New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighteenth century Roman orchestras

ArnAldo Morelli, «Una minuta, caleidoscopica visione del mondo». Un ricordo di Saverio Franchi. Saggi: SAverio FrAnchi, Protagonisti dell’editoria musicale romana nella prima metà del Cinquecento: Andrea Antico, Giacomo Giunta, Valerio Dori-co e Antonio Barrè. PAolo Alberto riSMondo, «Il genio natio contaminato da conver-sationi composte da inevitabile fatalità». Biagio Marini a Brescia, Neuburg e Pado-va. nicholA voice, Venetian woodwind instrument makers, 1680–1805. Their interaction with the guild. Comunicazioni: tereSA chirico, New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighteenth-century Roman orchestras. Interventi: GiuSePPe clericetti, «La verità e altre bugie».

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RecercareRivista per lo studio e la pratica della musica anticaJournal for the study and practice of early musicOrgano della / Journal of the Fondazione Italiana per la Musica Antica

autorizzazione del Tribunale di Roma n. 14247 con decreto del 13-12-1971

direttore / editor Arnaldo Morelli (Università di L’Aquila)

Patrizio Barbieri (Università di Lecce)Anna Maria Busse Berger (University of California, Davis)Mauro Calcagno (Pennsylvania University, Philadelphia)Philippe Canguilhem (Université de Toulouse – Le Mirail)Ivano Cavallini (Università di Palermo)Étienne Darbellay (Université de Genève) Marco Di Pasquale (Conservatorio di Vicenza)Norbert Dubowy (Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main)Giuseppe Gerbino (Columbia University, New York)Lowell Lindgren (Massachussetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Mass.)Lewis Lockwood (Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.) Stefano Lorenzetti (Conservatorio di Vicenza)Renato Meucci (Conservatorio di Novara)Margaret Murata (University of California Irvine)John Nádas (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill)Noel O’Regan (University of Edinburgh)Franco Piperno (Università di Roma – La Sapienza) Giancarlo Rostirolla (Università di Chieti)Kate van Orden (Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.)Luca Zoppelli (Université de Fribourg)

In copertina: Jan Lievens, Violinista (ca. 1625), Leiden, Museum De Lakenhol

comitato scientifico / advisory board

Arnaldo Morelli«Una minuta, caleidoscopica visione del mondo».

Un ricordo di Saverio Franchi5

Saverio FranchiProtagonisti dell’editoria musicale romana nella prima metà del Cinquecento: Andrea Antico, Giacomo Giunta, Valerio Dorico e

Antonio Barrè13

Paolo Alberto Rismondo«Il genio natio contaminato da conversationi composte da inevitabile

fatalità». Biagio Marini a Brescia, Neuburg e Padova57

Nichola VoiceVenetian woodwind instrument makers, 1680–1805:

Their interaction with the guild89

Teresa ChiricoNew findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighteenth-

century Roman orchestras109

Giuseppe Clericetti «La verità e altre bugie»

127

Recercare xxvi/1-2 2014

Sommari / Summaries147

Gli autori / Contributors155

Informazioni per gli autori / Information for Authors 159


Teresa Chirico

New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighteenth-century Roman orchestras

This contribute aims at a historical reconstruction of the use of corni da cac-cia (natural horns) in early eighteenth-century orchestras in Rome, as com-pared to the rest of Italy.1 As far as I have been able to reconstruct, the first available piece of information concerning Rome is to be found in the score of Giovanni Bononcini’s serenata Sacrificio a Venere, which was performed on 28 August 1714 for Count Johann Wenzel von Gallas, the Viennese im-perial ambassador in Rome, in front of his residence at Palazzo Odescalchi in Piazza Santi Apostoli. Until recently, the score of the serenata — on a libretto by Paolo A. Rolli2 — was thought to have been lost; however, it is currently preserved in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek of Vienna, though it is catalogued as “anonymous”. The Sacrificio a Venere is scored for four soloists, Eurilla and Dori (soprano), Timeta (alto), Alceo (tenor), a four-part choir, and orchestra.3

1. The article is an enlarged and revised version of a paper presented to the “Second International Historic Brass Symposium: Brass Instruments, Repertoire, Performance, and Culture”, New York, New School Jazz and Contemporary Music – Metropolitan Museum of Art (12–15 July 2012). I would like to thank Renato Meucci for his advice and comments on this article, Arnaldo Morelli for the sup-port he has provided, and Vera Alcalay for helping me translate and proof read this article.

2. [paolo a. rolli], Sacrificio a Venere, Napoli, Camillo Cavalli, 1714 (incipit “La cerulea marina già di candor si tinge”); cf. claudio sartori, I libretti italiani a stampa dalle origini al 1800, Cuneo, Bertola e Locatelli, 1992, vol. v, n. 20295.

3. lowell lindgren, “Bononcini Giovanni” (2), The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Mu-sicians (henceforth New Grove), ed. Stanley Sadie, London 2001, vol. iii, pp. 872–877: 875, draws at-tention to the music of the Serenata in A-Wn; however, the library’s catalogue does not mention the title Sacrificio a Venere. I was able to identify the music of the serenata with the following anonymous manuscript score: Serenata a 4 voci con strumenti, A-Wn, Mus.Hs.18285, incipit: “La cerulea mari-na già di candor si tinge”. See also: teresa chirico, The Imperial Ambassador Johann Wenzel von Gallas, Patron of the Serenata Sacrificio a Venere by Giovanni Bononcini (Rome 1714) in 16th Bienni-al International Conference on Baroque Music, University of Music and Dramatic Arts Mozarteum, Salzburg, 9–13 July 2014; abstract in Programme book, Wien, Hollitzer, 2014, p. 65, and in www.moz.ac.at/files/pdf/icbm/icbm_abstracts.pdf; paper by teresa chirico, Johann Wenzel von Gallas e la

110 Teresa Chirico

Coeval accounts describe both feast and serenata in detail.4 Four natu-ral horns were employed in the orchestra which played on the occasion of the Empress Elisabeth Christine’s birthday — hence the reference to Venus, goddess of beauty and mother of the Roman empire. In the “favola pisca-toria” Sacrificio a Venere the leading roles are assigned to fishermen and fisher-women, instead of shepherds and shepherdesses.5

As for the actual mise-en-scène, while the aristocracy enjoyed the show from a loggia built on the facade of the ambassador’s palace, a stage was constructed opposite the palace for the musicians to sit in. The entire buil-ding and piazza SS. Apostoli were lavishly lit up for the occasion; sumptuous refreshments were provided, including an array of chocolate desserts com-prising mousse and sorbets as well as drinks. The Serenata was performed by an ensemble constituted by over one hundred musicians conducted by Giovanni Bononcini, with the four best singers in the city.6

Sessantadue violini, dodici contrabassi, dodici violoncelli, due obue, quattro cor-ni di caccia, tre arciliuti, e due cembali, quattro virtuosi musici, e tredici altri pel coro servirono alla serenata sotto la direzzione del sig. Giovanni Bononcino maestro di musica così celebre a’ nostri tempi, che basta dirne il nome per esiger da tutti la

serenata Sacrificio a Venere di Giovanni Bononcini (Roma, 1714), in “La festa sontuosa”. Internation-al conference on the occasion of 300th anniversary celebrations of the birthday of Empress Elisabetta Cristina, Palazzo Clam-Gallas, Prague, 28 August 2014, www.operabarocca.cz/opera_barocca_an/Gallery_of_people/Entries/2014/7/21_Teresa_Chirico.html. On 28 August 2014, three hundred years after it premiered, the serenata was performed in the Clam-Gallas Palace in Prague.

4. Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana e dell’Accademia dei Lincei, 36.A.2, Avvisi di Roma 25 August 1714, c. 67v; 1 September 1714, c. 69; Vatican City, Vatican Library, Barb. Lat. 6430, Avvisi di Roma, c. 392; Relazioni della sontuosa festa celebrata nel felicissimo giorno natalizio della sacra cesarea real cat-tolica maestà d’Elisabetta Cristina imperadrice e nel giorno festivo del glorioso nome della sacra cesarea real cattolica maestà di Carlo sesto imperadore e terzo re’ cattolico dall’illustrissimo ed eccellentissimo signor conte Giovanni Vincislao di Galasso ambasciador cesareo cattolico in Roma, Roma, Komarek, 1714; Relazione in forma di istruzione delle nazioni, quoted in monserrat moli frigola, “Fuochi, teatri e macchine spagnole a Roma nel Settecento” in Il teatro a Roma nel Settecento, 2 vols., Rome, Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 1989, I, pp. 215–258: 216. saverio franchi, Drammaturgia romana II (1701-1750), Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1997, pp. 105–106, fn 142, 109.

5. Relazioni della sontuosa festa, p. 6.6. Relazioni della sontuosa festa, p. 4; also pp. [1–3], [7]. “Sixty-two violins, twelve double basses,

twelve cellos, two oboes, four horns (corni da caccia), three archlutes and two harpsichords, four virtuoso singers and other thirteen for the choir were used to perform the serenata conducted by Mr. Giovanni Bononcino, the celebrated music master, who was so famous in his day that it sufficed to mention his name in order to claim due praise for his reputation. In composing the serenata, he indeed lived up to his name; the libretto was written by Paolo Antonio Rolli who, having to write a eulogy [for Empress Elizabeth Christine] both for being the Empress of the Romans and for being the most beautiful princess in Europe, and wishing to do so in a sweet style suited for the music, composed a tale in which two fishermen and two fisher-women speak of their love as they feast at the Temple of the Celestial Venus (considered to be the Holy Roman Empire’s mother, as well as the Goddess of Beauty); the scene takes place on the seashore, at the mouth of the Tiber”.

New findings on the use of the corni da caccia 111

dovuta lode alla sua riputazione. Egli in vero fece cosa corrispondente alla sua fama componendo quella serenata, la di cui poesìa è del sig. Paolo Antonio Rolli, il quale avendo a scriver cosa, che portasse la lode d’augusta al sommo riguardevole sì per essere imperadrice de’ Romani, che per essere la più bella principessa d’Europa; ad effetto d’esercitare uno stile dolce e conveniente alla musica, compose una favola pis-catoria, nella quale due pescatrici, e due pescatori con il coro di pescatori, e pescatrici ragionando de’ loro amori s’inviano per celebrare il giorno festivo al tempio della Venere celeste, dalle antiche misteriose favole riputata madre dell’impero romano, e dea della bellezza; la scena, di che si finge sopra il lido del mare, dove il Tevere mette la sua foce.

Bononcini had worked at the Viennese court for fifteen years, and had returned to Rome at the end of 1713 in the service of Count von Gallas.7 The inclusion of natural horns in the serenata could be due to the influence of the Austrian court’s cultural environment on the composer,8 or perhaps to a precise request on the part of the ambassador. The serenata begins with a French-style ouverture constituted by a solemn slow movement (“lente-ment”) in cut-common time (bb. 1–29, ff. 1v-2v), followed by a fugal “Al-legro” in ternary rhythm (6/8, bb. 30–81, ff. 2v-5r), cut-common time (bb. 82–93, ff. 5r-5v), a Minuet (“Menuet”, f. 5v, bb. 94–117) (Fig. 1).

7. lindgren, “Bononcini Giovanni”; id., “Vienna, the “natural centro” for Giovanni Bononci-ni”, in Il teatro musicale italiano nel Sacro Romano Impero nei secoli XVII e XVIII, atti del convegno (Loveno di Menaggio, Como, 15–17 July 1997), ed. Alberto Colzani – Norbert Dubowy – Andrea Luppi – Maurizio Padoan, Como, Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 1999, pp. 363–420.

8. On the serenata and related forms in Vienna, cf. ulrike hofmann, Die Serenata am Hofe Kaiser Leopold I: 1658–1705, Wien, Universität Wien, 1975; lawrence bennett, The Italian cantata in Vienna: Entertainment in the age of Absolutism, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 2013; janet k. page, Convent music and politics in eighteenth-century Vienna, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014. See also horace fitzpatrick, The horn and horn-playing: and the Austro-Bohemian tradition from 1680-1830, London, Oxford University Press, 1970. renato meucci, Social and political perspectives in the early history of the horn, in Jagd- und Waldhorner: Geschichte und Musikalische Nutzung, ed. Boje Schmuhl – Monika Lustig, 25. Musikinstrumentenbau-Symposium, Michaelstein (8–10 Oktober 2004), Augsburg, Wissner, 2006, pp. 15–28 (Michaelsteiner Konferenzberichte, 70).

112 Teresa Chirico

Fig. 1: giovanni bononcini, Sacrificio a Venere, A-Wn, Mus.Hs.18285, f. 1v (b. 1); f. 2v (b. 30); f. 5r (b. 82); f. 5v (b. 94), “Sinfonia avanti alla serenata”.

Normally French ouvertures required trumpets and kettledrums, whereas Bononcini preferred to assign the horns a predominant role. Thus, though using a French musical form, the composer evidently wished to introduce a Viennese feature into the serenata, the natural horns acting as a symbol of the Hapsburg empire; even the imperial eagle representing the Hapsburgs was frequently present on music stands. 9

9. Relazioni della sontuosa festa, p. [2]: “Era il teatro illuminato da sessanta torce e cento candele di bianchissima cera difese da altrettanti paravento di cristallo. Le torce, sostenute da bell’intagliati e dorati torcieri, lo circondavano d’intorno alle sponde, e le candele posavano lungo i gradini sopra tante insegne romane dorate, ove ogn’aquila imperiale, che servia da leggivo, reggeva due lumi, il che a maraviglia illuminava l’adornamento, et adornava l’illuminazione”. (“The theater was illuminated by sixty torches and one hundred snow-white candles, each protected by a crystal lampshade. The


All accounts of the time report the fact that four horns were used in the serenata: each part in the score was performed by two players. It may be ob-served that the horns were used in specific sections only: the initial Sinfonia, the chorus Felice o vaga stella (Fig. 2), in the aria of Timeta È un bel contento al cor (Fig. 3), in the chorus A fare di sereni, and in the finale Elisa viva with choir and orchestra. The horn parts are written in treble clef and are often a third apart, or in imitation; sometimes trills are present; there are indica-tions such as “piano” and “forte”, and it is evident that the instrument’s role in the orchestra was considered extremely important.

Fig. 2: giovanni bononcini, Sacrificio a Venere, A-Wn, Mus.Hs.18285, f. 8v (bb. 1–4), Chorus Felice o vaga stella.

torches — held up inexquisitely carved, gilded stands — surrounded the perimeter, while the can-dles were placed on the staircase above manifold Roman golden banners; each Imperial eagle served as a lecternholding two lamps which marvelously illuminated the ornaments, and ornamented the illumination.”)

114 Teresa Chirico

Fig.3: giovanni bononcini, Sacrificio a Venere, A-Wn, Mus.Hs.18285, ff. 33r–34v, Time-ta’s aria È un bel contento al cor.

In Naples, natural horns had probably been used at least a year earlier than in Rome, in the course of celebrations in honour of the Austrian Em-press. Alessandro Scarlatti’s Il genio austriaco — on a libretto by Giuseppe Papis — was performed at Palazzo Reale on 28 August 1713; unfortunately the music is lost. The coeval Gazzetta di Napoli reports the use of many in-struments, among which corni da caccia (natural horns):10

La musica [era] del primo maestro della R. Cappella, Alessandro Scarlatti. Gli ar-moniosi strumenti furono innumerabili, timpani, trombe, corni di caccia, oltre flauti, e tutti l’altre sorti d’arco, e organo, e gran quantità di musici per il coro.

10. “Music [was composed] by the first maestro of the Royal chapel, Alessandro Scarlatti. There were innumerable harmonious instruments: kettledrums, trumpets, horns, besides flutes and all sorts of strings and organ, as well as a great number of choir singers”. See thomas e. griffin, The late Baroque serenata in Rome and Naples: A documentary study with emphasis on Alessandro Scarlatti, Ann Arbor, UMI, 1983, p. 647.


The description is supported by the libretto, which mentions an orchestra formed by eighty instruments as well as six choirs.11 However, in Francesco De Grado’s engraving depicting the serenata, there is no trace of the ample orchestra mentioned in both chronicles and libretto, so much so that the validity of the above description has been questioned.12 I don’t intend to ad-dress the issue of reliability in iconographic material,13 however it is possible that De Grado’s engraving could be reasonably realistic in that, during the performance of the serenata, the singer Nicola Grimaldi, in the role of Genio Austriaco, sang two solo cantatas, one before each of the serenata’s two sec-tions.14 Thus the engraving could be a representation of one of the cantatas; which would justify the absence of winds and percussions, as these were not involved other than in the performance of the serenata proper.

The horn was welcomed by aristocratic Roman patrons, particularly the Ruspoli family, whom Antonio Caldara served.15 Like Bononcini, Caldara had also resided in Vienna, though for a shorter period, in 1712. The follow-ing year he composed the Oratorio per la Santissima Annunziata for prince Ruspoli. It was first performed at Palazzo Caetani on 24 March 1715.16 A bill bearing Caldara’s signature certifies that the orchestra included two horns;17 however, in the original score of the Oratorio della Santissima Annunziata, preserved at the Diözesanbibliothek of Münster (Santini Sammlung), the

11. Il genio austriaco: Il Sole, Flora, Zeffiro, Partenope e Sebeto, incipit “Dia la Fama il suo fiato”, p. 5. The libretto is preserved at the Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples. See griffin, The late Baroque serenata, p. 651.

12. The plate engraving is printed in the libretto preserved at the Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples (tav. 2). A reproduction there of can be found in john spitzer – neal zaslaw, The birth of the orchestra. History of an institution, 1650–1815, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, p. 159 (the re-production is rather poor). Spitzer and Zaslaw (p. 160) in their comment to this state: “Neither wind instruments nor drums are visible in the engraving”.

13. james w. mckinnon – stanley sadie – curtis a. price, Man & music [3] The early Baroque era: From the late 16th century to the 1660s, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1993.

14. griffin, The late Baroque serenata, p. 651, information taken from the libretto. Regarding Scarlatti’s Il genio austriaco and observations on the use of performing cantatas together with serena-tas, alessandro scarlatti, Solo Serenatas, ed. Marie-Louise Catsalis and Rosalind Halton, Middle-ton, Wisconsin, A-R Editions, 2011, pp. xiv, xx, fn 38–40.

15. ursula kirkendale, Antonio Caldara: life and Venetian-Roman oratorios, translated and revised by Warren Kirkendale, Firenze, Olschki, 2007, pp. 374, 376, 378 (doc. 213, 222, 230); ead., “The Ruspoli documents on Handel”, Journal of the American Musicological Society, xx/2, 1967, pp. 221–273; ead., “Handel with Ruspoli: new documents from the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, december 1706 to December 1708”, Studi musicali, xxxii/2, 2003, pp. 302–348.

16. Oratorio per la SS.ma Annunziata, Roma, Antonio de’ Rossi, [1715]; the author of the libretto remains unknown.

17. kirkendale, Antonio Caldara, pp. 472–73, 474, 476, 478.

116 Teresa Chirico

orchestra appears to be formed only by strings;18 probably the horns doubled the strings. We know from the Ruspoli documents that horns or trombe da caccia were used in oratorio performances between 1715 and 1716.19

On 30 June 1717, the exiled king of England, James iii Stuart, visited the Ruspolis; he received a lavish welcome, and on this occasion sinfonie and concerti — that is instrumental pieces — were performed in his honour. The orchestra included two oboes and two horns, who received a higher pay than the string players;20 unfortunately we know nothing about the music.

In the same period Antonio Vivaldi composed Orlando finto pazzo (Ven-ice, November 1714), which calls for two trombon da caccia. Talbot states that these were, in fact, hunting horns in F, as their parts can be assimilated to those normally played by hunting horns; he also stresses the fact that at the time, both in Rome and in Naples, horns were also called trombe da caccia, a term similar to the one used in Venice. Furthermore Talbot claims that the nomenclature tromboni da caccia appears in Vivaldi’s music only when he first used the instrument, thus it is plausible that Concerto (RV 574), which bears the same designation, may have been composed on the same year as Orlando finto pazzo.21

Vivaldi also introduced horns, together with oboes, bassoon and strings, in the serenata Mio cor, povero cor (RV 690) composed for the French Mar-quis Amable de Tourreil, which composition still raises several questions regarding, for instance, dating: it is possible that the serenata was performed in Rome soon after 1716.22 Vivaldi’s opera Tito Manlio (RV 738) was per-

18. Oratorio Per la SS:ma Annunziata | a 5. voci con strom:ti | del sig:r Antonio Caldara, Münster, Diözesanbibliothek (hereafter D-MÜs), sant Hs. 738 / I, II, III. The Münster score, according to rism on line, https://opac.rism.info, was copied by Francesco Antonio Lanciani. This seem to be proven by the bills paid to the copist by the Ruspoli family; cf. kirkendale, Antonio Caldara, p. 474, where Francesco Antonio Lanciani’s name appears.

19. kirkendale, Antonio Caldara, pp. 473–474, 476, 478.20. franco piperno, “Francesco Gasparini «virtuoso dell’eccellentissimo sig. principe Ruspo-

li»: contributo alla biografia gaspariniana (1716–1718)”, Francesco Gasparini (1661–1727). Atti del primo convegno internazionale ed. Fabrizio Della Seta – Franco Piperno, Firenze, Olschki, 1981, pp. 206–207.

21. michael talbot, The Vivaldi compendium, Woodbridge, Boydell, 2011, pp. 187–188. Talbot’s claim that trombone da caccia and hunting horn are the same instrument is confirmed by the manu-script of Concerto (RV 574) in Dresden. Sächische Landesbiliotehek, Mus.2389-O-157, which bears the following indication: “Violino con corni, oboi”, rism on line 212000226. See also gabriele rocchet-ti, “‘Alla caccia d’un bell’adorato’. Nuovi indizi sulla storia del corno in Italia”, I fiati, n. 62, xiii, 2009, pp. 22–31. I am grateful to Gabriele Rocchetti for information about Vivaldi’s music.

22. michael talbot, Vivaldi, Antonio Lucio, NG. vol 26, p. 835, Mio povero cor, RV 690, c. 1719; id.; “Vivaldi’s serenatas: long cantatas or short operas?”, in Antonio Vivaldi. Teatro musicale cultura e società, ed. Lorenzo Bianconi – Giovanni Morelli, Firenze, Olschki, 1982, pp. 67–96; antonio vi-valdi, Serenata a 3 RV 690, ed. Alessandro Borin, Milano, Ricordi, 2010 (Nuova edizione critica delle opere di Antonio Vivaldi, 119); talbot, The Vivaldi compendium, p. 167.


formed during the carnival season of 1719 in Mantua; the arias Alla caccia d’un bell’adorato (first act), and Se non v’aprite al dì (second act) call for two horns.23 In 1719, the Venetian composer presumably set to music the cantata Qual in pioggia dorata (RV 686), for alto, horns and strings, for his patron Prince Philip of Hesse-Darmstadt (1671–1736) governor of Mantua on behalf of the Austrian Emperor.24 The presence of horns probably alluded to the prince’s love for hunting.25 The Concerto doppio (RV 538) for two horns and strings was probably composed in Mantua in the years 1718–20.26 The use of the horn can be ascribed to Vivaldi’s interest in experimenting, as in the case of the “horn pedal”.27

In those very years, in Rome, horns appeared for the first time in sacred works of Girolamo Chiti (1679–1759), whose style resembles that of Antonio Vivaldi in its experimental use of new instruments and timbres. All auto-graphs of Chiti’s works composed between 1722 and 1748 are preserved in the Archive of San Giovanni in Laterano.28 Chiti was maestro di cappella in this Basilica from 1726 on, but one should exclude that all of these compo-sitions were written for San Giovanni in Laterano. In fact, the sacred mu-sic by other composers in the same archive hardly ever includes any wind instruments.

Chiti’s early works including horns are the Gradual Benedicta es tu, which the composer — as he annotated on the score — began to set to music on 24 June 1720, and finished a year later, on 20 June 1721,29 and the Credo from

23. Vivaldi also composed the third act of Tito Manlio (RV 778), libretto by Matteo Noris mod-ified by an anonymous author, which was performed in Rome, at Teatro Pace, in January 1720. The first act was composed by Gaetano Boni and the second by Giovanni Giorgi.

24. antonio vivaldi,“Qual in pioggia dorata i dolci rai”. Cantata per contralto, due corni da caccia, due violini e basso RV 686, ed. Francesco Degrada. Milano, Ricordi, 1990. mary m. dunham, The secular cantatas of Antonio Vivaldi in the Foà-Giordano Collection, Ph.D. diss., University of Mi-chigan, 1969, pp. 40, 136, 194; gianfranco folena, “La cantata e Vivaldi”, in Antonio Vivaldi. Teatro musicale cultura e società, pp. 131–190; michael talbot, The chamber cantatas of Antonio Vivaldi, Woodbridge, Boydell, 2006, pp. 18, 23, 207, 221.

25. cesare fertonani, Antonio Vivaldi: la simbologia musicale nei concerti a programma, Por-denone, Studio Tesi, 1992, p. 137; meucci, Social and political perspectives, pp. 25-26.

26. rocchetti, “Alla caccia d’un bell’adorato”, p. 25.27. talbot, The Vivaldi compendium, p. 98, also on the “horn pedal” in Farnace (Venice, 1727),

and in L’Olimpiade, (Venice, 1734), aria Mentre dormi, amor fomenti.28. siegfried gmeinwieser, Girolamo Chiti 1679–1759. Eine Untersuchung zur Kirchenmusik in S.

Giovanni in Laterano, Regensburg, Bosse, 1968; id., “Girolamo Chiti (1679–1759) maestro di cappella in S. Giovanni in Laterano”, Nuova Rivista Musicale Italiana, iv/4, 1970, pp. 665–677. See also L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano. Catalogo dei manoscritti e delle edizioni (sec. xvi–xx), ed. Giancarlo Rostirolla, introduction by Wolfgang Witzenmann, 2 vols., Rome, Ministero per i Beni e le Attività culturali – Direzione Generale per gli Archivi, 2002, particularly i, pp. 191–505.

29. Rome, Archive of San Giovanni in Laterano (henceforth I-Rsg), A.556, autograph by Chiti, In festo die Visitationis Beatissime Virginis Marie ad Elisabet. Graduale concertato […] die 24 Junij

118 Teresa Chirico

the Messa Ecce ancilla Domini,30 dated 29 July 1722, scored for soloists, choir, flutes, horns, strings — in this case, muted violins (“sordini”) — and organ.31 In the following years, Chiti composed many other sacred works with horns, as, for instance, the Litanie Ruspole,32 which were performed on 8 November 1725 (the Jubilee year) for the consecration of the Ruspoli chapel in Vig-nanello. The solemn service was celebrated by Pope Benedict xiii. In 1726 Chiti composed the litanies O Roma felix dicta,33 in which small trumpets (“trombini”), trumpets, and small trombones (“tromboncini”), as well as natural horns, were combined together in appropriate sections of the score. Probably there exist further instances of music with horns and other “new” instruments composed by Chiti for the noble family.

In 1729, Chiti employed a couple of horns in other compositions such as the Missa Te Deum laudamus dicta La Christianissima,34 and a Te Deum35 and the Missa O beata Trinitas (Fig. 4), both composed on the occasion of the birth of the French Dauphin Louis Ferdinand de Bourbon. The Mass is scored for four soloists, two choirs, oboes, flutes, trumpets, “trombini” (written on the trumpet’s line), horns in D and in F, salterio (plucked psal-tery), strings, kettledrums and fireworks.36 In this Mass, the French musical style is quite evident.

1720 Rome hora 24 d. G. Ch. incepit die 20 Junij 1721 Rome hora 20 d. G. Ch. confecit, for soloists (S, A), “concertino” (S, A, T), choir “pieno” (S, A, T, B), violins I and II, violone, 2 flutes, 2 horns, organ; cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano, p. 230, n. 2143.

30. I-Rsg, A.422; cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano, p. 388, n. 3715.31. I-Rsg, A.422., f. 2v. 32. I-Rsg, B.1253; cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano, p. 373, n. 3573.33. I-Rsg, B.1247; cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano, p. 373, n. 3572.34. I-Rsg, A.176; cf. 1729 A. M. D et M. V.e Roma d. G. Chiti Missa Te Deum Laudamus dicta La

Christianissima a 4.o voci concertata con suoi ripieni oblig.ti e VV.ni. 2 Trombe 2 Oboe, 2 Corni da Caccia; 2 Flauti; Violoncello, e Viola a soli d’obligo […] Die X X.bris hora V.a Noctis Romae An. 1729 d. G. Chiti; cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano, p. 396, n. 3764. The Tromba and Corno parts are copied in a unique part, as well as Oboe and Flautini parts. Probably only one instrumentalist played both Tromba and Corno, and another one Oboe and Flautino. The Mass had to be performed in the Lateran Basilica, as the last page bears the note by Chiti’s hand “ Rome, pro Missa Regis Galliarum in sacrosancta lateranense arch. basilica”. The note probably refers to the feast of Santa Lucia (13 December), which was solemnly celebrated in the Lateran Basilica with a Mass, in or-der to wish French nation happiness (“pro felici statu nationis Galliae”). Cf. Wolfgang Witzenmann, Das Fest der heiligen Lucia an San Giovanni in Laterano, in Musik in Rom im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert. Kirche und Fest, ed. Markus Engelhardt – Christoph Flamm, Laaber, Laaber-Verlag, 2004, pp. 145-168 (Analecta Musicologica, 33).

35. I-Rsg, B.978; cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano, p. 480, n. 4621.36. I-Rsg, A 178, A.267 (score); cf. L’archivio musicale della Basilica di San Giovanni in Laterano,

pp. 391–392, nn. 3737–3738. About salterio practice in Italy, cf. teresa chirico, “Il salterio in Italia fra Seicento e Ottocento”, Recercare, xiii, 2001, pp. 147–199.


Fig. 4: girolamo chiti, “Credo”, from Missa O beata Trinitas, I-Rsg, A.178, f.1v (“Corni per F”, “Corni per D”); f. 2r (“Corni per F”).

In 1722, the composer Benedetto Micheli (1699–1784), also acquainted with the Ruspolis, employed horns in a cantata commissioned by Cardi-nal Cienfuegos, the imperial plenipotentiary to the Holy See, in honour of Empress Elisabeth Christine.37 Unfortunately the score is lost, and there is no other available information regarding the music. What we do know is that, between 1722 and 1734, Cardinal Cienfuegos commissioned at least six Componimenti, which Micheli set in music to celebrate Empress Elisabeth

37. saverio franchi, “Possibili valenze storico-ideologiche dell’attività musicale romana du-rante il soggiorno di Händel (1706–1708)”, in Georg Friedrich Händel in Rom. Beiträge Internationalen Tagung am Deutschen Historischen Institut in Rom (17.-20. Oktober 2007), ed. Sabine Ehrmann-Her-fort – Matthias Schnettger, Kassel, Bärenreiter, 2010, p. 118 (Analecta Musicologica, 44); id., “Micheli Benedetto”, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, www.treccani.it; jackmann – careri, “Micheli Benedetto”, NG, vol. 16, pp. 596-597.

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Christine’s name-day.38 Micheli also used horns in two sinfonie and four concerti as can be seen in a some undated manuscripts.39

Since 1723 natural horns appears in some music commissioned by Car-dinal Pietro Ottoboni, and performed at both Palazzo della Cancelleria and the church of San Lorenzo in Damaso.40 On 23 March 1725, two trumpeters were paid for playing in an oratorio by Alessandro Scarlatti (perhaps La Santissima Annunziata); they also played “i corni sordini” (muted horns). In January 1728 Cardinal Ottoboni patronized the performance Componi-mento sacro per la festività del Santissimo Natale by Metastasio, set to music by Giovanni Battista Costanzi.41 The printed libretto includes several engrav-ings representing the performance at the Teatro della Cancelleria, in which we can see the horns at the sides of the orchestra, with the bell pointed up-wards (Fig. 5).42

38. james l. jackman – enrico careri, “Micheli Benedetto” in New Grove, mention the fact that Micheli set to music five Componimenti for the Empress’ name-day between 1722 and 1734. Mi-cheli composed similar works for other members of the Roman nobility, such as the Colonnas in 1739, cfr. Componimento per musica da cantarsi nel palazzo dell’eccellentissima casa Colonna di Sciarra per il carnevale dell’anno 1739, Roma, Komarek, 1739, incipit: “A questi fiori, a questa strana e bizzarra vesta”; p. 2: “La musica è del signor Benedetto Micheli romano”.

39. Sinfonie in Prague, Národní Museum – Czech Museum of Music, XXXIV B 53, e Bruxelles, Conservatoire, 7758; Concerti in Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Mu 7501.2435–38.

40. stefano la via, “Il cardinale Ottoboni e la musica: nuovi documenti (1700–1740): nuove letture e ipotesi”, in Intorno a Locatelli. Studi in occasione del tricentenario della nascita di Pietro An-tonio Locatelli (1695–1764), ed. Albert Dunning, 2 vols., Lucca, LIM, 1995, i, pp. 319–526: 377.

41. franchi, Drammaturgia romana II (1701–1750), pp. 237, 250.42. la via, “Il cardinale Ottoboni e la musica”, pp. 337, 435. Sometimes horn players engaged by

Cardinal Ottoboni also served other noble families, like the Colonnas; ibid., pp. 398, 417,


Fig. 5 : vincenzo franceschini, plate engraving in Componimento sacro per la festività del SS.mo Natale (Roma, Antonio de Rossi, 1728), detail of the orchestra.

Natural horns are also found in music commissioned by the Borghese family: on 31 July 1727 they offered a cantata and a ballo in honor of the Grand Prior of France, Jean Philippe d’Orléans. The score of the cantata is lost.43 The composer Leonardo Vinci was also involved in the celebrations in honour of the Dauphin: his serenata La contesa de’ numi. Cantata a sei voci con varij stromenti, was performed in Palazzo Altemps at Rome; on this occasion, natural horns, together with several different wind instruments, salterio, two organs and kettledrums were enrolled.44 In France, for the birth of the Dauphin, the Marquis Dampierre together with Lebrun, the king’s maker and provisioner, created a new type of trompe de chasse named “à la Dauphin”.45

In the same year in Venice the use of natural horns was still in some way connected to the Viennese tradition. On 21 May 1729, the Imperial

43. Jean Philippe d’Orléans (1702–1748), Grand Prieur d’Orléans. About another serenata «a tre voci» performed in August 1727 in Piazza Mignanelli, in honour of the French Admiral and Knight of Orléans, Grand Prior for France, sponsored by Prince Girolamo Vaini, see michela berti, “La vetrina del re: il duca di Saint-Aignan, ambasciatore francese a Roma, tra musicofilia e politica del prestigio (1731–1741)” in Mecenatismo e musica tra i secoli xvii e xviii, ed. Giorgio Monari, Lucca, LIM, 2012, pp. 233–290 (Miscellanea Ruspoli II-2012, Studi sulla musica dell’età barocca); fabrizio della seta, “I Borghese (1691–1731). La musica di una generazione”, Note d’archivio per la storia musicale, n.s., i, 1983, pp. 139-208: 198.

44. I-Nc (= Naples, Conservatorio di musica San Pietro a Majella), Cantate 305. Cf. leonardo vinci, La contesa de’ numi. Una cantata a Palazzo Altemps per la nascita del Delfino di Francia, ed. Rinaldo Alessandrini – Laura Pietrantoni, Roma, Accademia di Santa Cecilia, 2006.

45. renato meucci – gabriele rocchetti, Horn (2), in New Grove, vol. xi, pp. 709–725.

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Ambassador Bolagnos gave a sumptuous feast during which natural horns played from the balconies overlooking the Canal Grande. In subsequent celebrations in honour of the Viennese ambassador, horns were frequently used once again.46

By 1731 the horn was in use throughout the entire peninsula; in that very year Pier Leone Ghezzi drew a caricature – currently preserved at the Vati-can Library – where a horn player is portrayed with the caption: “Uno delli corni da caccia che teneva il duca di Maddalena”47 (“One of the horn players in the household of Duke Maddalena”), that is Marzio Carafa, the Duke of Maddaloni, a nobleman who sided with the Austrians, and is well known as a Giovanni Battista Pergolesi’s patron. In 1734, at the San Bartolomeo Theat-er in Naples, Pergolesi’s Adriano in Siria was first performed; the orchestra included two trombe da caccia, which as we have seen is a synonym for corno da caccia (hunting horn). In the autograph manuscript48 two trombe da cac-cia are included, but in the finale two horns appear with the indication due corni probably written by another hand.

Pergolesi used trombe da caccia again in Olimpiade49 and in Flaminio (1735).50 In another caricature made by Ghezzi in 1735, two famous horn players in the service of the Venetian Ambassador in Rome, Zaccaria Canal, are portrayed with different size horns.51

The aforementioned Girolamo Chiti included natural horns in his sacred music until at least 1748, the year of his monumental Beatus vir,52 his last church composition with horns. The following year, Pope Benedict xiv is-sued the bull Annus qui hunc, forbidding the use of wind instruments in

46. susan tipton, “Diplomatie und Zeremoniell in Botschafterbildern von Carlevarijs und Canaletto”, RIHA Journal 0008, 01 October 2010, http://www.riha-journal.org/articles/2010/tipton-diplomatie-und-zeremoniell#1286197389.

47. la via, “Il cardinale Ottoboni e la musica”, p. 510.48. I-Nc, Rari 7.5.19–2049. “Trombe da caccia” appear in manuscript scores of the opera; for example, in the first act,

Atto primo Olimpiade opera in 3 atti del signor G.B. Pergolesi. Copia conforme all’originale esistente nell’Archivio del Real Collegio di Musica. Verificata da me vile archivista del Real Collegio m° Francesco Rondinella, I-Rsc, G.Mss.5. In the second act, Olimpiade Dramma in musica del sig. Giovan. Battista Pergolesi. In Roma 1735, D-MÜs, sant Hs 3088; L’Olimpiade Roma nel teatro Tordinona musica del sig.r Gio. Battista Pergolesi atti 3 senza i rec[itati]vi secchi spettante al r[ea]le archivio musicale della Pietà, I-Nc, 34.2.29; in the aria Torbido in volto e nero, Bruxelles, Conservatoire, 5105. Cf. RISM on line n. 702002513.

50. I-Nc, Rari 7.5.25–26 (A-G).51. la via, “Il cardinale Ottoboni e la musica”, p. 511.52. I-Rsg, B 441.


church with the exception of bassoons (which were evidently necessary to sustain harmony), salterio, mandolins and kettledrums.53

On the basis of the evidence seen so far, it’s possible to draw the following conclusions: since 1714, in Rome as well as in other cities in the Italian pe-ninsula, natural horns evidently represented the Austrian empire, which fact confirms the uprise of a musical instrument-related symbolism. Until that time instruments such as trumpets and kettledrums had been used as a soundtrack to celebrate military victories, as well as for noisy merryma-king. The introduction of natural horns — which took place in the period ranging from 1710 to 1730 approximately, and was supported by Austrian or pro-Austrian politics — celebrated a specific nation; Austria was thus symbolized by an instrument also connected with one of the nation’s favou-rite sports, hunting. Hence natural horns became the ‘new symbol’ of this nation’s absolute monarchy,54 in the course of its lavish banquets plentifully decorated with eagles – both on the musicians’ stands in Rome as well as in the Venetian fountain which sprayed red and white wine.

Natural horns – initially a symbol of Austrian power and magnificence – gradually became a permanent presence in orchestras. They gradually lost their reputation as foreign instruments and were absorbed into the Italian musical culture. By mid-century, they were an overall presence in theatrical and orchestral music throughout the country. The same is not true of Ro-man liturgical music where – after approximately thirty years of fascinating, though short-lived, timbric experimentation – natural horns were replaced by more severe and “churchly” instruments.

53. giuseppe baini, Memorie storico-critiche della vita e delle opere di Giovanni Pierluigi da Pa-lestrina, Roma, Società Tipografica, 1828, p. 331.

54. As Arnaldo Morelli has observed, “i nuovi simboli [sonori] sono semmai quelli delle monar-chie assolutiste che governano i principali stati d’Europa”; see arnaldo morelli, “‘Musica nobile e copiosa di voci et istromenti’. Spazio architettonico, cantorie e palchi in relazione ai mutamenti di stile e prassi nella musica da chiesa fra Sei e Settecento”, in Musik in Rom im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, pp. 293–334: 321.


Sommari

Paolo Alberto Rismondo, «Il genio natio contaminato da conversationi com-poste da inevitabile fatalità». Biagio Marini a Brescia e Padova

L’articolo offre nuovi documenti che permettono di far luce su alcuni particolari momenti della biografia di Biagio Marini. Un documento bresciano fornisce qual-che indicazione circa la sua prima istruzione musicale: il padre, Feliciano Mari-ni, fu virtuoso di cetra attiorbata, strumento finora poco documentato, e fu attivo verso la fine del Cinquecento presso la corte polacca e probabilmente presso altre corti nord-europee. La permanenza di Biagio Marini alla corte di Neuburg, quale «maestro della musiche da camera e musico riservato», e le tensioni che si ven-nero a creare con il maestro di cappella di quella corte, Giacomo Negri, ebbero forse qualche riflesso sulle contraddittorie datazioni che compaiono nei frontespizi e nelle dediche delle raccolte musicali da lui pubblicate in quel periodo (dall’opera 6 all’opera 9).

Il contributo di due mottetti alla raccolta miscellanea Sacra corona (Venezia, 1656) è forse da porre in relazione con i rapporti che Marini andava stringendo in quegli anni con il vescovo di Padova Giorgio Corner (1613–1663), del quale fu infatti «maestro di camera» almeno tra marzo e luglio 1657. Una serie di «polizze mensuali», in cui sono elencati i membri della corte di Corner tra 1650 e 1661, sia pur con notevoli lacune, ci fornisce notizie sull’esistenza di una piccola cappella musicale, guidata da Francesco Petrobelli — a quel tempo maestro della cappella della cattedrale di Padova—, e attiva in seno a quella corte almeno tra gennaio 1653 e marzo 1654.

Delle possibili attività di Biagio Marini nell’ambito delle accademie veneziane possiamo trovare qualche annotazione sparsa in opere del tempo, come la Carta del navegar pittoresco (1660) di Marco Boschini.

Dai documenti emerge infine che gli ultimi anni di vita di Marini furono ama-reggiati da un grave episodio che vide coinvolto suo figlio Giovanni Nicola: questi fu accusato di aver rubato una ingente somma di denaro dai forzieri del vescovado di Padova. Giovanni Nicola confessò il delitto e fu condannato a morte. Tuttavia, Biagio Marini presentò al Consiglio dei Dieci una supplica chiedendo che fosse celebrato un nuovo processo davanti allo stesso consiglio, dal quale evidentemente sperava di ottenere maggior clemenza. La sentenza di morte venne commutata in dieci anni di carcere duro; ma Biagio si spense solo pochi mesi dopo. In chiusura

148 Sommari

dell’articolo viene offerta una sintetica ricostruzione delle successive vicende fami-liari dei discendenti del compositore.

Nichola Voice, Venetian woodwind instrument makers, 1680–1805: Their in-teraction with the guild

Dall’età medievale fino a metà dell’Ottocento, al sistema delle corporazioni di arti e mestieri fu affidata la trasmissione dei saperi specializzati e, nel contempo, l’eser-cizio di un meccanismo di controllo dei vari aspetti sociali, di natura economica e assistenziale, riguardanti i propri membri. Scopo principale di questo articolo è quello di riconsiderare la funzione dell’Arte de’ tornidori di Venezia dal 1680 al 1805, con una particolare attenzione ai costruttori di strumenti a fiato di legno. Le testimonianze presentate suggeriscono che, contrariamente alle ipotesi avanzate in precedenza, le decisioni assunte a quell’epoca dalla corporazione crearono condi-zioni favorevoli alla manifattura di strumenti a fiato di legno. Gli statuti delle cor-porazioni e la relativa documentazione archivistica non vengono qui affrontati con un approccio particolarmente originale, quanto piuttosto, operando con un più umile metodo di lavoro mediante cui si sono combinate tecniche euristiche, tradu-zione in inglese dei testi, tanto italiani che dialettali e gergali, e indagini biografiche. Le notizie che emergono dagli archivi veneziani mostrano che l’Arte de’ tornidori era divisa in tre gruppi specializzati, ognuno dei quali impiegava i suoi specifici ma-teriali di lavoro. I tornitori di avorio, dal 1680 all’Ottocento, furono in grado di la-vorare con materiali diversi sugli strumenti a fiato di legno. Inoltre, la documenta-zione reperita ha consentito di ritrovare tra i membri di questa stessa corporazione i nomi di costruttori come Domenico Perosa e alcuni membri della famiglia Anciu-ti. Alla luce della documentazione fin qui esaminata, possiamo infine reinterpretare una petizione di fine Settecento del costruttore veneziano Andrea Fornari. Letta nel contesto dei regolamenti dell’Arte de’ tornidori, questa petizione evidenzia come le corporazioni andassero favorendo un progresso tecnologico, proteggendo i diritti dei loro aderenti nell’uso esclusivo di tecniche di fabbricazione.

Teresa Chirico, New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighte-enth-century Roman orchestras

L’articolo presenta le prime testimonianze documentate dell’uso dei corni nelle or-chestre romane nel primo Settecento. Il primo caso documentabile si riferisce alla serenata Sacrificio a Venere di Giovanni Bononcini su testo di Paolo Rolli, eseguita a Roma il 28 agosto 1714 per il compleanno dell’imperatrice d’Austria Elisabetta Cristina. La partitura della serenata — fino a poco tempo fa ritenuta perduta — è stata rintracciata dall’autrice presso la Österreichische Nationalbibliothek di Vien-na. Giovanni Bononcini e, successivamente, Antonio Caldara e Benedetto Micheli

Sommari 149

introdussero i corni nelle loro composizioni come gesto di omaggio a personag-gi di alto rango legati all’Austria o per l’influenza subìta dalla prassi musicale di quel paese. Viene poi tracciato un sintetico excursus sull’uso dei corni a Roma nella prima metà del diciottesimo secolo, e in altre città, come Napoli, Mantova, Vene-zia. Anche a Napoli, l’uso dei corni fu spesso legato politicamente e culturalmente all’Austria. Tra il 1714 e il 1720, Vivaldi li adoperò in alcune composizioni eseguite a Venezia, Mantova (per Filippo Assia Darmstadt, governatore di Mantova per l’Au-stria) e, forse, a Roma. Dal 1720, il maestro di cappella Girolamo Chiti usò i corni in svariati organici strumentali nella musica composta per diverse chiese di Roma. Nello stesso periodo, nobili committenti romani come i principi Ruspoli, Borghese e Colonna, e il cardinale Ottoboni gradirono sempre di più l’impiego dei corni nelle orchestre. È soprattutto negli anni Trenta del Settecento che l’uso dei corni, a Roma e nel resto d’Italia, si emancipò progressivamente dalla sua matrice austriaca per adattarsi al contesto italiano. A metà del Settecento, i corni avevano conquistato un posto fisso nella musica profana in Italia; mentre, al contrario, nella musica sacra l’uso ne fu impedito per lungo tempo, in particolar modo nelle chiese di Roma, in conseguenza di una bolla papale emanata da Benedetto xiv nel 1748.

Giuseppe Clericetti, «La verità e altre bugie»

Il contributo prende in esame alcuni casi di falsi nell’arte: viene privilegiata la crea-zione letteraria e musicale perpetrata a scopo ludico, la parodia che si prende gioco di particolari comunità e che spesso contiene indizi per essere smascherata. I casi sono numerosi, specie in letteratura, da Anton Francesco Doni a Giacomo Leopar-di; anche la storia della musica e della musicologia presentano episodi interessanti ed esilaranti, dalla Preghiera di Stradella alla Piccola cronaca di Anna Magdalena Bach, passando dall’Ave Maria di Arcadelt. L’articolo si sofferma su casi estremi di contraffazioni, come quelle di Félix Fourdrain, Émile Martin o Winfried Michel, che possiedono la caratteristica propria all’esecizio di stile, apparentandosi così all’estetica dell’Oulipo, l’Ouvroir de Littérature Potentielle.


Summaries

Paolo Alberto Rismondo, «Il genio natio contaminato da conversationi com-poste da inevitabile fatalità». Biagio Marini a Brescia e Padova

The article throws new light on the biography of Biagio Marini. A document from Brescia provides some indications about his earliest musical education: his father was a virtuoso player of cetra attiorbata, a scarcely documented plucked instru-ment, and was active in late sixteenth century at the Polish court and perhaps at other courts in North Europe. Biagio Marini’s stay at the court of Neuburg as mae-stro delle musiche da camera, and musico reservato, and his contrasts with the lo-cal chapel master Giacomo Negri are probably reflected in the conflicting dates appearing in title-pages and dedicacees of his prints published during that period (op. 6 to 9).

Marini’s contribution (with two motets) to the collection Sacra corona (Venice, 1656) is presumably connected with the relationship which the composer estab-lished with the bishop of Padua Giorgio Corner (1613–1663). Indeed, at least from March to July 1657, Marini was maestro di camera of Corner’s court in Padua. The rolls of the Corner’s household, recording monthly payments to the components of the bishop’s private court, provide informations about a small music chapel — at least from January 1653 to March, 1654 — led by Francesco Petrobelli, at the time chapel master in Padua cathedral.

About Marini’s activities in the Venetian academies, sparse mentions come from contemporary writings, such as Marco Boschini’s Carta del navegar pittores-co (1660).

In his last years Marini was afflicted by a disgrace occurred to the son Giovanni Nicola; the latter was charged to stealing a large sum of money from the coffers of Padua bishopric. Soon later he admitted guilt and was sentenced to death by the local court of justice. Nevertheless Biagio submitted a petition to the Consiglio dei Dieci of the Serenissima, for the purpose of transfering the trial before the same consiglio in Venice; evidently, he was hoping for a merciful verdict from the Ve-netian court. Finally, the death sentence to Giovanni Nicola was commuted to a sentence of ten years’ imprisonment. The article close with a brief outline of the later history of the Marini’s family.

152 Summaries

Nichola Voice, Venetian woodwind instrument makers, 1680–1805: Their in-teraction with the guild

Craft guild systems from the Middle Ages to the mid nineteenth century were re-sponsible for transmission of specialist knowledge, while simultaneously providing a mechanism for controlling various aspects of society: the economy, social secu-rity and welfare of its members. The primary aim of this paper is to re-assess the function of the turners’ guild in Venice from 1680 to 1805, with specific reference to the woodwind instrument makers. Evidence presented suggests that, contrary to previous hypotheses, guild rulings supported the manufacture of woodwind in-struments in Venice during this time. No singular methodological approach has been applied to the contemporary statutes of the guilds and related archival docu-ments. Rather, a scavenger method of examination is used, which includes: archival search techniques; translation into English from Italian and related dialects; and bi-ographical inquiry. Information emerging from a Venetian archive shows that the turners’ guild in Venice was divided into three specialist factions, each using their own materials. The ivory turners were able to work with the mixed media found on woodwind instruments from 1680 until the nineteenth century. Further documen-tation places the maker Domenico Perosa and the family names Anciuti and Castel within this same guild. In light of hitherto unexamined guild documents, Venetian maker Andrea Fornari’s petition — pivotal in earlier arguments — is re-interpret-ed. Read within the context of the guild regulations, this petition indicates that the guilds were allowing a progressive technology while protecting their own mem-bers’ rights to exclusive use of the manufacturing techniques.

Teresa Chirico, New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eigh-teenth-century Roman orchestras

The article offers the first substantiated evidence of the use of natural horns (corni da caccia) in early eighteenth-century Roman orchestras. The first well-document-ed case is the performance of Giovanni Bononcini’s serenata Sacrificio a Venere, text by Paolo Rolli, which was performed in Rome to celebrate the Austrian Em-press’ Elisabeth Christine’s birthday on 28 August 1714. The author succeeded in tracking down score of this serenata — which was thought to have been lost — at the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna. Giovanni Bononcini and, sub-sequently, Antonio Caldara and Benedetto Micheli introduced natural horns in their compositions as a tribute to eminent personalities connected to Austria, or as a consequence of the influence of Austrian performance practice. The article pro-ceeds to briefly chart the course of the use of natural horns in early eighteenth-cen-tury Rome and other cities, such as Mantua, Venice, and Naples; here, the use of horns was often politically and culturally connected to Austria. Between 1714 and 1720 Vivaldi used them in compositions performed in Venice, in Mantua (in

Summaries 153

honour of Philip of Hesse-Darmstadt, governor of Mantua on behalf of the Aus-trian emperor) and, perhaps, in Rome. Starting 1720, maestro di cappella Girolamo Chiti used horns in many different instrumental ensembles, in works composed for several churches in Rome. At the same time, noble Roman patrons such as princes Ruspoli, Borghese and Colonna, as well as Cardinal Ottoboni, increasingly appre-ciated the use of natural horns in orchestras, to the point that — by the 1730s — the use of this instrument, both in Rome and in the rest of Italy, gradually affranchised itself from its Austrian matrix and adapted to the Italian context. By mid-century, natural horns had earned a permanent place in Italian secular music, whereas, on the contrary, their use in liturgical music was forbidden for a long time, especially in Roman churches, as a consequence of a papal bull issued by Benedict xiv in 1748.

Giuseppe Clericetti, «La verità e altre bugie»

The article addresses the problem of art forgeries: priority is given to literary and musical creations for playful reasons and parody which makes fun of particular communities and often includes clues in order to be found out. There are many examples, especially in literature, from Anton Francesco Doni to Giacomo Leop-ardi. Even the history of music and musicology has some interesting and amusing examples, from the Prayer of Stradella to The Chronicle of Anna Magdalena Bach, passing by the Ave Maria of Arcadelt. The article dwells on some extreme cases of imitation, like those of Félix Fourdrain, Émile Martin or Winfried Michel, which possess the same characteristic of style, thus becoming absorbed into the aesthetics of Oulipo, the Ouvroir de Littérature Potentielle.


Gli autori

Saverio Franchi (1942–2014) ha insegnato Storia della musica nei conservatori di Perugia (1974–2006) e di Roma (2006–2010), Organologia ed Estetica della mu-sica all’Università di Perugia (2002–2007) e Bibliografia all’Università di Roma La Sapienza (2009–2012). I suoi studi sono stati rivolti principalmente al teatro per musica, all’oratorio e, soprattutto, all’editoria musicale a Roma dal sedicesimo al diciottesimo secolo. Tra le sue numerose pubblicazioni, di grande rilevanza restano le opere di erudizione bio-bibliografica, curate con la collaborazione di Orietta Sar-tori, quali la Drammaturgia romana. Repertorio bibliografico cronologico dei testi drammatici pubblicati a Roma e nel Lazio […] secolo XVII (1988); Drammaturgia romana […] volume secondo. Secolo XVIII, 1701–1750 (1997); Le impressioni sceni-che. Dizionario bio-bibliografico degli editori e stampatori romani e laziali di testi drammatici e libretti per musica dal 1579 al 1800 (1994); Annali della stampa musi-cale romana […] Edizioni di musica pratica, 1601–1650 (2006).

Paolo Alberto Rismondo ha conseguito i diplomi in Musica corale e direzione di coro (1988) e in Composizione (1992), rispettivamente presso i conservatori di Ferrara e Padova, e la laurea in Discipline delle Arti, della Musica e dello Spettacolo (1991) presso l’Università di Bologna, con una tesi sul musicista veneziano Fran-cesco Sponga detto Usper. Le sue ricerche, soprattutto archivistiche, si rivolgono alla musica e ai musicisti veneziani dal tardo Cinquecento al Seicento. Ha scritto la monografia Pietro Francesco Caletti Bruni detto il Cavalli: tappe per una biografia (2009), e ha curato l’edizione moderna della raccolta Sacra corona, Venice, 1656 (Middleton, A-R Editions, 2015). Ha pubblicato studi sulla famiglia veronese di musicisti Negri (Neri), la voce Neri, Massimiliano per il Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, e le schede per il Bayerisches Musiklexikon Online sui membri di questa famiglia.

Nichola Voice, flautista e insegnante di musica neozelandese, specializzata nel-la musica e nel repertorio classico del Novecento, suona nel duo flauto e chitarra Kōrerorero (Dialogue), e in formazioni orchestrali e da camera, anche come solista. Ha studiato in Nuova Zelanda e in Australia. Attualmente sta per discutere presso la Otago University una dissertazione dottorale dedicata ai rapporti tra corpora-zioni professionali e costruttori di strumenti a fiato di legno nell’Italia del nord durante dal tardo Seicento alla prima metà dell’Ottocento.

156 Gli autori

Teresa Chirico è docente di Storia e storiografia della musica presso il Conser-vatorio Santa Cecilia di Roma. Si è laureata in Lettere a indirizzo musicologico presso l’Università La Sapienza di Roma. È diplomata in Pianoforte e in Canto. Ha partecipato a numerosi convegni internazionali in Europa e negli USA. È autrice della monografia Filarmonici in marcia. Bande, scuole di musica e associazionismo musicale in Calabria nell’Ottocento (2008); numerosi suoi articoli sono apparsi in riviste come «Galpin Society Journal», «Música em perspectiva», «Recercare», «Ri-vista italiana di musicologia», «Studi musicali», e in volumi collettivi. Ha scritto voci per il Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani e per Die Musik in Geschichte und Ge-genwart. Ha curato edizioni di musiche strumentali del Settecento e dell’Ottocento per Ut Orpheus e per la Fondazione Italiana per la Musica Antica.

Giuseppe Clericetti, musicologo svizzero, è responsabile dei programmi musi-cali di RSI-Rete Due, canale culturale della Radiotelevisione Svizzera Italiana. Ha pubblicato l’edizione critica delle composizioni per strumenti a tastiera di Andrea Gabrieli (Vienna, Doblinger, 1997–2001), e le monografie Charles-Marie Widor. La Francia organistica tra Otto e Novecento (Varese, Zecchini, 2010), e Andrea Ga-brieli. Cessate cantus. Lettere 1557–1585 (ibid., 2014). Per la rivista Viola (2011) ha pubblicato tre esercizi oulipiani.


Contributors

Saverio Franchi (1942–2014) thaught History of music at the conservatories of Perugia (1974–2006) and Rome (2006–2010), Organology and Music Esthetics at the University of Perugia (2002–2007), and Bibliography at University of Rome La Sapienza (2009–2012). His research focused on opera, oratorio and, especially, his-tory of music printing in Rome from sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. Among his numerous publications, remarkable bio-bibliographical reference works, edited in collaboration with Orietta Sartori, such as Drammaturgia romana. Repertorio bib-liografico cronologico dei testi drammatici pubblicati a Roma e nel Lazio […] secolo XVII (1988); Drammaturgia romana […] volume secondo. Secolo XVIII, 1701–1750 (1997); Le impressioni sceniche. Dizionario bio-bibliografico degli editori e stampa-tori romani e laziali di testi drammatici e libretti per musica dal 1579 al 1800 (1994); Annali della stampa musicale romana […] Edizioni di musica pratica, 1601–1650 (2006).

Paolo Alberto Rismondo achieved his studies in Choral music and Conduct-ing at Conservatory of Ferrara (1988) and Composition at Conservatory of Padua (1992). He obtained his laurea in Perfoming Arts at University of Bologna (1991), with a thesis on the seventeenth-century Venetian composer Francesco Sponga Usper. His research focuses on late sixteenth-century and seventeenth-century Ve-netian music and musicians. He has published the monograph Pietro Francesco Caletti Bruni detto il Cavalli. Tappe per una biografia (2009), and edited a mod-ern edition of the collection Sacra corona. Venice, 1656 (Middleton, A-R Editions, 2015). He has also published some articles and several entries for the Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, and the Bayerisches Musiklexikon Online, relating to mem-bers of the Veronese family of musicians Negri (Neri), such as Massimiliano, his father Giovanni Giacomo, his uncle Giuseppe and his great-uncle Orazio.

Nichola Voice is a flautist and music teacher, with a particular interest in twen-tieth-century classical music and repertoire performance. She plays in the flute/guitar ensemble Kōrerorero (Dialogue), and has experience as an orchestral and chamber musician and soloist. Born in New Zealand, she has studied extensively both there, and in Australia. She has recently submitted her Ph.D. thesis to Otago University, New Zealand, researching the intersection of the guilds with the wood-wind instrument makers of Northern Italy from 1680 to 1844.

158 Contributors

Teresa Chirico is professor of Music history and historiography at Santa Cecilia Conservatory in Rome. She took a degree in Letters, and majored in Musicology at University La Sapienza, Rome. She obtained conservatory diplomas in both Piano and Voice. She has attended many international conferences in Europe as well in the USA. She has published the monograph Filarmonici in marcia. Bande, scuole di musica e associazionismo musicale in Calabria nell’Ottocento (2008), and many articles in journals, such as «Galpin Society Journal», «Música em perspectiva», «Recercare», «Rivista italiana di musicologia», «Studi musicali», and in collective volumes. She has also written entries for the Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, and for Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. She has edited eighteen- and ni-nentheenth-century instrumental music by Ut Orpheus and Fondazione Italiana per la Musica Antica.

Giuseppe Clericetti, a Swiss musicologist, works as a producer at RSI-Rete Due, the culture channel of Swiss Radiotelevision (RSI). He has published the critical edition of the compositions for keyboard instruments by Andrea Gabrieli (Vien-na, Doblinger, 1997–2001), and the monographs Charles-Marie Widor. La Francia organistica tra Otto e Novecento (Varese, Zecchini, 2010) Andrea Gabrieli. Cessate Cantus. Lettere 1557–1585 (ibid., 2014). He has published three Oulipian exercises for the magazine Viola (2011).

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New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighteenth century Roman orchestras

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Transcript of New findings on the use of the corni da caccia in early eighteenth century Roman orchestras