“No memory, no desire”: The history of Psychoanalysis in

Brazil under repressive times

Aline Librelotto Rubin

Dissertation submitted as partial fulfillment for the Degree of MA Psychoanalysis, History and Culture,

Birkbeck, University of London

Research Dissertation

Word Count: 11,972

Submission Date: 15 September 2014

2

Introduction

Freud stressed in 1914 the importance of “discovering from the patient’s free

associations what he fails to remember”1, and until today the work of rescuing the

past and shaping it with meaning in order to construct a subjective historicity

remains a central task of the psychoanalyst. As we learned from the psychosocial

approach, the internal and external world intercepts and the mental processes that

one individual experiences through internal world lenses, such as repression,

denial, remembering and working-through, also operates to some extent in the

external world, that is, in groups, institutions, and society.

Remembering and acknowledging the history of psychoanalysis should be

familiar to anyone who is involved with this practice, especially to the members

and direction of the psychoanalytical societies. The reason for that seems clear: can

an individual be aware of his present conditions and understand his course of

actions and intentions when he does not recognize his own history? Furthermore,

how can this exact process not be true for psychoanalysis itself?

However, these initial questions lead us to even further doubts about how we

should approach the history of psychoanalysis. For instance, can we understand

and grasp it in the same way as the history of different disciplines such as

Psychiatry or Psychology are understood? Or, is it necessary to appeal to

psychoanalytic conceptions, such as the aforementioned? Furthermore, is the

history of psychoanalysis equal to the history of the psychoanalytic movement?

To take the history of psychoanalysis seriously one should consider not only

its sequence of external obstacles and contingencies in the path of the

1 Freud, 1914[1950], p. 147.

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“psychoanalytic movement” but also the idea of something intrinsic to the

theoretical development of a discipline founded by Freud. Mezan2 claims that the

history of psychoanalysis has passed through a triple diaspora over time: 1.

Geographic, emphasising not only the geographical physicality of it, but mainly the

diversity of cultural factors affecting psychoanalytic conceptions, 2. Doctrinal,

comprised of the schools of psychoanalytic thought and different theoretical

references, which are influenced or not by the number 1 and, lastly, 3.

Institutional, constituting the institution itself and its system of policies and

regulations.

It is also crucial to highlight the importance of the cultural dimension

involved in different moments of psychoanalytic development. Aspects such as

whether scientific tradition, the political past and present will support

psychoanalytic thought, the places in which psychoanalysis has appeared such as

hospitals, universities, liberal associations, and also who are the actors who were

interested and involved with this theory are fundamental cultural aspects

influencing the destiny of the psychoanalysis3.

The creation of the “International Association for the History of

Psychoanalysis” (Association International d'Histoire de la Psychanalyse) with an

interdisciplinary approach, and also a book by Roudinesco4 on the history of

psychoanalysis in France are some of the attempts to collaborate on the project of

a history of psychoanalysis5. Nonetheless, current discussions have been occupied

with the history and identity of the psychoanalytic movement beyond a

Eurocentric view. A considerable new interest has arisen in regard to the history of

2 Mezan, 1988. 3 Ibid. 4 Roudinesco, 1990. 5 Birman, 1988.

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psychoanalysis in Latin America, broadening the investigation to the origins and

peculiarities of the movement in those countries.

It is with this in mind, that our aim is to explore the history of psychoanalysis

in Brazil, the paths the psychoanalytic movement has been through over the

Twentieth Century - both in theoretical and in an institutional registers, the main

pioneers and precursors involved in this project, but mainly, we are interested in

examining how psychoanalysis managed to thrive on periods of restrictive political

freedom. To this end, a literature review covered the early period of the movement

from the 1920’s to 1950’s, in order to give an overview on how psychoanalysis first

developed in Brazil. After that, a research focused more closely on the period after

the 1960’s and the instauration of the military dictatorship, when the

psychoanalytic movement did not only escaped the government’s censorship but

triumphed.

The methodology chosen sought to analyse the published literature in

Portuguese and English (written by Brazilians) during the period of the

dictatorship in the main national and international psychoanalytic journals. Via

analysis of the official communications of the psychoanalytic institutions, we

expected to collect material that could inform and help us to build up critically a

historical trajectory of it. The investigation has two main lines of focus: 1. in the

national publications we were looking for papers with direct references to the

social context and its relations to the development of psychoanalysis, and 2. in the

international publications it was aimed to map the extent of Brazilian

contributions to the international literature and also the nature of these

contributions.

5

The first part of the research was conducted into the main psychoanalytic

journal of Brazil, namely, the Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise (RBP) and the second

focused on official International Psychoanalytical Association Journals –

International Journal of Psychoanalysis (IJP) and the International Review of

Psychoanalysis (IRP). In the first source - the RBP – from 1967 to 1985, our

research showed that any publication directly mentioned the social situation Brazil

was experiencing. However, we decided to select the papers with a historical,

institutional or social approach for more detailed analysis6, aiming to identify any

possible relation between psychoanalytic development and social and political

context.

To the IJP and IRP, a comprehensive method was applied with a scanning of

the summary of all articles in the relevant period; those that were written by a

Brazilian author were selected. From the year of 1964 to 1985, there were a total

of 14 papers in the IJP and a total of 3 in the IRP published by Brazilians. The

majority of these papers were of a theoretical nature. The results of this research

informed us not only about the theoretical route Brazil followed, but also an

important relation of affiliation between, on the one hand, IPA and the

International Psychoanalytic Journals, and on the other, the Psychoanalytic

Societies in Brazil and the RBP.

Therefore, the first chapter of this work draws on an account of the history of

the psychoanalytic movement in Brazil from the early 1900’s, when it started to be

incorporated into medical and academic classes, until the end of the 1980’s, with

the major political transition to democracy. The last part focuses the

internationalization of the Brazilian movement, giving also an account of the 6 The papers selected are cited throughout the text and the Table 1 in the Appendixes shows the complete list of references used to fundament this work.

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importance of IPA participation and the history of repetition in the way

psychoanalysis was conducted under the dictatorship period in Brazil.

Both literature review and researched material written in Portuguese will be

cited via my translation to English. Moreover, this investigation led us to explore

briefly the history of psychoanalysis more broadly, thus, it was necessary to touch

on the chapter of psychoanalytic resistance during the Third Reich to complement

some of our arguments (i.e. Goggin & Goggin (2001), Steiner (2000) and Frosh

(2005)).

1. The history of psychoanalysis in Brazil

It has been argued recently that the history of Latin American psychoanalysis

is not well-known in the main centres of psychoanalysis – Europe and America -

and the literature on this matter is not vast. Hypotheses had been developed to

understand why it is so, such as Ploktin7 with the “peripherical” idea of the Latin

American countries and also other arguments on the possible language barrier as

one of the main problems to this South-North diffusion.

However, in the case of Brazil, when one carefully examines the national

literature available and tries to recount its historical route, they might notice that

its history is a “story” not very well known at home either. If this feeling of a

hidden past or, at least, a not very clear idea about its own origins permeate

Brazilian society, how could it be different in a more broad and international

sense?

7 Ploktin, 2012.

7

Apart from a few papers written by regional “disciples” such as Galvão8, the

historical works start to appear only after the 1960’s. But generally, they are

supported by official psychoanalytic institutions, published in the Revista Brasileira

de Psicanálise (RBP) and very often presenting an analysis of the history which is

descriptive, dislocated from its cultural and social context and filled with rumours

and myths9. Most of these works follow the same logic of Ernest Jones’s biography

of Freud10, that is to say, a very pragmatic and positivist version, very often

masking social reality and covering it with the official IPA discourse, where very

little is told or explained regarding certain situations.

Generally, the history of psychoanalysis in Brazil can be divided into three

moments, marked by ruptures and modification in the social function attributed to

it. Firstly, from the beginning of the 1900’s until the 1930’s being the moment of

the reception, diffusion and first attempts of application of psychoanalytic

knowledge in different settings. The second moment, from the end of the 1930’s

until mid-1960’s comprising the formation of the first generation of

psychoanalysts and the institutionalisation of psychoanalysis following the canons

of the IPA. The last stage documented here covers the period where the worst

years of dictatorship took place parallel to a psychoanalytic upheaval; here, we

aimed to examine how the movement thrived during the military regime.

8 Galva o, 1967. 9 Oliveira, 2002. 10 Enerst, J. The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud: Vol. 1, 2 and 3, New York: Basic Books.

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The reception and diffusion of psychoanalytic knowledge in Brazil

According to the registers, the first time psychoanalytic theory was

transmitted in a Latin American country was in 1898, when Juliano Moreira

lectured classes in the University of Medicine of Bahia, mentioning Freud’s theories

even before “The Interpretation of Dreams” was published11. By 1914, he had

presented psychoanalytic ideas in a meeting of the Brazilian Society of Neurology,

and started to establish a psychoanalytic-orientated practice inside the National

Hospice12.

Since its beginning, psychoanalysis was a theory explored within the

psychiatric scene, which was very well established in Brazil at that time. The

majority of its pioneers and precursors were physicians and attempted to apply a

psychoanalytic-oriented practice within hospitals. The insistence that only

physicians should be trained as psychoanalysts that will dominate scientific

discussion later on probably had its origins precisely here.

Following the teachings of Juliano Moreira, another psychiatrist who became

a very significant figure in this initial movement was Porto-Carrero. He created the

psychoanalytic clinic of the Brazilian League of Mental Hygiene in 1926 and he

“used psychoanalysis in his clinical work and was engaged in the hygiene

movement, besides writing keenly on education”13. The Brazilian League of Mental

Hygiene and also the Brazilian Association of Education were groups created in the

early 30’s engaged in a project of the sanitisation and hygienisation of the Brazilian

population.

11 Lima, 1993. 12 Perestrello, 1993. 13 Russo, 2012a, p. 305.

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The country’s racial mixture was seen as a problem and cause of the Brazilian

“backwardness” that had to be overcome in order to modernise the country, the

base of this theory, imported from the Eugenics Theory of Europe, postulated that

the mixture of races was due to primitivism (implying a lack of control) and the

highly developed sexuality of the Brazilian people which led people to have

unrestrained sexual behaviour14.

Porto-Carrero’s application of the psychoanalytic theory to educational

projects was based on two main aspects of the psychoanalytic theory of sexuality:

first, to bring sex to light and take down the taboo that surrounds it, working

towards a non-repressive morality and, secondly, controlling it and sublimating

the sexual instincts towards more civilised ways. It was by applying the

psychoanalytic theories of sexuality to public policies of normalisation and

hygienisation of the Brazilian population that psychoanalysis started to gain

traction and have a social role within projects of nation building in Brazil.

Even though psychoanalysis was born within the psychiatric doctrine and

projects of Mental Hygiene, physicians like Julio Porto-Carrero saw in

psychoanalysis a way to humanise and open up the hardness of psychiatric

movement, without being moralistic or repressive15. On the other hand, another

claim is that psychoanalytic discourse did not have any destabilising effect on

psychiatric knowledge in the sense of putting in check its theoretical rationality or

its established practices, but on the contrary, psychoanalysis was restricted to one

more therapeutic modality within the psychiatry model16.

14 Russo, 2012a. 15 Ibid. 16

Oliveira, 2002.

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Psychoanalysis in Brazil was affected by the political context but also actively

marked the social life of the country, which by the 30’s had shifted from a

democratic model to an authoritarian regime17 18. Vargas symbolically adopted a

paternal figure as the protector of the vulnerable and believed that the progress

and future of the nation depended on a governmental responsibility in regard to

the children. Thus, he appealed to the intellectual elite of the time to develop

education policies, and in this context psychoanalysis saw the opportunity “to

occupy public space and to pursue this agenda for their own ends”19.

Therefore, continuing the work on Mental Hygiene projects, the end of the

30’s was marked by an insertion of child psychoanalysis within a governmental

project of “healthy, educated and patriotic youth”. Based on the model of the

American Mental Hygiene Movement, and the idea of childhood as the key-stone to

the core adult character, it “justified the state’s investment in childhood services

from the point of view of the prevention of mental illness and the perceived ability

to modify human personality”20. Through governmental programs to enable

children to access special services and education with a psychoanalytic orientation,

psychoanalysis was collaborating with the national politics of social control.

Adopting similar ideas of Porto-Carrero, Arthur Ramos had an important role

in the initiative of establishing the first clinic of psychotherapy for children in Rio

de Janeiro in the mid-1930’s. However, Arthur Ramos had a good understanding of

interdisciplinarity, and situated human development within the social sphere,

17 Oliveira, 2012. 18Getu lio Vargas commanded a State coup in 1930, establishing a long period of authoritarian rule, which reached its peak with the creation of the “New state” in 1937, lasting until 1945. Vargas promoted economic development, a powerful bureaucratic state apparatus and inspired by Mussolini’s fascist model, he focused on policies of social benefits. His second period, from 1951 to 1954, was marked by populist and democratic mode (Oliveira, 2012, p. 112). 19 Ibid, p.115. 20 Ibid, p. 116.

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agreeing that human instincts were also conditioned by culture. With this view, he

claimed that his basic assumptions of mental hygiene conflicted with the

authoritarian and rigid educational policies adopted by Vargas and for this reason

he decided to shut down his clinic after 193721.

While in Rio de Janeiro Arthur Ramos presented some resistance to adapting

psychoanalytic practice to the government model, in São Paulo the movement was

the opposite. Durval Marcondes, who would become the most eminent figure of

psychoanalytic diffusion in São Paulo, got together the first group of people

engaged in a psychoanalytic debate, who later founded the first Brazilian

Psychoanalytic Society in São Paulo in 1927. He was very much involved in

disseminating psychoanalytic knowledge inside the university and to the scientific

class; one important result of that effort was the creation of the Revista Brasileira

de Psicanálise under his direction, which is until today the official channel of the

IPA-societies and psychoanalytic works22.

Oliveira23 claims that the basis of Arthur Ramos’ and Marcondes’

psychoanalytic techniques was not far from what Foucault would classify as

disciplinary technique to control family practices, by normalising practices

contributing to the formation of patronised individuals who can contribute to a

civilized and modern society. Thus, the therapeutic methods applied with a

psychoanalytic approach in Brazil were not based on an ethic of freedom of the

subject; instead this practice was anchored in psychiatry and psychology, having an

adaptive connotation.

21 Oliveira, 2012. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid.

12

Therefore, the initial psychoanalytic movement in Brazil was marked firstly,

by the fact that psychoanalysis was born with an encounter with psychiatry and

this defined the character of the first applications within Brazilian society and,

secondly psychoanalytic knowledge has since its beginning been allied with

governmental strategies of social control, and even though the theory was read in

accordance, its subversive character might be questioned when used as an

instrument of political aims of this nature. The ability of the psychoanalytic

precursors in adapting Freud’s doctrine and the clinic to the state apparatus and

inserting it in a project of nation building was noticeable, and, furthermore, the

presence of an authoritarian regime did not prevent psychoanalysis from finding

space and developing as a doctrine or a practice, as we will see once more at a later

time in the history of Brazil.

Brazilian modernization and institutionalization of Psychoanalysis

Towards the end of the 1930’s, a major concern arises to properly

institutionalise psychoanalysis and to keep psychoanalytic knowledge under the

guidelines of the International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA). Marcondes

thought that the only way to do this was to get psychoanalyst members of the IPA

to start training analysts in Brazil. After several correspondences were exchanged

with Ernest Jones and other members of the IPA, Adelheid Koch, a Jewish doctor

from Berlin trained in the Psychoanalytische Deutsche Gesellschaft (DPG) by Otto

Fenichel, agreed to immigrate to Brazil.

13

She arrived in 1936 and by 1937 had started the training analysis of Durval

Marcondes, Vírgirnia Bicudo, Darcy Uchôa, among others – the main precursors of

the institutional movement in São Paulo, and also the authors of several of the

papers in the RBP and in the IJP/IRP. Luz24, in a RBP publication, states “the

reasons that motivated her immigration were Hitler’s persecution of the Jews in

Germany and personal communication with Ernest Jones”. Besides Luz, Galvão25

also acknowledged Koch’s personal history; however, he also comments that the

Jewish psychoanalysts renounced their titles as psychoanalysts and fled the

country only to protect the Christians and the psychoanalytic movement. This

discourse originated with Ernest Jones, who, when president of the IPA adopted

the policy of “safeguarding psychoanalysis”, leading all Jewish psychoanalysts to

forcedly resign as members of the DPG, but declaring in the IPA official

communications that they “voluntarily” gave up their membership26.

By the mid-1940’s, , within the context of the “New State” regime in Brazil

and the end of the war in Europe, the psychoanalytic group of São Paulo was

granted partial IPA-affiliation and celebrated the completion of the first stage of its

institutionalisation27. The interest in the official formation of psychoanalysts in an

institutional setting arose in strength in Rio just before the end of the Second

World War, and they also thought that the only way to do that was either going

abroad for training or with the support of IPA-trained analysts coming to the

country. In the attempt to find a suitable candidate, it was exchanged letters with

psychoanalysts from Argentina, Europe and America, however no concern could be

24 Luz, 1976, p.508. 25 Galva o, 1967. 26 Vianna, 1994, p.150. 27 Oliveira, 2012.

14

seen in regard the origin or psychoanalytic ideology of the prospective candidates;

the focus at the time was on the title provided by the IPA28.

In 1947, facing certain difficulties to find someone who was willing to come

to Brazil, the Institute of Brazilian Psychoanalysis (founded by psychiatrists of Rio

de Janeiro) started to correspond directly with Ernest Jones. His responses initially

claimed complications in finding the candidate due to the cultural and geographic

distance of Brazil in relation to post-war Europe as well as the lack of knowledge of

the language. However, in the same year, he wrote about the possibility of one

analyst who “emerged as a pioneer”29 and wished to go to Brazil, which in fact

happened in 1948 when Mark Burke, a Polish Jew and member of the British

Psychoanalytic Society arrived in Rio.

After a while installed in Brazil, Burke started to struggle in order to attend

by himself to the demand on training analysis, and in 1949, again with the

recommendation of Ernest Jones, a second psychoanalyst arrived to work together

with Burke, in order to found the first Psychoanalytic Society of Rio de Janeiro.

However, the second analyst’s history and cultural background was not only

distinct but rather contrary to that of Burke: Werner Kemper was the director of

the policlinic in the so-called Göring Institute after the Berlin Society was dissolved

and a collaborator with the Nazi regime. Kemper trained among others Leão

Cabernite and Kattrin Kemper, his own wife.

Not surprisingly, a few years after the arrival of Kemper, he and Burke faced

serious divergences. However, even with a deep exploration of the main national

literature, it is rare to see any mention or clarification as to why Burke and Kemper

split. The main reason mentioned was the fact that Kemper appointed his wife, 28 Vianna, 1994. 29 Prado, 1978, p.141.

15

Kattrin Kemper as training analyst, even though she did not hold a medical degree

as the society required. Others only commented that it was due to a “dissension”

within the Brazilian Institute of Psychoanalysis, but gave no further details30.

Vianna31 offers a somewhat more elaborate justification, saying that at the

very same moment Kemper was arriving in the city, Burke recounted a very

distressing condition due to all the noises of Rio de Janeiro. Those noises were less

from a concrete sense and more from a deep nature, as Burke had lived in London

in the period when the Germans were bombarding the city. Burke returned to

England in 1953; at the same period, few Brazilians who had gone to Argentina

and England to train as analysts returned to Brazil, thus Burke’s previous analysis

and the returning Brazilians founded the “Burke followers” group.

In 1957, during the 20th International Congress in Paris, the Study group

headed by Kemper was recognised as a society and named the Psychoanalytical

Society of Rio de Janeiro, so-called Rio 1. In the same congress, the Burke group got

the recognition of a Study Group, that finally by 1959 was recognised by the IPA

and took up the name of the Brazilian Society of Psychoanalysis of Rio de Janeiro or

Rio 2. Both psychoanalytic societies in Rio would suffer from deep crises with

complex unfoldings and silences involving the IPA when, in 1973, it was learned

that Leão Cabernite, who had been trained by Kemper and was Rio 1’s President at

the time, was training a candidate who was also working as part of the torture

squad with political prisoners’32.

From the 1950’s onwards, the country experienced a phase of intense

modernisation, with rapid urban expansion and an economic growth explained by

30 Prado, 1978. 31 Vianna, 1994. 32 Ibid.

16

state interventions. This growth gave rise to the new urban middle class, including

the petite bourgeoisie and liberal professionals33. The second tenure of Vargas

ended tragically in 1954 with the threat of an institutional crises and a military

coup, Vargas took his own life. The next president from 1956 until 1961,

Kubitscheck, assumed the presidency under the slogan “fifty years in five” however

his successor resigned his tenure after a few months of the mandate, putting the

country again in an imminent crisis.

In this context, João Goulart, a representative of Vargas and politically aligned

to the leftist movement, assumed the role of president, however this tenure evoked

fear in the right-wing of a new authoritarian and populist regime and, from there

on, the military regime started to take strength34. It was within a context of

industrialisation and integration to the global economy that the 1964 Military

Coup took place, putting in motion a range of authoritarian and repressive

measures that would last until 1985. It is also within this critical period of the

Brazilian society that psychoanalytic movement would finally get strong and

consolidate in Brazil.

The psychoanalytic “boom” under the context of political repression

Subsequent constitutional acts restricting the democratic power followed the

Military Coup, and in 1968 the Act 5 or so-called AI-5, the most repressive of them

all, was put in motion. Prior to 1968, the military regime had mainly victimised the

politically involved, however after AI-5, repression and intransigence spread 33 Russo, 2012b. 34 Ibid.

17

violently around the country, where any kind of opposition to the regime was

supressed and persecuted by the CCC (Communist Hunt Squad)35. The AI-5 also

inaugurated the “years of lead”, the most repressive phase of the dictatorship,

where torture was massively implemented as dictatorship ideology and as

government science, controlled by doctors, having its schools, its instructors, and

its own technical apparatus36.

It was precisely in this moment that a major phenomenon of the spread of

psychoanalysis among the urban middle classes in Brazil took place, with a

growing demand for individual, group and family psychotherapy. Although it is

correct to affirm that the psychoanalytic movement before 1964 was already

institutionalised and well established in the main capitals of Brazil, one still might

question how it managed to, first of all, resist under the threat of a repressive and

violent political regime, and secondly, spread and thrive under these

circumstances?

To formulate an argument that can possibly shed some light on these

questions, we intend to use an adaptation of the triple diaspora dimensions of

Mazin37, considering a Political instead of a Geographical dimension. Therefore, we

propose that the interception of three dimensions gave the psychoanalytic

movement the right conditions to prosper in that environment: Firstly, the Political

dimension focusing on the Brazilian social moment in which the politics of

authoritarian modernisation not only contributed to but encouraged the

development of psychoanalysis. Secondly, the Doctrinal dimension, based on

idealisation and blind adherence to the IPA and classic Freud theory, gave to

35 Russo, 2012b. 36 Vianna, 1994, p. 18. 37 Mazin, 1988.

18

psychoanalytic institutions very convenient territory to develop and to position

“apolitically” or “neutrally” towards political activities; and lastly, the Institutional

dimension revealing a complex history of filiation and repetition with the

international psychoanalysis, showcased by the “Cabernite-Lobo Affair”.

The Political Dimension

Towards the end of the 60’s and beginning of the 70’s Brazil experienced the

phase of “economic miracle”, with political associations with the EUA and

procurement of foreign funding, the country reached the highest ever rates of

economic growth. All this “developmentalist” campaign was accompanied by a

strong propaganda of authoritarianism, according to the national slogan “Brazil,

love it or leave it”38. This conservative morality, however, could not contend with

the modernisation and consumerism projects fundamental to economic

development, therefore the telecommunications and media continued giving the

population access to events, fashions and attitudes that prevailed in Europe and

America at that time39.

Furthermore, this modernisation project intended to implant the social

values of a modern capitalist family, which resulted in a questioning of the

hierarchical model of the traditional family, with a subsequent emphasis on the

individual as a moral subject”40. This individual journey of self-knowledge,

however, could not find free expression in society due to the political repression;

therefore the “protection” of the analytic setting seemed a suitable alternative to it.

38 One should either accept the country with its current configuration or leave it to a different country and, any attempt to criticise the institutional repression would be punished with prison, torture, disappearance, or even “suicide or accidental death (Vianna, 1994, p.30). 39 Russo, 2012b.

40 Ibid, p.172.

19

It is in this sense that the spread of psychoanalytic culture among the middle

class during the 70s is related to the process of authoritarian modernisation of the

military regime. As an alternative for the impossibility of social or political

engagement, people started a journey of subjectivism within the “safe walls” of the

consulting room.

The Doctrinal dimension

Even though psychoanalysis seemed to fit in the project of the country’s

modernisation, the psychoanalytic doctrine that Brazil had followed since its

beginning gave to psychoanalysis a tool capable of resisting political repression

without losing track of the main psychoanalytic guidelines. The official

communications and papers written by the main protagonists of the

psychoanalytic scene in Brazil during that period of time give us the material basis

to formulate a set of principles according to which the psychoanalytic institutions

were structured, and guided the application of psychoanalysis.

The first editions of the Brazilian Journal of Psychoanalysis (RBP), apart from

theoretical papers, discussions on the life of the Psychoanalytic Societies, the

interrelationship between analysts and the process of training analysis were

subjects deeply explored in meetings that used to take place prior to the

International Congresses and permeated the RBP publication during a very long

period.

Subjects such as the adequate procedures to found a new society were one of

the main lines of discussion and to some there was no reason for concern

regarding this subject as “this process is well regulated by the IPA and to any one

20

of us no other idea of training procedures will be considered”41. The

unquestionable adherence of Brazilian psychoanalysts to the IPA guidelines is a

very constant aspect in the papers of the RBP, indicating a certain way that the

classic Freudian doctrine, translated into the IPA regulations, was followed almost

as a religious belief.

The idealisation of Freud, very often being referred to as names such as

“immortal master”42 and the fidelity towards Freudian theory is well described

decades later by Zimmermann43 when he says that

“The first group of analysts and psychoanalytic societies were organised along a

tradition which were derived from Freud and other pioneers of psychoanalysis. At

the same time, the latter have their own personalised representation on the figure of

those local pioneers, whom subsequently also have an idealised nature (…) in order

for this group to guarantee the reproduction of the movement and to obtain IPA

recognition, they became, as much as it is possible, strictly psychoanalytic” (my

italic).

Also, discussing the psychoanalytic regulations, a remarkable paper was

written by Leão Cabernite in 1972, just a year before Vianna44 anonymously

denounced his involvement in training a candidate who worked for a military

torture squad. Opening his paper with the IPA definition of psychoanalysis, he

claims that psychoanalysis should be regulated by the medical authorities, in order

to prevent and assure the future of psychoanalysis. It is interesting to compare this

statement to when in 1992 he had his medical license suspended due to his

involvement in the case of Lobo, his analysand, and on the threat of being banned

41 Oliveira, 1971, p. 101. 42 Galva o, 1967, p. 47. 43 Zimmermann, 1982, p. 57. 44 Vianna, 1994.

21

from the psychoanalytic class, he claimed that medicine and psychoanalysis are

different institutions and his profession as a psychiatrist had no relation to

psychoanalysis45.

In the second edition of the Journal, it was published a translation of the

opening speech to the 25th International Congress made by Van Der Leeuw, the

IPA President at the time, talking about the life of the psychoanalytic societies.

According to him, problems exists in almost any society all over the world, thus

“local colour” as race, language, social and cultural factors are only a cover for the

same problems, which are attributed to the role of hostility and destructive forces

inside the groups, interfering in training and other activities.

Problems such as difficulties in the candidate becoming independent of his

analyst or the omnipotent feeling of the analyst as a defence against the anxiety of

annihilation were also discussions in this sense. Although this is an important

aspect that might possibly have contributed to the episode of Amilcar Lobo and the

reason why Cabernite, his analyst, preferred to hide the case at the time, here the

tendency of ignoring the social and cultural aspects that might influence the life of

the psychoanalytic society is clearly displayed. Furthermore, from all the reports

and papers discussing the training analysis or how the institution should be

regulated; in any of them was put into question situations where the candidate

should be expelled or have their training stopped. Likewise, neither was there any

ethical dimension in these discussions.

This, therefore, is another crucial aspect of the psychoanalytic doctrine

“imported” from the International Association posture: the recommendation to the

analyst to always keep a neutral position towards the intrusions of the external

45 Vianna, 1994.

22

world. Interestingly, from 1972 onwards, a very present discussion about the

interference of social reality in the analytic work is noticeable in the RBP

publications; this is precisely the period of the “years of lead” of dictatorship and

also when the Cabernite-Lobo affair gained the attention of the national and

international psychoanalytic class.

Obviously, when the country is living through the worst period of repression

and violence, in a way, which affected the life of most of the people, social reality

would invade the consulting room. However, in respect to that, their (IPA) position

was crystal-clear: the setting should be maintained and every fact brought up by

the patient regarding the external world should be interpreted and contained

under the lens of his internal fantasies.

Following this logic, the II Brazilian Congress in 1972 had as a theme the

social and historical influence in the analytic attitude. Adelheid Koch46, the first

analyst to immigrate to Brazil due to Nazi persecution, in this regard said that the

psychoanalyst should abstain from the social reality, and via a mechanism of

splitting should not introduce any personal ideology onto the analysis. In 1974,

Prado wrote a paper called “The tragic profile of current days”, and even though

aggressiveness and violence is mentioned as a characteristic of current society, the

author brings up no mention of the dictatorship and use of torture of the military

regime. Instead, following the “internal world logic”, he says the level of

aggressiveness is a reflection of the regressive stage of society, invaded by primary

processes and the use of massive schizoid-paranoid mechanism of defence.

We understand that psychoanalysis, not only as a theory of the individual,

can offer important insights onto facts of reality, such as identifying the existence

46

Koch and Capisano, 1972.

23

of primitive forces acting upon society. Nonetheless, there should be also a

capacity of psychoanalysis to speak in a non-repressive way about the facts

happening in reality, mainly those that can affect subjectively the life of population,

patients and also the psychoanalytic movement itself, in terms of freedom of

speech and expression.

In fact, it seems that this avoidance could be attributed to many different sort

of defences, such as the rationalization of concrete facts in order to defend against

the fear of destruction (of oneself and of the psychoanalysis itself) or yet a denial

movement, which can be an collective phenomenon but also perpetrate

psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic societies, as it was historically seen in the

episode of German psychoanalysis during the Third Reich47.

One of the few dissenting opinions came from the Brazilian Psychoanalytic

Society of São Paulo (SBPSP) in a report of the Pre-Congress of 1972, claiming that

“as in any other society, we take the risk of creating a hierarchy, a cast structure,

where the society ended up being managed in a separated environment from the

social reality, leading it to remain apart from new cultural tendencies, questioning

itself and finally, paradoxically, ignoring the deep social and cultural

modifications”48.

But more generally, the main discourse on the relation of psychoanalytic

institutions and the fact of political society can be exemplified by the opening

speech of the X Latin American Congress when Zimmermann49 says that the most

serious and harmful conflict a psychoanalytic society can face is the exposure to

political ideologies. According to him, political ideologies awaken persecutory

47 Frosh, 2012, p.62. 48 Ferrari, 1972, p.7. 49 Zimmermann, 1973.

24

anxieties and this intrusion can risk the neutral position and objectivity to research

and treatment. Furthermore, he claims that the biggest merit of Freud and many

other psychoanalysts was to reveal the importance of the internal world in the

determination of mental health or illness, therefore this basic distortion of

objectivity represents an attack on psychoanalysis precisely where it is most vital.

The author maintains the same opinion until the early 80’s, when in another

paper on the criteria of the selection of new candidates, he states that:

“It happens generally with those with insufficient analysis or qualification, these

analysts attempt to democratise psychoanalysis and to make the selection criteria

more flexible, they are against the Freudian orthodoxy and always have a new

theory, they try to avoid the elitisation of it. They will cause the destruction of all

traditions and the integrity of psychoanalysis, established by Freud and conquered

with the constant efforts of IPA50”.

Reiterating Zimmermann, Prado51 states that “if the patient had any political

commitments, it was not the fact itself that the analyst should investigate, simply

because it is not our work to investigate ideologies but rather to apprehend the

unconscious meaning of that communication the patient brings the way he

manages to do it”. Rather, according to him what the analyst can do is to use

psychoanalysis to explain religion, politics, racism and so on, exactly what Katz52

will call conversion, explained further ahead.

In order to illustrate the reason why psychoanalysts should not be open to

bring their ideologies to the clinic, the same author uses the case of the Berlin

Society during the Second World War, which according to him

50 Zimmermann, 1982, p. 58-59. 51 Prado, 1976, p.267. 52 Katz, 1985.

25

“It received a call to adapt and accommodate within the Mein Kampf of Hitler if it

wanted to survive. It is clear that violence can block the internal capacity of thinking

freely, however if the analyst, as it happened in Berlin, introduces political and racial

ideas within himself to guide the clinical research, it is obviously that research loses

its authenticity and becomes something functional53”.

Although Prado actually makes a direct mention of a social and political

situation - in this case the adaptation of psychoanalytic theory to the national-

ideology of the Nazi regime – and he seems to be adverting the Brazilians about the

threat that psychoanalytic societies in Brazil could be under with the dictatorial

regime, in most of the cases the authors abstain from making any concrete

comment in relation of that. Therefore, the point we want to highlight is that the

conscious justification of the neutrality ideology of psychoanalysis refrained them

to say clearly about political facts that might affect and change the psychoanalytic

movement itself.

Moreover, it clear to us that the reality of the patient it is not something to be

questioned or investigated by the analyst; as we learned with Freud early on.

However, we should still draw attention to the fact that the psychoanalytic

institution, as that which is the container of the psychoanalytic knowledge and

practice, should be an environment with sufficient freedom of speech to discuss

matters such as the boundaries surrounding the analyst’s neutrality, or for

instance, the posture should the analyst assume when a candidate bring facts that

collide directly with the ethics of psychoanalysis54.

53 Prado, 1976, p.267, 54 Interestly, in 1974 when Bion gave a seminar in Rio, Vianna (1994, p.47) asked him the following question: “Were you to receive a patient in your consulting room who relates the wish to become an analyst due to his medical formation, but which his main complaint is to face his perverse side and

26

On the opposite, according to the publications, the recommendation made to

the analysts is that they should adhere strictly to the Freudian rules of abstinence

or Bion’s recommendation of the analyst’s posture of “no memory and no desire”55.

The results of the Brazilian psychoanalyst’s attitude of the time, who were

encouraged not to pay attention to social reality, or to repress it, had consequences

also in the construction of a psychoanalytic institution with no memory, or yet

without desire to remember this memory, its own history.

Institutional Dimension

In 1985, the last volume of the RBP analysed, an interesting work deals with

the paradox of the psychoanalytic institution. It says that ideological formations

within the psychoanalytic society aim to validate certain procedures and to

legitimise established social relations in terms of power, in a sense that “social

appearance” is taken as the “social reality”56. The argument is that inside the

Institute, the “analytic setting” shapes also the relationship between people in

general. The climate of the unknown attributed to the unconscious material is

transferred to the relationship with candidates outside the consulting room, and

the attitude of candidates in relation to various aspects of institutional life is faced

with reservation and limitation. As a result of that, the candidates are seldom

invited to give an opinion about the formation they are having and feel afraid to

position themselves in regard to the training system because it can damage their

the atrocities against other people he had committed, would that be a condition to accept or not a patient like that?”. Although there are no records of Bion’s answer, it is known that Vianna was deeply repressed within the psychoanalytical society for asking a “non-scientific” question in a public debate. 55

Bion, 1967. 56

Hamer and Filho, 1985.

27

qualification. Furthermore, they tend to affiliate to specific analysts and

professors57.

The history of affiliation is a very fundamental characteristic in the

institutionalisation of psychoanalysis in Brazil. It can be traced back to the 1930’s

with the collapse of German psychoanalysis and the IPA policy of immigration of

Jewish psychoanalysts, when the first analysts arrived in Brazil to train the first

generation. This attitude of the IPA, contradictorily, was enacted under the

doctrine of neutrality, thus, if on the one hand the very act of sending one analyst

to another country was fundamentally political, on the other, these historical and

concrete facts of reality should be put aside in order to not interfere with the

material of the internal world.

This episode mainly orchestrated by Ernest Jones and Anna Freud depicted a

controversial position of the psychoanalytic institution, which claimed to being

apolitical or neutral but in reality performed an important role in the maintenance

and appeasement of the oppressive regimes, revealing also the fragile destructive

side of psychoanalysis itself58. In Brazil, a similar event occurred in which

representatives of both Rio 1 and Rio 2 societies , under the guise of neutrality and

“safeguarding psychoanalysis” entered in a game of covering up and participation

in torture and repression, getting to the point of actually repeating some

repressive practices like the acts of the military regime.

This dark and unethical episode of the history of psychoanalysis in Brazil was

very well documented by Vianna, in her book Don’t tell a soul – the confrontation of

57

Ibid, 1985, p. 274. 58

Frosh, 2005.

28

psychoanalysis with torture and dictatorship 59. It starts in 1973, when a clandestine

revue published a note revealing some “tortures of Guanabara” in which it

included the name of Amilcar Lobo, a training analysand of the Rio 1 institute. This

note was anonymously forwarded to Questionamos, the main psychoanalytic

Journal in Argentina and soon after it spread around and many international

psychoanalytic institutions, demanding action or clarification from the IPA

president of the time, Serge Lebovici.

From there, an interesting series of correspondences followed: Lebovici

immediately wrote to Rio 2 questioning those “unrelated psychoanalytic

practices”60. Instantaneously, David Zimmermann, current president of the Latin

American Confederation of Psychoanalysis (COPAL) wrote back to Lebovici asking

him to be clearer about the problems referred to, in order to avoid getting the

Brazilian psychoanalytic class involved in rumours and slander. Subsequently, a

letter signed by Cabernite, La Porta and Dahlheim, the three Directive Board

members of Rio 1, was sent to COPAL affirming the denouncement as “entirely

false and empty of any foundation”, whereas “Lobo was only a physician

summoned by the military service to work in a civilian prisoners unit to undertake

general medical tasks”61. Lebovici accepted their testimonial and the claim that

Amilcar Lobo had been slandered, and said that further discussion on this subject

would happen in the X Latin American Congress62.

As mentioned by Lebovici, 1974 saw the X Latin American Psychoanalytic

Congress take place in Brazil. According to the official communications of the

59

Vianna, 1994. Her book title was inspired by a request of the IPA vice-president in 1993 of not talking about this subject anymore. The book, translated to French in 1996 and to Spanish in 1998, but yet does not come with an English translation. 60 Ibid, p. 37. 61 Ibid, p.40-41. 62 Vianna, 1994.

29

RBP63, the Brazilian Psychoanalytical Association had a meeting with the directive

board of the IPA to discuss the financial year and also matters regarding the

structure and regulation of the Brazilian Association (my italic). Notwithstanding, it

was also on this occasion that Cabernite became Training Coordinator of the

COPAL. There was obviously no mention of any meeting regarding the Amilcar

Lobo denouncement.

After Vianna was discovered as the one responsible for the anonymous letter,

Rio 1 wrote to Rio 2 requesting adequate punishment for someone whose

intention is to “destroy and demoralise Brazilian psychoanalysis”64. In this very

action, Vianna noted how psychoanalytic institutions could behave just like the

security officers of the dictatorship: requesting to punish those involved in

reporting the existence of torture and violence. From there, sabotage ensued

towards Vianna’s career and more repressive actions within the Institute. In 1975,

an RBP bulletin communicated the new direction of Rio 1 for the years of 1976-

1977 with Cabernite as the President65 and during the years of 1976, 1977 and

1978, there was complete silence from both Rio societies and the IPA concerning

all these events.

At the beginning of the 80’s, when the repression was being lifted in Brazil,

the controversial article in the biggest newspaper of Brazil, “The barons of

psychoanalysis” was published with the contribution of Mascarenhas and

Pellegrino66. Also in that year, during a public seminar about Psychoanalysis and

Nazism, a participant of the audience admitted being a former political prisoner

63 Noticia rio Especial, RBP, 1973, p. 413-417. 64 Vianna, 1994, p. 46. 65 Noticia rio, 1976. 66 Mascarenhas and Pellegrino were two notorious members of the Rio 1 society, politically active, in a resistance movement against the repression and anti-democratic actions within the psychoanalytic society.

30

and having seen Amilcar Lobo among the torturers. Following that, Rio 1 decided

to expel Amilcar Lobo from society, but also Mascarenhas and Pellegrino for having

talked about “forbidden subjects” outside the institution. This triggered a larger

institutional crisis between those followers of Cabernite, protesting his innocence,

and an opposition defending Pellegrino and Mascarenhas67.

When Limentari, the IPA president from 81-85 acknowledged the chaos in

Rio 1, he decided to freeze the society and send a Site Visit Committee (SVC) to

take over the situation, a committee chaired by him, Hanna Segal and Ramon

Ganzarain. This committee, over three or four days managed to meet with every

member of the society (more than 90 people) and after the visit, a series of

institutional measures were made in order for Rio 1’s society to recover its

independence68. However, it seems for us that the measures suggested by the IPA

as solutions for the case, such as the agreement of not discussing politics with

analysands and supervisees, did not actually deal directly with the serious ethical

mistakes, but instead it contributed to an even more strict and repressive

institutionalisation.

Furthermore, they could not demand Cabernite’s expulsion for his grossly

unethical behaviour69 because he was already facing charges before the medical

authorities and such judgement would be more properly carried over by a legal

authority rather than by the psychoanalytic institution. This affirmation of

Wallerstein recalls the discussion in the RBP in which psychoanalysis should be

67 Vianna, 1994, p 88. 68Wallerstein, 1999.

69 Wallerstein, 1999, p. 38.

31

regulated by the medical authorities, as if the organisation and theoretical corpus

were equal in both institutions70.

Wallerstein claims that from 1986 until 1993, little was heard about Rio 1

and they believed Cabernite’s affair had been put to rest, until they learned that

Cabernite had not only maintained a major influence in the society as he was also

being honoured by his distinguished leadership. In the face of this situation,

Wallerstein, with the support of Segal, proposed to the IPA Council demanding

Cabernite’s expulsion, and after heated discussion on whether the IPA had the

right to require expulsion of someone who had not been found in violation of the

constitution of that society – as if his wrongdoings did not concern psychoanalysis

as a whole - the decision of expelling Cabernite was taken71. The refusal of Rio 1 to

accept the IPA’s recommendation but also the conclusions of their own Ethical

Committee led to a major crisis and split within the institution, where six members

resigned and another thirty withdrew from the society, creating a group called Pro

Etica72.

The mantra of IPA apoliticism could still be seen in 1998, according to the

Bulletin of Pro Etica Group73, when Kernberg paying a visit to Brazil refused to talk

to the dissident groups in Rio 1, on the grounds that “when psychoanalysis is made

into a political movement, we are no longer on the grounds of psychoanalysis”, and

further he mentioned the group conspiring to defame psychoanalysis and that it

70 Only in 1992, almost five years after the case was formally made public, did the Regional Medical Office decide to suspend Cabernite’s medical licenses on account of being silent and involved with the torture of political prisoners during the dictatorship (Vianna, 1994). 71 Ibid. 72 Hildebrand, 1999. 73

Hildebrand, 1999.

32

was “destructive, perverted and anti-ethical, they resented the fact they could not

leave the past behind”74 (my italic).

Vianna’s main criticism is that this episode reveals the attitude of the

psychoanalytic societies – national and international - not speaking up against

torture and violence, but contrarily, covering and silencing it, because according to

her the silence over the awareness of torture indirectly protects the repression.

The motivation could be the very reasonable fear for their own lives, as during the

70’s one could not speak freely; however, this silence was officially hidden under

the ideology of “psychoanalytic neutrality” or under the project of “safeguarding

psychoanalysis”. Among the concerns brought up by Vianna, there are question

such as how the psychoanalyst, who is committed to the rescue of memory and to

the freedom of speech, can possibly be comfortable with silence and cover up? And

how could a psychoanalytic institution end up replicating the repressive posture of

the macro society?75

To help shed some light on these questions, we want to recall the paradox of

the psychoanalytic institution aforementioned76, which is represented by the

construction of an image of fluidity of rules, organisational simplicity, opening to

new formations and thoughts but, at the same time, by the existence of a rigid

structure in which relations between people and institutional instances are strictly

established and regulated. In order to preserve psychoanalysis and its mobilizing

energy to the new and unknown, Hamer and Filho claim a rupture is necessary

with the institutional procedures that asphyxiate and deform it. The statutory

rules ought to be the most flexible, so the solutions of the problems arise from the

74 Ibid, p. 32-33. 75 Vianna, 1994. 76 Hamer and Filho, 1985, p. 227.

33

spontaneous development that happens when the resistances to psychoanalysis

are properly worked through77.

Finally, what Hammer and Filho are suggesting is that in order to safeguard

the principles of psychoanalysis, especially under times of political repression and

societal violence, the psychoanalytic institution should rejects its institutional

character as principle of functioning, so to preserve the truth nature of

psychoanalysis and to not succumb to the functioning of the larger societal

apparatus of power and domination.

2. The international influence on the Brazilian psychoanalytic movement

Over the years of the military regime, there was a small and very erratic

number78 of publications by Brazilians in the International Journal of

Psychoanalysis (IJP), and an even smaller number in the International Review of

Psychoanalysis (IRP). This was a much lower number than published by

Argentinians, who experienced an even worse dictatorship. This international

material is a reflection of the scientific life in Brazil: the same figures of influence

and authors, the same theoretical themes and the same avoidance in talking about

the real societal crises that reached also the psychoanalytic institutions. In most of

the cases, the articles written by Brazilian psychoanalysts were previous papers

first published in the RBP or discussions of other authors’ works in International

Congresses.

The influence of IPA and Kleinian routes dominated Brazil until the late

1970’s. This could easily be identified throughout the analysis of the RBP 77 Ibid, p. 276. 78 For complete list of publications found, please see Appendixes Table 2.1 and 2.2.

34

publications, where the majority of the papers were either theoretical or clinical

but always anchored in Kleinian or Object-relation concepts, such as transference

and regression in the analytic process, depression and ego defences, acting-out,

and so on. Also, the main literature used to reference these ideas, apart from

Freud, were Klein, Rosenfeld, Winnicott, Segal, Bion, Federn, Mahler, Hartmann,

among others.

In regards to the 14 publications found in the IJP, the first was in 1964 by

Bicudo79, a reference for psychoanalysis in São Paulo, having written important

papers for the RBP. After that, nine years followed without publications, to a

sudden five publications in 1974. From these, three were discussions of panels

presented in the 28th International Psychoanalytical Congress in Paris, the other

two written by Vianna80 and La Porta81, both with a theoretical approach.

Curiously, La Porta had his medical license suspended together with Cabernite due

to his involvement in the case mentioned previously.

In 1975, Vianna82 and La Porta83 wrote replies to their own papers’

discussion. In 1976, three more discussions were presented in London in the 29th

International Psychoanalytical Congress. It was on the occasion of this congress

that Vianna84 sought a meeting with the Executive board of the IPA, as her life was

under serious threat after they discovered it was she who wrote the anonymous

letter denouncing Amilcar Lobo as a torturer. On this occasion, Lebovici received

her with surprise and forgetfulness about his knowledge of the case, and told her

79 Bicudo, 1964. 80 Vianna, 1974. 81 La Porta, 1974. 82 Vianna, 1975. 83 La porta, 1975. 84 Vianna, 1994.

35

that she should put this episode aside, as the person referred to was not even a

member of the psychoanalytic society anymore85.

The three papers written in 1976 were also the panel’s discussions,

nonetheless one was written by Cabernite86, showing how still well-integrated into

the psychoanalytic class he was. The final three papers, one in each year 1977,

1978 and 1982 were theoretical works. In the IRP, only three papers were

published by Brazilians: a theoretical paper in 1980, and the other two in 1982,

one being from Cabernite, titled The Selection and functions of the training analyst

in analytic training institutes in Latin America87.

This last paper from Cabernite was published after 1981, when his

involvement and cover up for Lobo’s participation in torture had been already

publically exposed. Furthermore, it was in 1982 that the IPA sent the CSV to take

over the Rio 1 society and to forbid Cabernite from any administrative

involvement. It seems that the actions taken in light of his gross ethical fault did

not stop him from being a theoretical influence – and write about the training

process - not only in the official channels in Brazil, but also internationally. In

exception of Vianna’s papers, one can notice that many of those who put effort into

internationalising Brazilian psychoanalysis were also the ones who supported

Cabernite’s innocence and condemned any democratic or political action within

the psychoanalytic institution.

Therefore, from the official communications of both RBP and IJP/IRP nothing

could be read about the real situation that was underlying the theoretical

discussions, however we could identify instead similarities between the RBP

85 Ibid, p. 67. 86 Cabernite, 1976. 87 Cabernite, 1982.

36

publications the way the IPA approaches social reality and how it finds it adequate

to deal with political repression when it concerns the psychoanalytic institution.

Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise (RBP) and its relation with the

international journals

The relationship between RBP and IJP/IRP can be summarised in two main

aspects: firstly, the project of the Brazilian Journal was always explicitly to follow

the model of the IJP, thus, they wanted to be like the IJP. They are not only going to

meet their objective in terms of organisation and structure aspects, but also they

will follow the same doctrine of neutrality and “apoliticism”, that covers up their

avoidance of talking about social and political facts.

The RBP, similarly to the IJP, had an Editorial council constituted by the

president and direction of each society. In addition, the themes of RBP publications

were usually the same as the International Congress of that corresponding year.

This attitude, however, suffered some criticism on account that there was an over-

appreciation of the international authors whereas little value was given to local

works. Also, rarely are the national authors referenced in national literature,

where international references predominate, even though relevant work had been

carried out88.

In the early 80’s, Brazil faced a scientific life crisis and “this circumstance

leads us to think that maybe your colleagues are facing difficulties to publish their

88 Paola, 1984.

37

works due to restrictions, concerns, particular objections or even disinterest”89.

However, if the take a look at the big picture, one could claim that the end of the

1970’s, coming from the worst period of repression, from the exposed scandals

about the member of one society involved in torture, the uneasy efforts to try to

masquerade it and to set up even more strict organisational rules, that all these

factors might have collaborated with this sense of restriction or disinterest within

the psychoanalytic class.

The second aspect that RBP seems to have mimicked in the IJP was the

avoidance of talking about any concrete fact of social reality. Katz90 analysing the

IPA official discourse from 1930 to 1946, makes a comparison between the

psychoanalytic institution and its ideology and Nazism, concluding that actually

they were not so opposite as it seemed. He claims that the IPA’s intention was

never concretely interpreted by any political event unless it passed through a

phenomenon he calls conversion: political and social facts could only be a subject in

the psychoanalytic discussion when converted to a theoretical inscription, and in

that way avoiding any institutional implications. In this sense, the traditional way

to produce history and politics of the IPA was, firstly, not informing much, and if

splits or dissensions could not be silenced anymore, getting into the details as little

as possible.

According to Katz research, Enerst Jones in the report of the 13º Congress in

Lucerne stated that politics does not go together with psychoanalysis and those

who spread their political ideologies in the name of psychoanalysis are only

perverting its true nature91. The idea of politics being conducted under the notion

89 Azevedo, 1984, v.18, p.5 90 Katz, 1985. 91 Ibid, p. 204.

38

of a pretentious “apoliticism” is going to be massively interjected into the

psychoanalytic doctrine in Brazil and, consequently, being used as an excuse to

close their eyes to the political events which were taking place inside the

institution, even inside the consulting room.

In regard to the RBP, Katz concludes:

“Torture did not exist in Brazil, no psychoanalyst was arrested, psychoanalysis could

express itself freely, the training analysts did not constitute themselves as an

extreme-right that increased their power with the neutrality ideology and its false

apoliticism. And never, ever, did there exist a psychoanalyst torturer who was

openly in repression. All of this is what can be deduced from the official journal of

the ABP, but all of this is very different from the concrete facts. Here, as well as in

Europe, silence and forgetfulness seems to be the ground rule92”.

It was only in 1999, after Vianna published her book in French that the case

was officially commented on, reviewed and discussed in an international journal.

Her book was first reviewed in the Bulletin of Psychoanalysis, setting in motion a

sequence of discussions by Wallerstein, Lebovici, Kernberg and Etchegoyen. Eric

Karas, the Bulletin Editor, said that with this, the journal had fulfilled its role of

informing the members of the British Psychoanalytic Society of the history of this

affair93. For Hildebrand94, the attitude of the IPA over those past decades was of

avoidance of taking a genuine response to the actions of those who had covered up

for the torturers and violence. On the other hand, it was argued that his claims

92 Katz, 1985, p. 223. 93 Editorial, 1999. 94 Hilderand, 1999.

39

were unbalanced and incomplete conclusions about the IPA’s attitude, and

questioned the institutional integrity of the Association95.

Puget96 also reviewed Vianna’s book in the Journal of the American

Psychoanalytic Association in 2000. The content of both journals were basically

the same, to recognise Vianna for her bravery and tireless efforts in the fight for

democracy and transparency in the psychoanalytic institution, and to clarify the

role of those involved (both from the IPA direction and Brazilian psychoanalytic

societies) in the complex outcomes of the case and the controversial involvement

of the IPA. However, one can notice that the discussion from the side of the IPA

was never really how psychoanalysis had itself been involved in torture,

totalitarianism and repression, how it avoided taking a stance against what is

intolerable, and how it renounced its ethical responsibility by adopting the so-

called neutral posture and how until nowadays this is still something difficult to

talk about, to work through, to understand.

The Third Reich heritage in the psychoanalytic movement in Brazil

It is already known that the profile of the psychoanalysts that immigrated to

Brazil, especially to Rio de Janeiro, critically shaped the history of Brazilian

psychoanalysis. One might consider at least curious the attitude of Ernest Jones in

sending to Brazil two psychoanalysts of very different backgrounds: first Burke

coming from the victorious post-war England and, on the other hand, Werner

95 Wallerstein, 1999.

40

Kemper, who actively worked in the national psychotherapy clinic under the

guidelines of the Nazi regime.

Frosh97 suggests that Jones showed some flexibility and imagination when

placing the analysts around the world, and that he seemed to have carried out a

very careful plan of action in considering the attributes of each of them and the

context of what was available in terms of society’s orientation and stability.

Although Jones had a crucial role in saving the lives of many Jewish

psychoanalysts, and indeed may have enriched the psychoanalytic scene

worldwide, he also had to deal with the situation of German Psychoanalysts after

the war ended. In the case of Brazil, however, the personal idiosyncrasies such as

political beliefs and ideology of those candidates to immigrate do not seem to have

been so thoroughly analysed.

It is also true that these psychoanalysts were very much in demand and

expected in Brazil, which took great advantage of this situation, as their arrival

would be an important step to the institutionalisation of psychoanalysis. Burke, as

previously mentioned, was Polish but trained in the British Psychoanalytical

Society and lived in England a big part of his life. For that reason, in Brazil he was

taken as an Englishman who brought an important British and Kleinian

background to the development of psychoanalysis there. Although the effects of

Kemper’s arrival brought up complex chapters in the history of psychoanalysis, it

is important to note that the Brazilians also did not question the activities or

position adopted by Kemper during the Nazi regime in Germany.

The emigration of the Jews affected the world-wide psychoanalytical

movement, and “it becomes even clearer when one considers the enormous

97

Frosh, 2005.

41

unconscious problems inherent in a salvage operation of the type that was put into

motion to save Freud and his psychoanalytical “family” (…) particularly when one

considers those problems associated in “filiation””98 The problem of

transgenerational transmission is well illustrated by the logic of three stages of

dealing with an error/crime that Rene Major wrote about in the preface of the

French translation of Vianna’s book99.

It tells us that the first generation commits the error – in this case, the

transmission of Nazi ideologies in the analytic work by Kemper. The second

generation is surrounded in silence and denial, or even repression of the crime, as

Frosh100 confirms “the history of what happened to psychoanalysis during the war

was buried for almost forty years” or the silence regarding Kemper’s past during

the period Cabernite and others were being trained. And the third generation

exposes the crime, as a slip or acting-out, when the analysand of Cabernite got

involved in torture.

Apart from this instance, many other recurrences also can be discussed

involving the history of psychoanalysis during the Third Reich and how

psychoanalysis in Brazil developed during the military regime. Among those who

argue psychoanalysis was “saved” during the Nazi period, there are also claims

that it also managed to flourish during that period101. However the movement in

Germany suffered a split after the war, where on one side the Deutsche

Psychoanalytische Gesellschaft (DPG) was the original group that existed before the

war and, on the other, the Deutsche Psychoanalytische Vereinigung (DPV) that split

from the first due to issues of purity of psychoanalytic practice, being recognized

98 Steiner, 2000, p. 6. 99 Hildebrand, 1999, p. 33. 100 Frosh, 2005, p.3. 101 Ibid.

42

by the IPA in the 1950’s. Psychoanalysis in Brazil also thrived during the military

repressive regime, and similarly, after the ethical crises the institution of Rio 1 split

apart and the supporters of a more democratic and critical psychoanalytic practice

founded the Pro Etica, a psychoanalytic group that was granted provisory IPA

recognition in 2002.

Another recurrence was the misguidance of Wemper Kemper regarding his

role and the role of the German psychoanalysts during the Nazi regime related in

some literature, as he played a crucial role as informant to theories that supported

the idea of psychoanalysis’s survival during the Third Reich102. After deep

research on Kemper’s affirmations, many aspects came to light that put in question

Kemper’s integrity, suggesting that Kemper was a source of misinformation103. A

very similar situation happened with Cabernite in offering misleading information

to the IPA Committee. Lebocivi confessed to have interviewed Cabernite every day

for one week, and that he was genuinely mislead by the lies and cover up and that

he failed in not making agreements minuted104.

Later evidence showed also that Kemper was not only clearly in alignment

with National-Socialist ideas, writing on eugenic laws and population policy but

also that he had an important role as the representative of M. H. Göring,

participating in projects to maximise the effectiveness of the Wehrmacht troops

Although Kemper’s signature is stamped on death penalty orders, he never made

his participation on this project known to any of those who interviewed him105.

102 According to them, Kemper was one of the most influential and had a very powerful position during the Third Reich, even though initially after the war he appeared as someone with an integral posture as there was no evidence he had collaborated with the Nazi cause (Goggin & Goggin, 2001, p.199) 103 Goggin and Goggin, 2001. 104 Lebovici, 1999. 105 Goggin and Goggin, 2001.

43

Likewise with Lobo, it might be true that he may have saved some lives during his

deviated practice in keeping political prisoners alive, but the outstanding feature of

it was the collaboration with the machinery of violence, repression and death used

by the political regime of the time.

However, among similarities there will be also differences. National-

Socialism in Germany was very antipathetic to psychoanalysis and this made it

very difficult for what had remained “psychoanalytic practice” actually to be

that106. Conversely, in Brazil the same antipathetic attitude was not seen from the

government towards psychoanalysis; on the contrary, it served as an indirect

strategy for the modernisation project. And yet, even though the Cabernite-Lobo

affair was a crucial and destabilising episode in the history of psychoanalysis, it can

be argued that it did not actually affect the psychoanalytic theory and doctrine as a

practice, maybe precisely because of the blind adherence to classic Freudian

theory.

Conclusion

We attempted to reconstruct the history of psychoanalysis in Brazil

according to some literature that were only available in Portuguese, aiming to shed

some light on the trajectory the psychoanalytic movement had been through over

the last century in Brazil, and most specifically, how it particularly behaved during

times of political repression. The translation of these materials to English informed

us about the early period and the social functions psychoanalysis had within

Brazilian society, but also the way psychoanalytic institution positioned towards

106 Ibid.

44

repression and violence originated from within or outside it, pointing to the

indissolubility of psychoanalysis and politics, even when the official ideology

supposes a “neutral” psychoanalytic shield.

On the other hand, our research into a specify literature (RBP, IJP and IRP)

not only answered our initial question, that is, although it was clear the

interference of the repressive regime on the life of the main psychoanalytical

societies in Brazil, any direct reference to social reality was made or considered on

the development of psychoanalysis, at least not in these official channels of

psychoanalytic works and communications analysed. This posture of not directly

mentioning the events of social reality, following an ideology of neutrality and

“apoliticism”, was also in agreement with the IPA’s official communications during

the Second World War, as it was studied by Katz107.

Nevertheless, we highlighted the important chapter of affiliation in the

history of psychoanalysis in Brazil and how the immigration of psychoanalysts

might have collaborated to the episode of repetition in the Cabernite-Lobo affair.

Puget108 recalls the phenomenon of trans-generational transmissions and how the

ideology of an institution’s founders may determine its future; in this case how the

Cabernite affair set a model of how perversion can settle over an institution when

messages that hide truth are transmitted and how even analysts may ignore the

reality under the guise of neutrality.

Finally, one can notice that in the attempt of strengthening the scientific life

of the psychoanalytic institution in accordance with the project of modernisation

of the country and the consolidation of psychoanalysis in Brazil, it became a

psychoanalytic movement with very little critical activity, especially in what 107 Katz, 1985. 108 Puget, 1999.

45

concerns the ethical dimensions of psychoanalytic practice within the Institute.

This was partly because of its strong idealisation of Freud and IPA guidelines, but

most importantly, due to the tireless efforts of the main actors to protect from the

external threats and fear of the time, that in some way was internalized and

converted in the rationality of the project of “safeguarding psychoanalysis”.

However, we should not forget that a resistance movement was alive, as we can

see from Vianna, and the efforts made by Mascarenhas and Pelegrino in a fight for

a more transparent and ethical psychoanalysis.

As it was mentioned in the opening of this work, Freud says that

psychoanalysis is also about filling in the gaps in memory and, in that way,

overcoming resistances due to repression. Many chapters of psychoanalysis in

Brazil have passed through repression, repetition of the larger chapters of history

and also by denial. In this sense, we aimed to draw attention on the importance of

bringing to light the complexity of this history, which was for some time kept

distant from the memory and without a desire to remember. A history that depicts

the fragility and vulnerability of the psychoanalytic institution in respect to its own

destructive forces but, moreover, to certain lines of power and ideologies that can

inflame the institution and the ethics of doing psychoanalysis.

46

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Appendixes:

Table 1: Selected publications in the Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise from

1967 to 1985

Year Author/Title Reference

1 1967 Galvão, L. A. P. - Notas para a História da Psicanálise

em São Paulo, Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.1

n.1., p.46-66.

2 1967 Rocha, F. F. - Do Delírio em Geral Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.1

n.1. p.127-142

3 1967 Galvão, L. A. P. - Sobre o exercício da psicanálise:

Uma nova profissão Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise. V.1,

n.1, p. 250-262

4 1967 Galvão, L. A. P. - Reflexos da análise didática na vida

científica de sociedades de psicanálise Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.1,

n.3, p. 365-389.

5 1967 Bicudo, V. L. - Duas formas ativas de resistência à psicanálise: Hostilidade declarada e falsa adesão

Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.1 n.3, p. 402-404

6 1968 Van Der Leew, P. J. - Sobre a vida da sociedade

psicanalítica Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.2

n.2, p.287-298

7 1971 Relatório Apresentado pelo Dr. Walderedo I. de

Oliveira Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 5

n.1/2, p.101-107

8 1972 Bicudo, V. L. - Incidência da realidade social no

trabalho analítico Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 6,

n.3/4, p. 282-305

9 1972 Cabernite, L. - Regulamentação da Profissão de

Psicanalista Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.6

n.1/2, p.28-36.

10 1972 Ferrari, A. B. - A profissao de psicanalista, sua

regulamentação Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 6,

n.1, p.5-27

11 1972 Prado, M. P. A - Algumas Considerações sobre

psicanálise como profissão e sua regulamentação Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.6,

n.1/2, p.37-49.

12 1972 Koch, A., Capisano, H. F. - Influencia Histórico Social

na Atitutde analítica Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.6,

n.3/4, p.344-356

13 1973 Noticiário Especial Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.7,

n.3, p. 413-417

14 1973 Bicudo, L. V., Ferrari, A. - Critério para formação de

novos núcleos no Brasil Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 7,

n.4, p. 409-426

15 1973 Martins, M., Ribeiro, R. P. - Critérios para a formação

de novos núcleos psicanalíticos no Brasil Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.7,

n.4, p.401-407

16 1973 Oliveira, W. I. - Formação de novos núcleos

psicanalíticos no Brasil Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 7,

n.4, p.397-400

17 1973 Dahleim, L. G - Formação de novos núcleos

psicanalíticos no Brasil Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.7

n.4, p.389-397

52

18 1973 Zimmermann, D. - Sessão de Instalação do X Congresso Latino-Americado de Psicanálise

Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 7, n.3, p.417-422.

19 1974 Prado, M. P. A. - Perfil trágico dos nossos dias Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 8,

n.2, p.147-156

20 1976 Galvão, L. A. P. - Pré-História e História da Revista

Brasileira de Psicanálise Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v. 10,

n.1, p.7-11

21 1976 Prado, M. P. A. - Alguns subsídios para a História da

Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.10,

n.1, p.15-17

22 1976 Szterling, G., L. - 10º Aniversário da Revista brasileira

de Psicanálise Revista Brasieira de Psicanálise, v.10,

n.1, p.23-26.

23 1976 Pessanha, A. L. S. - História de Trabalhadores Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.10,

n.1, p.27-30

24 1976 Prado, M. P. A. - Realidade Social e Psicanálise Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.10,

n.2, p.267-283

25 1976 Martins, C. - Contribuição ao estudo da história da

psicanálise no Brasil Revista Brasileira de psicanálise, v.10,

n.2, p.289-292

26 1976 Luz, C. L. - A psicanálise em São Paulo – Jubileu de para. Homenagem a Durval Marcondes e Adelheid

Koch

Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.10, n.4, p.507-509

27 1976 Noticiário Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.10,

n.4, p.511-519

28 1978 Prado, M. P. A. - Subsídios a História da Sociedade

Brasileira de Psicanálise do Rio de Janeiro Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.12,

n.1, p. 139-148

29 1982 Zimmermann, D. - Seleção de candidatos

(contribuição ao estudo dos ambientes dos institutos Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.16,

n.1, p.55-62

30 1984 La Porta, E. M. - A Agressividade na sociedade

contemporânea: Um enfoque psicanalítico Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.18,

n. 4, p.411-418

31 1984 Azevedo, A. M. A. - Editorial – A crise Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.18,

n.1, p.5-6

32 1984 Paola, H. F. B. - Sobre a produção de trabalhos

psicanalíticos Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.18,

n.3, p.263-282

33 1985 Hamer, C. J., Filho, O., M., F. - As estruturas

institucionais psicanalíticas e seus efeitos sobre a formaçaõ de poder e ideologias pedagogicas

Revista Brasileira de Psicanálise, v.19, n.2, p.269-280

53

Table 2.1: The publications of Brazilian psychoanalysts in the International

literature – IJP

Publication by Brazilians in the International Journal of Psychoanalysis

Year Nº Author Title Reference

1964, Volume

45

1 Virginia Leone Bicudo Persecutory Guilt and Ego

Restrictions—Characterization of a Pre-Depressive Position

Bicudo, V.L. (1964). Persecutory Guilt and Ego Restrictions—

Characterization of a Pre-Depressive Position1. Int. J. Psycho-Anal.,

45:358-363

1974, Volume

55 5

Darcy M. Uchôa A Discussion of the Paper by Robert J. Stoller on 'Hostility and Mystery in

Perversion'

Uchôa, D.M. (1974). A Discussion of the Paper by Robert J. Stoller on

'Hostility and Mystery in Perversion'. Int. J. Psycho-Anal.,

55:435-438

Lygia Amaral

A Discussion of the Paper by T. L. Dorpat on 'Internalization of the Patient–Analyst Relationship in

Patients with Narcissistic Disorders'

Amaral, L. (1974). A Discussion of the Paper by T. L. Dorpat on

'Internalization of the Patient–Analyst Relationship in Patients with

Narcissistic Disorders'. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 55:189-191

Virginia Leone Bicudo A Discussion of the Paper by H. S.

Klein on 'Transference and Defence in Manic States'

Bicudo, V.L. (1974). A Discussion of the Paper by H. S. Klein on

'Transference and Defence in Manic States'. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 55:269-

271

Helena Besserman Vianna

A Peculiar Form of Resistance to Psychoanalytical Treatment

Vianna, H.B. (1974). A Peculiar Form of Resistance to Psychoanalytical Treatment. Int. J. Psycho-Anal.,

55:439-444

Ernesto M. La Porta Aggression, Error and Truth La Porta, E.M. (1974). Aggression,

Error and Truth. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 55:379-381

1975, Volume

56 2

Ernesto M. La Porta Aggression, Error and Truth: A Reply

to the Discussion by Samuel Ritvo

La Porta, E.M. (1975). Aggression, Error and Truth: A Reply to the

Discussion by Samuel Ritvo. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 56:249-251

Helena Besserman Vianna

A Peculiar Form of Resistance to Psychoanalytical Treatment: A Reply to the Discussion by Willy Baranger

Vianna, H.B. (1975). A Peculiar Form of Resistance to Psychoanalytical

Treatment: A Reply to the Discussion by Willy Baranger. Int. J.

Psycho-Anal., 56:263-26

1976, Volume

57 3 Danilo Perestrello

A Discussion of the Paper by Myron Eichler on 'The Psychoanalytic

Treatment of an Hysterical Character with Special Emphasis on Problems

of Aggression'

Perestrello, D. (1976). A Discussion of the Paper by Myron Eichler on

'The Psychoanalytic Treatment of an Hysterical Character with Special

Emphasis on Problems of Aggression'. Int. J. Psycho-Anal.,

57:45-47

54

Waldemar Zusman A Discussion of the Paper by Ricardo Avenburg and Marcos Guiter on 'The Concept of Truth in Psychoanalysis'

Zusman, W. (1976). A Discussion of the Paper by Ricardo Avenburg and Marcos Guiter on 'The Concept of

Truth in Psychoanalysis'. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 57:19-21

Leão Cabernite A Discussion of the Paper by W. W.

Meissner on 'Three Essays Plus Seventy'

Cabernite, L. (1976). A Discussion of the Paper by W. W. Meissner on

'Three Essays Plus Seventy'. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 57:135-139

1977, Volume

58 1 A. B. Bahia

New Theories: Their Influence and Effect on Psychoanalytic Technique

Bahia, A.B. (1977). New Theories: Their Influence and Effect on

Psychoanalytic Technique. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 58:345-363

1978, Volume

59 1

Mario Pacheco de A. Prado

On Working Through the Psychotic Elements in the Analytic Process

Pacheco de A. Prado, M. (1978). On Working Through the Psychotic

Elements in the Analytic Process. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 59:209-214

1982, Volume

63 1 David Zimmerman

Analysability in Relation to Early Psychopathology

Zimmerman, D. (1982). Analysability in Relation to Early

Psychopathology. Int. J. Psycho-Anal., 63:189-200

Table 2.2: The publications of Brazilian psychoanalysts in the International

literature – IRP

Publication by Brazilians in the International Review of Psychoanalysis

Year Nº Author Title Reference

1980, Volume 7

1 Mario Pacheco de A.

Prado Neurotic and Psychotic Transference

and Projective Identification

Pacheco de A. Prado, M. (1980). Neurotic and Psychotic

Transference and Projective Identification. Int. Rev. Psycho-

Anal., 7:157-164

1982, Volume 9

2

Claudia Fonseca Claudia Fonseca on 'The Gossiping

Analyst'

Fonseca, C. (1982). Claudia Fonseca on 'The Gossiping Analyst'. Int. Rev.

Psycho-Anal., 9:355-357

Leão Cabernite The Selection and Functions of the

Training Analyst in Analytic Training Institutes in Latin America

Cabernite, L. (1982). The Selection and Functions of the Training Analyst in Analytic Training

Institutes in Latin America. Int. Rev. Psycho-Anal., 9:398-417