Obtaining a Higher Educational Degree isnt a Black or White Proposition

Response to Dr. Andre Perry’s Washington Post Article 1

Dr. Andre Perry:

Obtaining a Higher Educational Degree isn’t a “Black or White” Proposition

In a recent article in the Washington Post, Dr. Andre Perry argued that African-American

parents were not to blame for the level of African-Americans who failed to obtain a post-

secondary degree. He pointed to a 2013 attitudinal survey of the Houston area to support his

argument as the surveyed reported that 90% of African-American parents valued a college

degree as a means to success. They were the more likely to value a post-secondary education

than any other racial or ethnic group (Perry, 2014).1

Perry’s second major argument was that poverty, not the socio-cultural patterns, norms

and expectations of the parents, was the main barrier to educational attainment. He supported

this argument by quoting recent college readiness scores. The ACT Report showed that only

26% of all college bound students met the ACT College Readiness Benchmarks for all four

subjects. When poverty was weighted, the same report showed that only 11% of those students

bound for college were listed as having met all four benchmarks (ACT Report, 2014, p. 5).

Besides the problem of over generalization and applicability,2 Dr. Perry makes the

rhetorical fallacy of assuming that the self-reporting of attitudes towards educational attainment

1 The final report shows that African-Americans had the second highest score of 78%

with Hispanics scoring 81% (Klineberg, 2014, p. 11). The 90% reported in the article appears to

have been taken from the news report (Hodges, 2013).

2 Dr. Andre Perry makes the unsubstantiated assumption that the local results of an

attitudinal survey in Houston reflect the general attitude of all African-Americans and all non-

African-Americans in the rest of the United States and that the comparative data would remain


infers socio-cultural support for the same. Current research shows that motivational success is a

complex issue. The success or failure involves not only a positive or negative attitude, but also

eight antecedents or motivational substrates that increases and decreases motivational success in

individuals (Ortega, 2009, pp. 168–191). Those main antecedents are (1) “Cultural Attitudes”

toward the learning community and its members; (2) “Integrativeness,” solidarity or the level of

relational bonding with learning community; (3) “Attitudes” towards the instructional setting,

curriculum, teacher/facilitator and peers; (4) “Orientation” or types and modes of purposes held

by an individual: a.) Instrumental orientation towards the gaining of material, economic and

social privileges or capital, b.) Knowledge or enlightenment orientation, c.) Self-actualizing

orientation towards a pleasurable vocational or avocational interests, d.) Fostering of friendship

orientation with the targeted community, and e.) Integrative orientation and identification to

become one with the targeted community: 5. “Social Support;” 6. “Inter-group Contact and

Perception” of past and present encounters as being either positive or negative: 7.

“Ethnovitality,” that is, the presence of geopolitical and socio-linguistic factors regarding the

acceptance of multiculturalism within the community;” and 8. “Self-confidence” interacting with

the target community (pp. 171–175). The three most important are items 2, 3, and 4:

unchanged. Second, the applicability of the ACT scores for all students in poverty to African-

Americans in poverty and other non-White students in poverty cannot be made. The score as

given does not allow the reader to correlate those scores to various subgroups. Dr. Perry is also

ignoring regional differences and rural-urban distinctions among the poor that may affect the

score presented. In short, the ACT data is too limited to support such generalizations.


“Integrativeness,” “Attitudes,” and “Orientation” (171–173). See “Figure 1: Robert Gardner’s

Socio-Educational Model of Motivation and Success.”

In addition, one may value the attainment of a college degree, while one may also display

behaviors and hold cognitive expectations regarding familial and cultural customs and norms that

may actually hinder higher educational achievement. These familial and cultural expectations,

roles, attitudes, and behaviors may actually create additional barriers that others from different

families of origins and from different ethnicities do not have. For example, if the student lives at

home and commutes to campus, parents may assume that the familial roles and responsibilities

regarding their collegian’s household chores, the baby-sitting of younger siblings, the homework

tutoring of younger siblings, and the supervising and transportation of the younger siblings to

extra-curricular activities can and will remain the same as when their collegian was in high

school.

Figure 1: Robert Gardner’s Socio-Educational Model of Motivation and Success

1. Attitudes and Feelings towards an activity, situation, purpose, group or

individual.

2. Integrativeness (Relational Closeness): the genuine desire to identify with the

activity, role, situation, purpose, group or person: e.g., French Speaker, Bear's Fan,

Football Player, Teacher, etc.

3. Orientation: internal and external benefits or goals that one desires or

hopes to achieve.

MOTIVATION Achievement of the

Learning Activity, Role, Situation or of Group

Identity.

4. Level of Anxiety or Pessimism

5. Ability and/or Expertise


Parents, who have not themselves attended college and who have failed to become

informed of the responsibilities and requirements of being a collegian, may assume that their

son’s or daughter’s educational roles (e.g., as a student, student-athlete, and student-worker) and

responsibilities will remain the same as when their child was in high school. They may not

realize that some to all of their prior expectations may have to be severely limited and/or

abandoned. Students and parents may actually underestimate the time commitment required for

college level academics and the shift in responsibility for acquiring information and becoming an

active learner. This involves the number of hours required for out of classroom reading and

study (2–3 hours per credit) to the total number of credit hours actually taken (12–18 hours); they

may be unaware that taking 12 credit hours or four classes per term requires 36 to 48 hours of

commitment and that taking 18 credit hours or six classes per term requires 54 to 72 hours, not

counting commuting time to and from campus. This leaves little time for work and family

responsibilities if the adult child is also a student-athlete who must put in an additional 15 to 20

hours a week during the sport’s season.

Additionally, the learned cultural norms of the family of origin may also hinder student

success. This may stem from the family of origin’s spending habits or patterns. Students may

have learned spending and eating behaviors that will have negative financial consequences for

the student and contribute to more emotional stress in college. What are the negative financial

behaviors and familial norms that some students may learn from their parents? The failure to

regularly use a spending plan or budget. The failure to make and use grocery or shopping lists in

conjunction with the regular habit of making impulse buying decisions. Another habit might be

the buying of groceries and household goods at nearby convenience shops which typically sell


goods at higher prices than larger grocery or discount stores. Another negative habit that works

against the financial stability of poor students might be the family tradition of regularly eating

out or bringing home carry-out meals rather than preparing and eating meals at home. And

finally, the related activity of buying food in convenient portions or wrappings from a grocer’s

deli or from the frozen food section (i.e., microwaveable meals) rather than buying the

ingredients for the meals in bulk or in regular containers and packaging and preparing the same

at home. All of the above practices, habits, and norms learned informally from one’s parents of

origin will have negative consequences for students who are on financial aid and who have

limited parental financial support for their higher educational journey.3

What Dr. Perry fails to understand is that a positive, parental attitude towards higher

education does not negate familial and cultural patterns and norms that can become challenges to

obtaining a college degree; parents may formally and informally teach and pass on to their

children these familial and cultural patterns and norms. Philosophically, what Dr. Perry fails to

take into consideration is the existential responsibility that parents have to life-long learning and

to self-education. What their own parents failed to teach them as minors and dependents is not

an excuse for failing to learn and gain such knowledge themselves and for their own children. In

3 In “Chapter 6: Barriers to Educational Opportunities for Hispanics in the United States”

in Hispanics and the Future of America, edited by Marta Tienda and Faith Mitchell, Barbara

Schneider, Sylvia Martinez, and Ann Owens discuss the lack of parental involvement in the

educational and academic preparation of their children vis-à-vis other ethnic groups as well as

the low level of parental knowledge regarding pathways to educational success and how they

impact educational achievement among Hispanics (Tienda & Mitchell, 2006, pp. 179–121).


addition, individuals—including parents of African-Americans–have the existential

responsibility to search out and find mentors and facilitators for such learning as well as to reach

out and find a supportive community for such learning.

From a more sociological and scholarly perspective, Dr. Perry fails to address and to

mention in his article the co-factors or co-variables that accompany poverty and that reflect

different types of poverty. These are addressed in several classic studies on poverty--including

poverty among African-Americans: e.g., Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s report in the mid-sixties

(Moynihan, 1965), Julius J. Wilson’s book in the eighties (Wilson, 1987), and Linda Waite and

Maggie Gallagher’s research at the turn of the century (Waite & Gallagher, 2000). Instead of

addressing and mentioning the co-factors related to poverty and the different types of poverties

and their predictive value, Dr. Perry instead frames the problem of educational attainment as one

of simply being in poverty. Poverty is viewed abstractly; it is the external challenge to college

attainment. Human behaviors of the poor aren't addressed. The socio-political programs and

institutions set up by the non-poor that promote poverty inducing behaviors aren't addressed nor

the negative worldviews or cognitive patterns they engender such as co-dependency as opposed

to self-actualization and self-advocacy.

Dr. Perry fails to address the inequitable funding of the elementary and secondary

educational system through local property taxes. Since such school districts are responsible for

ensuring that their students are college ready, addressing the funding inequities between the

richer and poorer school districts seems crucial. When examining the local, state and federal

funding of public education, it can be shown that the progressive funding systems, used by state

and federal governments to give poorer school districts and districts with higher percentages of


Title1 students more per pupil, cannot--in and of themselves--offset in any significant way the

overall per pupil funding gap or disparities.

For example, in 2010 the City of Chicago School District had 407,157 students with

30.7% of its students classified as being in poverty, 12.8% as being English Language Learners,

and 12.7% as being Special Education students for a total of 59.4%. It also spent $11,596 per

pupil and received $2,997 in Federal Revenue per pupil (FEBP Chicago SD 229).4 In the same

period New Trier High School District 203 had 4,143 students with 4.5% listed as being in

poverty, 1.6% as being English Language Learners; and 16.4% as being Special Education

students for a total of 22.5%. It spent $21,465 per pupil and received $607 in Federal Revenue

per Pupil (FEBP New Trier). Consequently, if we look at the latest figures of federal funding per

pupil, federal revenue appears to be progressive with a larger per pupil amount going to the

poorer Chicago School District; however, such progressive funding is not able to make up the

$9,869 difference between the $11,596 per pupil Chicago spends and the $21,465 per pupil that

New Trier spends. When one factors in the higher expenditures required for students who are

English Language Learners, Special Education students, and those students who come from

families below the poverty rate, the funding gap is even more pronounced. The primary funding

of schools based on local property tax receipts must, therefore, be rejected as simply outdated.

In addition, states that disburse funds based on a per pupil or per capita basis must also be

acknowledged as being regressive and an undue burden on those school districts that have a

4 Note: students may be counted multiple times in the percentages given for Chicago and

New Trier, e.g., once for being in poverty, once for being an English Language Learner and once

for being a Special Education student.


higher percentage of these special types of students. State funding on a per pupil or per student

basis must be rejected outright and local school financing based primarily on local property tax

receipts must also be rejected.

Since the funding of local schools by property tax receipts simply perpetuates the

disparity between the richer school districts and the poorer school districts, a major

transformation of educational funding and revenue distribution must be made. One example is to

shift revenue. Local property taxes could be reassigned to pay for local governmental services

like, police, fire, emergency services, local and county road maintenance and construction,

infrastructure and bridges, etc. State and Federal funding for the former could then be shifted for

educational funding on a scientific and programmatic basis.

To replace the local property tax revenue, states could enact or increase local income or

sales tax depending on their political situation. The collected and remitted income or sales tax

collected by the state governments would in turn be disbursed to local school boards based on a

formula that addresses the needs and instructional expenses according to the number and types of

students that a district has and the relative cost of living. For example, the percentage of students

who are Special Education students, English Language Learners, and who come from poor

families (e.g., the cost of free and reduced price breakfasts and lunches; additional after-

school/before-school “homework clubs;” pre-school programs; before-school and after-school

daycare; and extended transportation assistance—late or early buses, etc.) will drive up

instructional and programming expenditures since Special Education students and English

Language Learners require smaller class sizes and, therefore, require an increase number of

teachers needed. These “special” populations have higher educational expenses which require

additional funding.


By framing lower levels of African-American attainment of post-secondary, educational

degrees as being caused by poverty, Dr. Perry has rhetorically exempted African-Americans and

African-Americans in poverty from any criticism and culpability. In framing the problem and

solution in this manner, Dr. Perry decreases the likelihood that society will recognize the need to

undertake the difficult task of determining ethically what human and cultural behaviors in the

African-American community support or discourage higher educational attainment; what

responsibilities the African-American poor must assume; what responsibilities the apathetic

middle-class must assume; and what responsibilities that governmental insiders and bureaucrats

must assume. Framing the problem in this way exempts everyone from blame.

If we use an historical example as an analogy, e.g., post-World War 1 Germany, it will be

easier for me to make the case that Dr. Perry’s analysis of the lack of higher educational

attainment among African-Americans vis-à-vis the general population as being primarily and/or

exclusively based on poverty is not only overly simplistic and sociologically inadequate; but

morally irresponsible and something to be actively rejected.

If poverty is the bogeyman, then poverty is completely to blame for World War II Nazi

atrocities. We know that the Versailles Agreement--that required 20 billion marks in war

reparations from Germany and that forced Germany to give up much of its territory which was

rich in minerals and natural resources--crippled the Germany economy and contributed to the

poverty felt by Germans in the post-World War I period and into the period of the Great

Depression. If poverty alone is to be cited as the cause of anti-social behavior, then poverty can

be used as a behavioral and deterministic excuse for the rise of Nazism.

Of course, most people would argue that poverty was only one factor in the rise of

Nazism in Germany and that neither poverty nor German nationalism can be used as a blanket


excuse for the German people’s rejection of democracy and their acceptance of the Nazi Party

and socialism. In the case of the Nazis--and the German peoples’ acceptance of the same--and

the atrocities committed, the western world decided to wade into the murky and confusing waters

of moral culpability to assign various levels and types of moral and legal responsibilities to

individuals for the war crimes that they committed, ordered and/or failed to address, subvert or

stop. Different types and different levels of moral culpability were assigned to those who were

apathetic (the general public) and had no direct contact with the victims of the various war

crimes committed; to the soldiers, civil servants, government officials and bureaucrats who were

"just following orders" and gave material support and assistance (e.g., those transporting victims

to the death camps, those servicing the trains that transported victims to the death camps, or to

those processing documents for the victims’ transportation to the death camps); to those who

actually carried out and committed the war crimes at the death camps and in the ghettoes; and to

those who planned and gave the order for those atrocities.

Yes, the poverty of post-War War I Germany is an important factor or variable in the rise

of the Nazi Party, but poverty in and of itself did not let the Nazi Party officials off the hook, the

Germany citizenry off the hook, nor the bureaucrats and soldiers off the hook. The same can

also be said for African-American parents and adults who are in poverty. Poverty in and of itself

cannot explain nor excuse the behavior of a population, of an ethnic or racial group, or of an

individual. To frame poverty as the foundational and/or primary cause for social dysfunction as

well as anti-social and inhumane behaviors and attitudes is too simplistic.

What Dr. Perry fails to address in his article is that the disparity between African-

Americans and non-African-Americans in obtaining higher educational degrees is the result of

complex factors and that any analysis of the same is not attributable to a simple and/or single,


causal factor. We are not dealing with an either/or diagnosis and solution; either African-

American parents are culpable or poverty is responsible. We are dealing with a complex

problem involving complex individuals, living in a complex, post-modern environment.

Consequently, there are a number of causal factors or variables to assess different levels and

types of guilt.

Dr. Perry is intent on blaming the privileged parents (read, “rich White folks”) for their

classism and their “blaming the victims” mentality; he is intent on reversing the blame on the

blamers. 5 This group, however, is only one of five groups of people who must share the blame.

These individuals cited by Dr. Perry are committing the sin of commission by blaming the

victims while they and their children reap the institutional privileges fostered by White racism

and by their middle and upper class standing. Those in this group have also committed the sin of

omission by failing to be and by failing to act as proactive, anti-racists in the adult educational

arena (Derman-Sparks, Brunson Phillips, & Hilliard III, 1997).6

5 Dr. Perry is trying to reverse the trope and rhetoric of blame. Instead of allowing rich,

privileged, White parents to blame the victims of poverty and classism (that is, poor, African-

American parents), Dr. Perry wants everyone to blame and shame the blamers themselves, that

is, those rich, privileged, White parents.

6 The book, Teaching/Learning Anti-Racism: A Developmental Approach by Derman-

Sparks et al., shows how White racism and White privilege go hand in hand and describes the

ways in which White privilege is culturally and institutionally invisible to both Whites and

Blacks alike. Consequently, the book facilitates the deconstruction of White racism and White

privilege.


A second group is the apathetic majority; their sin is also one of omission. They have

also failed to be and act as proactive, anti-racists to dismantle poverty and racists institutions and

programs; they also commit the sin of commission by taking advantage of the privileges that the

present system affords them and their children.

A third group are the bureaucrats and government officials "who are just following

orders." They are answerable for supporting the status quo and for also failing to dismantle

poverty inducing and poverty supporting programs. They commit the sin of commission by also

taking advantage of the privileges the present system affords.

The fourth group is the governmental legislators and executives (politicians). In addition

to the sins of commission and omission enumerated above, this group of individuals must also be

charged with committing the sin of commission for their affirmative votes for and the continued

funding of “poverty inducing programs” and their affirmative votes for sustaining the institutions

and bureaucracies that administer the same. They also commit the additional sin of omission for

failing to initiate, offer, support and/or vote for alternatives that would help to support the

dismantling of those poverty inducing programs and institutions and that would help to enhance

individuals’ self actualizations and self-directed learning, etc.

The last major group to which moral responsibility must be assessed is the poor parents

of the pre-collegians and collegians as well as the poor, adult collegians themselves as already

addressed. The poor may be African-Americans or non-African-Americans. All must bear some

responsibility for the lower level of attainment of post-secondary degrees by the poor, including

the African-American poor. All five groups may be guilty of different things, but all five are

culpable for their sins of commission and omission. Some sins are individual, some familial,


some social-cultural, some social-institutional, and some are heavier and more atrocious; but

they are all sins.

Access to higher education and African-American attainment of a higher number of post-

secondary degrees is a complex challenge. The problem is that most Americans do not want to

address all of the areas of accountabilities and the full range of variables and factors. I have

listed five different types of groups with their different levels and types of guilt; Dr. Perry

concentrated on just one. General articles like the ones written by Dr. Perry would do better to

list five and then go on to talk about one. This would ensure the proper and transparent

rhetorical framing of the issue, the challenges, and the possible solutions.

Solutions to the Higher Educational Attainment Gap

Besides the solutions offered above regarding changing the way we fund elementary and

secondary education, I would suggest the expansion of the following secondary and post-

secondary programs. These programs address the challenges of coming from homes that may

not be culturally supportive of an adult seeking to obtain a higher educational degree. They

address the cultural and familial deficiencies that may have come from their families of origins

and empower the student to self-actualize their learning experiences and to take responsibility for

the same while building and facilitating a sense of community. Such programs, but not

necessarily the financing and scholarships offered, should be available to all students whose

family incomes are classified as being below the poverty line and who will become first

generation, college graduates when they succeed.

The first program I would like to highlight is the Posse Foundation of Chicago. It is an

organization that recruits public high school students, facilitates their self-empowerment as adult


learner, broadens and deepens their academic, leadership, and relational skills and facilitates the

forming of a ten member, multicultural cohort, a posse, for their collegiate journey. They meet

as a cohort during their junior year in high school and are awarded scholarships to and

matriculate at the same college.

The Posse Foundation has identified, recruited and trained 5,574 public high

school students with extraordinary academic and leadership potential to become

Posse Scholars. Since 1989, these students—many of whom might have been

overlooked by traditional college selection processes—have been receiving four-

year, full-tuition leadership scholarships from Posse’s partner institutions of

higher education. Most important, Posse Scholars persist and graduate at a rate of

90 percent and make a visible difference on campus and throughout their

professional careers. (The Posse Foundation, 2014).

Two other programs which provide poor and underprivileged students with a supportive,

learning community and which enables their academic success are the Deacon Davis Chance

Program (Chance program) and the Student-Athlete Academic Support Services program with

the Northern Illinois University’s Athletic Department (SAASS). Both programs have been

recognized for fostering superior graduation rates of their client students. Both involve

community building, mentoring and tutoring support, life and academic skills classes that help

students to become proactive and self-empowered adult learners. The Chance program recruits

exceptional students who have been granted conditional admission to Northern Illinois

University (NIU). Through the Chance program students are nurtured and mentored to succeed

both in their NIU academic programs and in their communities of origin which may not be


cultural supportive of the requirements and expectations that come from pursuing a college

education. Students learn relational, leadership, and academic skills while taking developmental

general education courses and fulfilling general educational requirements (About Chance, 2014).

Executive Summary

CHANCE envisions a partnership between the campus and community that

provides continuous support for students wanting to earn a college degree.

Research shows that the future demands a highly productive and culturally

diverse workforce designed to lead the nation’s economic advancement into this

century. CHANCE’s efforts attempt to reflect the global marketplace by bridging

ethnic and cultural barriers, valuing individualism and differences, while

capitalizing on the diverse gifts students have to offer.

CHANCE’S Mission

The guiding mission of CHANCE is to identify, recruit, admit, and assist capable

students whose pre-college education has not fully enabled them to take

maximum advantage of their potential and the opportunities of higher education at

NIU.

Vision

To prepare and graduate students who will continue to engage in lifelong learning

and demonstrate academic competence and a commitment to civic involvement.

(Chance Strategic Plan, 2011)

The SAASS has assisted the NIU Athletic Department in surpassing “the NCAA

Academic Standards for seven years” and it football team ranked fifth in the nation with its


Academic Progress Rate (APR) of 987 while the “women’s outdoor track and field team led all

NIU teams” with a score of 997 (out of 1,000) (NIU Atheletics' Academic Success, 2012). The

SAASS, like the Chance programs, provide additional support services: (1) an Academic

Coordinator who monitors “the academic progress and eligibility” for each student on a NIU

team, (2) a Learning Assistant (tutor), (3) a Study Table program where 1st year students and 1st

year transfer students are required to attend a set number of hours at the Convocation or Yordon

Center, at the NIU Writing Center, (4) tutoring services through the SAASS, and (5) regular

progress reports from their class instructors to their Academic (Athlete Handbook, 2012, pp. 10–

12). They also have access to the Kubik Computer Lab in the Yordon Center with free printing

and have access to laptops (p. 11).

The mission of Student-Athlete Academic Support Services (SAASS) is to

provide intercollegiate student-athletes with the resources necessary to achieve

their academic and personal goals. The SAASS office works collaboratively with

departments across campus to promote an academic environment that encourages

integrity and excellence in education and gives students the tools necessary for

success. It is essential that our students feel empowered in their academic

endeavors as well as that we ensure that the values of our institution are being

upheld.

SAASS (which is located in Room 110B of the Yordon Center) supports

its mission by:

• Supporting student-athletes in their academic pursuits;

• Providing programming that benefits the unique transitional needs of

student-athletes;


• Encouraging students to engage in a curriculum that emphasizes their

academic welfare;

• Keeping students informed about their academic standing as it applies to

the institution, NCAA & MAC; and,

• Providing an environment that recognizes diversity and equity. (Athlete

Handbook, 2012, p. 9)

A final, pre-collegiate, secondary education policy recommendation is to mandate that

high school juniors take various life skills courses and high school seniors take academic skill

courses and one or two college courses in person and/or online to prepare all students for life as a

college student and/or life-long learners. These courses would assist the students gaining the

knowledge and awareness of the requirements and expectations of college life. And they should

empower these students to take ownership of their educational goals despite the lack of parental

involvement and knowledge regarding college and the expectations that come with being a

college student.

In the junior year, there should be a (1) financial literacy course or requirement,7

including how to create and use a spending plan; (2) a consumer educational and health course

on how to shop for groceries, clothes and household goods that includes directions on how to

read nutritional labels, compare pricing per ounce, pound or item, etc., (3) a course on college

7 There are many ways in which this requirement could be fulfilled. Certificates could be

earned through community learning opportunities via credit unions, churches, the Boys and Girls

Scouts, or other community organizations.


financing, the admission and application process, the need for high school faculty

recommendations, and extra-curricular or volunteer experiences that are required or expected, (4)

a course on what healthy relationships and healthy family interactions, what healthy and

transparent communication, and what healthy relationship and emotional boundaries look like

and how to become self-aware, self-actualize and empowered regarding the same, and finally (5)

a course on physical, mental, dental, and visual health, including recommendations on proper

self-care and the scheduling of preventive visits.

During the students’ senior year, they should be required to take (1) an academic skills

preparation course that would teach them proper study skills, note taking skills, how to use an

academic or date planner, and research and library skills and (2) one or two traditional college or

community college course(s) in person and on campus, onsite at the high school, or online in

order for students to gain experiential knowledge of the time commitment that college life

requires.8 These courses would mimic those offered to students in the Posse Foundation and the

Chance and SAASS programs at NIU.

Conclusion

The problem of African-Americans’ lower level of post-secondary educational attainment

is a complex one. I have argued that the disparity between African-Americans and non-African-

Americans in obtaining higher educational degrees is the result of many factors and that any

analysis of the same is not limited to a simple and/or single, causal factor. We are not dealing

8 Students who are not college ready should be encouraged to take the prerequisite

“developmental courses” at a community college.


with an either/or diagnosis and solution; either African-American parents are culpable or poverty

is the deterministic and behavior cause. We are dealing with a complex problem involving

complex individuals, living in a complex, post-modern environment. Consequently, there are a

number of causal factors or variables to assess different levels and types of liability. The

problem of the unequal attainment of college degrees requires analyzing various cofactors and

variables, and assigning levels of responsibility to various groups of individuals.

Some of these factors are (1) parental attitude; (2) parental, familial and cultural

expectations—e.g., parental lack of knowledge regarding the academic responsibilities and work

load of college students and how that will effect family interactions and responsibilities; and (3)

the parents’ lack of knowledge regarding what type of life skills and educational and academic

skills that are needed and their lack of involvement in preparing their children for college

success. I have discussed several different types of social, external groups, and institutional

barriers (e.g., educational funding) and the various categories and levels of responsibility and

culpability associated with them and various subgroups of individuals. Finally, I have made

some recommendations to bring about educational equality and empowerment on both the

individual and societal levels.


Works Cited

2012–2013 Student-Athlete Handbook and Planner. (2012). Retrieved August 7, 2014, from

Student-Athlete Academic Support Services:

http://grfx.cstv.com/photos/schools/niu/genrel/auto_pdf/2012-

13/misc_non_event/handbook-planner-final.pdf

About Chance. (2014). (Northern Illinois University) Retrieved August 7, 2014, from Deacon

Davis Change Program: http://www.chance.niu.edu/chance/about/index.shtml

Census Table 230. Educational Atainment by Race, Hispanic Origin, and Sex. (2012). Retrieved

August 7, 2014, from United States Census Bureau:

http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/2012/tables/12s0230.pdf

Chance Program Strategic Plan. (2011, January). (Northern Illinois University) Retrieved

August 7, 2014, from Deacon Davis Chance Program:

http://www.chance.niu.edu/chance/about/strategic_plan/CHANCEStrategicPlan.pdf

City of Chicago School District 229. (n.d.). (New America Foundation) Retrieved August 7,

2014, from Federal Education Budget Project:

http://febp.newamerica.net/k12/IL/1709930

Derman-Sparks, L., Brunson Phillips, C., & Hilliard III, A. G. (1997). Teaching/Learning Anti-

Racism: A Developmental Approach. New York, NY, US: Teachers College Press.

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