages immediately under the

Sarkar is divided into Nakaru , Salami, and Talpad.

The Nakaru is, or has been , rent-free the Salami paysa quit-rent , increasing with the prosperity of the field ,but no specific share of the produce ; the Talpad is thatwhich pays a fixed proportion of the produce to theSarkar .3 . The principal divisions of Nakaru and Salami

are— lst. Vanta 2nd. Vazifa ; 3rd. P asaitu ; 4th .

Yechan ; 5th . Garaniu ; 6th . Haria, Ranvatia, andPalio ; 7th . Giras ; 8th . P agia, Baria , and Koliapa ;9 th . Koitar , P asaitu ; 10th . Malik Nakru ; 1 1 th . SirJamin ; 1 2th . Dabania .

1 st. Vanta was originally a fourth of the land of

e ach village left or restored by the Mogal Governmentto the Girasia , who was originally proprietor of thewhole . It is now reduced by sale , mortgages , andencroachments of the Pate ls and of the Governmentofficers, until it has ceased to hear anything like itsoriginal proportion to the Talpad. It is sometimesmanaged by the proprietor, who pays a quit-rent toGovernment ; but it is very often managed by thePate l , who pays a pecuniary amount to the proprietor.4 . 2nd. Vazifa, though strictly an allowance to

religious persons of th e Mohammedanfaith, seems hereto be extended to all grants by the kings to individuals ,wheth er from charity, favour, or reward for services .


Many of the lands held by this tenure have beentransferred by gift or sale , lost by encroachment, or subjected toassessment , so as to lose their character of rent-free lands.

5 . 3rd. P asaitu includes the lands assigned to districtand village officers, and likewise the lands allotted byany besides the kings to Brahmans, Bhats, and otherHindu religionists , as well as to temples, mosques , and

6 . 4th . Yechan are lands sold ; and 5th , Garaniu ,

lands mortgaged by Patels , to enable them to pay therevenue and other expenses of the villages or of theirown . Both Yechan and Geraninmay be Nakaru orSalami , as they are made over entirely free or subjectto the payment of a quit-rent , or as they may havebeen

'

subjected to the last payment by the encroachments of the Sarkar. Garaniu may be , ( 1 ) SimpleGaraniu , where the property is to be held till the debtbe paid ; (2) Valaldania Garaniu , where th e produce isgiven up to th e mortgagee until the debt be paid withinterest ; (3) Udara, where the land is only to be held

for a fixed period ; (4) San Garaniu , where the land is

not to be taken possession of until the mortgagor hasfailed in his stipulated payment .7 . 6th . Haria is land granted to persons whose

estates have fallen in defence of the village , Ranvatia tothose who have fallen in attacking others

,and Pullio to

Bhate , or others who have died by traga in its cause.7th . Giras is a sum paid to a powerful neighbour 01'

turbulent inhabitant of the village , as the price of forbearance , protection, and assistance .8 . 8th . P agia, Baria , and Koliapa, are lands held

by Kolis , similar to the Vanta held by Rajputs ; but it

is thought that most of them are usurpations on the

timidity of the Patels , clothed unde r the respectable

semblance ofVanta .

.4 74 M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

increase it if his circumstances improve , and allowedto diminish it if his means fall off. Should he throwit up entirely

,he must sink into a common labourer,

and would not, while he remained in the village , bepermitted to cultivate on his own account rent-freeland, or even land belonging to another village . Thesetenures greatly resemble that used in the southernMaratha country, when the Veh e ta is called Chali .Jamin , a third practice , is for a Rayat to take out a

written lease (called Ganot) , generally engaging theland for a year at a rate specified inthe lease . Itseldom extends above one year . This is not uncommonin the Kaira Zilla ; but in that of Ahmedabad no Rayattakes a writing, unless when he has obtained an

increasing lease for the purpose of digging a well ormaking some similar improvement . These are thedifferences in tenures ; unless it be considered as one

that M ussalmm s, Rajputs , Kolis , and all the classeswho are less skilful in cultivation than their neighbours pay a lighter rent .10. The modes inwhich the land revenue is usually

paid are two : in kind , by a division of the produce ,which is called Bhag batai ; or by a money rent, regulated by th e value of the land , and likewise by the

nature of the article cultivated : this is called Bighoti.The shares of Government and the Rayats on the

Bhagbatai plan vary indifferent places ; but in generalit is thought Government is entitled to one-half of thecrop cultivated during the rainy season , and from one

th ird to one -fifth of that cultivated inthe dry weather,if raised by irrigation ; if not irrigated , a larger portion

is taken . The land paying Bighoti is divided into

three classes,according to its fertility, and it pays a

higher or a lower rent, as it may belong to the first or

to aninferior class . But as this classificationhasnot


been found sufficiently minute , the rent further variesin some villages according to the species of producecultivated onthe land . Thus in one district Bajri andJuvar pay on the first sort of ground 4 rupees perBigha ; on the second , 3 rupees ; and on the th ird ,1 } rupee . Sugar-cane pays on the first sort 20rupees per Bigha on the second , 1 7 rupees ; and onth e third , 10 rupees . Some circumstances raise theBighoti, such as the use of well-water and manure ;and others diminish it , such as the distance of the landfrom the village : but the proportion between thedifferent kinds of land and of produce is still kept up .

1 1 . The Bighoti also varies in different villages ,and this justly ; for many circumstances , such as thedistance of the market, etc . , greatly alter the value of

the produce of a Bigha of land of equal fertility . Insome villages the three classes of land were subdividedonthe same principle , and there the land pays according to its fertility and other advantages , without reference to the produce . This last is the case in almostall the villages of the Kaira district. Even in villagesof Kaira, where there is a reference to th e produce , itis only in lands watered from wells . In some villagesinhabited by Kolis

,Mohammedans, and other bad culti

vators, every Bigha pays the same rent without reference to its fertility , produce , or situation . This modeof payment is called Fata Chas . In every poor villageuninhabited by Kolis , Rayats sometimes pay a fixedsum for the whole land they cultivated , without reference to the quality or number of Bighas . This iscalled Udbar Salami .1 2 . Besides the land-tax there are many Veras or

taxes , some bearing on the land , as those of ploughs ,carts, cattle , horses ; that called Khot Vera, intendedto make up for defalcations ; and some on the person

476 MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

or property, as those on shops, trades, houses , hearthsand that on persons of the military caste , calledDharala. The fermer were often imposed by th e

farmers under the Marathas to each of the holders ofrent-free lands ; while to prevent their hearing too hardon the tenant of land paying revenue , he often receive dan abatement of his revenue exactly equal to the amountlevied as a Vera. The others are useful, as drawinga revenue from persons who do not cultivate land at all.1 3 . There are other more direct ways of making the

rent-free land contribute : 1 st, by a Salami or quitrent , which is a certain sum per Bigha, imposed without reference to the produce ; 2nd, a Swadea, or tax ,

onthe Sarkar Rayats , who cultivate the lands of rentfree proprietors . This is also fixed without referenceto the produce , and it , in fact , difl

'

ers only in namefrom the other, since the more the Rayat pays to

Government the less he can pay to the proprietor. All

Kolis are the Sarkar Rayats, and Kolis and other castesare far inferior husbandmen . The Swadea was not sooften employed by the Maratha as the Salami ; there isno fixed rate for either.1 4 . The forms of village government , and conse

quently the channels through which the revenue iscollected , are four .1 5 . The form which has been most in use in

Gujarat , since the introduction at least of the Maratharule , is for the Patel to engage annually for the payment of a certain sum to Government , which he is torealize according to the established rates and customs ofth e village . Any profit that may be derived from thegoodness of the season or from new cultivation is his

,

and he is to bear any loss that may accrue fromopposite cause s . The rights of the owners of alienatedland , of all descriptions of Rayats, remain unaffected

4 7s MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

by each of its P atidars , and the defalcations occasioned by a few individuals do not fall on the oth erBhage unless it is entirely beyond the power of the oneto which they belong to make them good . Pattis aresaleable , and thus persons not of the Patel

’s family are

sometimes introduced as P atidars into villages . Th e

partition , in many places , did not take in all the landof a village : whatever remained , which was always th emoist land , was called M ajmu , and was managed by theBhagdars onaccount of Government . No stranger cancultivate it

,because (even if he were disposed to settle

where his presence was so unwelcome) he could not geta house , the whole site of the village being partitionedamong the P atidars.

1 7 . A village thus managed is termed Narva. The

system is founded on that of leasing the village to thePatel , and is , in fact , nothing more than dividing thelease among his relations . The number of personsinterested , and the advantage of their mutual responsibility , has made it more permanent, and it appears tohave stood its ground wherever the assessment was atall moderate . It has been swept away by long oppression in the Ahmedabad district, but it still remains inmany of the villages under Kaira .

1 8 . Two other modes of village management seemrather to have been occasionally resorted to thanuniformly adopted . The first was to farm the village to anystranger who might be willing to agree to higher termsthan the Patel and the other, to keep it in the handsof Government , the Patel , or a person deputed for thepurpose by the Government , settling with the Rayatsand collecting their revenue , without any avowed profitor any responsibility for the amount . The first of theseplans is called Ijara and in the second a village is saidto be held Kacha. Both are applicable either to Senja

M INUTE BY THE PRESIDENT. 4 79

or Narva villages. If a Senja village is held Kacha, it isexactly a Rayatwar settlement.1 9 . In cases of Ijara the farmer steps into the place

of Government . If a Narva villag e be Kacha, theGovernment sets aside the Bhagdars , collects from eachP atidar, and manages its own M ajmun, but leaves theP atidars to settle with the Rayats as formerly . If it

be held Ijara , the farmer may either settle with theBhagdars or hold the village Kacha, and in eith er casehis sole profit must be derived from the M ajmunlands ,the rest being in effect already farmed to the P atidars .

The village establishments seem the same here as inmost parts of India . The Patel , however, has no land ,and few allowances ; and the Talati , till lately, hadalmost become a cipher.20. The villages are , as usual , classed into par

ganas , which have each a Desai or Majmudar, and anAmin Patel . These officers are hereditary ; each member of the family is competent to discharge theirfunctions . They are paid by a Dasturi , or fe e , on eachvillage , part of which is divided among the family andpart given under the name of Sukri , at the discretion of

the collector, to the person who does the duty . Thebusiness of the Desai was to superintend all the Patels ,to furnish every sort of local informationwhich couldassist in settling the revenue , and to adjust disputesamong villages , especially about land . The M ajmudarskept all the accounts of the Pargana, and served bothto inform the Kamavisdar of what was usual, and tocheck him by recording his pecuniary transactions .

2 1 . The Amin was formerly a kind of assistant tothe Desai

,but he has within these two years nearly

superseded his p rincipal, and the Desais are scarcelyever now employed , while all local examinations of

the state of produce fall on the Amin .

43° M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

22 . The Desais are stillnot without the ir use as

checks on the Kamavisdar, whom they always look on

as an intruder, and against whom they are alwaysready to bring forward or to instigate information .

23 . The Majmudar has still much employment, ashe is at the head of all the Talatis, keeps all theiraccounts , and frames for them the general accounts ofthe Pargana.24 . The division into Parganas is insome respects

set aside by the distribution of the country into districtsunder Kamavisdars, which may or may not correspondin extent with the Parganas . The functions of the

Kamavisdar need not be explained. It is wellknownthat he is the instrument of the collector, and that it isthrough him that all the settlements are made and allcollections realized ; it is from him, also, that thecollector should expe ct most of his information, and onhis honesty and intelligence the prosperity of the district must greatly depend .

25 . This view of the revenue system will now enableme to explain the steps we have hitherto adopted , bothtowards the Girasias and our other dependents, and

towards th e villages immediately under the Government,and to ofi

'

er some observations onthe course to be hereafte r pursued.

26 . The most striking circumstances inthe progressof our government are the extraordinary obstacles thatexisted to introducing order, and the surprising successwith which they have been overcome . The continualinte rmixture of our territories with those of the Gaikwar,the Peshwa , the Nawab of Cambay , and the unsettledtributaries of Kathiawar and Mahi Kantha, the numberof half-subdued Girasias and M evasis .within our ownlimits, the numerous and ill-defined tenures in almostevery village , and the turbulent and predatory character

4 82 MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

30. The first changes that were much felt were produced by the regulations for the appointment ofMukhiPatels and of Talatia, particularly the latter . TheGirasias, who held more villages than one , were compolled to appoint Mukhi Patels , who from the time oftheir appointment become responsible to the magistratealone . Those who had one village were themselvesappointed Mukhi Patels in other cases they wereobliged to nominate another person for each village , whowas responsible to the magistrate and not to the Girasias.

Talatia were introduced into all the villages of the

Girasias of Dholka , and it was proposed to introducethem into all the Girasia villages in Dhandhuka, Ranpur,and Gogha . A further change has taken place in thealteration of the principle of the Dholka payments , froma tribute paid to Government to a certain proportion ofthe produce left to the Girasias, and that proportion isonly 20 per cent . of the Government share , from whichall village expenses , including Talatia

’ pay , are to be

31 . The effect of th is change on the income of

th e chiefs is shown by the payments of the three princi

pal Girasias, to which I have added the two chiefKasbatis, though their situation is somewhat different .

Rupe es . Rupe es. Rupees.

The Chief ofKothGaugar

Utelia

Bapu M iyaKasbatiLatif KhAnKasbati

Their payments , especially those of the Girasias,have therefore greatly increased ; and more within

the three last years than in the preceding fifteen .

MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT. 433

32 . The appointment of a Talati is very disagreeableto the chiefs , and those of Dholka assured me that theyfelt the presence of that oflicer more thanthe increaseof their tribute . They said he assumed the characterof a representative of Government , received complaintsfrom their Rayats, threw their whole village intoconfusion , and utterly destroyed th eir consequenceamong their people .33 . The Adalat also , as we came into closer contact

with the chiefs , has been more felt ; and we havere ason to regret that some modifications were notmade in our code before it was applied to a peopleina state of society so different from that which our

laws contemplate , and employed to enforce agreementsconcluded at a time when the strict execution of themwas so little foreseen . The Raja of Koth , who , atthe time of Colonel Walker’s report in 1 804 , maintained a body of 1 50 horses and S ibandis, wassent to prison for neglecting a summons from a magistrate ; and the chief of Patri , who once resisted fortwo months th e attacks of the Gaikwar army, wasthrown into goal for his inability to pay debts contractedin consequence of war and contributions during theperiod of his independence . I cannot more stronglyShow the change that has taken place than by pointingout that these are the persons whom Colonel Walker,and I believe all the gentlemen employed in thefirst introduction of our authority, declared to besovereign princes , with whom we have no right tointerfere beyond the collection of a tribute , and thatthey are now deprived of all power and consequence ,and nearly the whole of their revenue . Almost all

these changes have , in effect , taken place within thesethree years . They cannot but feel a change so sudden ,and it must be owned that they have suffered hardships ,though not perhaps injustice .

3 1— 2


34 . I could not , however, propose any great changein the present circumstances of the Girasias . Withthose of Dholka I would be satisfied to remove theTalatia, to fix their payments so as to leave 30

per cent . instead of 20, and would tell them thatthe sum now settled on that principle would remainwithout further increase for the next five years , afterwhich it might be revised on the same principle .Their Mukhi Patels might be left as at present ,and the only change I should wish in their relationto the Adalat would be , that the judge and themagistrate should not require their personal attendance ,except in cases of great necessity ; that all claimsagainst them for old debts , even if supported by bonds ,should be examined with reference to all circumstancesarising from the situation of the parties at the timewhen they were contracted by which the nature of

the debts might be affected ; and that instead of

seizing and confining the persons of the Girasias,the judges should issue a precept to the collector tosequestrate as large a portion of the lands as mightsuffice for the gradual payment of the debts , leavinga decent maintenance to th e Girasia . The land thussequestrated might either be managed by the collector,or given over under proper securities to the creditors,but the former would perhaps be the better plan of thetwo.

35 . With the Girasias of Dhandhuka, Ranpur, andGogha, still less change would be required . They areacknowledged to have a clear proprietary right to theirTalukas . Their tribute is still moderate , and althoughthey have Mukh i Patels they have no Talatis. Itwould be enough to keep them as they are . A smallincrease might be put on their tribute where theirvillages had improved , to keep up the right of Govem


accusations wh ich should be disproved before he

receives any marks of favour. All the details connected with this appointment , and with the alterationssuggested in the judicial system in re lation to the

Girasias, might be filled up by the Regulation Committee .

37 On the first formation of the Kaira district theM evasis were restrained from plundering , but in all

other respects they were left entirely on their ancientfooting . The Adalat was early introduced without anybad effects, but there are no Talatis or Mukhi Patelstill this day, and the tribute is still the same as whenwe got the country.

38 . In Ahmedabad Talatia have been appointed, andin some cases have been resisted by the M evasis . TheThakor, or persons of their recommendation , have beenappointed Mukhi Pate ls , and attempts are made tomake them conform to this regulation for the guidanceof those ofi cers . In the district of Choval, the numerousM evasis have been assessed in a manner that leavesthem about 25 per cent . of the Government share ofthe revenue .39 . In my minute on the Mahi Kantha , the situa

tion of the M evasis has been fully explained. Itappears that there is no trace in history of the ir everhaving been on a footing of greater dependence thanthey are at present and it follows that we have derivedno claim to reduce them further from our predece ssors,and must rest our right to do so onthe law of nature ,which entitled us to control our neighbours so far as is

required by our own security ; and this ought , therefore , to be the limit of our interference . Consideringth e want of military force in the territory , it is 8111

'

prising how little disturbance the M evasi have givenus since we first came into Gujarat ; and it would be

MINUTE BY THE PRESIDENT. 487

e qually inconsistent with justice and policy to risk thistranquillity, for a little addition to the revenue or a

fancied improvement in the police . That the improvement would be real , I think more than doubtful , forunless where Kolis have acquired habits of industryand order , they can only be restrained by rendering thecommunities to which they belong responsible for theirconduct ; and if we could quietly succeed in bringinge ach individual under the direct operation of our police ,th e effect , I doubt not , would be a great increase of

robberies . I would , therefore , propose that in M evasi

villages we should hold the Thakor responsible for thetribute and for the maintenance of the public tranquillity .

He might be required to give security, if necessary, and

should be obliged to restore stolen property and to giveup offenders ; but he should be under none of theregulations applicable to Mukhi Patels , and it shouldrest with the magistrate what offences to notice in hisvillage . All serious crimes ought, of course , to benoticed , and the criminal should be demanded of theThakor. The demand should be enforced by a M ohosal

and a daily fine . Obstinate neglect might be punishedby apprehending the Thakor ; and resistance , by attacking him as a public enemy . Complaints of a seriousnature against the Thakor personally should be inve stigated in a summary way by the collector, beforehe proceeded to apprehend the accused : when itbecame necessary to apprehend him, he should bemade over to the criminal judge in the usual manner .Thakors habitually guilty of connivance at plundermight be deposed and imprisoned , the office of chiefbeing made over to another member of the family ; ortheir villages might be garrisoned by troops , anddeprived of all M evasi privileges .40. No Tslatis should be appointed , and the tribute


should be kept nearly stationary . A small incre asemight be put on suitable cases to preserve the rightof the Government , but in general the greatest profitshould be left to the villages , to encourage their attending to agriculture . Civil justice ought in most casesto be allowed to take its course , but in some villages itwould be expedient for complaints to be made , in thefirst instance , to the magistrate , who might decidewhether to send them to the courts or to settle them bythe Panchayats , supported by M ohosals. There aremany villages to which some only of these exemptionsneed be granted , and others where the whole would benecessary . Exemption from civil justice , for instance ,should be rare ; but the removal of Talatis almostuniversal . The Pargana of P rantej, Modasa , etc . ,

which are situated in the heart of the Mahi Kantha,and some of which we share with the chief of Ahmednagar , are those which should be least interfered withbut the collectors would be best able to discriminatethe different classes

,and might be called on to send

lists of the villages to which they consider each kind of

exemption applicable .4 1 . It would not be expedient to introduce anything

into the regulations on the subject of Girasias and

M evasis more than is necessary to legalize the proceedings of the magistrates ; and great care ought to betaken to avoid any appearance of restraining any rightof Government

,as circumstances , especially the conduct

of the M evasis themselves , may compel us to resumethe exercise of the control which we are at presentrelinquishing.

4 2 . The changes in the management of the Khalsaland have been greater, but moreb eneficial , than thosein the Girasia and M evasi villages .43 . In the Kaira Z illa the Parganas were farmed

49° M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

by the appointment of new Talatis. These officers areall over India hereditary functionaries of the village ,subordinate to the Patels , to whom they serve asa clerk and assistant . When on their best footing theyare generally in league with the villagers , and theiraccounts are often falsified to serve the purpose of thePatel . Even the check afforded by such an oflicer hadbeen lost in Gujarat , where the Talati

’

s duty had becomemerely nominal . The new Talati is an ofi cer directfrom Government , and looked up to in the village as itsagent . He examines every man’s condition , and histenure, and he is now employed to make the collections,and in a great measure to supersede the Patel in all his

acts as agent of Government . There can be no doubtof the excellence of this regulation , both as promotingthe advantage of Government and of the Rayats butit must not be overlooked that it has a tendency toextinguish the authority of the Patel , already muchweakened by other parts of our management, and careshould be taken when the necessary information hasbeen acquired to bring the Talati’s power within itsnatural bounds , and to withdraw it from all interferencewith th e immediate duties of the Patel . The authorityof the Desai and other Pargana ofi cers has long sincebeen destroyed . They were first reduced from the

masters of the districts to more ministerial ofi cers, andthe extent of their duties , as such , has been greatlylimited . There seems nothing to regret in this alteration .

Such has been the progress of the Kaira Zilla in thatof Ahmedabad , which was formed after th e completeestablishment of our power in Gujarat ; and after thewhole system of our regulations had been completed,the course was much more rapid . All the change8above mentioned were introduced at once

,and the plan

MINUTE BY THE PRESIDENT. 49 1

of le tting villages to strangers was carried to a muchgreater extent . For one year the villages in someParganas at least were put up to public auction andknocked down to the highest bidder, unless the Patel ,to whom a preference was always shown , would agree tonearly the same sum ofl

'

ered by the speculator. Thisplan , I believe , is by no means unusual in some partsof India, and it is, perhaps , absolutely unavoidablewhere you have to make hastily the settlement of anew country without accounts or information . As far

as regards the Rayats, it appears to be the worst planpossible . It is, however, spoken of by experiencedcollectors as much less pernicious than it seems. The

farmer was bound to respect th e tenures of th e Rayats

and to conform to the customs of the village the ratesat which each was to pay were well defined and wellknown and above all, the Zilla was of moderate size ,and the collector and his assistants were active , zealous ,well acquainted with th e system , and always ready toredress complaints . It is

,indeed, to those circum

stances, to the administration rather than to the system ,

that the prosperity ofGujarat is chiefly to be attributedMany villages now nearly waste were also let out at

increasing leases on such favourable terms as to bringwhole colonies of Rayats from the Gaikwar

’

s district ,and to promise the most desirable efl

'

ects to the revenue .Last year many villages have been settled Rayatwar.

45 . It is diflicult to ascertain how far the assessment is light or heavybut they have so obvious an interest in doing so thattheir testimony is of little value . I should think theasse ssment was light on most lands, and very light onmany, th ough probably heavy on some . In the Ahmedabad Zilla, the number of villages that have be en let

Blank inoriginal.


to the highest bidder, the consequent detection of allsources of revenue , and in some cases the raising of theBighotis by P anchaits , granted at the suggestion of the

farmer, have a tendency to strain the revenue to thehighest pitch . Yet the continual emigrations from the

Gaikwar’

s territory , amounting from Kadi to abovefamilies , rather prove that the condition of the

Rayats cannot be very bad . In the Kaira Zilla one ortwo Parganas are said to be fully assessed , but noneoppressively, except one -half of Petlad , which I understand is much overburdened . The revenue yielded bye ach village has greatly increased in both Z illas sincethe country fell into our hands , but little of this isowing to increased assessments . Our steady G ovemment , and the absence of vexation to the Rayats , leavethem time to attend to their concerns and draw othersfrom the territories of our neighbours . Our little employment for soldiers and other unproductive labourershas turned them to husbandry , and by all these meansthe cultivation increased and with it th e revenue .

Many classes pay with us who were favoured formerly.

We have few expenses of collection , few fees , little orno money paid for security

,and we check frauds and

allow few middlemen to intercept the revenue betweenthe Rayat and the s tate . It would not therefore befair to judge of the increase of the assessment by theaugmentation of the revenue . On the other hand , astatement sent in by the acting collector of Kaira,makes the average payment on most Parganas in hisZilla only ‘ per Bigha ; but this also is in some

measure fallacious,since much of the land is alienated,

and pays little or nothing, so that the assessment mayfall very heavy on some parts , though certainly verylight on the whole . It is probably decisive on thi8

Blank inoriginal


side of the Sabarmati , which has been long in our

possession , is what might be expected insuch circumstances . The former afl uence of the upper classes isapparent in the excellence of th eir houses ; and the

prosperity of the Rayats appears in the comfort of theirdwellings , the neatness of their dress, and th e highcultivation of their lands .47 . In the fertility and improvements of the fields,

there are many parts of the Bengal provinces whichcannot be surpassed ; but inthe abundance of tree s andhedges, in handsome and substantial well-built villages,and in the decent and thriving appearance of the people ,I have seen nothing in India that canbear a comparisonwith the eastern Zilla of Gujarat .4 8 . With regard to the course to be adopted for the

future , the first questionis, on which of the four plansnow in use is it desirable to grant lease s for a term of

years Whichever of the plans may be adopted , it isnot my intention to enter generally into those que stionswhich have so long divided all those who are bestqualified to pronounce on such subjects ; but withrespect to Gujarat , we must decide which course toadopt , or else come to anequally positive resolution tomake over the task to the collectors . No. 8 , th e planof Ijara (or farming villages to strangers) , especially ifthey are let to the highest bidder, seems the worst of

all. It may be useful in an entirely new country, asthe only means of finding out its resources when thereis no survey and no true accounts, and it has theadvantage of inducing moneyed men to embark theircapital in agriculture , and to assist th e Rayats withmoney , the want of which is the great check to theirindustry ; but whether soon or late , it is evidently theinterest of the farmer to get as much money from theRayats before h is farm expires as he can and though

M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT. 495

he may be prevented from doing much mischief byclearly defining the rights of the Rayats, and giving aready ear to their complaints, yet it is bad policy toadopt a system that holds out strong temptations to evil ,in the hope of preventing it by checks and punishments .49 . The next plan (that of farming the village to the

Patel) is less objectionable , because there are many tieson the Patel to prevent his oppressing the people withwhom he has been brought up , and among whom he isto pass th e rest of his days . It is not by any means sounpopular among the people . It gives to the personwhose business it is to direct and encourage the laboursof the Rayats aninterest in their success it strengthensthe influence of the Patel , so much required in revenuepolice and in settling disputes , and so likely to be undermined by th e introduction of the Talati as an ofi cer of

Government instead of one of the village , by our restraintof abuses , whether of expenditure or of authority, andby the resumption of alienated lands (should that takeplace) , as a great share of the profits are now in theh ands of the Patels . On the other hand, the Patelcannot bring forward a capital so readily as a commonfarmer, and the plan of farming to him , as well as toth e other, is liable to this great objection , that it doesnot oblige the collector to examine the effects of itsoperation, and that if the Patel can stifle complaints

(which he is more likely to do than another farmer) thegreatest abuses may go on for a long series of years ,without the least sign that anything is wrong. Thisapplies more particularly where there is a long lease ;but it is true , in a less degree , in all cases .50. The principal advantage of the Rayatwar plan is

that there is no acknowledged sharer in the produce butthe Government and the Rayats. If a Kamavisdarbring h is whole collections to account , he has no temp


tationof punish ing them beyond justice ; and if h e donot , the mere complaints of the Rayats convict himwithout further inquiry . The collector also has moreresponsibility for the conduct of his ownofficer , andmore control over his actions , than he could havewith any farmer, and the Patel (on this plan , as well ason that of farming to a stranger) is sure to come forward with complaints against the abuses of a mode ofmanagement that excludes him from his natural conse

quence and profit . It is objected to the Rayatwar plan ,that it involves so much detail that the collector andhis assistant cannot perform it all , while it cannot besafely entrusted to natives ; but if the farming plansgive less trouble to the collector, it is only becausesome of the most important parts of his duty are relin

quish ed. The system can go on , well or ill, withoutthe interference of the collector ; but if that oflicer bedetermined to prevent exactions he will have moredifficulty in detecting them on this plan than theRayatwar. It is true that the Rayatwar plan exposesthe dues of Government to more hazards than the

other ; but unless the loss be such as to derange thepublic finances , it is better the Government sh ouldsuffer than the Rayat . The evil is felt immediately,and is immediately repaired but over-exaction, evenif itwere sure of early dete ction , leaves the Rayats in a statefrom which they take a long time to recover. Thesuccess of the Rayatwar system in the Madras cededdistricts , also , leads me to doubt wheth er the danger toGovernment can be so great as is apprehended . It has,however , one serious objection, that when combinedwith our general revenue and judicial system , it has agreat tendency to annihilate the power of the Patel andto dissolve the village government

,the value of which

has of late been rated so highly .

‘

4 98o M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

o f a heavy penalty if the village were not in a

prosperous condition at the expiration of the lease ,I should not think the adoption of it objectionable .But it would, in effect , be a Rayatwar settlement asfar as relates to ground already cultivated , and thePatel ’s whole profit would be derived from th e newland he might bring into cultivation , in return for

which profit he would be answerable for any Rayatswho should be unable to pay their revenue . Unlesshe had some capital beyond what was investe d in

the new land , he would be unable to grant anyremission to such Rayats as had been unfortunate ;because , if they failed to pay him , he could not payGovernment , and if Government granted remissionsto him it would lose all the benefit of the lease , withouth aving very favourable means of ascertaining whetherthe remission was necessary, or whether it really wentto the benefit of the sufferers . The whole advantageof this plan might therefore , perhaps , be gained bymaking the settlement with each Rayat for the groundnow cultivated , and giving up the waste land for

five years to the Patel , or whoever chose to cultivateit , at a quit-rent or on a favourable Istava lease . The

third plan of settling with the Rayats is not calculatedfor long leases . So small a calamity deranges the

fortune of a single Rayat , that it is often impossible forhim to execute what he engaged to do with everyprospect of performance he must , therefore , be allowedto extend or diminish his cultivation annually , according to his means , and Government can only promiseto allow his rent to remain unchanged , without exacting any corresponding engagement from him . To

P atidar villages long leases seem particularly adapted.

It is the nature of their association to break up as

soon as they fail to pay the Government ’s revenue , and


it seems reasonable that the demands of Governmentshould be as fixed towards them as possible . I would ,therefore , recommend (in certain circumstances to beexplained hereafter) that collectors be sh owed to

grant leases for five years to P atidars in villageswhere they are numerous , and to give assurancesto the Rayats that the rent of their lands will notbe increased for five years . With regard to singlePate ls and P atidars when very few, I am not preparedto give a decided opinion . The failure of the villageleases in the Madras ceded districts , whe re the payments of the Rayats had been fixed with the utmostprecision , is a strong argument against such an experi

ment ; but something of the same kind appears tohave succeeded in Gujarat , and if this be the case ,th e fact is conclusive . I should wish , therefore , thatCaptain Robertson should be called on to report onth e number of leases for terms of years granted byhim in the Kaira Zilla, describing the conditions onwhich they were granted, and the success whichattended them . But to whatever persons the leasesbe granted , I am by no means of Opinion that the timeis come' for the general adoption of such a measure .Before any engagement can be entered into; it isnecessary to determine whether there is to be a newsurvey assessment . Before a whole village can befarmed to a Patel or to P atidars, it is necessary todetermine whether the illegally alienated lands areto be assessed or not ; and before even a promise canbe given to the Rayats that the rent of each man

’

sfield is not to be raised , it is necessary th at it shouldfirst be known that each Bigha is fairly assessed , andthat there are none of the abuses by which Governmentmay be defrauded . The two first questions , therefore ,being previously disposed of, the collectors should

32— 2


proceed to examine narrowly the state of each village,and to regulate the Bighoti on equitable principleswhen satisfied that nothing more remains to be done ,they may then grant the leases and assurances abovealluded to . By this plan lease s will be granted to buta small number of villages at a time , which I consideras a great advantage . It enables the collector to lookinto each settlement when it is made , and to examineeach village when the lease expires , which he couldnot do if allwere to be made and to terminate at thesame period ; and it also affords an opportunity of

observing the success of the measure with the villagesfirst settled , by which Government can be determined tolimit or extend its operation .

54 . I shall next discuss the questions just alludedto , regarding a survey assessment and the resumptionof certain alienations . But I must first observe thatnone of the objections I have urged extend to leases ofevery improvable village at an increasing rent , suchas are called inthe Deccan Istava leases : for as the

success of the undertaking depends entirely ongettingnew Rayats, there is no chance of ill-treatment to thatclass for the first years and in the last once, even ifthey are not, as is usual , fortified by written agreements obtained before they began to cultivate th e newlands , they are not so likely to be oppressed by a

person who has for some years fostered them and pattaken of their prosperity , as they would be by a

farmer who bought them at an auction as animmediatesource of profit .55 . I now come to the survey and survey assess

ment . There can be no doubt of the advantages of asurvey : it shows the real state of land , it preventsconcealed cultivation or encroachments of rent-freefields on those belonging to Government , it gives

59 : MINUTE BY THE PRESIDENT.

of its not bearing hard on the people , it would benecessary to make the new assessment very low ; andthis , though it would have a good efl

'

ect in time , wouldoccasion an immediate loss of revenue . Even if thenew assessment were fair and accurate , it might still beunadvisable , merely because it was new, as everyman ’s rate of payments , and consequently his circumstances, would be altered ; and the inconveniencesuffered by him whose income is reduced, is out of all

proportion to the advantage gained by him whose profithas been augmented . A new assessment would alsorequire the new modelling , or more probably the breaking up , of all Narva villages ; since if each field is tobe assessed according to its actual value , it is almostimpossible that the proportion of the revenue now dueby each P atidar should not be altered . The tenure ofthe Khata Kaubi would also be destroyed , as the unnaturally high rent in his Khata must be reduce d ,while that on his other land would perhaps be raise d ;but whether in the same proportion , or less, or more ,would be uncertain . All Veras that fall on land notalienated must also be abolished , for When the landpaid all that was deemed equitable in direct rent , itcould not be taxed in any other form . I do not knowif this would be a loss to Government or to the Rayat ,nor will I pronounce that it would be in itself disadvantageous ; but it would certainly be a change , andought , therefore , to be examined on its own meritsbefore a system is adopted to wh ich it is a necessaryconsequence . For these reasons , I should wish it tobe considered whether a general new assessment beactually necessary before it is undertaken . In someParganas , such as Petlad, where the present assessment is unequal , I have no doubt it will be animprovement , and to such I would at once extend it ; in


other places, particular Villages may require a newBighoti, which may be fixed without unsettling thewhole country . Even for these partial and gradualchanges in the assessment, I should wish a plan couldbe adopted that should secure some supervision to theassessment of the Panchayats , and which should bringthe whole of the grounds on which any change in therent of a field was made more fully under the eye of

the collector. The mention of the survey reminds meof the proposed plan for the settlement of boundarydisputes between Villages by the surveyors during theprogress of their work. The advantages of this planare obvious ; but I was before afraid that it wouldprove a more difficult task than we expected , andmight stir up more disputes than we should afterwardsbe able to settle . I have since conversed with thesurveyors and the collectors on the subject, and

'

amsatisfied that the arrangement would be as easily ac

complished as it would be beneficial . The collectormight be associated with the surveyor, but his attendance ought not to be indispensable to the settlement .An appeal might be made to the judge, if preferredwithin a fixed period, at most three months , though Iscarcely see what means of deciding he could obtain toequal those of the surveyor on the spot .57 . I have purposely reserved the question of re

suming alienated lands for separate consideration , norwill I now say anything definitive on a subject that islikely still to be fully discussed . I shall , however , notedown what occurs to me regarding it . Though theremay be alienations under each of the denominations of

rent-free land , which may be resumable on accountof fraud or defects of title , ye t the principal sorts of

which the resumption is to be considered are theYechan and Garania, or lands alienated by the Patels of


their ownauthority , for the purpose , real orpretended , ofmeeting demands for revenue which the village could nototherwise discharge . From all that I have heard , thereseems little doubt that these alienations were illegal,and that the persons who accepted of them were wellaware of their illegality . The question seems , therefore , to be confined to two points the claims acquiredby the possessors from the long forbearance of theGovernment ; and the inexpediency of disturbing actualpossession , by whatever title it may have been acquiredor retained . To judge of the effect of the long forbearance of the Government, it is necessary to review theconduct both of the Mahratta and British authorities inthis respect. It is undisputed that the Mahrattas neveradmitted sales or mortgages by Patels as a ground forreducing the revenue of a village . Such a reduction,probably , never was proposed to them. They continuedto make their old demand , without perhaps being awareof the diminutionthat had taken place in the revenueof the village . The Patel , whose faith was pledged tothe purchaser, endeavoured to screen him and to levythe whole revenue onthe Rayats but when he failedin that , he laid a tax on the purchaser ; and if the sumto be raised was very great , he even assessed thealienated land in the same way with the unalienated .

In this manner villages have been seen with everyBigha in them alienated , and yet assessed at the samerate as formerly , and paying the amount without demur.Such proceedings must have kept up in the purchasersa constant sense of the weakness of their owntitle , foras long as the country was under the Mahratta rule .Our Government gave rather more encouragement tothe purchasers , but it still took some steps to preventtheir feeling secure . It published a proclamation proh ibiting and rendering penal future alienations but the


acknowledgment of the title of the holders of alienatedlands . On the other hand , it certainly had weakenedtheir hopes of much benefit from th e tenure for whenthey se e a sum levied from land nominally rent-free ,their former experience leads them to expect that itwill continually increase until it reaches the full amountof th e revenue . The frequent explanations of th e col

lectors regarding the right to these lands, and theexample of the resumptions at Broach , must havewarned all who were acquainted with the proceedingsof that Zilla of the doubts of Government as to theirtenure . These remarks refer to Kaira . In Ahmedabadthe collector at once imposed a Swadea of one-third onall rent-free lands cultivated by Government Rayats,which must not only have prevented any belief that th eoccupant would be allowed entire exemption in thatZilla, but must have added greatly to the distrust intheir titles already felt in that of Kaira .

58 . The third regulation of 1 8 1 4 may be th oughtto have confirmed the claim of the holders of land ;but independent of the doubts entertained regardingthe meaning of that regulation , it does not appe ar tohave been ever acted on , as few or no proprietorstook advantage of the power given them of securingtheir lands by registering them within a certaintime . On the other hand , the proceedings of thecollectors , who always prosecute for the recovery of

land alienated since the cession , and never question adeed executed prior to that date , must have led to th ebelief that the law recognised the permanency of suchalienations . It may therefore , I conceive , be pronounced that, although the hopes left to the proprietorsof alienated lands of our long forbearance to proceed toresumption may not form a perfect claim upon ourj ustice , they at least afford a very strong title to ourindulgent consideration .


59 . We have now, in the second place , to examinehow far it is expedient to disturb the present state of

possession , even by the resumptionof lands acquiredunjustly, and retained under no legal title . The present state of Gujarat, where our revenue has beenraised so much above its original amount , and wherethe condition of the Rayats is nevertheless so flourishing , create s a strong repugnance to any such innovation . This repugnance is increased whenwe look intoparticulars. We find th e revenue levied on all theVeh eta land unnaturally high ; we know that part of

the exce ss is paid by alienated land, of which th e

holder of the Veheta is either cultivator or proprietor ;we have reason to think that. other land may be in thesame predicament, and consequently that any greatresumption of alienated land will at once derange theassessment of the most part of the land which remainsunalienated . A remedy for this may be suggested in anew and equitable assessment of the land, by whichevery Bigha will pay exactly according to its ownvalue , so as not to depend on alienated land for makingup its revenue but I have already stated the doubtsI entertain of the policy of such an experiment, andthat question must be determined before this agreementcan be used . A complete revision of the Veras, ortaxes , would also be necessary, even if not otherwiserequired by the new assessment, as many , if not mostof them fall on the rent-free land . The resumptionwould also break up all Narva Villages, even if therewere no new assessment, for the sharers at present paya sum in th e gross of their Pattis, without distinguishing rent-free land from Talpad and consequently theirprofits , both absolute and relative , would be entirelychanged by the removal of one of those portions .Wh ile it retains the efl

'

ect on the public revenue, we

508 MINUTE BY THE PRESIDENT.

must not forget the individual distress that will be produced, if every manis to be stripped of th e usurpationsof his ancestors ; the clamour that will be raised bydispossessing Bhats and Brahmans ; and the disturbance s which may follow depriving of their subsistence abody ofKolis and other plunderers

,who are only kept

quiet by the easy means of subsistence now affordedthem . Great changes of property are seldom madewithout disorders , and here they are peculiarly to beapprehended from the turbulent and predatory character of so large a proportion of the population , and fromthe change being directly injurious to th ose most usefulinmaintaining the police . On the other hand , thereare strong reasons why the possession of alienated landsshould not be hastily confirmed . We must not, inour

tenderness for the holder of that description of land ,forget the case of our less-favoured subjects . If thepublic burthen were to be increased , equity would re

quire that the new impost should fall on those whoalready paid the least and this would be the case evenif their titles were undoubted , and if no opportunitylike the present were afl

'

orded of levying a tax onthemwith little odium or appearance of injustice . If

,there

fore , it should be found practicable to draw a considerable revenue from rent-free lands , without pressingon those who already pay their full share of taxation,without reducing the proprietors to ruin , and withoutdriving kolis or other unsettled people to plunder, themeasure , I conceive , should be adopted . At all events ,some plans must be adopted to prevent loss to Govemment , by its Rayats cultivating rent-free land , which islikely to happen whenever the property in that sort ofestate shall be fixed ; and this object must be advertedto in any plan that may be proposed . It is necessary,therefore , before we proceed further , that we should

5 1 0 MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

on to state the amount produced by the tax he hasimposed onalienated lands ; and perhaps my inquirieswhen inBroach , regarding those resumed by the commission , may throw some light on the question . Whenthese questions are ascertained , we may dete rminewhether or not it is expedient to raise a revenue fromrent-free lands . If it should be determined in thenegative , it will still be necessary to guard against loss ,by assessing on each portion of rent-free land the sharewhich it now actually bears of the over-assessment ofTalpad land . When this is done , it will be practicableto equalize the assessment on all lands of the latte rdescription , and likewise to allow the Rayats to takeand relinquish what land they please unrestrained ,

neither of which is practicable inthe present state of

th ings . It will also , I conceive , be expedient todeclare that the land now left rent-free is liable to suchimposts as may be rendered necessary by the exigencie sof th e state and if this declaration should for a timeprevent th e owners from feeling confident in theirpossession , it is better to submit to that evil thanto close up for ever a source from which so muchrevenue may be drawn with so little difi culty or illconsequence . If it be determined to raise a revenue ,the first mode that occurs is that proposed by CaptainBamewall and Captain Robertson , of a stamp-duty ;but this , unless accompanied by a Swadea

,will not

prevent the emigration of Sarkar Rayats. It might bean improvement to have a Swadea of greater amountthan the stamp-duty (say one-third of the Governmentshare) on land cultivated by Sarkars

’

Rayats , P atidars ,

etc . , and a stamp-duty of one-fourth on land cultivatedby the proprietor . Another middle course would be ,to allow all lands cultivated by th e proprietors toremain on their present footing, but to assess those

MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT. 5 1 1

held by Government Rayats, P atidars , etc . , at the fullamount, and then pay to th e proprietor the sum whichhe now receives from the Rayats . This plan has oftenbeen adopted towards Vanta , and it is much recom

mended towards Yechan and Garania , by the consideration that the burden will fall on those by whose fraudth e alienations have been occasioned , it being thecommon trick of Patels to assign land to a Bhat or

Brahman , keeping the cultivation and the profit in theirown hands, and only paying a trifle to the proprietorfor the use of his name but it is anobjection that thetax falls entirely on the classes who already contributeto the revenue , and whose wealth , however acquired , issure in the end to add to that of the public .62 . In all plans , whatever is now collected by

Government should be kept up , there beingno doubt ofits right to what it possesses , however doubtful that ofth e holders of the alienations .63 . It is desirable that the questions regarding aliena

tions and a new assessment should be settled soon , toenable us to remove the doubt and anxiety under whichthe Rayats now labour .64 . An important point to consider is the degree of

interference which Government should exercise withth e collector, and I think , on the whole , it is expedientto leave him a great latitude . Government must settlesuch questions as that of resuming the alienated landsand the policy to be observed towards Girasias andM evasis : it may interfere to correct any proceedingthat is obviously erroneous ; and above all , it shouldpermit no great change to be made without its express

permisswn. Besides the advantage of retarding innovations , 1t would thus be able to bring to every questionits owngeneral Views , and occasionally the experienceof the other Presidencies ; but all details had better be

51 2 MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT

left to the collector . This is more expedient th an atthe other Presidencies , because we have no Board of

Revenue , and our collectorships are so difl'

erent fromeach other that a complete knowledge of one scarcelyenables a member of the Government to decide on

a question relating to another . It is, however, aserious evil th at there is no check ona collector, andnomeans of knowing, short of the ultimate failure of the

revenue , whether his district is in prosperity and content,or in poverty and wretchedness . To make up for thewant of this , it has occurred to me that the judge , orjudge of circuit, might be empowered to receive com

plaints and transmit them to Government , even on

questions of high assessment or the like , which are un

connected with his judicial functions . There are ,

however, strong objections to this plan , as likely to leadto discord between two oflicers whose good unde rstanding with each other it is of importance to preserve , andperhaps even to excite a litigious spirit in the Rayatsthemselves .6 5 . I will insert an observation here

, as it relates soimmediately to the Rayats, though it properly belongsto the administration of justice it is the hardship felt bythe Rayate from the exaction of the debts contracted bythem during the Mahratta Government under the decreesof the Adalat . The root of the grievance seems to liein the readiness with which a bond is admitted as a sufficient evidence of the justice of a claim . In this caseit is by no means so, for a Rayat is easily drawn byoccasional advance s and partial payments into a com

plicated account , which it is impossible for him to

unravel . This account presents a great balance in thelender ’s favour ; and as th e practice is for the Rayat togive up his produce each year in part payment

, and to

take an advance to enable him to go on with the next, he

514 MINUTE BY THE PRESIDENT.

The same plan I recommend in the Deccan may beadopted here , the circulation of cheap editions of suchnative books , of those already popular , as might have atendency to improve the morals of the people withoutstrengthening their religious prejudices . Passagesremarkable for bigotry or false maxims of moralitymight be silently omitted , but not a syllable of attackon the religionof the country should be allowed .

68 . I was formerly of opinion that th e salariesallowed to assistant collectors , on the plan proposed byMr . Warden and approved by the Supreme Govemment , were too high , and I therefore recommendedthat they should be fixed on their present footing . Inow find that I did not at th e time sufliciently advertto the fees in the judicial line , wh ich render all theappointments there so much superior to those in therevenue , that it is not to be expected that any youngman will stay in the latter when he can leave it,although it is indispensable that everyone should spendsome years in it . I therefore recommend that theformer prOposal be reconsidered , and the salaries fixedon a footing nearer equality with the others , though Iwould perhaps make it worth the while of the youngestjudicial assistant to go into the revenue line , and of theoldest revenue assistant to accept of a registership .

69 . I shall here introduce a few observations ontheemployment of the assistants to the collectors , a pointof more consequence to the welfare of the public thanitat first appears , as by it is formed the character of

those on whose ability and public spirit the success ofall future measures of Government is to depend . Thecollectors , I conceive , should be ordered to employ theirassistants in the Parganas th e moment they are capable :the assistant ’s allowances to be kept below the standardfixed for his appointment until he has been so deputed.

MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT. 5 1 5

Each collector should report every six months how hisassistant has been employed , and how he dischargesh is duties . Copies of the collector ’s instructions to theassistant should be forwarded to Government , as wellas occasional copies of his reports to the collector .One great duty of the assistant should be to ascertainat the Villages whether the sum charged in the accountsas the payments of each Rayat , is the whole amountthat he has paid . If this inquiry be made of eachRayat , personally , at a few villages taken at random inevery Pargana , there would be an effectual check on

the native oflicers, and this important object wouldbe closely connected with the improvement of theassistant .70. I beg here to recall the attention of the Board

to the salaries of the Kamavisdars , which I find inmany instances totally inadequate . The Kamavisdarof Dholka collects six lacs of rupees, and his wholeallowances are 1 58 rupees . This disproportion ishardly decent . I th ink we should push into these Zillasthe plan already adopted in the Northern Konkan , withthe difference that as the districts here are rich andcompact , and the country cheap , a smaller percentagemight be given ; rupees a year for one lac ofrupees collections , and an increase of 500 rupees orthereabout onevery succeeding lac would be sufficient .The allowance of the collector ’s head native servantshould be raised , and perhaps made equal to that of thebest paid Kamavisdar. I would also strongly recom

mend some plan for increasing the pay of Kamavisdars

with their standing , as the strongest tie on theirhonesty, and still more for furnishing a provision forthem after long service ; a measure not more requiredby considerations relative to the particular case , thanby the general policy of securing a respectable class of

33— 2

5 1 6 M INUTE BY THE PRESIDENT.

persons accustomed to our views and attached to ourGovernment .7 1 . I have not had time to make any inquiries

about the customs and town duties , but I may maketwo observations regarding them . No customs leviedby M evasis, Girasias, or petty chiefs , if establish edbefore our acquisition of the country, should beabolished without a compensation and this compensation should be promptly afl

’

orded, since , if it is withheld ,the complaints of the sufferers will render others insimilar circumstances unwilling to give up a right th eypossess for a pension

,while the regular payment would

seem to them doubtful .7 2 . Another regards the abolition of two dutie s .

The Committee at Kaira in 1 8 1 1 have reported th emto be vexations and pernicious

,and Government dete r

mined to do them away . I would , however, recommend that they should not be given up without someequivalent tax which should reach the merchants andbankers , the only description of people in our territorythat are not subject to taxation . The losses of thatclass from the introduction of our Government wouldrender it inexpedient to lay any serious impost on themnow ; but something might be introduced that wouldenable Government to draw a revenue from them whentheir circumstances are more flourishing

, or the wantsof the state more urgent .73 . All accounts agree in reporting the transfer of

the police to the revenue officers as eminently successful and even before that measure the improvements inthe police had been prodigious . There is no OpenViolence , and the people canact against any attempt atit without the fear of revenge . Thefts are muchdiminished , and murders are comparatively extremelyrare . From what I can learn , the people (except the

5 1 3 MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

hands to which the police is entrusted . The presentindiscriminate application of it is not only intolerablefrom its injustice and severity , but absolutely fatal tothe principle of activity in the police which it is meant touphold . The temptation to the inhabitants to share , toconnive , or to neglect, is much increased , wh en thetracing of footste ps (perhaps imprinted for the purpose )to another Village relieves them from all responsibility,and the person robbed , who is generally the be st agentof the police , becomes at once an indifferent spe ctator ofa search for property of which he is certain to receiveat least the full value . It would be a much moreeffectual plan for the police , and much more e quitabletowards the Villages , to invest the magistrate with a

discretionary power to exact a sum not excee ding thevalue of the property from any Village which he sus

pects of connivance or neglect . He should be at libertyto apportion it onany number of Villages that seemedto partake in the neglect , and to levy it at what periodhe pleased , so as to allow it time to operate as a stimulusto the researches of the Villagers and he might remitit , if he was satisfied before payment had taken placethat no exertion had been wanting . But he ought tobe directed to be rather rigid than lax

,and to allowno

appearance even of negligence to escape without somefine . I can see no objection whatever to entrusting themagistrate with this power , which he always possessedtill the passing of Regulation III . of 18 1 8 . If it iswished to have a check on his exercise of it , it might besubject to the revision of the criminal judge ; but itought , at all events, to be a branch of the police ; andI observe that it was so even in Bengal

,where the pay

ment for property by villages in certain circumstanceswas to be ordered by the Court of Circuit and not bythe Divani Adalat . Supposing , however, that our


system requires it to be subject to th e decision of a

civil court , it would be necessary to enact that no suitshould be received , unless a certificate could be producedfrom the magistrate or criminal judge that the case wasone in wh ich the village was to blame .75 . I may here introduce the subject of military

guards employed on civil duties . I made this anobject of my particular attention, with a View to relieveth e line from a number of duties requiring none of th e

qualities of a soldier, and yet breaking up battalionsthat might be wanted for service , and injuring the discipline of those not likely to be so called on . Theresult of my inquiries showed the number of Sepoys soemployed to be less than I had supposed ; but still theyamount to upwards of 600 men , without including theNorthern and Southern Konkan ; altoge ther they cannot fall short of the strength of a complete battalion .

Guards for the gaols , however, would at all events berequired , and these would take 50 men for eachZilla ; 300 in all; so that the reduction in Gujaratwould not exce ed 300 men . It might be practicableto make such a distribution of the extra battalions asmight render them applicable to this duty, and thusleave all the battalions intended for service disposablefor that purpose . But these troops , if employed on

the gaol guards,would require to be often relieved ,

as they would otherwise get intimate with the prisonersand cease to be an effectual check on them. Thecollector of Ahmedabad has a party of his Peons dressedin a blue uniform , with brown belts and a kind of foraging-cap , and armed with muskets and bayonets , whoonly receive seven rupees for clothes and all , and yeta month or two ’s exercising with a regular battalion ,and, I believe , the superintendence of a dischargedHavaldar, has made them at least as good, I think


better than regular Sepoys, for all those duties except

gaol guards . If a company of 100 men of thisdescription to each Zilla could be paid by a reductionin the revenue and police establishments , it would besuflicient for the duty, and would ease the troops of th eline . The responsibility of collectors for tre asure notunder a military guard should be dispensed with , wherethere is no neglect onhis part or his ofi cers

’

. Th e

absence of a military guard should make no difference .76 . Before I conclude this paper, I must record my

obligations to the collectors of these Zillas for th e cordialassistance I received from them in my inquiries , andfor the valuable information and Opinions which theycommunicated . The zeal , activity, and successfulmanagement of Mr . Dunlop have already been noticedin various employments , and I have particular pleasurein noticing the remarkable intelligence and acquaintance with his duty displayed by Mr . More .7 7 . Though from the nature of the judicial se

tablishment, fixed by regulations and controlled bysuperior courts , I did not think it necessary to devoteany of the short time I had at my disposal to inquiriesin that line, I have to acknowledge the readiness of

the gentlemen at the head of it to afford me everyinformation ; and to Mr. Anderson I am indebted formuch information and many judicious suggestions .


Camp Chaklasi, 6ih April, 1821.

FURTHER MINUTE BY THE PRESIDENT.

EXTRACTED FROM ‘ EAST INDIA PAPERS ,’

VOL 111. pp. 706— 709 .

I HAVE perused Mr. Prendergast ’s observations on myminutes on Ahmedabad and Kaira , and on otherdistricts of Gujarat , with much interest and attention .

I now proceed to offer such explanation as those observations appear to call for.

To facilitate reference , I shall take the liberty of

putting numbers on the parts of Mr . Prendergast ’sminute to which I wish to allude .This observation applies to Bhagdar villages only ;

and in them I think I have said that all the Bhagdarsand Patels , though only the few who are at theheads of great divisions (M ota Bhags in Broach) receivethe Patel ’s allowances and communicate with theGovernment . But the number of Bhagdar villagesin Gujarat is comparatively small : there are morein Surat , few in Ahmedabad , not so much as halfthe number of villages in Kaira. In Broach onlythey are numerous in all other Villages there is onlyone Patel .Inone sense of the word all the Company’s subjects

524 FURTHER MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

are Rayats ; but in the village the word is used

(in contradistinction to Pate l) for the cultivators whodo not share in the ‘

Village Government . It is inthis sense I use it in the places noticed by M r.

Prendergast , and I believe in all others .Those are called Sarkar ,

’ the Rayats that°

cultivateTalpad land , to distinguish them from those who cultivate exclusively land

'

belonging to Girasias, which lastare chiefly found in Girasias villages . What control theGovernment has over them is another question . TheNative Government had a great deal once, and Ithink ought to have none ; at le ast 110

' power of

restraining them from throwing up their lands whenthey choose .My opinion regarding leases agrees generally with

Mr . Prendergast ’s ; but as I have no experience myself,I am unwilling to decide a question so much disputedI , therefore , am desirous of the reference I have alreadyrecommended to Captain Robertson . I also thinkit desirable that instructions should be issued to thecollector , recommending the gradual and partial systemof leases as an experiment, which is explained inthe part of my minute immediately following thesuggestion of a reference to Captain Robertson .

Such instructions will , at all events , be necessaryto such collectors as have been applying for leaveto grant leases generally . I must also own , thatI think leases to P atidars, where very numerous , lessdoubtful than any others . They are already boundby a sort of lease towards the Government, and itis but fair the Government should be similarly boundtowards them .

The opinion that the Rayatwar system involvesso much detail as to be impracticable of execution ,is not brought forward as my own it is only quotedto be contested .

52 6 FURTHER MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

inapplicable now . Thus the productive assessable landis recorded ; but whether the quantity producing grainis not greatly increased cannot of course be ascer

tained from the survey . A proof that these points arenot actually ascertained , is afforded by the prose cutionscarrying on (or formerly carried on) against the Parganaofficers of Anklesvar for concealing cultivation to alarge amount . But if the quantity of land of eachdescription to be assessed were well known , the nextstep in Broach appears to me full of uncertainty . Itis a conjectural estimate of the quantity of grain of

each description produced in the season for which theassessment is making . There is no careful examinationof each field , or debate with the proprietor about theimprovement or decline of its condition . .A generalestimate is made from a summary inspection of th e

state of the fields ; and although , from the experienceof the Pargana oflicers, it may frequently be right , yetas it is too vague to admit of a close examination , thecollector can never be confident that it is not wrong ,either owing to mistake or corruption .

If this conjecture , however, be right , and if th e

price for which the grain will sell be also accuratelyascertained , so that the sum laid on the whole villageis just

,it by no means follows that the distribution will

be equally just by the time it reaches the Rayats .

One Rayat may be in declining circumstances, whilemany of his fellows may be increasing in wealth . One

part of the village land might be suffering from floodor blight

,while the rest is unusually productive . Th e

Patel may perhaps adjust all these inequalities , but hedoes it unknown to the collector or his officers , who maytherefore be fairly said to be in the dark regarding thesources from which the revenue is derived . I havebeen speaking of villages under one Patel in Bhagdar

FURTHER MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT. 52 7

villages . This evil cannot be entirely remedied , andall Government can do is to se e that the whole sumlaid on the Village is equitable .A proof of the uncertainty of the assessment is ,

th at the vast increase laid in Broach this year wasfounded on the supposition of the unusual abundanceof cotton produced ; and this was the reason assignedby the acting-collector in the end of April, when Ibelieve the season is nearly closed yet the commercialresident has since announced a failure , and the actingcollector has stated that the produce of this year is agood deal less than that of the last . The power of

resorting to a division of the crop is a safeguardagainst over-assessment possessed by the cultivators inall districts ; but I doubt if it is so efl

'

ectual as Mr .Prendergast considers it, because nobody resorted to itthis year in Broach , although the clamour in the districthas been excessive .What Mr . Prendergast says of the Bhagdar

’

s system ,

I should generally subscribe to , in cases such as

Mr . Prendergast supposes,where almost all the culti

vators are Bhagdars. I have , indeed, taken a verysimilar View in my minute ; but this only applies toabout half the Villages in the Broach Zilla , and to veryfew in the other collectorship .

This is, indeed, a principal cause of the apparentdifference between Mr. Prendergast and me , that hisview generally applies to a village , cultivated by Bhagdars , while mine also bears on Villages where there arefew Bhagdars, or those formed by a single Patel, andon those settled Rayatwar.

With regard to the hereditary officers of Parganas , Iconfess that the concurring opinions of all the revenueofficers , whose opinions I have heard on the subject,make me unfavourable to the employment of them ; but

52 8 FURTHER MINUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

this question is here only introduced incidentally indiscussing the pay ofKamavisdars. In regard to them ,

all I contend for is , that their pay should bear someproportion to their trust . I do not think that theallowance s inBroach could conveniently be adopted asa standard, because that district has a system entirelypeculiar, and not at all resembling those of the otherdistricts, which system leaves all the settlement of th erevenue to the Patels and Pargana officers, so that theKamavisdars have little else to do than to receive thecollections.I beg to explain what I have said about the difl

'

erentlimits of Parganas and Kamavisdars

’

divisions. Th e

latter often include several of the former ; but I do notbelieve the Parganas are ever divided, excep

t by theboundary line of difl

'

erent collectorships.

The account given of Vanta in all the reports of th ecollectors beyond the Mahi , is that which I havementioned ; it is supported by the Mohammedanhistories and documents connected with revenue , andI behave by the traditions of the hereditary Hinduofficers . My idea of the history is, that there wereseveral Rajput principalities in Gujarat under differentdynasties of Solankis, Sumas, Gohils, Waghelas, etc .

,

each of which, according to the Rajput practice , dividedthe country among the relations and Tattayets of theRaja, till the whole country was shared out amongthem , as Cutch , Kathiawar, and other neighbouringcountries , not subdued by the Mussulmans, are still .That when the Mussalmans got the country they tookthree-fourth s of the Government share of the revenueto themselves , leaving the Rajputs in posse ssion of theremaining one , precisely as it is now proposed that weshould do with the Girasias of Dhandhuka, Gogha,

550 FURTHER M INUTE BY THE P RESIDENT.

only 29 Bhagdars, the rest managed by singlePatels . In Kaira I should conjecture that two-thirdswere managed by single Patels . In Surat almost all,or all; inBroach very few.

(Signed ) M. Enrm s'roun.

(Without date . )

M I N U T E S

BY TE!

HON. M OUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE,

DATED FEBRUARr 21

OHOBARI, CUTCH,JANUARr 26, 1321 .

34 2

554 MINUTES BY THE

payment of the Gaikwar tribute ; that is, all the north or

north-eastem portion of the province .

The mountains which bound Gujarat in that directionare steep , craggy , and difficult of access . They sendmany branches into the nearest parts of Gujarat , andthe intervals between them are nearly filled up withjungle . Further south the hills cease , and afierwardsthe jungles become less extensive ; but the rivers arevery numerous , and their banks abound in long , deep ,and intricate ravines , overgrown with thick jungle . All

these obstacles diminish as we go south , the junglenearly disappears , and the rivers unite in the streams ofthe Sabarmati and the Mahi and nearly the whole of

the south-west of Gujarat , a tract sixty miles deep ,extending for 1 50 miles along the gulf and Cambay,the frontier of Kathiawar and the Ran , is anopen andfertile plain . This description explains the degrees ofsubjugation in which the province is found . The plainwas almost entirely reduced , and the Government of

the Marathas , though the jungles of Chuval, west ofAhmedabad , and the banks of the Mahi as far south as

the neighbourhood of Baroda , still furnish shelter toindependent Villages . When the streams begin to benumerous , many independent communities appear amongthe ravines and jungle on their banks . The riversincrease , the jungle grows thicker and more continuedas we advance , and the independent Villages becomemore frequent and in more solid masses until we reachthe principalities of Idar and Lunavada, amidst themountains and the forest of the north-east.The degree of independence in those communities

increases with their numbers . In the plain to th e

south, and in the open spaces that runup between th erivers , the Maratha Government had the right of cd

ministering justice inevery Village by means of its own

HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 535

ofi cers, and it always took an account of the produceof the Village lands, of which it was entitled to a certainshare . All the other Villages retained their independence onthe payment of a tribute . Most of those whichlay on the rivers in the midst of subjugated countrypaid it regularly every year to the nearest revenueofi cer ; but those whose situations were stronger ormore remote withheld their tribute until compelled topay by the presence of an invalid army. The villageswh ich submit to the administration of justice and theinspection of their produce are called Ryoti ; thosewhich only pay a tribute , M ehvasz

'

; but this last term isnot extended to princes like those of Idar and Lunavada .The tribute paid annually to the revenue officer is calledJamabandi that collected by an oflicer at the head of anarmy is called Ghasdana . There are many M ehvasis,

who, though they are willing to pay a small sum to theKamavisdars, will not submit to the exaction of a largeone unless supported by force . These pay both Jamabandi and Ghasdana, the former to the collector everyye ar, the latter to the commandant of the force that isoccasionally sent to levy it. Both descriptions , however, are equally tribute , and neither is a fixed share ofthe produce .Although the whole of the above distinctions took

their origin from the different degrees in which thecommunities which are the subjects of them were sub

jected to the power of the Maratha Government, yetthe distinction has often been preserved when the causehas been removed . Many Villages remain M ehvasi,

wh ich the Gaikwar could have rendered Ryoti ; and inmany cases the Ghasdana is still collected bythe militarycommander where the M ehvasi would have been equallyready to pay it to the Kamavisdar, and where his payment to that ofi cer much exceeds his contribution to

536 MINUTES BY THE

the army. The amount of the payments continued tofluctuate after the denominations had become fixed ;when the Kamavisdar, or the military chief, was strong,he increased the Jamabandi or the Ghasdana ; and whenweak, he was glad to take a smaller sum than had be enpaid the year before . On the whole , however , therewas a progressive increase inthe payment.It is the Ghasdana alone that is included in th e

Mahi Kantha collections .The Mahi Kantha, though so much of it isneglected,

shows great fertility wherever it is cultivated . The

fields seem well takencare of and covered with finecr0ps. Mangoes and other planted trees are unusuallynumerous, and as the surface is undulating , and th ewoods and mountains soften insight , no part of Indiapresents a richer or more agreeable prospect .There are in the Mahi Kantha many Kanbis, some

Vanias and otherpeaceable classes ; but the castes thatbear arms

,and those in whom all authority of

the country is vested , are the Rajputs, Kolisand M akvanis, of whom the Kolis are by far th e

most numerous, even in the country belonging to

the Rajputs . Of the 1 21 chiefs se ttled with byMajor Ballantyne , 1 1 are Rajputs , 79 Kolis , and 31M akvanis, and other Mussalmans ; but th is bears noproportion to the number of each caste . The Rajputand Mussalmanprincipalities of Idar and Palanpur arenearly as extensive as all the rest put together , butmany, perhaps most , of their subjects are Kolis . The

Rajputs are of two descriptions— the M arvadis, who

accompanied the Raja of Idar inhis emigration fromJodhpur, and the Gujaratis, who have long beensettledin the province , chiefly in th e central parts. The

M arvadis resemble th e people of Jodhpur in th eirdress and manners, but with additional rudeness con

Inhabitants.

558 MINUTES BY THE

secrecy and celerity in their predatory operations .Their arms and habits render them unfit to stand in thefield , and they must be admitted to be timid whereattacked ; but they have on several occasions shownextraordinary boldness in assaults even on Englishstations. They are of an independent spirit , andalthough they are all professed robbers , they are saidto be remarkably faithful when they are trusted , andthey are certainly never sanguinary . They are averseto regular industry , exceedingly addicted to drunkenness , and very quarrelsome when intoxicated . Theirdelight is plunder, and nothing is so welcome to themas a general disturbance inthe country .

The numbers of this tribe can scarcely be guessedat . The whole of the country between Gujarat and

Milwa at the mountainous tracts on the Narbada andin Khandesh and Berar , together with the range of

Ghats and its neighbourhood as far south as Puna , arefilled with Bhils and Kolis ; but it is those only to the westof the Mahi that are connected with the Mahi Kantha.It has been calculated on tolerable grounds that thereare in the Kaira district and as there are fewerthere thanin any division in Gujarat , the whole amountmust be very considerable . Their numbers would certainly be formidable if they were at all united ; butthough the Kolis have a strong fellow-feeling for eachother , they never think of themselves as a nation , andnever make a common cause to oppose an externalenemy .

The Mussalmans of Gujarat are generally indolentand efl

'

eminate , but those 1nM ehvasi villages , especiallythe M alaiks, have almost as much activity as the Kolis,with much courage .The M akvanis are Kolis nominally converted to

Mohammedanism, but scarcely altered in the religion ,


manner , or character . They are chiefly settled towardsthe south-east of the Mahi Kantha.The ch iefs by whom the Gaikwar tribute is paid , and

the transactions which have taken place regarding it asfar as they affect our interposition

, and themeasures to be adopted for realizing it in future ,and for securing the quiet of the country and of our owndistricts inthe neighbourhood , are as followsBeginning from the north , the first chief to notice

would be the Diwan of Palanpur. But as his countryis of a different character from the rest of the MahiKantha, and is now separated from it by our own

political arrangements , it will be convenient to pass himover for the present .The Raja of Idar is the fifth in descent from Aj itsing,

who reigned at Jodhpur about a hundred years ago . Hisancestor obtainedpossession ofIdar about eighty m. M , 0,

years ago . It was at that time a part of the m”

Jodhpur territory, Ajitsing having driven out anotherRathod prince who was called the Rao , and still retainsthat title , though his territory is confined to the smallbut strong district of P ol in the hills between Idar andUdepur . He still continues his claims to Idar, and oftenharasses the Raja, who some years ago had a temporarypossession of P ol.The revenue of the state of Idar amounts to about

rupees without including its dependencies of Ahmednagar and Modasa. But the Raja’sshare isnot more than from to rupees .The rest is allotted to chiefs who hold of him underthe Rajput designation of P atavat, on condition of

military service and of a small pecuniary payment .Besides these eight chiefs , who are all Rathods like theRaja, and whose ancestors accompanied him fromJodhpur, there are between twenty or thirty P atavats

Ch iefs.

540 MINUTES BY THE

of the Rao ’s , who held lands of th e Prince for militaryservice , but who now pay an annual tribute inste ad ofit to the Raja . These persons are Rajputs and Kolis .

They owe no service to the Raja ; they settle theirGhasdana separately with the Gaikwar , and appear tolook up to him as their superior rather than to theRaja. The Raja of Idar’s tribute , as fixed by MajorBallantyne , amounts to rupees thoughmuch more has been exacted by the Gaikwar’s oflicer.

Only one-fourth of the amount falls on the Raja . Theremaining three-fourths are paid by his Fatavate , fromwhom

,since the decline of the Raja’s power , it has

been levied separate ly by the Gaikwar. The wholeultimately falls on the Rayats, on whom an extra cessis imposed to meet it . The troops in the “Raja of

Idar’

s ownpay amount at present to 250 horse andfoot , but these are raised for a particular occa

sion ; his usual force is 50 horse and 1 50 foot . HisP atavats should furnish 500 horses and as many foot ,but very few ever attend . He has, however, about600 men who hold lands direct of the Raja on condition of service , which they never fail to afl

'

ord.

Besides the Raja ’s and the Rao ’s Fatavate , thereare three other chiefs , whose territory is included inthe principality of Idar , though in reality they are

almost entirely independent of that government .The names of these petty chiefships are Ahmednagar ,

Modasa, and Baur . Each of the former yields a

revenue of about rupees a year, andtheir payments to the Gaikwar are rupees

forAhmednagar, and rupees for

Modasa. Both together maintain about 100 horse and200 foot . Baur yields only rupee s a

year . The Chief of Ahmednagar is the mortal enemyof his cousin , the Raja of Idar and their enmity is at

54 2 MINUTES BY THE

fortunes , however, are not entirely to be ascribed to hiswant of liberty . The Chief ofAhmednagar was alwaysrather a rival than a support to the head of his family ;and the Modasa chief with most of the P atavatsestablished their present independence during the longminority of the Raja .

'

Th e Raja of Lunavada is descended from a familyof Salonka Rajputs , who have long posse ssed the small

m .m, 0, territory now under his government . His”W M “ income is stated by Captain M acDonald to be

rupe es and for h is chiefs aboutmore , making the whole revenue of the territoryamount to about rupees From this hepays a tribute to Sindia of rupees andanother to the Gaikwar of rupees It isnot known when the former tribute was first levied , norindeed can the first payment to the Gaikwar be asoertained with precision , the earliest on Baroda recordsbeing stated by Mr. Norris to be in A.1) . 1 783 . Thistribute was settled for ten years at rupees

per annum by Major Ballantyne in 1 8 1 3 .

The remaining chiefs have sometimes only one village ,and sometimes as many as fifty. Their incomes vary

from rupees a year torupees but their importance depends on

the numberoffighting men they canassemblefromVillagesor those of their allies . The annexed Table A, preparedby Captain Barnewall, will give some notion of the

income and number of retainers of each chief. Themost considerable among them may be divided into fouror five clusters, according to their geographical position .

The first is composed of the Koli Villages of Amballaand Lohar (both of which have several times defeatedthe Gaikwar armies) , the Koli Village of Nirmal, andthe M akvani ones of Mandva, Punadra , and Kora].

Smallerchiefs.

HON . M OUNTS TUART ELPHINS TONE. 543

These all lie within a space of fifteenmiles , and mostlyonthe river Vatrak. Another of nine Koli Villages ofAglode Huppa, Taujpuri, etc . , has on the Sabarmati , inthe Bijapur sub-division Pargana . Immediately to thesouth of the above are the Rajput Villages of Varsoda,P elvuni, Msunsa, and P itapur. The Kolis of Kankrej ,near the Banas , and those of Chuval and ChoreBarochra,in the north-west of the Ahmedabad district , are verynumerous , the former amounting, it is said , toand the other to 5 ,000 bows but their country is notstrong, and they have ceased to be troublesome to theirneighbours . Each of the others can produce from

to fighting men , and all are in the neighb

'

ourhood of very strong retreats .In all the M ehvasi communities the Rajputs , Kolis

and Mussalmans hold their lands free of rent , on conditionof military service ; the other classes pay revenueto the chief. The chief’s authority varies with hiscircumstances and personal character , but in generalhe is able to keep the people of his Village in sumcientorder to prevent their disturbing their neighbours , andhis power in this respect is increased when supportedby the fear of the superior Government .The Kolis and M akvanis are not usually in the

practice of dividing their lands among brothers, andfrom this and their frugal habits they are generally out

of debt . The divisions, the carelessness and waste of

the Rajputs , leave most of them considerably involved .

From the ruins of the ancient Mohammedan cities ofPatan , Ahmednagar, and Ahmedabad , one would be

led to infer that these were at one timc the Formercapitals of considerable principalities , and m ‘m “

consequently that the neighbouring country, some of

which is now the most refractory, must have then beenquiet and submissive under the Mogale . Things seem to

544 MINUTES BY THE

have been in something like their present state . The ruinsofnumerous and expensive castles , built by those monarchsto check the M ehvasis, are still to be seen in frequentedparts of the Mahi Kantha. But these measures were probably not very efl

'

ectualwhen invigour, and in the declineof the Mogal monarchy the garrisons were withdrawnand the country abandoned to its turbulent inhabitants .The case was altered on the appe arance of the

Marathas , Who, without building forts or assumingdirect government , carried on their usual harassinginroads until they extorted a tribute , which they continned to increase as opportunity ofl

'

ered. Their powerwas at its highest about thirty years ago, when SivaramGardi, a Hindustani commandant of regular infantry ,

was employed in the settlement of the Mahi Kantha .

The disorders of the Gaikwar Government subse

quent to the death of Fateh sing did away the effects of

S ivaram’

s successes ; but after the treaty of Baroda ,about the year 1 804 , order was very efl

‘

ectu’

allyrestored by Kakaji , the cousin of Raroji A

’paji ; andalthough the Gaikwar’s troops have met with somereverses since then , yet there has never been any

general spirit of resistance . In 1 8 1 3 Major Ballantyneentered into engagements with all the Mahi Kanthatributaries, and although by some unaccountablemistake those terms were never either conformed to or

formally annulled , the chiefs have submitted quietly tothe arbitrary proceedings of the Gaikwar’s oflice

During the ensuing period , the Mahi Kantha wasentrusted toBucha Jamadar, who maintained a considerable force and kept up the Gaikwar’s authority withtolerable energy. He greatly increased the pecuniarypayments of the chiefs , and he chastised any Villagesthat went into open rebellion ; but he was not successful in preventing depredations , and the complaints from

546 MINUTES BY THE

If he succeeded , the M ehvasis submitted ; but if hefailed , he burned the village , and the people (especiallyif they were Kolis) retired to the jungle and set his

attacks at defiance . The strongest Koli Villages are

open on the side farthest from the river, and theironly object seems to be to secure a retreat to the

ravines . The facilities afl'

orded by these recesse s ,whether for flight or concealment , inspire the Koliswith the greatest confidence , while the roads leadingalong the exposed ridges are by no means equallyencouraging to the assailants . In such places theKolis , with their bows and matchlocks , would often keepthe Gaikwar troops for a long time at bay ; but if theywere dislodged they scattered , and by long and rapidmarches united again at a concerted point beyond th ereach of their enemies . In the meantime , they sometimes attempted night attacks on the camp , in whichthe suddenness of their onset often struck a panic intothe undisciplined troops opposed to them ; but theymore frequently avoided the enemy , and annoyed himindirectly by the depredations they committed onthe

Villages in which he was interested . In the meantime ,the Gaikwar chief endeavoured to obtain intelligence andto cut up the Kolis or seize their families . He alsotried by all means to prevent their receiving provisions ,and fined and otherwise punished all who supportedthem . If this were successful , the Kolis would subsistfor a long time on the flowers of the mahnda-tree andon other esculent plants . But in time the bulk of

their followers would fall off and return to their Villages,while the chief, with the most determined of h is

adherents , remained in the jungle , and either was

neglected , or easily eluded the pursuit of the Marathasuntil he could , by some compromise or even bysubmission , be restored to his Village . There are many

HON . MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 547’

instances in which quarrels with Kolis have terminatedstill less favourably to the Gaikwar . The Villageof Amballa, though on one side only defended bya narrow strip of jungle and a hedge of dry thorns ,stood a siege of six months against a body of

men . The village was then carried by assault , but apart of the Kolis rallied , and the besiegers fled withthe utmost precipitation , leaving their guns and fourof their principal chiefs on the field . On anotheroccasion the inh abitants of Lohaur, about strong ,enticed a Gaikwar force of men through along defile into the bed of the Vatrak, and while asmall party made a show of resistance on the oppositebank , an ambuscade started upon and opened a fire onthe rear in the defile . The whole army immediatelytook to flight , and Babaji , who commanded it, withdifliculty escaped by the swiftness of his horse .

When the affair was with Rajputs , they almostalways defended their village , and that of Varsoda,situated among strong ravines on the Sabarmati , oncebeat ofl

'

several assaults of the Gaikwar troops , andcompelled them to raise the siege . The Rajputssometimes (though rarely) hired foreign mercenariesand often called in Kolis ; but the Kolis never hadrecourse to the assistance of any other tribe .

Whatever was the nature of the adjustment betweenthe Government and aM ehvasi chief, it was of no availunless securities were given by the latter . The securitieswere a Bhat and a neighbouring chief. The first enforced the agreement inthe last extremity by killing ormaiming himse lf or some of his relations the other , byprivate war . These means could not be permitted now

,

but shame must have great hold in both cases . Th e

influence of the securities must be useful in keepingtheir principal to his duty , and the chiefmay be of use

35— 2

548“

M INUTES BY THE

inoperations by h is intelligence and his knowledge ofthe country. Under the Gaikwar , the security wasliable to fine , imprisonment and other hardship , inwhich , indeed , the essence of the system appears toconsist . To prevent the security being nugatory, it isnecessary that some penalty should be imposed on theperson who undertakes it , and it is equally necessarythat Government should be vigilant and trace offencesto the village which commits them . The perpetratorsmay often be few , and may easily escape by the connivance of th e chief, or a band of twenty or thirtymen of different villages may sometimes assemble inthe jungle , and become formidable banditti over whomit is difficult to establish any control . These are thesort of ofl

'

enders against whom , once a settlement ismade , it willbe most necessary to guard. As to the chiefs ,if care be taken that all give security, it will only benecessary to avoid encroaching on their rights , it beingalmost unknown for a chief to enter on unprovokedresistance to Government afte r he has once givensecurity .

Inexplaining the present state of the Mahi Kanthaand the events to which we are now to apply a remedy ,

m tmit is necessary to advert to two omissions on

1,the part of our own ofl

‘icers : the first is the

disregard ofMajor Ballantyne ’s engagements ;and the second , the long interval that has been allowedto elapse since the transfer of the Gaikwar’s authorityto the Company , without any assumption on the part ofthe British Government of the superintendence of thedistrict . I have called on the Resident at Baroda toexplain the cause of those omissions , and I have nowonly to state their effects .Almost all the ch iefs I have met with have com

plained of th e exactions of the Bacha Jamadar, which

550 MINUTES BY THE

Ganjun, Bakroli , and some others plunder th e northeast of the Modasa sub-division Pargana , as doe sAmodra in the Bayad Pargana . While Antroli inHarsole and Ruparel in Parantij are both in a state of

rebellion against the Company as well as the Gaikwar ,Anoria, a Village of the Gaikwar’s in the Bij apurPargana, plunders the Company

’s territory , as those ofKuberpur and Chaublea in Vadnagar do that of th e

Rajas of Idar and Ahmednagar. Balla Miya , also of

Bhujpura, in the south-east , is openly plundering th ecountry ; and those disorders , which have increasedrapidly within these few months , would soon becomeuniversal if prompt measures were not taken to repressthem . With this View I have directed Captain Milesto repair to Modasa and endeavour to put a stop tothese irregularities , as far as canbe done by remonstrance . I have left a party of fifty men from myescort at Modasa , to afford some little protection to thatpart of the Company ’s territory , and I have directed adetachment of 700 Native Infantry, with 1 gun , and200 Gaikwar Horse to, assemble at the same place

to

support Captain Miles . ( I do not think this detachmentsufficient to settle the whole country ; and if I had th emeans , I would send such a detachment as that now inKathiawar to obtain securities from the chiefs , and tohunt down any who might obstinately persevere in theirdepredations . But the present detachment , if it can beformed at all, will be formed with great difliculty , andI hope it will check the pressing evils. Captain Mile swill be able to judge whether it will enable him toobtain the securities and if a further force is foundnecessary , it can be sent after the rains , when the cropsare on the ground , which is always the best time forsettling with M ehvasis.

The principle of the settlement ought to be‘

to take

HON . MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 550

security for ten years for the payment of the tributesettled by Major Ballantyne , and for the ohservance of our engagements . The principalarticles of which should be as follows :1 To abstain from plundering .

2 . To give up plunderers and others guilty of

offences in the territory of th e Government or of anyother chief.3 . The chiefs to employ their whole means to resist

and destroy plunderers, to give no succour to anyperson in opposition to the authority of the BritishGovernment or the Gaikwar , and to use every exertionto cut off his supplies , and to apprehend him .

4 . To abstain from private war and from maintainingforeign mercenaries .5 . To refer all disputes to th e arbitration of th e

British Government .6 . To protect the passage of merchants , and (if the

chief can be persuaded to accede to it) to accept of acompensation for the privilege of levying transit duties .7 . To prevent illicit trade in opium .

Besides these general arrangements , there are manyparticular ones applicable to each chief.The relation between the Raja of Idar and his rela

tions and P atavats , the P atavats of the former Raosand the Koli chiefs with h is territory, should be fixedwith precision . Where it is consistent with establishedpractice , the Raja

’

s authority should be restored to suchan extent as to enable him to call out the contingentsof his P atavats, and maintainorder without the directinterference of the British Government ; on the otherhand , where the practice does not admit of h is exer

cising such a degree of authority, the British Govemment must make effectual arrangements onits own partfor preventing disorders be ing committed by the chiefs

future .

554 MINUTES BY THE

Many of the Mahi Kantha chiefs are entitled topecuniary collections , Giras, in the Company

’

s andGaikwar

’

s districts . The amount of these should befixed , and means taken to provide for the payment insuch a manner as to prevent the clashing of authoritieswithout injuring the chief by converting his territorialright into pecuniary pension from a Government . A

mode consistent with the practice of the country wouldbe to allow the collection to be made by the Bhat whois security for the chief, assisted , if necessary , by thecollector’ s ofi cers .

Some of those chiefs (especially the Raja of Idar)have similar claims on each other which should besettled with equal precision , and a mode of paymentfixed on that may prevent disagreement . Inmanycases it might be practicable for the British Govemment to make the collection , and admit the moneyreceived in part payment of the Ghasdana. The amountmight perhaps , in most case s , be fixed on anaverage ofthe last ten or fifteen years ’ payments .Including those of the Raja of Idar’e dependents ,

which used to settle with the Gaikwar separately fromhim, there are 1 21 chiefs in the Mahi Kantha withwhom Major Ballantine made settlement . Of these , 63pay Jamabandi to the Company , and are included inthe eye of our regulations in the districts of Kaira andAhmedabad , and 24 pay Jamabandi to different Kamavisdars of the Gaikwar .It would simplify our transactions if the chiefs within

our districts were to pay their Ghasdana through thecollector . The question also arise s regarding th e

persons , whether it is consistent with justice and soundpolicy to subject them to the direct interference of ourCourts and to the ordinary regulations of our Government, or whether it would be expedient to place them

554 MINUTES BY THE

present occur to me as requiring notice , but the fullaccounts we may hereafter expect will doubtless sug

gest many more .

Until all pending questions are finally settled , it willbe necessary for the political agent to move about th ecountry , and it may be necessary for the troops toremain there also but when affairs are once put into aregular train , the political agent may take up a fixedstation , and it should, I conceive , be towards the south ,

at an equal distance from the eastern and western ex

tremities of the district . It is desirable that the Raja ofIdar should be left to the exercise of his ownauthorityand , on the other hand , the Kolis bordering on our

districts require constant vigilance to repress their depredations . Very great attention and judgment willalways be necessary to unite that Vigilance with anabstinence from the Opposite fault of our inte rference ,which often serves only to destroy the establishedauthority, with out setting up anything equally efficaciousin its place .The utmost personal attention will also be necessary

among so many chiefs , who have all disputes with theirneighbours , to prevent native agents from fostering alitigious spirit , and producing irritation by corruptionand partiality . For this and other reasons I think itimpossible for the same ofi cer to undertake the management of the Mahi Kantha and of Kathiawar . Ipropose , therefore , that the whole duty of the latterprovince should be made over to Captain Barnewell,whose allowances may be increased to those of a collector , which , indeed , they ought to be , on the principleonwhich they were first fixed . Major Ballantyne maythen give up h is whole attention to Mahi Kantha , andit may be practicable at some future period to unite hisoflice with that of the political agent at P alM pur,


unless the duties of the latter should be increased bythe management of the Jodhpur tributaries .The troops ought not , I conceive , to remain in the

country after it is once settled but prompt measuresshould be adopted from time to time to send detachments from Deesa, Kaira, and Baroda , to make examples like that of Lohaur, which never fail to make astrong and lasting impression , and which are the moreeffectual because the tributaries never know when theyare safe from them . Whereas if a battalion werestationed in the country, any circumstance that calledit off to foreign service would be the signal for generaldepredation and disorder. It is not necessary or ex

pedient to employ regular troops against small partiesof banditti on the roads . These would be put down bythe irregulars under th e revenue officers , and by thepeople of the country , which will always succeed , ifgreat attention be paid to prevent any relaxation intheir exertions . These means will , I think , be veryeffectual in establishing the tranquillity of the

‘

MahiKantha , which , from its contiguity toour owndistricts ,is of much greater consequence than that of Kathiawaror any other tributary state .

In the course of events , it may, I th ink, be expectedthat the southern parts of the Mahi Kantha will at nodistant period be turned into a quiet and submissivecountry . The long continuance of tranquillity will turnthe attention of the Kolis to agriculture , and their predatory habits and their jungles will disappear together.If the progress of civilization be less rapid in the strongcountry on the frontier, it is a satisfaction to reflect thatthe nature of those fastnesses and the character of theirdefenders are a protection to the peaceful inhabitants ofthe plains , and that they have hith erto afi

'

orded aneffectual barrier against the hordes of freebooters, who

556 MINUTES BY THE

have so long ravaged the neighbouring provinces of

Hindustan .

The principality of Palanpur is included inthe MahiKantha settlement , and pays Ghasdana to the Gaikwarbut it could not be comprised in a general descriptionwith the other communities, from which it differs so

much in all respects . It has owed its independencemore to distance than to natural strength , the countrybeing in most parts open and easy of access . It isnaturally not unfertile , and though it has felt the effectsof the famine whichwas so severe in Cutch , Kathiawar,and onthe north-western frontier, it has suffered lessthan its western neighbours . It seems tolerably we llgoverned, and appears to be prosperous . The town of

Palanpur is reckoned to contain about inhabitants . The Diwan ’s revenue is somewhat less thanthree lakhs of rupees , but this is charged with a tributeof rupees etc . , a subsidy of

rupees to the Gaikwar . His military forceamounts to 300 horse and 500 foot , inwhich are

included 1 50 horse and 100 foot subsidized from th e

Gaikwar . His debts amount to rupees

The family of the Diwan have had possession of

Palanpur for many generations . About twenty-sevenyears ago, the state fell into the hands of a rebellioussoldiery , who expelled the lawful Diwan , set up first h isrelation , Shamshir Khan , the chief of Deesa , and nextFiruz Khan . They afterwards murdered Firuz Khan ,and recalled Shamshir Khan from Deesa , to whichplace he had retired . Shamshir Khan was emancipatedfrom the control of the soldiery, and established as

guardian to Fateh Khan, the son of Firuz Khan, by aBritish force acting on the part of the Gaikwar (in

but having afterwards failed to pay his tribute ,

553 MINUTES BY THE HON. M. ELPHINSTONE.

in the list of tributaries settled with by Major Ballantine , it will be necessary that that ofi cer be expresslydirected to forbear making any demand on them untilthe questions now under discussion shall have beendetermined .

M I N U TE

ar m

HON . M OUNTS TUART ELPHINS TONE,

DATED JANUARY 26,1 821 .

CU TCH.

I HAVE the honour to communicate such considerationsonthe subject of Cutch as have been suggested by myvisit to that country .

It 18 a territory of small extent and of littles

uge f”mute .

fertility . Wate r is scarce , and often salt : the 18”

soil is generally either rocky or sandy, and the proportion that is cultivated , though very superior to that inKathiawar , is insufficient to support its own scantypopulation .

The capital , Bhuj , contains only souls . Lakhpat Bandar,Anjar, and perhaps Mundra ,mayhaveinhabitants each . The other towns are generally muchsmaller . The seaport of Mandvi alone bears the marksof industry and prosperity. It carries ona considerabletrade

,especially with Arabia and the coast of Africa,

and contains from to inhabitants .The whole revenue of this territory is under 50 lakhs

ofkoris (about 1 6 lakhs of rupees) ; and of this less than

About 180miles long and sobroad .

560 MINUTES BY THE

30 lakhs of koris belong to the Rao ; the country which

yields the remaining 20 lakhs being assigned to thecollateral branches of his Highness

’s family , each of

whom received a certain appanage on the death of theRao from whom it is immediately descended . Thefamily of these chiefs is derived at a recent period fi'

om

Tatta in Sind , and they are all sprung from a commonancestor,Hamirjji , whose sonRao Khengar acquired thesovereignty of Cutch before the middle of the sixteenthcentury of our era . The number of these chiefs is atpresent about 200, and the whole number of their tribein Cutch is guessed at or persons .

This tribe is called Jadeja ; it is a branch of th e

Rajputs . The other inh abitants of Cutch are compute dby the natives at souls , of which more thanone -th ird are Mohammedans (mostly converts from thereligion of the Brahmans) , and the rest Hindus , chieflyof the peaceful castes the Jadejas are all soldiers , andthe Mussalmans supply the rest of the military class .The Rao ’s ordinary jurisdiction is confined to his own

demesne,each Jadeja chief exercising unlimited authority

within his own lands . The Rao can call on the Jadejasto serve him inwar, but must furnish them with pay ata fixed rate while they are with his army. He is theguardian of the public peace , and as such chastises all

robbers and other general enemies . It would seem thathe ought likewise to repress private war, and to decideall disputes between chiefs ; but this prerogative , thoughconstantly exerted , is not admitted without disputes .Each chief has a similar body of kinsmen , who possessshares of the original appanage of the family, and standin the same relation of nominal dependence to him thathe bears to the Rao . These kinsmen form what iscalled the Bhayad or brotherhood of the chiefs, and thechiefs themselves compose the Bhayad of the Rao. The

56 2 MINUTES BY THE

the Government of Dosal Ven at once weak and odious,he successfully intrigued with the troops , with theministers by whom the civil business of the Govemment was still conducted , and with some of the leadingJadejas until , in the year 1 7 9 2 , he was enabled to

expel Dosal Ven and his colleagues , and to transfer thereins of Government into his own hands . He conductedthe affairs of Cutch with firmness and ability for tenyears, until Bhaiji Bava , in whose name , as Regent ,Fateh Mohammed appears to have administered th eGovernment , became of an age to feel the hardships ofhis exclusion from the Regency . Hansraj and otherministers , who were dissatisfied with the predominanceof Fateh Mohammed , availed themselves of this feeling ,and seizing the opportunity of a casual absence of FatehMohammed from the capital , they carried ofi

'

Bhaiji toM andvi , of which Hansraj was at that time in charge .The wealth and the respectable character of Hansraj,the junction of the other ministers , and the popularmanners of Bhaiji, joined to th e goodness of his cause ,soon drew the majority to his party

,and Fateh

Mohammed was glad to abandon Bhuj , and to compromise his claim to the administrationfor the possessionof the fort and dependencies of Anjar. The death of

Bhaiji, which happened in 1 802 (sixteen months afterthe revolution) , restored the ascendancy of FatehMohammed . Hansraj was a merchant, and his wealthand popularity were insufi cient to make up for thewant of knowledge and confidence inmilitary afi

'

airs .

He withdrew to Mandvi , leaving Bhuj to be capture dby Fateh Mohammed , while Lakhpat Bandar, Mundra,Bitta

, and S isagad, with their districts , remained in thehands of independent chiefs , who , though three of themwere Mohammedans , were all close confederate s of

Hansraj

HON . MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 563

All these parties were supported entirely by theirmercenary troops , Arabs , Sindhis and Mussalmans of

Cutch . The Jadejas appear to have possessed butlittle weight and to have taken little interest in thestruggle . Some remained at their forts entirely neutral

,

others served the contending parties for pay ; andalthough the Rao ’s person was in the hands of FatehMohammed, and Hansraj had not even the shadowof legitimate authority, th e greater part of the Bhayadwere entertained in his service or attached to his party .

Fateh Mohammed , proceeded with vigour against suchof these as came within his reach : he fomented theirfamily quarrels ; he besieged their forts and leviedcontributions on various pretences , as well to fill histreasury as to gratify his revenge . His necessitiesobliged him to impose numerous and severe taxes andfines on the merchants and Rayats ; but although theseproceedings created general discontent , there seems tohave been no attempt to form any combination againsthim . He continued to govern the capital and thegreater part of the Rao

’

s territories , and to carry ondepredations in the possessions of his rivals until hisdeath and the name of the Jamadar is now as muchrespected in Cutch as that of any of the Raos hispredecessors inauthority. The death ofFateh Mohammed took place in 1 8 1 3 ; it was preceded by that ofHansraj, and shortly followed by that of Rao Rayadhan.

Th e incapacity of the Jamadar ’s son Husain Miya ,e nabled Shivraj (who succeeded h is father in the

possession of Mandvi) to occupy the capital and to callRao Bharmal to the head of the Government abouta year after the death of Fateh Mohammed . HusainM iya fled to Anjar, where he remained unmolesteduntil that place was taken by the British . Both

36— 2

564 MINUTES BY THE

he and Dosal Ven are now living in poverty andcontempt .Though Rao Bharmal had attained to the age of

twenty during his father ’s lifetime , there appears tohave been no thought of setting up his claim to theRegency against those of the different usurpers , nor didhe on his own accession recover possession of theportion of the country that he found in their hands .

But within his own share he soon assumed the realexercise of the authority he had gained . Sh ivraj withdrew to Mandvi , and the business of the state wascarried onfor some time satisfactorily by ministers whohad served under Fateh Mohammed .

But Rao Bharmalji had contracted a habit of constantintoxication which disqualified him from business

,

secluded him from the society of his chiefs andministers , and ultimately exasperated his temper andimpaired his understanding . His misgovernment, ifleft to its own operation , would probably have endedlike that of his father in his imprisonment, and perhapsin the further partition of his dominions ; but theinvasion of Cutch by the force under Colonel East

(which was rendered unavoidable by the depredationsof the people of Vagad) led to the further interpositionof the British Government , and at last brought thingsinto their present shape .The district of Vagad , which comprehends all the

eastern part of the Cutch territory , either had neverbeen subjected to the Rao , or had long ago thrownoff its dependence on him . It paid at one timeoccasional tribute to the Nawab of Radhanpur ; butthe chiefs were no further controllable by any superior

,

and continued to plunder the territories of all th eirneighbours , including those of the Rao of Cutch .

Their independence was first broken by Fateh Moham

566 MINUTES BY THE

wh ich they bound themselves to pay the tax which wasimposed on them . But their submission was theefl

'

ect of fear alone ; they secretly applied for theassistance of the British , which intime was granted .

Ten of the principal chiefs joined the army on itsadvance and the present form of Government , togetherwith the last treaty , were settled in consultation withthem. It was determined on all hands that Bharmaljishould be imprisoned , but it is said to have beenthe wish of the Jadejas that the Government shouldstill be administered in his name . When they saw

that this was not intended , they seem to have beeninclined to elect the son of Ladhubha, but wereprevailed onby the arguments of Lakhmidas to choosethe present Rao . They likewise entered into a treatyin the name of the whole Jadeja body , and establishedthe Regency which still conducts the Government .At the head of the Regency must be reckoned the

British Resident , who was introduced at the earnestrequest of the Jadejas , and still more of the othermembers , who refused to take onthemselves the responsibility of the oflice without his full support and participation. The others were : lst . Vajerajji or Vazerajji,the Jadeja chief ofRoha, who derives consequence fromh is experience— from his possessions , which exceed thoseof any other chief— from h is military retinues and h isfort , which is reckoned , next to Bhujia, the strongest inCutch ; 2nd. P rithiraj, the chief of Nagarecha, who ,

though young and not distinguished for ability, waschosen on account of his family , which is reckoned th efirst among the Jadejas 3rd. Lakhmidas, whose familyhave long been ministers , and who himself was primeminister to Rao Bharmalji ; 4th . OdhavjiRajgar, a richmerchant, who had been employed in charge of districts ,and had a high characte r in the country ; and 5th .

HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 56 7

Ratansi, the nephew of Sundarj i , who , though his

family have wealth and weight in Cutch , was probablye lected in compliment of the British Government , onthe support ofwhich h e still entirely depends . Upheldby that Government, he may be considered as theprincipal member of the Regency and he appears toconduct h imselfwith good sense and moderation , so asto give perfect satisfaction to the English gentlemenwith whom he has acted , at the same time that hisconciliating manners exempt him from the unpopularitywhich his sudden elevation and his connection withth e British Government might be expected to raiseamong the Jadejas .

Lakhmidas possesses an influence in the Regencyonly inferior to that of Ratansi. He has long beenin power, is looked up to by the Jadejas, and partakesin the character and feelings of the people of Cutchfrom these qualities, no less than from his ability inbusiness , he is a valuable member of the Regency .

These are the only eflicient members . Vajerajji, aselfish old man , accustomed to the solitary independenceof his own fort , and only entering into the affairs of

Bhuj during the intrigues that preceded a revolution,

takes little interest in ordinary business , and seldominterferes , unless to recommend some measure calcu

lated to increase his influence or popularity . Theother two were only expected to lend the aid of theirnames , and they are now both dead , Odhavp withinth e last week .

The Rao ’s revenues being farmed out , and eachbranch of his expenditure being fixed, the ordinarybusiness of th e Regency is to see that the farmersperform their contract, and th at the charges do notexceed the estimate ; to check depredations , and punishoffences ; and, above all, to attend to the claims, and

68 MINUTES BY THE

decide the disputes of the Jadeja chiefs . At the mostimportant of these cases the Resident assists , as hedoes at all consultations on political questions, foreignor domestic but he judiciously leaves the detail of theGovernment to the other members, and contents himse lf with obtaining a thorough knowledge of their proceedings, over which he exercises an occasional control .The Rao ’s land revenue amounts to koris ,

and that derived from customs and other source s unconnected with the land to upwards of — inall , about koris , of which near is

alienated to maintain the ladies of the family,for charitable purposes, and near in Inam .

His income , therefore , is only koris (orrupees) ; and his expenses, as shown by the

annexed Table A, amount to upwards of

koris (or 8 lakh s of rupees) , of which nearkoris is the subsidy of the British brigade . But someof these charges are of a temporary nature , and thereseems little reason to doubt that in ordinary years theRao will be easily able to live within his income .The debt of the Government is koris , of

which upwards of 9. lakh is annually paid from a fundallotted to that object .His troops consist of about 500 horse and

infantry , besides the contingent of the Jadejas . It iscalculated th at these chiefs could furnish men ;but

,admitting this to be the case , they can only be

reckoned as a force of which the Rao can have theservices whenever he is willing to pay for them . Thenumber of this body that is really efficient probablydoes not exceed orThe internal government of the Rao ’s immediate

demesne appears to be good . It is a great defect in

570 MINUTES BY THE

police for the want Of extensive jurisdiction . The

only disturbers Of the public peace appear to be theoutlaws , who find a refuge in the dependencies Of

Sindh , or in the desert . Justice is administered by thePatels and by Panchayats , and the people do not complain Of the want Of it .The last revolution was effected at the request Of

the Jadejas , and the last treaty afl'

ords them a guaranteeof their possessions . It might , therefore, be expectedthat they would be content , and accordingly I have notbeenable to learn that any dissatisfaction exists amongthem . Three persons Of that class came to me withcomplaints, but all related to oppressions committed byBharmalji, or Fateh Mohammed , and not redressed bythe present Regency . I had long separate interviewswith more than twenty Of the principal persons inCutch , and although it was scarcely to be expectedthat they would be very unreserved on such an oc

casion, yet it is satisfactory to know that I gave themmany openings in the course Of conversation to discover their real sentiments , and likewise put directquestions to them regarding the conduct Of the Regencywithout hearing Of anyth ing Offensive or inconsistentwith former practice . One chief complained that thedecisions of the Regency were not always just , but heconfined himself to general censure ; and I found thathe had lately lost a cause by the Regency

’s confirmingthe award of a Panchayat, against which he had appealed .

The Jadeja ch iefs have been the great losers by theearthquake , which demolished their forts ; but they are

still in a prosperous condition . Few of them are

much in debt ; they have few disputes among themselves, and no private wars . Some Of them are re

duced to poverty by the numerous sub-divisions Of

HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 57 1

th eir estates , every younger brother being entitled to ashare equal to one-third , and Often to one-half, Of thatOf the elder but , onthe whole , the number Of estatesthat have descended to single heirs induces a suspicionthat in Cutch infanticide is not confined to females .The Jadeja chiefs Of Cutch are generally accused Of

treachery . Poisoning is said to be a prevalent crimeamong them ; but in what I have heard Of theirhistory, I have found no instance Of it, and I perceivemore Of the unsteadiness that results from indifferencethan Of deliberate treachery in their public conduct .This want Of attachment to any sovereign is producedby their own independence Of the Rao ’ s authority , andby the want Of energy in the chief, and consequentdistraction in the administration , which his Govemment , in common with most of those under Rajputs ,h as almost always displayed . The appearance andbehaviour Of the chiefs, though not much polished , isdecent

,manly , and prepossessing .

The character Of the common people appears to bepeaceable and inofl

'

ensive . The inhabitants Of Vagadare said to retain their propensity to plunder , theMohammedan herdsmen in the Banni (a tract Of grasslands extending along the edge Of the northern Ran)are reckoned fierce and unsettled ; and the M ianas

(another Mohammedan tribe in the east Of the Rao ’sterritories) are notorious for their desperate character ,always ready for hire to undertake any enterprise, however dangerous , Or however flagitious. These tribesare under hereditary heads Of their own .

The external relations Of Cutch scarcely deserve tobe mentioned . It has escaped the ravages and exactionsOf the Mahrattas , and it has twice repelled invasionsfrom Sindh . Its offensive operations since the days OfRao Desal have beenconfined to three invasions Of the

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north of Kathiawar by Fateh Mohammed , and oneincursion to Varahi , in the neighbourhood ofRadhanpur .The use Of a connection with Cutch to us is to curbthe plunderers Of Vagad , to check the Khosas, to keepSindh at a distance , and to afford an opening into thatcountry in the unwelcome event Of our being engagedin a war with the Amirs . The most desirable situationof Cutch for us is that it should be under a strong andindependent government . The first Of these conditionswas found to be unattainable , and the want Of strengthhas led to the loss Of independence . We are now toodeeply engaged in the affairs Of Cutch ever to retreat ,and the option reserved to us Of withdrawing from thesubsidiary alliance is rendered nugatory by our guaranteeof the rights Of the Rao and Of the Jadejas. Of all ouralliances this is probably the most intimate and th emost difficult to dissolve , since to free us from its

Obligations requires the consent , not Of one prince , butOf 200 nobles .It is , therefore , Of the most importance to consider

the manner in which our influence is to be exerted .

During the Rao ’s minority we must continue to superintend and control every branch of the Government butour Re sident ’s interference should be confined , as atpresent , to superintendence . While Ratansi is properlysupported he will always have a preponderance in theRegency , and will guide it in the direction which isgiven to it by our Government .Unless the Resident be supine , Lakhmidas will be an

adequate counterpoise to Ratan81 s influence the veryknowledge that there exists such a rival ready to communicate any misconduct Of his to the Resident will besuflicient to make Ratansi cautious and moderate ; and,as it is the policy Of the Lakhmidas, and must be theambition Of every Jadeja in the Regency , to maintain

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possession Of the individual and the discontent andalarm Of all the other Jadejas . A fine has been theusual punishment , and ought still to be sufficient ; andif it should be absolutely necessary to dispossess a chief,the disinterestedness of the Government should be shownby restoring his lands to his next heir . The threemost probable points Of difference with the Jadejas aresettling their disputes among themselves ; enforcingthe prohibition Of female infanticide ; and compellingthem to act against plunderers within their own districts .In the first , all danger may be averted by the promptd impartial administration Of justice ; in the second ,

by caution and delicacy in the means Of detecting guilt,and moderation in punishing it . The third is anObjectOf great importance . It is more likely to be attainedby vigilance than by severity, by explaining what isexpected , censuring neglect, and compelling restitution,with the addition Of a fine as the punishment Of participation. Great care should be taken to avoid anyappearance Of arrogance in our treatment Of the Jadejachiefs ; but I do not think there is any necessity forreferring political questions to the decision Of theirbody to the extent which a superficial view of thecorrespondence of the Residency would lead us to thinkusual . It is natural to suppose that the former Raoswould consult the principal Jadejas before they enteredonany measure that required the cordial co-operationOf the Bhayad, and, in the absence Of an efficientsovereign , it is still more necessary that the Regencyshould learn the sentiments Of that body ; but it doe snot appear to be usual , or to be expected , or to bepracticable , that all should be assembled to give theirvotes even on the most important questions . TheResident should continue to consult the greatest chiefsseparately or together as the skhinbest suited to the


occasion , and may extend or confine the number ac

cording to the importance Of the question but I shouldthink fifty or sixty the greatest number that need everbe consulted . These are all the general Observationsthat suggest themselves , but there are various subjectsOf temporary importance which require our immediateattention .

The first is th e situation Of the late Rao .

The Odium Of that Prince ’s measures has been lost inthe sight of his misfortunes , and all fear of his poweramong the Jadejas has been removed by the Britishgu arantee . The consequence is that he is now anObject Of general compassion , and , under the erroneousimpression that our power would afl

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ord a suflicient

security against a renewal of his misconduct,the

greater part Of his late subjects would probably be gladto see him restored to the M asnad. Anopinion prevailsOf the indefeasible rights of a prince to the nominalexercise at least Of a sovereignty which he has oncep ossessed ; and this is shown by the language Of thep eople Of Cutch , who, when Ofl

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their guard , generallyca ll Bharmalji the Rao, and Rao Desal only theKunvar or Prince . I consulted several Of the principalpersons in Cutch about the succession to the M asnad inthe event Of the death Of Rao Desal, and all whodelivered their sentiments with frankness declared atonce for Bharmalji, although all agreed that he oughtto be kept in prison , and the Government administeredby a Regency .

The wives Of Bharmalj1 , especially the mother Of the

present Rao , are all naturally anxious to promote hisinterests , and with them go the wishes and intrigues Ofall the inhabitants Of the palace . Rao Bharmalji musth ave some adherents, especially among the soldiery whowere disbanded at his fall ; any unpopularity Of the

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