Online News Consumption Research: An Assessment of Past Work and an Agenda for the Future
Transcript of Online News Consumption Research: An Assessment of Past Work and an Agenda for the Future
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© 2009 Eugenia Mitchelstein & Pablo J. Boczkowski – Do not quote, circulate or reproduce without permission from the authors
Running head: ONLINE NEWS CONSUMPTION RESEARCH
Online News Consumption Research:
An Assessment of Past Work and an Agenda for the Future
Eugenia Mitchelstein and Pablo J. Boczkowski Department of Communication Studies
Northwestern University Frances Searle Building
2240 Campus Drive Evanston, IL 60208 USA
Electronic mail addresses: [email protected] / [email protected]
In Press, New Media & Society
Date of this version: September 3, 2009
Authors’ bios: Eugenia Mitchelstein (M. Sc., Media and Communications, London School of Economics, 2005) is a third-year Ph.D. student in the Department of Communication Studies at Northwestern University. Her research focuses on new media, political communication, and online journalism. She has co-authored "Between tradition and change," which is forthcoming in Journalism: Theory Practice & Criticism, 10 (5). Pablo J. Boczkowski (Ph.D., Science and Technology Studies, Cornell University, 2001) is Associate Professor in the Department of Communication Studies at Northwestern University. His research program interrogates core concepts in social theory by examining cultural processes and formations made particularly visible in the transition from print to digital media. He pursues this program through ethnographic studies of journalistic work and organizations. His publications include the award-winning Digitizing the News: Innovation in Online Newspapers (MIT Press, 2004), the forthcoming News at Work: Imitation in an Age of Information Abundance (University of Chicago Press, 2010), and articles in journals and edited volumes. Authors’ note: This paper was greatly improved as a result of the most useful feedback received from four anonymous reviewers and the two journal editors. Maggie Griffith provided terrific editorial assistance. We also thank Jim Webster for helpful comments on a much earlier version of this paper, and Dan O’Keefe for his always savvy advice.
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Abstract
This paper assesses the main findings and dominant modes of inquiry in recent scholarship on
online news consumption. The findings suggest that the consumption of news on the Internet has
not yet differed drastically from the consumption of news in traditional media. The assessment
shows that the dominant modes of inquiry have also been characterized by stability rather than
change (because research has usually drawn on traditional theoretical and methodological
approaches). In addition, these modes of inquiry exhibit three systematic limitations: the
assumption of a division between print, broadcast, and online media; the notion that the analysis
should treat media features and social practices separately; and the inclination to focus on
ordinary or extraordinary patterns of phenomena but not on both at the same time. On the basis
of this assessment, this paper proposes an integrative research agenda that builds on this
scholarship but also contributes to solve some of its main limitations.
Keywords:
Online news – Online journalism – Online news consumption – Media consumption – Internet
Publics – Audiences – New media scholarship
Word count (excluding authors’ bios and note): 8941
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Online News Consumption Research:
An Assessment of Past Work and an Agenda for the Future
News consumption is a central aspect of everyday life in modern societies (Bogart, 1989;
Butsch, 2008; Dayan & Katz 1992; Luhmann, 1996; Morley, 1980; Thompson, 1995). In recent
years, the consumption of online news has experienced major growth. As online news audiences
have expanded and entered the mainstream, scholarship about them has also developed and
matured. Research has unfolded in a piecemeal fashion, with a myriad of studies tackling
narrowly defined topics. But with a few exceptions (Boczkowski, 2002), there is a dearth of
thorough examinations of this area of research. Thus, there has been a lack of attempts to offer a
panoramic depiction of the road traveled so far and a programmatic vision of possible directions
for future journeys. This paper aims to contribute to filling these twin voids by critically
assessing the recent scholarship and, on the basis of this assessment, presenting the outline of an
integrative research agenda on online news consumption that builds upon the strengths of the
existing scholarship but also helps to overcome its main limitations.
The assessment of the scholarship indicates that online news consumers have not behaved
radically differently from traditional media audiences.i The empirical studies show that despite
the proliferation of sites and technologies, most users are still influenced by past consumption
habits. Although changes have occurred, they have not drastically altered the news consumption
landscape. This assessment is presented in the next four sections. The first centers on research
about whether online news complements or displaces traditional media use. The second looks at
the links between online news and political knowledge. The third addresses analyses of audience
fragmentation and homogenization, and the fourth issues of civic participation.ii
Continuity has also often characterized the dominant modes of inquiry about online news
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consumption by relying on traditional conceptual and methodological preferences. These modes
of inquiry have yielded valuable insights, but have also proven to be limited to address
phenomena that challenge these traditional preferences. Three such limitations are salient: the
assumption of a division between print, broadcast, and online media; the notion that the analysis
should treat media features and social practices separately; and the inclination to focus on
ordinary or extraordinary patterns of phenomena but not on both at the same time. To help
overcome these limitations, this paper presents a general outline of an integrative research
agenda. This agenda advocates a) turning the often taken-for-granted assumptions that subtend
these limitations from gives into outcomes of the inquiry; b) pursuing empirical strategies that
address the multiple relevant dimensions of the phenomena studied; c) relying on mixed-methods
designs to better grasp these multiple dimensions; and, d) developing theory from explanations
of the resulting findings that resort to situational and structural factors that have been fruitful
across media scholarship.
Does Online News Consumption Complement or Displace Traditional Media Consumption?
Two positions have marked the research on the relationship between news consumption
in online and traditional media: one argues that Internet news use complements traditional media
consumption, and the other that it displaces it. We suggest that the lack of conclusive findings
might be due to an analytical stance that separates the use of print, broadcast, and online media,
thus preventing an exploration of how consumers integrate news consumption across media.
One stream of studies suggests that the use of online news media complements the
consumption of news in traditional media (Chan & Leung, 2005; Hujanen & Pietikainen, 2004;
Kayany & Yelsma, 2000; Livingstone & Markham, 2008; Nguyen & Western, 2007). On the
basis of a survey about news consumption in Texas, Chyi and Lasorsa argued that “the
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simultaneous use of the print and online editions suggested that to some extent print and online
products complement each other” (2002: 103). Findings from some analyses of the behaviors and
motivations of online news consumers support the complementarity hypothesis. Flavian and
Gurrea (2007) surveyed news consumers in Spain and concluded that accessing Internet news is
tied to seeking specific or up-to-date information, and there is a negative association between
reading the newspaper for leisure and going online for news. Drawing on uses and gratification
theory (Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch, 1974), a different perspective contends that users’ goals and
interests shape consumption more strongly than medium attributes (Flanagin & Metzger, 2001).
Thus, people focus on specific types of content, such as sports, politics, and entertainment in the
multiple platforms used to access the respective stories (Lin, Salwen, & Abdulla, 2005;
Livingstone, 2004; Sheehan, 2002). Dutta-Bergman reported that, in the United States, people
who go online to get sports (or other kinds of) news also followed sports (or these other) news on
traditional media more closely than nonusers of sports information. The author thus concluded
that ‘the search for news information in a specific content area drives the consumption of
specific news types across different media outlets’ (2004: 55).
Echoing the principle of relative constancy (McCombs, 1972), an alternative research
stream contends that use of traditional media has decreased since the popularization of the Web,
thus signaling a displacement effect (Gentzkow, 2007; Gunter, Russell, Withey & Nicholas,
2003; Kaye & Johnson, 2003; Lin, Salwen, Garrison & Driscoll, 2005). The 2008 Pew Biennial
News Consumption Survey showed that the portion of Americans who read a newspaper
‘yesterday’ fell from 40 to 34 percent between 2006 and 2008, whereas the percentage who
accessed their news online ‘yesterday’ rose from 23 to 29 percent in the same period. Research
has found that the displacement trend is in part dependent upon demographic factors such as age,
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with effects appearing to be greater among young users (Ahlers, 2006; Coleman & McCombs,
2007; Lee, 2006; Ogan, Ozakca, & Groshek, 2008). In their study of news habit formation
among American college students, Diddi and LaRose concluded that members of ‘the first
internet generation’… ‘are less likely to read newspapers than older people and less likely to
watch network news’ (2006: 197 and 205). However, some studies suggest that displacement
effects among young users might not be geographically homogeneous. Hasebrink and Paus-
Hasebrink (2007) found that although 85% of young people in Germany access the Internet, only
27% used it for online news consumption.
There seems to be a complex relationship between complementarity and displacement
that is, in part, dependent on temporal and socioeconomic factors. Some contend that audience
behavior could change over time, as the appropriation of online technologies is normalized
(Metzger, Flanagin, & Zwarun, 2003; Salwen, Garrison & Driscoll, 2005; Tewksbury, 2003).
Althaus and Tewksbury suggest that studies of Internet use are time-bound, because patterns of
consumption ‘may change dramatically as use of computer technologies becomes more
widespread in the general population’ (2000: 22). Research has also found that access to online
news varies according to socioeconomic status, educational attainment, and age. Online news
audiences tend to have more years of education and higher incomes than people who do not
access online news (Chadwick, 2006; Nguyen & Western, 2007). The use of news sites may
complement traditional media use for older, less educated, and lower socioeconomic status
groups, but it may displace offline news consumption for younger and more educated users.
Thus, the latter group ‘perhaps… will never acquire the habit of reading a print version of a
newspaper’ (Davis, 1999: 42).
The lack of conclusive findings about issues of displacement and complementarity might
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result from an artificial differentiation among print, broadcast, and online news consumption in
most of the research. For instance, Nicholas and colleagues examined consumer logs to the
London Times website, and found that midweek was the busiest time for the online newspaper,
whereas Saturday – the highest circulation day of its print counterpart – was the quietest
(Nicholas, Huntington, Lievesley, & Wasti, 2000). Because this study only analyzed website
logs, it cannot ascertain whether it signals displacement or complementarity: accessing
timesonline.co.uk midweek might or might not be related to heavy reading of the paper on
Saturdays. Thus, the persistence of conflicting findings might be tied to analytical strategies that
ignore the manifold interpenetration of news consumption across media.
The Consequences of Online News Consumption for Political Knowledge
This section focuses on the ties between access to online news and political knowledge.
While some scholars have proposed that increased availability of information will lead to higher
levels of political knowledge, others have contended that access to online news is less conducive
to acquiring this knowledge. We also analyze the related area of the credibility of online content,
showing that there has been little research that links the credibility of news sites to the level of
political information acquired by their consumers. We argue that this is in part due to the
traditional separation between accounts of media features and analyses of social practices.
To some scholars influenced by Downs’ economic theory of democracy (1957), the vast
availability of online news makes it easier for citizens to access political information (Bimber,
1998; Neuman, 2001; Weber, Loumakis & Bergman, 2003). This is because ‘(t)he Web provides
a theoretically limitless news hole of up-to-date, mostly raw information that is available
whenever the user wants it’ (Johnson & Kaye, 2003: 12). But others have argued that this
availability might only increase access to public affairs content (namely, political, economic and
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international subjects) for those already engaged in the political process (Graber, 1996; Margolis
& Resnick, 2000; Nisbet & Scheufele, 2004; Tolbert & McNeal, 2003). Poindexter and
McCombs (2001) found that people who already acknowledged a civic duty to be informed were
more likely to read political news online.
Scholars have also analyzed whether online news consumption is more or less conducive
to learning political knowledge than news consumption in traditional media. Some have argued
that increased choice of online news reduces exposure to public affairs stories, and thus,
knowledge and recall of current events (Dalrymple & Scheufele, 2007; Schoenbach, de Waal, &
Lauf, 2005). In an experiment, Althaus and Tewksbury (2002) found that participants exposed to
print news could recognize and recall more public affairs stories than subjects exposed to online
news. They attributed the difference to the reduced story salience cues in the online version,
which gave subjects more freedom to follow their own interests. Still other studies have shown
that access to online news does not lead to a decrease in knowledge of public affairs in contrast
with traditional news media and might even have different cognitive effects (Drew and Weaver,
2006; Kenski & Stroud, 2006; Xenos & Moy, 2007). Eveland, Seo, and Marton (2002) exposed
subjects to television, print newspaper, and online news during the 2000 U.S. election, and found
that although both newspapers and television news produced more overall accurate recall than
online news, the Web helped users to structure political knowledge better.
To some scholars, use of the Internet might increase the likelihood of incidental news
knowledge. Consumers are often exposed to online news as a consequence of general Web use,
which in turn can lead to greater awareness about public affairs subjects (Lupia & Philpot, 2005;
Salwen, 2005). These findings echo Baum’s (2003) research on the positive effects of soft news
programs on the political knowledge of otherwise inattentive television audiences. Tewksbury,
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Weaver, and Maddex analyzed survey data and found that overall exposure to the Internet was
positively associated with incidental exposure to news. They concluded that ‘for this reason,
perhaps more than for many other hyperbolic claims one hears, the Web may be a positive force
in American politics’ (2001: 547).
A cognate area of scholarship has examined the role of media and social factors in the
credibility of Internet knowledge. Regarding media factors, some studies have argued that online
news is more credible than television and radio, but less than newspapers (Flanagin & Metzger,
2000; Kiousis, 2001; Schweiger, 2000). However, drawing on a survey of news consumers in the
United States, Abdulla, Garrison, Salwen, Driscoll and Casey (2005) reported that respondents
rated online news highest in credibility. Other studies looked at differences concerning the
institutional affiliation of online news sites and found that users rate traditional media sites as
more credible than independent sites (Flanagin & Metzger, 2007; Kiousis, 2006; Pew, 2008).
Melican and Dixon (2008) found that survey respondents considered online counterparts of
traditional media to be just as credible as offline news, whereas nontraditional Internet sources
ranked lowest in terms of credibility. Concerning credibility as a function of social factors, some
studies have shown that more experienced users rate online news as more credible than less
experienced users (Flanagin & Metzger, 2000; Johnson & Kaye, 2000; Johnson, Kaye, Bichard,
& Wong, 2007). Other analysts have suggested that younger users tend to find online
information more credible than older consumers (Bucy, 2003; Metzger, Flanagin, & Zwarun,
2003). Although some studies have indicated that users report credibility problems in online
information (Flanagin & Metzger, 2000; Savolainen, 2007), Flanagin and Metzger found that
Internet users are ‘skeptical of web-based information, know they should verify the information
they get online, and yet fail to do so’ (2007: 334).
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Like research about the effects of online news consumption on traditional media,
scholarship about the relationship between the credibility of, and knowledge acquisition from,
news sites has also yielded a body of often conflicting findings. We suggest that one reason for
this state of affairs is that studies have often looked at either media features or social practices,
but less frequently at the interactions between these two dimensions. These studies frequently
fail to capture how users may variously enact different appropriation practices of diverse media
features, and these factors may be tied to varying levels of credibility and knowledge. By
contrast, in one of the few studies looking at both features and practices, D’Haenens, Jankowski
and Heuvelman found that subjects’ gender and interest in specific topics had a larger influence
on recall of news articles than the medium, and concluded that “the manner in which readers
consume and recall news provided by online and print newspapers is (…) complex and varied”
(2004: 380). Further research that explores the connections between media features and social
practices may shed additional light on the conflicting findings on issues of knowledge and
credibility—and, as argued below, other key topics.
Fragmentation and Homogenization among Online Media Audiences
This section explores scholarship on whether increased content choice online is tied to
either fragmentation or homogenization of the audience. It examines two streams of research.
The first has looked at the highly diversified supply of online news and inferred that the audience
is more fragmented than in the past. The second contends that the public is not becoming
increasingly fragmented, and that, on the contrary, content online is increasingly more
homogenous. We suggest that the tension between fragmentation and homogenization might be
in part due to the tendency to focus on either ordinary or extraordinary patterns of phenomena.
Drawing on selective exposure theory (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985), some scholars have
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argued that the diversification in online news supply may lead to polarization as people obtain
their information increasingly from, and discuss public affairs with, like-minded individuals
(MacDougall, 2005; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Stroud, 2008; Sunstein, 2001). The possibility
of polarized news audiences ‘has raised fears of political balkanization and break-down of the
national political consensus’ (Graber, 2006: 376). Other analysts have proposed that a lack of
interest in public affairs news is particularly problematic in relation to the fragmentation of the
news supply (Davis, 1999; Mutz, 2006). Prior examined the links between content preferences
and the media environment and concluded that the proliferation of choices ‘causes increasing
segmentation between news and entertainment fans’ (2007: 274).
Some scholars have tied audience fragmentation to socioeconomic factors (Castells,
1997; Graber, 1996). Papacharissi has suggested that ‘access to online information is not
universal and equal to all [because] those who can access online information are equipped with
additional tools to be more active citizens’ (2002: 15). Few studies on this topic analyze actual
consumption patterns. One exception is Tewksbury, who found that news sites users had
distinctive profiles in terms of demographic characteristics and topic selection, and concluded
that ‘fragmentation may reduce the likelihood of sustained, widespread attention to political
issues, thereby weakening the potential of consensus’ (2005: 346).
The opposite camp contends that the public is not becoming increasingly fragmented
(Chadwick, 2006; Neuman, 2001). Some authors have focused on the construction of the news
agenda (Boczkowski, 2009; Boczkowski & de Santos, 2007; Lee, 2007). Others have looked at
the reception side. Coleman and McCombs studied agenda-setting effects among consumers of
different media in the United States and argued that ‘there is little support for the logically
intuitive idea that this diversity of media will lead to the end of the public agenda as we have
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known it’ (2007: 503). Hindman has argued that audience distribution on the Web shows the
existence of ‘a small set of winners that receive the lion's share of the traffic, and a host of tiny
Web sites that, collectively, receive most of the remaining visitors’ (2009: 134).
The conflicting evidence about homogenization and segmentation could be related to the
tendency to look into either ordinary or extraordinary phenomena. That is, while an exclusive
focus on ordinary patterns reveals the existence of homogenization, a concentration on
extraordinary ones shows the presence of segmentation. By contrast, Boczkowski argues that
‘homogenization might characterize the center of the media spectrum and segmentation its
periphery’ (in press: 250). He adds that if consumption ‘was arrayed in a single dimension, the
more frequent activities would be located at the center and marked by rising homogenization,
and the less frequent ones would be placed at both ends and be signaled by increasing
segmentation’ (Ibid: 250). Thus, studying ordinary and extraordinary patterns of online news
consumption could help to furnish more comprehensive and nuanced accounts of the tension
between homogenization and fragmentation.
Online News as a Resource for Civic Participation
This section explores two strands of research about whether online news consumption
might contribute to civic participation. The first examines the impact of online news
consumption on democratic processes. Two positions have emerged in the literature: one posits
that there is no positive effect, and the other argues the existence of a positive effect but
mediated by variables such as political talk and type of news source. The second stream analyzes
online discussion and user-authored content as forms of civic participation fostered by the online
environment. This stream is also divided between studies that underscore the possibility of
changes, and those that center on why these changes have not been very likely so far. We suggest
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that the lack of a consensus on the link between online news and civic participation might be
related to the divisions across media, between media features and social practices, and between
ordinary and extraordinary patterns of audience behavior.
Some authors have proposed that there are no significant links between online news
consumption and civic participation (Bimber, 2001; Kenski & Stroud, 2006; Margolis &
Resnick, 2000; Weaver & Drew, 2001). Scheufele and Nisbet surveyed Internet consumers in the
United States and found that informational uses played “a very limited role … in promoting
levels of efficacy, knowledge, and participation” (2002: 65). However, other studies have shown
a positive relationship (Amadeo, 2007; Johnson & Kaye, 2003; Norris, 2003). Esser and de
Vreese found that searching for information online was a strong predictor of voter turnout in the
European parliamentary election of 2004, and concluded that ‘all modes of communication are
positively correlated to young people’s political engagement—interactive forms … even more so
than traditional one-way forms’ (2007: 1208).
Some researchers have noted that the ties between online news consumption and civic
participation may be mediated by political discussion because consumers who talk about public
affairs are more likely to increase this participation than those who do not do so (Eveland &
Dylko, 2007; Hardy & Scheufele, 2005; Nisbet & Scheufele, 2004; Xenos & Moy, 2007). Shah,
Cho, et al. studied media consumption and civic participation during the 2004 U.S. election and
found that ‘media effects were largely indirect, channeled through political discussion and
messaging’ (2007: 696).
Other scholars have argued that the conflicting evidence about the connections between
online news consumption and civic participation might be due to the differences among Internet
sites and among consumption practices (Kenski & Stroud, 2006; Lupia & Baird, 2003; Shah,
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Kwak & Holbert, 2001). Lupia and Philpot contended that that the Internet is not a monolith, and
urged to focus ‘on how certain kinds of web sites affect certain kinds of people’ (2005: 2). In an
experiment that exposed subjects to sites with political information in either interactive or
noninteractive conditions, Tedesco (2004) showed that exposure to the interactive condition
resulted in stronger levels of political efficacy—and the noninteractive one in lower levels of
efficacy. Tedesco concluded that ‘interactive features on Web sites help young adults feel more
informed about politics and more valuable or useful to the political process’ (2004: 196).
The second strand of research examines online discussion of public affairs as a form of
civic participation. Some authors have argued that online media have lowered the cost of
debating opinions in public (DiMaggio, Hargittai, Neuman, & Robinson, 2001; Papacharissi,
2004). For Etzioni, ‘it would be much easier online than offline for millions not merely to gain
information and to vote, but also to participate in deliberations’ (2003: 97). Yet, studies of online
discussion forums have shown that the dominance of vociferous minorities, the lack of civility in
the exchanges, and the exclusion of disagreeing voices hampers deliberation (Davis, 1999;
MacDougall, 2005; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Schultz, 2000). Ye and Li (2006) looked at users’
forums in American online newspapers and found that the number of participants was low,
postings were trivial, and public affairs topics were not the readers' first preference. They
concluded that ‘the value of forum messages is fairly limited, if measured by the high standards
of democratic deliberation’ (2006: 255).
Researchers have warned that access to online information may foster participation
among consumers who are already engaged in the political process (Bimber & Davis, 2003;
DiMaggio et al., 2001; Norris, 2000; Prior, 2007). Bimber has argued that the informed citizen
may be more likely to engage in the practices of democracy, but ‘increased availability of low-
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cost information is not likely to change greatly who is informed and who is not’ (2003: 210).
However, Krueger found that the Internet during the 2000 United States election had the
potential to act as a political outlet for those previously unengaged, because ‘using the Internet
allows individuals to acquire the medium-specific skills required to overcome the technical
obstacles associated with the medium’ (2002: 494).
Finally, scholars have also argued that the Internet can foster news production as a
collective effort between journalists and consumers (Bentley et al., 2007; Boczkowski, 2004;
Deuze, 2003; Pavlik, 2000; Russell, 2007). However, research has identified limitations in user-
authored news as a form of participation. Some studies have shown that most blogs do not
feature public affairs content and instead resemble the personal journal format (Herring, Scheidt,
Bonus & Wright, 2005; Papacharissi, 2007; Trammell, Tarkowski & Sapp, 2006). Ornebring
analyzed users’ blogs in Swedish and British tabloids and found that they ‘mostly function as an
online diary where the most popular topics are every-day life things such as love, work, children,
etc.’ (2008: 780). Furthermore, analyses of public affairs user-authored content have shown that
bloggers and other consumers rely heavily on journalists for that information (Daniels, 2006;
Deuze, Bruns & Neuberger, 2007; Haas, 2005; Reese, Rutigliano, Hyun & Jeong, 2007). Lowrey
and Latta interviewed political bloggers in the United States and concluded that they ‘tend to
reproduce rather than challenge the work of mainstream media, and many adopt similar
practices’ (2008: 187).
Research on the link between online news consumption and political participation might
have suffered from the three limitations identified in prior sections. First, the differentiation of
print, broadcast and online media may hinder the identification of the benefits of online news
consumption for civic engagement. Audience members may integrate consumption of different
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media, for instance, surfing the web while watching the evening newscast, or using the internet
to search for in depth information about an issue they initially learned via print or broadcast
media. This makes it difficult to separate the effects of one modality of media consumption from
the others. Second, research on users as content producers has usually focused either on media
features or on social practices. By dividing content from practices, this scholarship has been
unable to illuminate whether it is the mere availability of media features or the sheer practices of
their consumers or both what accounts for the varying realizations—from writing to reading to
ignoring to resisting—of user-authored news. Third, the separation between ordinary and
extraordinary behaviors might also account for some conflicting findings. For instance, studies
on user-authored news which have usually relied on purposive or self-selected samples of
subjects or content have tended to over-represent this news and their creators: the behavior of
highly motivated user-authors has not characterized that of their less motivated counterparts
(Johnson & Kaye, 2004; Lowrey & Latta, 2008; Reich, 2008).
Steps Towards an Integrative Research Agenda
The previous sections have offered a critical assessment of recent research on online
news consumption. This assessment shows that despite the growth and innovation in technology
and site offers, online news consumption routines appear to be shaped to an important extent by
consumption habits that characterized the traditional media landscape. The assessment indicates
that continuity has also frequently marked the typical scholarly approaches to online news
consumption. These approaches have generated valuable knowledge, but have also exhibited
three important limitations: the assumption of a division between print, broadcast, and online
media; the notion that the analysis should treat media features and social practices separately;
and the inclination to focus on either ordinary or extraordinary patterns of phenomena but not on
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both at the same time.
These limitations arise, at least in part, from epistemological preferences that have long
marked the domains of research that are concerned with the study of online news. First, the
analytical distinction among types of media is a legacy of mass communication scholarship that
tended to divide the analysis of print and broadcast media and has now added online media as
another component of the news landscape. Second, the focus on either media features or social
practices stems from a research strategy that emphasizes either product characteristics often
elucidated through content analyses or media effects that are usually examined through surveys
or experimental designs. Third, the split between studies that look solely at extraordinary
patterns and those that focus exclusively on ordinary ones is an expression of the divergent ethos
of scholarship on innovation (which tends to highlight the kind of novelty that is most visible in
extraordinary situations) and on institutionalized phenomena (which often underscores continuity
in social life that ordinary circumstances bring into particularly sharp relief).
The existent research has made important contributions in a relatively short period of
time. But it has failed to take full advantage of online news consumption for more extensive
empirical, methodological, and theoretical renewal. Undertaking this renewal would not mean
setting aside the existing empirical foci, methodological approaches, and theoretical lenses. But
it would mean broadening the aspects of the phenomena that deserve examination, the tools
utilized to learn about them, and the analytical perspectives that explain the resulting findings.
The remainder of this paper outlines four building blocks of an alternative, integrative research
agenda that offers an initial step in this direction of scholarly renewal.
The first building block consists of making explicit the assumptions that have been taken
for granted and considering them an outcome of the inquiry rather than its starting point. Thus,
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rather than assuming that news consumption is divided across media types, research should
inquire into when, where, how and under what conditions this happens—and does not happen—
and its consequences for issues such as displacement, complementarity, and civic participation.
Similarly, rather than assuming either that media features find direct expression in social
practices or that social practices can be understood without also making sense of the media
features that are tied to them, the analysis should look at whether there is interdependence
between features and practices, under what circumstances and with what effects for issues such
as knowledge acquisition and credibility. In addition, rather than focusing on extraordinary (or
ordinary) patterns of phenomena and assuming that it also characterizes their ordinary (or
extraordinary) counterparts, research should make explicit whether the phenomena are of one
kind or the other (if not both) and reflect on the implications of this choice for the resulting
findings.
The second building block centers on issues of empirical strategy. Rather than narrowly
segmenting the empirical landscape into a) distinct media, b) either features or practices, and c)
either extraordinary or ordinary patterns of phenomena, the research process should examine the
multiple pieces and dimensions of the puzzle. This includes acknowledgment that sometimes
consumers integrate across multiple media types and others they do not. Therefore, the analysis
should examine how this integration happens—and does not happen. These issues of empirical
strategy also affect inquiry by orienting the gathering of data towards the mechanisms that
connect media features and social practices—and those that disconnect them. Along similar
lines, scholars should also look at both ordinary and extraordinary phenomena within a single
study and determine whether, for instance, the behavior of consumers during ordinary news
periods changes in periods marked by extraordinary events.
Online News Consumption Research 19
© 2009 Eugenia Mitchelstein & Pablo J. Boczkowski – Do not quote, circulate or reproduce without permission from the authors
The third building block revolves around matters of research design. In light of the broad
and multi-dimensional aim of the empirical strategy, an integrative approach calls for mixed-
methods studies. It also implies an effort to triangulate the findings obtained through the multiple
methods used. The limitations of the existent scholarship are in part related to a tendency to
focus on a single aspect of phenomena at a time (at the expense of other relevant aspects), and to
apply a single set of methodological tools. Thus, the rationale for the alternative position
advocated here is twofold. First, different methods allow gathering various kinds of data and
analyze them in different ways. This is further enhanced by a combination of quantitative and
qualitative data collection and/or analysis techniques. Second, triangulation of findings obtained
with the different methods helps distinguish the results that converge from those that do not. In
this way, triangulation affords a more complete and nuanced rendition of phenomena. Issues of
integration across media could be further clarified through circulation, ratings, and site usage
data coupled with diaries of news consumption followed up by in-depth interviews. The
connections between media features and social practices could be illuminated through a
combination of content analyses of news sites and surveys of, and focus groups with, their
consumers. The role of extraordinary versus ordinary distribution of phenomena could be
captured by relying on sampling strategies that included average, frequent and sporadic
consumers, as well as ordinary and extraordinary events.
The fourth building block concerns theory development. The integration of consumption
across multiple media, the connections between media features and social practices, and the
interactions between ordinary and extraordinary patterns of phenomena create opportunities for
the actors. Whether and how these opportunities are realized (or not) depends on a number of
possible structural and situational factors, and combinations of both. These factors range from
Online News Consumption Research 20
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large patterns of income, skill, gender, and ethnic distributions to micro dynamics affecting the
interpretive, relational, spatial, and temporal character of everyday life. Theory development in
the integrative research agenda occurs by explaining the findings generated through the
implementation of the three previous building blocks in a way that links these explanations to
existing theorizing on traditional news consumption in particular, and broader aspects of
communicative action and experience in general. Theoretical renewal emerges by highlighting
how new concepts emerge from existent ones rather than by assuming that new phenomena are
better understood through either an automatic application of the current theoretical tool-kit or the
creation of an entirely new conceptual framework.
This brief outline of an integrative research agenda does not exhaust the possibilities
opened up for the study of online news consumption. It simply provides some initial steps for
much needed empirical, methodological, and theoretical renewal. At stake in this type of inquiry
is not just examining the dynamics of online news consumption, but also challenging traditional
assumptions and tackling unresolved dichotomies in the broader study of new media and society.
Online News Consumption Research 21
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© 2009 Eugenia Mitchelstein & Pablo J. Boczkowski – Do not quote, circulate or reproduce without permission from the authors
Endnotes
i Several definitions are in order. In this paper we use the notions of “use” and “consumption”
somewhat interchangeably, even though we are aware of the different connotations of these
various terms in other contexts. We use “audience” to refer to consumer behavior in the
aggregate. By “traditional media” we mean print, television and radio news. “Mainstream
media” refers to established media operations which disseminate their work either online or
offline. “Online news” and “online media” refer to content that is accessible through the Internet
and other digital environments, regardless of whether it also appears in print, radio or television.
Finally, this paper mirrors the literature’s focus on news and, particularly, public affairs news.
We are mindful of the role of entertainment in cultural and political life, and we acknowledge
that news and entertainment are becoming increasingly blurred. However, it is beyond the scope
of this paper to address the changes in the online consumption of entertainment.
ii The scholarship included in this paper was retrieved in three ways. First, we conducted
keyword searches of databases such as the Social Sciences Citation Index. Second, we tracked
references in the originally retrieved papers. Third, we also read edited volumes and theoretical
books that do not carry empirical material. To organize the material, we looked for patterns of
thematic similarity and came up with the four topics covered in this paper. When a study fit in
more than one topic, we included the reference in two or more of the relevant sections. Taken
together, these four topics cover the overwhelming majority of the reviewed scholarship.
Attention to them is explained, at least in part, by the importance that the role of media in the
democratic process has had in communication studies.