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Transcript of Muzaffargarh.pdf - Punjab. Board of Revenue
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE .............................................................................................................. V
1. GENERAL INFORMATION ...................................................................................... 1
2. HISTORY ............................................................................................................. 13
3. LAND REVENUE .................................................................................................. 31
4. DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION ............................................................................... 80
5. DISTRICT REGIONAL TRANSPORT AUTHORITY .................................................... 91
6. LOCAL GOVERNMENT ........................................................................................ 93
7. DISTRICT JUDICIARY ........................................................................................... 95
8. DISTRICT PUBLIC PROSECUTOR .......................................................................... 98
9. DISTRICT ATTORNEY ........................................................................................... 99
10. DISTRICT POLICE ............................................................................................... 100
11. DISTRICT JAIL.................................................................................................... 106
12. SCHOOL EDUCATION ........................................................................................ 107
13. HIGHER EDUCATION ......................................................................................... 111
14. SPECIAL EDUCATION ........................................................................................ 112
15. NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR HUMAN DEVELOPMENT ................................... 113
16. LIBRARIES ......................................................................................................... 114
17. TECHNICAL & VOCATIONAL TRAINING ............................................................. 115
18. HEALTH ............................................................................................................ 117
19. PUNJAB FOOD AUTHORITY .............................................................................. 121
20. POPULATION WELFARE .................................................................................... 122
21. ENVIRONMENT ................................................................................................ 124
22. PUBLIC HEALTH ENGINEERING ......................................................................... 126
23. HIGHWAYS DIVISION ........................................................................................ 127
24. BUILDINGS DIVISION ........................................................................................ 129
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25. INDUSTRIES ...................................................................................................... 130
26. LABOUR WELFARE ............................................................................................ 133
27. SOCIAL WELFARE & BAIT-UL-MAAL .................................................................. 136
28. ZAKAT & USHR ................................................................................................. 139
29. AGRICULTURE .................................................................................................. 141
30. FORESTS ........................................................................................................... 148
31. IRRIGATION ...................................................................................................... 150
32. LIVESTOCK ........................................................................................................ 156
33. FISHERIES DEPARTMENT .................................................................................. 163
34. DISTRICT ELECTION COMMISSIONER ................................................................ 165
35. SPORTS ............................................................................................................ 168
36. DISTRICT INFORMATION OFFICE ...................................................................... 170
37. AUQAF DEPARTMENT ...................................................................................... 171
38. EXCISE AND TAXATION ..................................................................................... 172
39. COOPERATIVES DEPARTMENT ......................................................................... 174
40. PAKISTAN POST OFFICE .................................................................................... 176
41. PAKISTAN RAILWAYS ....................................................................................... 177
42. WAPDA/MEPCO ............................................................................................... 178
43. NADRA ............................................................................................................. 179
44. REGIONAL PASSPORT OFFICE ........................................................................... 180
45. PAKISTAN BAIT-UL-MAL ................................................................................... 181
46. PLACES OF INTEREST ........................................................................................ 182
47. PERSONS OF IMPORTANCE .............................................................................. 190
48. MUZAFFARGARH AT 225 .................................................................................. 198
v
PREFACE
Dear readers
Let me admit at the outset that compiling the gazetteer turned out to be more arduous
task than I had earlier imagined. No other work ever done by me as deputy commissioner in all the districts I had the honour to serve has taken so much of my time, and efforts, as
this one. But I am happy that the entire exercise has further enhanced my knowledge
about, and strengthened my bond with, Muzaffargarh.
While working on the gazetteer, many times I wondered how the pre-partition deputy
commissioners were able to undertake such an enormous task, and that too without
having computers and instant modes of communication at their disposal. I have started respecting them for their professionalism even more.
The most difficult part had been extracting relevant information from various district
heads as surprisingly enough, it was not readily available with them. Even on persistent
follow-up, they were either unwilling or simply incompetent to provide information pertaining to their departments. In fact, none of them was found to be in the practice of
compiling, updating and maintaining any reliable data. All of this gave me greater insight into the professional decadence we are currently facing in public sector. Almost all the
heads of departments, whom I asked to provide information, considered it a burden, and
that too unwanted and unwarranted. As if this was not enough, more often than not, the
provided data was not correct and therefore had to be returned for checking and
resubmission. In nutshell, the data and other information used in this gazetteer is as good
or bad, and authentic, as provided by the concerned department.
I may also clarify here, we had asked for the data from the departments up to the
conclusion of Financial Year 2018-19 but not all the departments complied with the
instruction correctly; different departments have used different timelines to submit the data. In any case, by the time this gazetteer would reach you, given the time lapse between
compilation and printing, the data would have already changed, at least to some extent.
Let me also say here that even though I did my best to avoid grammatical, linguistic, factual and statistical mistakes, yet at the end of the day it was a product of human effort,
which cannot be perfect. So pardon me if you find one, or more. In fact, bring them to my
notice and I would try to get them fixed in next editions. This gesture on your part would rather be considered a favour.
Similarly, many of the terms used in the gazetteer, especially in the chapter on land
revenue, are local and may be unfamiliar to our readers, particularly the foreigners. If
needed therefore, clarification may be sought, and we would be happy to reply. Even otherwise too comments and feedback are welcome.
vi
Material from previous gazetteers has been used, updated and reproduced at some places, especially while compiling the chapters related to history and land revenue, as
had been done by the authors of the earlier gazetteers too. A major difference of this
gazetteer from the previous ones, however, is that in the earlier versions, the history chapter did not have much details about Nawab Muzaffar Khan – the founder of
Muzaffargarh. I have therefore paid special attention to this aspect as I believe readers would be more interested to get information about the founder of their city and that how
he founded the city.
I may also inform the readers here that this is the 3rd gazetteer produced by a deputy
commissioner of Muzaffargarh. The earlier ones were published in 1908 and 1929 respectively. An edition was brought out in 1964 though, yet it had been the work of an
Officer on Special Duty (OSD) stationed at Multan.
I am also happy that this gazetteer has been compiled on the eve of 225th anniversary of the founding of Muzaffargarh. What time could have been better to produce an updated,
informative document than this one?
Most importantly, we have gone a step ahead of our predecessors, and in addition to
reviving the tradition of the deputy commissioners of the pre-partition era of compiling gazetteers, have launched an electronic/online version too – which we have named as
eGazetteer – along with an associated website: gazetteers.punjab.gov.pk. It would not
only satisfy the tastes of newer generations, as the information is being made available in more accessible, readable and searchable form, but has also made work of other
interested deputy commissioners easier. In fact, all of this has led to a much-needed
exercise whereby past gazetteers of all districts of the province would also be digitised
and made available online, thus preserving valuable history of every individual district
of Punjab. One hopes, other provinces would also follow suit, at some point of time.
Here I would like to acknowledge the role of one person: Khair Muhammad Budh, a civil society activist and retired government official, who had served extensively in district
administration in various capacities. He not only kept me motivated all throughout but also collected and sifted material from other departments on my behalf.
And then my own family. For many months, I kept on working on this project, and did so
by compromising on the time which was otherwise due for them; and they bore all of this
patiently, as they always do.
Finally, I would like to thank the Almighty for having enabled my humble self to do a task in my less than a year’s stay, which any other deputy commissioner posted in
Muzaffargarh has not been able to do in around a century.
Ehtasham Anwar
October, 2019
1
Chapter 1
GENERAL INFORMATION
Muzaffargarh – the fort of Muzaffar – was founded in 1794, i.e. exactly 225 years ago, by the then ruler of Multan, Nawab Muzaffar Khan. Prior to that, the place was known as ‘Musan de Hatti’ and was a stopover for those who
travelled between Multan and Dera Ghazi Khan, and beyond. The district has
a unique geography as it is triangular in shape and is bounded by two rivers,
i.e. Chenab on the east and Indus on the west. It shares boundaries with
Rajanpur in the south-west, Dera Ghazi Khan in the north-west, Khanewal,
Multan and Bahawalpur in the east, Layyah and Jhang in the north, and
Rahim Yar Khan in the south.
The district comprises 4 tehsils, i.e. Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu, Alipur and Jatoi. Previously, Layyah too was a tehsil of Muzaffargarh but it was
separated and made into a new district in 1982.
Muzaffargarh at a Glance
Area 8,249 Sq. Km
Elevation 123 m above the sea level
Longitude 71.192130
Latitude 30.075370
Time Zone Pakistan Standard Time (GMT+5)
Population 4,325,483
Number of Households 668,204
Muzaffargarh is predominantly a dry and hot district. June is the hottest
month, with an average temperature of 35°C, and when the temperature can
go as high as 45°C. January is the coldest month when the temperature averages at 13°C. Annual rainfall is around 236 mm. August is the wettest
month of the year with an average rainfall of 36.4 mm. November, on the
other hand, is the driest month with traditionally an average rainfall of 1.4
mm.
Total population of the district, as counted in 2017 census, is 4,325,483.
Male/female ratio is 105.6 men for every 100 women. 83.87% of the
population resides in rural areas whereas merely 16.13% lives in urban areas. Total number of households in the district is 668,204. That brings a
household size to 6.47 approximately. Muzaffargarh is the most populated
Unless otherwise specified, Gregorian calendar has been used throughout the Gazetteer.
2
sub-division of the district with a population of 1,624,472 persons. Kot Addu
comes next with 1,346,687. Alipur, with a population of 639,748, is the least
populated sub-division. The breakdown of the population is as follows:
Tehsil Rural Urban Total
Muzaffargarh 1,384,478 239,994 1,624,472
Kot Addu 1,092,775 253,912 1,346,687
Jatoi 555,432 159,144 714,576
Alipur 595,299 44,449 639,748
Total 3,627,984 697,499 4,325,483
The over-all literacy level in the district is 47.11%. In urban areas, it goes as
high as 73%. The literacy level is higher in men: 58% of men are literate as
compared to 35.69%women. As regards the educational qualifications, 40.9% are below primary, 24.91% are primary, 15.14% are middle, 10.31%
are matriculates, 3.99% are intermediate, whereas 4.75% have acquired
higher qualifications.
The mother tongue of majority of the people is Seraiki, i.e. 88.23%, whereas
Punjabi is spoken by 5.66% and Urdu by 4.51%. A small percentage of
people, i.e.1.07%, identify Pashtu as their mother tongue.
The population is overwhelmingly Muslim with 99.78% people professing
Islamic faith. Christians come next at .18%. Most of the Christians reside in
rural areas of Kot Addu, especially around Chowk Sarwar Shaheed. There are 24 registered churches in the district; 3 churches are in the city area of
Muzaffargarh; 2 are located in Rangpur; 3 within the limits of Police Station
Kot Addu; 3 in Daira Din Panah (Kot Addu); and the rest in Chowk Sarwar
Shaheed.
Qadianis and Hindus are much less at .03% and .01% of the total population
of Muzaffargarh respectively.
Since Muzaffargarh is largely a rural district, most of the people are
associated with agriculture or related pursuits, in one way or the other.
Muzaffargarh is one of the four main mango growing districts of Punjab; the other three being Multan, Bahawalpur and Rahim Yar Khan. Similarly,
Muzaffargarh, along with Multan and Bahawalpur, constitute date-
producing zone of Punjab. Earlier, cotton was also grown in the district on
large scale but once sugar industry started flourishing here, the farmers
shifted to sugarcane production. At present, there are 4 sugar mills in the
district, of which one is non-functioning since 2017. Except for these sugar mills, industry is not well established here. There are 6 power generating
units though. The district, however, takes pride in housing the biggest oil
refinery of the country, i.e. PARCO’s Mid Country Oil Refinery. Another worth
mentioning feature of the district is that there are 2 barrages located in it:
3
Taunsa has been built at Indus while Panjnad is there on the Chenab. The
canals being fed by these barrages are the mainstay of agriculture in the
Muzaffargarh as well as in some neighbouring districts.
There is no place of antiquity in the district except for the tomb and mosque
of Tahir Khan Nahar in Seetpur town of Tehsil Alipur, who ruled the area
towards the end of 15th century.
Though the district was founded around 225 years, it still lacks in almost all facilities which are available in other cities of the same size or age in Punjab.
Road Infrastructure is in poor condition even in Muzaffargarh city; so much
so that the road that enters the city from Multan side and passes through
the midst of the city, and houses as important establishments as DC Office,
District Courts, main bazaar etc. is in extremely dilapidated condition too.
Except for old bazaars, there are no well-developed and relatively modern
markets and shopping areas. Those who can afford therefore go to Multan for shopping purposes. Similarly, there are no decent restaurants or eateries
where one could go with one’s family. Multan again comes to rescue for this
purpose too. There are no public parks worth the name. There is a private
park established on the land owned by the erstwhile District Council along
the bank of River Chenab though. In absence of any other quality alternative,
it is visited by people in large numbers on holidays and other festivities.
There is no housing colony worth mentioning in Muzaffargarh either. Most of
the well-off persons hailing from Muzaffargarh have taken up their residences in Multan, if not in Lahore or elsewhere, and have settled their
families there. In fact, it may be regarded as one of the major reasons that
Muzaffargarh is still an underdeveloped district. Many politicians, which
contest elections from Muzaffargarh, too have settled their families in other
cities, and consider the district merely as their election constituencies. If they had seen Muzaffargarh as their true home, and that of their children, it would
have been a much better place to live in. For the same reason, there are no
quality schools or other institutes in Muzaffargarh. Once Sardar Kaura Khan
School was a reputed institute; it is now merely a shadow of its former self.
Similarly, Muzaffargarh has produced many leaders and politicians of
national stature, including even the chief ministers, governors, as well as
provincial and federal ministers, but its fate has not changed much.
Another somewhat related reason that may be attributed for the
backwardness and underdevelopment of Muzaffargarh is its proximity to Multan. As many facilities were available in Multan at half an hour’s drive,
the growth and development of Muzaffargarh remained suppressed.
There is no cuisine or food peculiar to the district either. One might notice a
large number of road side shops on roads leading to Muzaffargarh,
4
particularly from Multan side, offering doodh badaam (milk and almonds)
and kulfi most of which seem to be claiming “Asli Nazar Baloch” and
displaying picture of a person as well: Nazar Baloch, now deceased, is said
to have established first such shop in Muzaffargarh decades ago, which later became a kind of trend, at least along the major roads. The milk, enriched
with almonds, is mostly served in empty cold drinks’ bottles and has a
peculiar taste. Those visiting Muzaffargarh from other places may like to give
it a try provided they find an ‘asli’ shop now run by Nazar Baloch’s son.
Another thing which one notices on crossing the Sher Shah Bridge over the
River Chenab towards the Muzaffargarh side is the sight of many roadside,
makeshift restaurants offering ‘fresh’ fish. But be advised that the fish they
tend to portray as fresh catch from the nearby river are mostly farm-raised.
Finally, there are no practices, customs, traditions or ceremonies, e.g. birth,
death, wedding or otherwise, which are peculiar to Muzaffargarh. In fact in this age of amalgamation and homogenisation – a direct consequence of ever-
expanding Information Technology and communication links – the people of
Muzaffargarh live, dress up, eat, and celebrate in the same way as people
living in other parts of Punjab, particularly the adjoining districts. Even the
people of the district whose appearance and physique have been described as ‘well built’, ‘middling height’ and characterised by ‘a dark-brown
complexion, blackish-brown eyes, a thick and flat nose and coarse features’
in the District Gazetteer of 1929 cannot be distinguished from the people
living elsewhere in the South Punjab.
Similarly, this author differs with another observation made in the earlier
gazetteer that “The hospitality, docility, low morale and mendacity are
important characteristics” of the inhabitants of the district. Whereas good
and bad persons are found in every society and locality, in my opinion, the people of Muzaffargarh are as good or bad as those living elsewhere in the
Punjab.
CASTES AND TRIBES The main castes and tribes inhabiting Muzaffargarh are Jats, Rajputs, Arains, Balochs, Syeds, Pathans and Qureshis. Though people of these tribes
socially interact with each other, yet intermarriages are rare. Also, these
castes and tribes are found all over the Punjab, and even beyond, and their
representatives in Muzaffargarh are distinguished by no local peculiarities.
The titles of respect used in the district are Malik, Chaudhary and Rai for
Jats; Sardar for Balochs; Khan for Pathans, and even Balochs; Shah for
Syeds; Mian for Qureshis, and rarely for respectable men of other tribes, such
as the Mians of Thatta Gurmani, who are Balochs: Jam for Dammar and other Jats of Sindhi origin; and Makhdum for custodians of the shrines.
5
A general description of some of the leading castes and tribes, especially
those who are important as land-owners, or by position or influence, is as
follows.
Jats
The Jats constitute the largest portion of population of Muzaffargarh; a projection based on the 1921 census puts their percentage at around 60% of
the total population, though the later influx of migrants and settlers after
partition might have widely affected the numbers. The Jats are industrious
by nature and almost always agriculturists. All other professions come
afterwards; the trend is changing lately out of economic compulsions though. Literacy was previously uncommon too. It is also said that the Jats do not go
along well with each other, and would rather see with jealousy if anyone
amongst them excels in life. For the same reasons, they are considered
quarrelsome and given to litigation. Furthermore, they are generally
spendthrift, and this habit of theirs, more often than not, lands them in debt.
Women work alongside the men in fields but are not treated at par with men in any manner, and get share in inheritance only in rare cases. As far as
matrimonial relations are considered, they almost always marry amongst
themselves.
The Jats are scattered all over the district, and have many sub-castes but
none of them has any pre-eminence over the others except in numbers.
In the centre of the district are Metlas, Makwals, Bhuttas, Diwalas and
Mahras. In fact, Mauza Metla, Bhuttapur, Mauza Diwala and Mauza Mahra take their names from the Jats inhabiting in those areas.
Makwals are mostly settled in Daira Din Panah, and are even curators of the
shrine too. Hinjras are also settled in Daira Din Panah and neighbouring
areas in large numbers. Khars are one of the most known sub-castes of the Jats in the district and own big chunks of land particularly in Tehsil Kot Addu. Perhars are settled in the suburbs of Kot Addu, and 8-10 mauzas are
named after them such as Perhar Gharbi, Perhar Sharqi, Perhar Gharbi
Mustaqil and Perhar Gharbi Ghair Mustaqil and more. Pattals are also settled in Kot Addu where at least 4-5 mauzas have been named after them.
Panwars are settled towards the Mehmoodkot area. Gurahas inhabit Sinawan and its adjacent localities.
On the bank of the Indus, and in the south of the district, majority of the
Jats have a Sindhi origin, shown by their bearing of the title, Jam. Of these
Sindhi Jats are the Dammar, Unnar and Sarki tribes.
Rajputs
The line of division between the Jats and the Rajputs is rather thin; and for
some, does not exist at all. Also, like the Jats, the Rajputs are a land-owning
class too, but they prefer to let their lands rather than till them in person.
6
One is reminded here of an old saying about the Rajputs in general that
agriculture is only second string to their bow; military service being the first.
The Rajputs were settled in the district during the ascendency of Summas,
and are found mainly in the Alipur and Muzaffargarh tehsils; though after
partition, many migrated from India, primarily from Rohtak, Karnal and
Gurdaspur, and settled in Shehr Sultan and adjoining areas in Tehsil Jatoi.
In Tehsil Muzaffargarh, on the right bank of the Chenab, are settled the
Khera Sials, having the sub-divisions such as the Surbanas, the Traggars,
the Thahims and the Chajras. The Dogars too mostly migrated from India,
and took up residence in Khangarh and its suburbs.
In Tehsil Kot Addu, Rajputs are settled in the city area as well as Chowk
Sarwar Shaheed and Daira Din Panah.
Arains
The Arains have primarily settled in the district after partition, and came
from Jalandhar and other districts of central Punjab. Most of them have been
introduced by the Thal Development Authority, and started as occupancy tenants only.
As cultivators they are more skillful and industrious than the Jats, but they
do not own or manage large estates. They have small holdings instead, out of which they make the most. In fact, they are unrivalled as market-
gardeners.
Balochs
Balochs are found generally throughout the district, and are second only to
the Jats in numbers. As per the above-mentioned projection, they make up
to 30% of the total population of Muzaffargarh. The Balochs differ little from
the Jats, with whom they have freely intermarried and mixed. A Baloch can in fact hardly be distinguished from a Jat. In this district, they cannot even
boast that they excel in the standard Baloch virtues of hospitality, sturdiness
and bravery. They don’t speak or understand Balochi language either. They
have simple living, and even otherwise too they are not shrewd or clever.
The Balochs are more numerous on the bank of the Indus, particularly in
Alipur and Jatoi tehsils, and decrease in number as one moves from south
to north in the district.
There are many Baloch tribes, but they have not arranged themselves into Tumman like the Balochs inhabiting the tribal belt of the neighbouring Dera
Ghazi Khan. No tribe is pre-eminent on account of descent; and the only
common bond is the name Baloch. Their chief tribes are the Chandias, who
were the first ones to arrive in the district from the barren hills of Balochistan
and settled here; the Gurmanis; the Gopangs; the Jatois; the Legharis; the
Mastois; the Lasharis; the Pitafis; the Rinds; the Dastis; the Dareshaks; the Magsis; the Langrials; and the Budhs. Amongst them, the Jatois and
7
Legahris mostly inhabit Tehsil Jatoi. The Gopangs call the shots in Tehsil
Alipur. As far as Tehsil Muzaffargarh is concerned, Qalandranis reside in the
town of Baseera; and that is why it is also known as Baseera Qalandrani. Mauza Wan Pitafi is populated by the Pitafis. The Sanjranis mostly live in
Mauza Sabzo Jat. Karam Dad Qureshi is populated by a large number of
Sohranis. The Dastis are settled in Baseera and some other areas of Tehsil
Muzaffargarh.
In Kot Addu, at least 6-7 mauzas have been named after the Gurmanis,
owing to their presence in large numbers there, such as Gurmani Sharqi,
Gurmani Gharbi, Kacha Gurmani, and Thatta Gurmani. They own big land
holdings. The Rinds are mostly settled towards the Taunsa Barrage area. The Chandias are living in various chaks and mauzas most noteworthy of which
is Patti Chandia. The Budhs have 4 mauzas named after them, i.e. Budh in
Tehsil Muzaffargarh, and Umer Budh, Sharif Budh, and Fateh Budh in Tehsil Kot Addu. In addition, a railway station with the name of Budh is also
situated in Tehsil Muzaffargarh.
Syeds
Syeds command and demand respect mostly by claiming their lineage to
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) through his much-revered daughter, Fatima.
Most prominent among the Syeds are the Bukhari and Gilani clans; though
there are other less known divisions too such as the Hussaini, Maududi and
Shamsi.
The Makhdums of Seetpur in Tehsil Alipur are Syeds, and so are the custodians of the shrine of Alam Pir at Shehr Sultan in Tehsil Jatoi. Both
these families are Bukhari Syeds, and have large following in the form of mureeds.
Syeds are also settled in Tehsil Muzaffargarh, and are more numerous towards the south in areas such as Bara Sadaat.
The Kahiris in the Tehsil Kot Addu prefer to call themselves Syeds too but
their claims are not accepted at all hands. In fact, there are others persons
or clans around too who return themselves as Syeds, but the claims so made remain unreliable, to say the least.
Pathans The Pathans came to this district from Balochistan as well as Kabul at the
end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries. They mostly belong
to the Alizai, Babar, Tarin, Baddozai, Bamozai and Yusufzai tribes. The
Alizais are mostly settled in Tehsil Muzaffargarh. The Babars – to whom the legendary Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan belonged – own most land in
Khangarh. The Tarins mostly reside in Qasba Gujrat of Tehsil Kot Addu.
The Pathans of Muzaffargarh are now Pathans or Pashtuns in name only. One can hardly find the traits of Pushtunwali in them. In fact, living in Punjab
8
for centuries have fully indigenized them, and no one can set off a Pathan
from a Punjabi anymore.
Qureshis
The Qureshis, though less in numbers, wield considerable influence in the
district primarily because of their riches. Among them, those who owned land near Karam Dad Qureshi and Qasba Gujrat once used to claim that they had
received land from a king of Delhi, and that their ancestors were counselors
and servants of the Dera Ghazi Khan and Bahawalpur nawabs and of Diwan
Sawan Mal. The Qureshis also own big landholdings in Thatta Qureshi and
the neighborhood on the bank of the Chenab between Muzaffargarh and Khangarh. Qureshis have a good presence in Tehsil Kot Addu too, and according to one estimate, are settled in at least 12 mauzas.
The Jats, Balochs, and Pathans mostly profess Sunni faith, whereas Syeds
can both be Sunnis or Shias. The Shias are relatively less in number in the district, and many of them trace their origin to the times when the Kalhoras
ruled in Dera Ghazi Khan and Mankera. Though scattered all over the
district, the Shias are more numerous in Alipur and Jatoi tehsils.
SAINTS AND SHRINES The people of Muzaffargarh have traditionally been very superstitious, and believe in pirs and faqirs; the trend is on a decline though. There are a
number of ancient shrines in the district, and people visit them as a matter
of respect, and to get their needs met or problems solved, or simply for
amusement purposes. The details of most noteworthy shrines are as follows:
In the town of the same name is the shrine of Din Panah. Hazrat Syed Abdul
Wahab Bukhari Din Panah had come to settle there from Afghanistan around
400 years ago. As the legend goes—and has been narrated in the District
Gazetteer 1929, “He took up his abode in the house of Mussammat Suhagin,
the wife of Akku, a Jat of the Makwal tribe. Mai Suhagin is said to have been a very ardent votary of the Kaba, and wanted a living relic, lal (son). Din
Panah (a sage) went to Kaba, and was handed over to her; and she was told
that he would come to her when she got home. So it was; Din Panah is said
to have come to Mai Suhagin as a baby crawling about on the bank of the
Indus. With her husband's permission, she began to suckle him and brought
him up. When he grew up, he gave away all Mussammat Suhagin's property
in charity; and, when the time of her daughter Mussammat Rabi's Marriage came, there was nothing left to give so Din Panah offered himself by way of
dowry. Mussammat Rabi was married to a resident of Sanghar, where Din
Panah went with her and lived the rest of his days. He is said to have been
poisoned and died in A.H. 1012 on the west bank of the Indus, where he was buried. The date of his death is taken from epitaph Khur-ba-Niqab amadah
by Abjad calculations. The Makwals of eastern bank tried to steal his coffin,
but were prevented. A feud broke out between the Makwals on each bank of
the Indus. At last Din Panah revealed himself in a dream to the brothers of
9
Akku, and told them to make a coffin for the east bank of the Indus, and that
his corpse would be found in it also, as well as on the west bank. Since then,
there has been a shrine on each bank of the Indus.”
The 1929 Gazetteer also states that “Akbar is said to have come during Din Panah's time as a sanyasi, and desired to become a mureed by offering a lock
of his hair. Din Panah, however, refused to admit him to his discipleship.”
The tomb at Daira Din Panah is a fine, domed building covered with blue and
white tiles. Rai Bahadur Pandit Hari Kishan Kaul, who had been the Deputy
Commissioner of Muzaffargarh in 1909-10 undertook massive rehabilitation
and beautification of the tomb.
The Makwals descended from Mai Suhagin are still keepers of the shrine, and are called Khadims. The head of the family is commonly called
Makhdum, instead of Khadim.
The shrine is a preferred place for the devotees to cut off the jhand, or first
hair, which grows on a child's head. Similarly, women come to the shrine to
have jinns (evil spirits) cast out.
The shrine came under the administrative control of the Auqaf Department in 1960s. The urs, i.e. the main festival, is held on August 21-22 every year.
The income of the shrine is estimated at Rs 10-11 lac a year.
Around 5 kilometers south of Muzaffargarh in the village of Deenpur is the shrine of Daud Jahanian, who is said to have taken birth in the home of
Hazrat Sheikh Ghareeb Nawaz of Qureshi Tribe in 699 A.H., and died in 786
A.H. at the age of 87 years. The shrine was founded by Sheikh Allahabad
Qureshi, who came from Arabia, and having acquired sanctity in the service
of Makhdum Jahanian Jahan Gasht, settled here. His descendants are Makhdums of the shrine, and belong to Metla tribe of the Jats. Additions
were made to the tomb by Nawab Muzaffar Khan, and some further repairs
were carried out by Diwan Sawan Mal.
A common vow at this shrine used to be atta ghatta, literally meaning “flour
and sheep”. When the object of the vow had been obtained, the devotee and
his family would revisit the shrine, taking a sheep and a maund, or 20 seers,
of flour; the head, skin and shoulders of the sheep they would give to the
Makhdum; the rest was cooked, and the flour was made into bread, and
distributed to the poor.
In the past, baths of hot and cold sand were also prepared for lepers by the attendants of the shrine. Such baths were called rangin.
200-250 people visit the shrine daily. However, the number increases on Friday. Rs. 50000 to 55000 are collected at the shrine as donation every month. The annual urs is celebrated on 5-7 Shawwal every year. The shrine
is now under the administrative control of the Auqaf Department.
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At the town of Shehr Sultan is the shrine of Alam Pir. It was founded by
Sheikh Alam-ud-Din, alias Alam Pir, a Bukhari Syed descended from the
Makhdums of Uch in Bahawalpur. In 1167 A.H. Shehr Sultan was carried away by the river. The shrine and the town were then rebuilt at a distance of
2 miles from the old site. It was believed that a visit to shrine could provide cure to persons, especially women, possessed by the jinns. And the term used
for a woman so possessed was, and still used is, jinn khedan - to play jinn. The 1929 Gazetteer narrates, “As the women, most of whom are in kucharas
on camels, or riding on horses and bullocks, get near Shahar Sultan, they
seem to take leave of their senses, and begin to sway the body violently from the waist upwards. Their hair gets loose. They screech, and look like so many
bacebanals. In their excitement many fall off their camels. The soil of Shahar
Sultan is sandy, and they come to no harm.”
The Gazetteer further states, “Within the fair playing the devil and casting him out goes on in a regulated manner. In the house of the Makhdum of the
shrine and in the house of the other Sayyids of the Makhdum’s family women
of the upper class have their attacks of jinn, and have them cast out in the accompaniment of a mirasi women playing on a drum and singing. For
ordinary people four sites are chosen over each of which a khalifa, or deputy
of the Makhdum, presides. The possessed women pay him a pice or a fowl, take their seats and begin to sway their bodies backwards and forwards
gradually increasing in violence. The excitement is kept up by a drum being played. The khalifa goes round, lashes the women with a whip and pours
scented oil on them. As each woman gets weary, the khalifa pronounces some
words, sprinkles a little water over her and gives her a drink. The jinn is cast
out. The woman becomes quiet, and is dragged away in an exhausted state
by her friends.”
The present building of the shrine was constructed in 1903. It was taken over
by the Auqaf Department in 1982. Around 50-60 persons visit the shrine every day. The annual urs is held in last week of every year, and goes on for
at least 4 days. Donations during the urs days range between Rs1-2 lac daily,
whereas overall annual collection is 6-7 lac.
Situated at around 12 kilometres towards the north of Muzaffargarh is the
town of Khanpur housing the shrine of Bagga Sher, which literally means
“white tiger''. Even the town has come to be known as Khanpur Bagga Sher. The original name of the saint was Sheikh Muhammad Tahir. As the common
belief goes, he was served by a white tiger that even used to protect the saint’s
cows from the thieves. The saint was said to be closely related to Hazrat
Bahauddin Zakariya Multani. The shrine is about 250-300 years old, and is
now under the administrative control of the Auqaf Department. A donation of around Rs. 30000-40000 is collected every month. Annual urs is generally
held on October 20 every year but the date is subject to change by mutual
understanding of the locals.
The shrine of Miran Hayat is in the village of Panj Girain, around 12
kilometres south of Muzaffargarh. There is a stone figure of a camel on which
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the saint statedly used to ride. There was a forest of date trees near the shrine
the branches of which were said to be like cobras; a branch kept in a house
would drive away cobras, believed the followers. He was a nephew of the celebrated Ghaus-ul-Azam. His urs is held in the month of Ramzan.
The shrine of Dedha Lal in the village of Harpallo is situated at a distance of
40 kilometres towards the south of Muzaffargarh city. The real name of the
saint was Makhdum Sheikh Shahabuddin, and he was a cousin of Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya. It is said that the saint got the name of Dedha Lal
because he was converted to saintship by Makhdum Jahanian Jahan Gasht
of Uch Sharif who once turned milk into blood and made Dedha Lal to drink
it.
The shrine is now managed by the Auqaf Department. A donation of Rs 30,000 to 40,000 is collected every month. The annual urs is held on April
4-6 every year.
The shrine of Pir Mohsin Lal is situated in Basti Jal Wala, Mauza Ghazanfargarh at a distance of 27 kilometers south of Muzaffargarh city; that
is why the saint is also called the Jal Wala Pir. The shrine is under construction these days. Annual urs was held in November or December
every year but could not be held for one reason or the other for last 5 years.
In Tehsil Kot Addu are the shrines of Nur Shah in the village of Talai Nur
Shah, of Sheikh Pallia and Haji Ishaq, which have a certain local reputation.
Amongst them, Nur Shah is said to have migrated from Dera Ismail Khan.
The shrine, which is in dilapidated state now, is under the administrative control of the Auqaf Department. Annual urs is celebrated in last week of
December or first week of January, as decided by the locals. Annually around 15000-20000 devotees visit the shrine to pay homage to the saint.
The income from the shrine is 2-3 lacs per annum.
The shrine of Mohib Jahania is situated in the village of Haji Metla, at a
distance of 25 kilometres south-west of Muzaffargarh city. The shrine, which is now managed by the Auqaf Department, is said to be almost 900 years old.
Monthly donation collected at the shrine is about Rs. 25000.
Another shrine complex which is managed by the Auqaf Department is the
one situated in Mauza Kiri Ali Mardan around 8 kilometres from Rangpur. It is estimated to be about 300 years old. Annual urs was held in the month of
September but it has not held for the last 3 years.
In Alipur there are no shrines worth mention, except Alam Pir, which has
already been described.
Fairs and urs are held on all shrines more and less on the same pattern.
People from the adjoining rural areas, and sometimes even from the
neighbouring districts, tend to attend. The women and small children also
attend in large numbers, either as a mark of gratitude for any need that has
been granted or to make new requests. A general air of festivity is created.
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Food stalls, though mostly of poor quality, are set up. Road side vendors,
generally selling inexpensive clothes and toys, are also amongst the visitors.
Wrestling, and occasional horse racing, once used to be the components of larger fairs but not so anymore. Camel wrestling is though still in vogue,
probably because it provides gambling opportunities to those interested.
As stated in the beginning of the chapter, the people of Muzaffargarh are
superstitious by nature. So much so that the 1929 Gazetteer notes: “It would be difficult to find a more superstitious people in the world than the illiterate residents of this district. They are firm believers in jinns and the evil eye –
Sap da khada bache dae,
Nazar da khada nahin bachdae
(The snake bitten escapes,
He that is affected by the evil eye escapes not)”
The 1929 Gazetteer also states that in consequence of this credulousness,
Syeds, Qureshis, the keepers of shrines and any impostors who could inspire confidence derived a great trade in selling amulets. The trend continues to
this day, though in a different form and manner.
13
Chapter 2
HISTORY
Nothing is known of the early history of the district. Alexander the Great is
said to have sailed down the Jhelum to its junction with the Indus in around 327 BC, while his land forces marched in two bodies on either side of the
river. Craterus, who was on the right bank, may have skirted parts of the
present district, but there is no evidence of this, even in the Thal, which is
admirably suited for the preservation of antiquarian remains. But the very
course of the rivers at his time is a matter for speculation so far as this
district is concerned.
In ancient times, this tract was probably ruled by the Hindu dynasty of the
Rais, which was succeeded by the Brahmin line of the Chach. They ruled
over a Jat population who were a branch of the Kshatriya or Rajput race. The
Jats formed the majority of the population; all the other tribes were subsequent arrivals.
The Arabs seem to have made their appearance in 664 in the region. First
Arab conquerors, however, held Sindh and Multan from 712 – with the arrival of Muhammad Bin Qasim – to 750 when they were expelled by a Rajput tribe
called Sumra, whose descendants are still found in the district. In 1351, the
Sumras were expelled by the Summas, another Rajput tribe, descendants of
whom could be traced among the Unnars of the Tehsil Alipur today. It is
during the rule of Summas that an immigration of Rajput tribes, such as the
Sials, Gurahas, Bhattis and Chajras is said to have taken place, and that explains the overwhelming presence of the Jats in the district today, many of
whom claim a common lineage as of the Rajputs. The Summa rulers all bore
the title of Jam. To this day, Jam is used as a title of respect by Jats having
a Sindhi origin.
The next event bearing on the history of this district is the establishment of
the Langah dynasty in Multan. It ruled from 1445 to 1526. There are still
Langahs in the district, and it was during the Langah rule that the
independent kingdom of Seetpur was established by the Nahars in what is
now the Tehsil Alipur. It was also during this rule that the Balochs first emerged from the Suleman mountains and occupied the country on the left
bank of the Indus.
Roughly from that time till the end of the eighteenth century, the territory
was held by four separate governments or principalities, which were, during the Mughal period, included in Akbar’s Sarkar of Multan.
In the southern angle there was the Government of Seetpur held first by the
Nahar family, then by the Makhdums of Seetpur and lastly by the Nawabs of
Bahawalpur. The west central part of the district, opposite Dera Ghazi Khan,
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was governed by the rulers of Dera Ghazi Khan, i.e. first by Mirrani Balochs,
then Gujjars and Kalhoras, then by various governors directly appointed by
the Durrani kings of Kabul, and finally by the Nawabs of Bahawalpur. The east central part of the district lying on the right bank of the Chenab opposite
Multan was nominally ruled by the Multan governors. The northern part of
the district, including the Thal, after passing through a stage of anarchy,
became subject to the governors of Mankera, who were locally known as the
Nawabs of the Thal.
THE FIRST GOVERNMENT – SEETPUR
The kingdom of the Seetpur was established by the Nahar dynasty. In 1455 ,
when Bahlol Khan Lodhi, who had been Governor of Multan, became the King of Delhi, he granted the country lying between the Indus, which then
joined the Chenab at Ūch, and the Suleman range, south of a line drawn
from Harand to Uch and north of Shikarpur in Sindh, to his relation Islam
Khan Lodhi. This tract comprised what is now the southern part of the Tehsil
Alipur, the southern part of the District Dera Ghazi Khan and the northern part of Sindh. Islam Khan or his descendants took the title of Nahar. Islam
Khan’s grandsons, Qasim Khan, Salam Khan and Tahir Khan, quarreled and
divided the country among themselves. The southern part of the present
Tehsil Alipur, the chief town of which was then Seetpur, fell to Tahir Khan,
who established his rule there and died in due course of time. There were 27
generations of the Nahar family. The last of the Nahars was Bakhshan Khan, who was jamadar of chaprasis in Tehsil Alipur, and who enjoyed a small
allowance from the Government for looking after the family tombs. After him
the incumbents of the office were widows. One of the Nahars built a fine tomb
and a mosque in his lifetime, which still exist. His name was Tahir Khan, also known as Sakhi or the liberal. Another Nahar, named Ali Khan founded
Alipur. No other memorial of the Nahars exists.
At the end of the fifteenth century the Balochs began to come down from the
hills, and occupied the country on the left bank of the Indus, from Seetpur
to Kot Karor in Layyah. In 1484, Haji Khan, a Mirani Baloch founded Dera
Ghazi Khan and established a dynasty the rulers of which alternately bore the titles of Haji Khan and Ghazi Khan. These chiefs expelled the Nahars
from the south of the District Dera Ghazi Khan, and pressed the Seetpur
Nahars very hard. Treachery was at work at the very doors of the Nahars.
Sheikh Raju, the Makhdum of Seetpur, who was a counselor of the Nahars,
began to seize the country for himself. He did not entirely expel the Nahars for, when he was later overthrown by the Nawabs of Bahawalpur, parts of
the country were still in possession of the Nahars. The greater part, however,
of the south of the district was governed by the Makhdums of Seetpur. Until
the inroads of Bahawalpur began, nothing more is heard of the Nahars or of
the Makhdums.
The Nahars appear to have been indifferent rulers. They left no public works
behind them except Tahir Khan's tomb and adjoining mosque. The title of
Nahar was given to them for their rapacity. Popular stories attest their want
15
of wisdom. One winter night the jackals were howling around Seetpur, one legend goes. Tahir Khan, the Liberal, asked his wazir what made them howl.
The wazir answered: “The cold.” The Nahar ordered clothes to he made for
them. Next night the jackals howled again, and the Nahar asked his wazir what they were howling for. The wazir replied, "They are invoking blessings
on you for your generosity". The Makhdums of Seetpur, on the contrary, were
good governors. They dug canals, extended cultivation, and one of them
founded the town of Rajanpur.
The divided and weakened state of Seetpur attracted the attention of the Nawabs of Bahawalpur first at the beginning of the eighteenth century. They
ruled over a part of the district for a hundred years, and left their mark on it
by their public works and by introducing an organized revenue
administration. The State of Bahawalpur traces its origin to Sadiq
Muhammad Khan, son of Mubarak Khan, a distinguished resident of Shikarpur in Sindh. For some reason not ascertained, Sadiq Muhammad
Khan had to flee from the enmity of Nur Muhammad Kalhora, first of the
Kalhora governors of Sindh. Sadiq Muhammad Khan left Shikarpur in 1727,
and passed with his family and a body of followers through the territory of
Muzaffargarh to Bet Dabli on the borders of Layyah. He was closely followed
by the Sindhi troops under Mir Shah Dad Khan. A skirmish took place in which the Sindhis were defeated. Sadiq Muhammad Khan then took refuge
with the Makhdums of Uch, who sent him to Hayat Ullah Khan, Governor of Multan, with their recommendations. Hayat Ullah Khan granted him a jagir
south of the Sutlej. Sadiq Muhammad Khan distinguished himself as an
extender of cultivation and a suppressor of robbers. His next promotion was
the grant of the town and country of Farid, a robber chief whom he defeated and killed with his followers. In 1739, Sadiq Muhammad Khan obtained the
title of Nawab from Nadir Shah and, in the anarchy following the invasion of
Nadir Shah, succeeded in seizing the country bounded by the Sutlej on the
north, Bikaner on the east, Sindh on the south and the Indus on the west.
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was succeeded by his son Bahawal Khan, who founded the town of Bahawalpur, and who is remembered as Bahawal Khan
the Great. It was in the time of his successor, Mubarak Khan, that the
Nawabs of Bahawalpur first established themselves permanently in the
district. In 1751, Mubarak Khan seized Mudwala, a village on the right bank
of the Chenab between Shehr Sultan and Alipur, just opposite to the junction
of the Sutlej and Chenab, from the Nahars. Later, in the same year, he took Bet Doma, a village and tract south of Seetpur, from Makhdum Sheikh Raju
of Seetpur. Bahawal Khan II was the next nawab. In 1781, he took the
pargana of Jatoi from Makhdum Sheikh Raju.
It was about 1790 that the Indus left its old course which joined the Chenab close to Uch and took the bed it now occupies. The south of the district was
thus laid open to the attacks of Bahawalpur, and the nawab at once availed
himself of the opportunity. He took Alipur, Shehr Sultan, Seetpur and
Khairpur without a contest; and proceeded to take whole of the western and
16
southern portions of the present day Muzaffargarh from the rulers of Dera
Ghazi Khan.
THE SECOND GOVERNMENT – THE RULE BY THE DERA GHAZI KHAN
RULERS
It has already been stated that the Balochs occupied the left bank of the Indus at the end of the fifteenth century, and that in 1484, Haji Khan
founded Dera Ghazi Khan. His son was Ghazi Khan, and alternate Haji
Khans and Ghazi Khans ruled until 1769. As far as this district is concerned,
they were good governors, encouraged agriculture and excavated canals. One
of them, said to be the first Ghazi Khan, founded the town of Kinjhar on the Indus. Mehmood Khan Gujjar became wazir to the last Ghazi Khan and,
under the pretext of saving government from conspirators, called Ghulam
Shah Kalhora, Governor of Sindh, who took Dera Ghazi Khan, arrested the
last Ghazi Khan and carried him as a prisoner to Sindh, where he died.
Ghulam Shah left Mehmood Khan as the Governor of Dera Ghazi Khan. He
was maintained by the kings of Khurasan too, and received from them the
title of Jan Nisar Khan. Mehmood Khan ruled for 30 years, and was succeeded by his nephew, Barkhurdar, who was superseded by governors
sent directly from Khurasan. Mehmood Khan enjoyed good reputation as the
governor. Besides other works, he built the fort of Mehmoodkot. The Shia
Muslims in the district date from the time of the Kalhora invasion caused by
Mehmood Khan. After the Gujjars, a number of governors were sent directly from Khurasan. Anarchy prevailed on the left bank of the Indus, which
prepared the country for the invasion of Bahawal Khan II in 1791. Here may
be left the Dera Ghazi Khan part of Muzaffargarh at the same point where
Seetpur was left, and an account given of the part of the district that was
subject to Multan. The history of the Balochs will, however, be reverted to in
considering the fourth Government.
THE THIRD GOVERNMENT – THE RULE BY THE RULERS OF MULTAN
The Langahs, already referred to, were expelled in 1529 by the Afghans,
nominally acting on behalf of Babar, and in Akbar's reign Multan was incorporated in the Delhi Empire as a province or sarkar. Of the sub-
divisions of the Multan, the only two mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari are
Rangpur and Seetpur. Though it is known from general history that this
district must have been sometimes subject to Delhi and sometimes to
Khurasan, neither monarchy had much effect on its internal history, and the
local chiefs carried on their public improvements and their little wars without
interference from either headquarters. Occasionally, one of two rival
competitors tried to strengthen his cause by obtaining a deed-of-grant from Delhi or Kabul. But a strong band of followers proved a better support than any sanad or farman. A favourite saying of the local historians, in describing
the rise of some chief, who, if a settled government had existed, would have
been hanged, is
17
Udhar Dilhi di sultanat mein fatur;
Idhar shahan Kabul ki nazaron dur.
(On that side, anarchy in the Delhi kingdom;
On this side, far from the eyes of the kings of Kabul.)
As far as Multan is concerned it has no history connected with the district
from the time of the Langahs to the establishment of the Multani Pathans.
These were a family of Sadozai Afghans, and a branch of the family to which Ahmad Shah, Taimur Shah, Zaman Shah and Shah Shuja – kings of Kabul
– belonged. The first of the family who came to India was Hussain Khan, who held Rangpur in this district in jagir in the time of Aurangzeb. Zahid Khan
was the first of the family who became Nawab of Multan in around 1738.
Between the accession of Zahid Khan and that of his son, Shuja Khan, simple
anarchy prevailed. Shuja Khan was invested with the government of Multan in 1767. He founded Shujabad in Multan opposite Khangarh. In his time, the
Bhangi Sikhs overran the country and occupied Multan, driving Shuja Khan
to Shujabad. The raids and cruelty of the Bhangi Sikhs later became part of
the local folklore. After his death, Shuja Khan was succeeded by his son,
Muzaffar Khan.
A separate account has been given on Muzaffar Khan, being the founder of
Muzaffargarh.
NAWAB MUZAFFAR KHAN
Muzaffar Khan was born in 1757 in Multan. He was the eldest of four sons
and one daughter of Nawab Shuja Khan. He was given the best education in
religion, civil administration and warfare. He was a man of great qualities and was well-versed in all current disciplines. He offered prayers regularly
from the early age and always fasted in the month of Ramazan. He treated
everybody with respect and was a man of good manners. He took keen
interest in the affairs of the state from the very beginning and got good
training under the able guidance of his father. He was only 18 years old when he led a mission to Kabul in January 1775 under the instruction of his father.
His mission failed but he attracted the attention of the Afghan King who fixed
five thousand rupees as his stipend. He was a brave man and his training
was fed with Sikh enmity. He commanded the Afghan contingent during the
siege of Multan in February 1775 and showed great bravery. When Ganda
Singh had invaded Shujabad, he defended it with great valour and ultimately having realised the greedy nature of the Sikhs, gave them some money. He
succeeded his father at the age of 18 in Shujabad on October 18, 1775.
Muzaffar Khan could not recover Multan till 1780, when he was reinstated
by Taimur Shah, King of Kabul, who expelled the Sikhs and appointed Muzaffar Khan as the Governor (Subedar) of Multan with the title of Nawab,
at the age of 23.
Nawab Muzaffar Khan’s rule was a continuous warfare, but still he paid his
attention towards the betterment and development of his people. He realized
18
the importance of ‘Musan de Hatti’ on the road leading from Multan to Dera
Ghazi Khan on the other side of the Chenab. He decided to build a fort there,
and hence the fort and town of Muzaffargarh were founded in 1794.
Similarly, the establishment of forts and towns at Khangarh and Ghazanfargarh are attributed to his sister, Khan Bibi, and brother, Nawab Ghazanfar Khan respectively. In all, the talukas of Rangpur, Muradabad,
Muzaffargarh, Khangarh and Ghazanfargarh were added to the territory of
Multan then. Muzaffargarh became his central town across the Chenab and
attracted people, primarily the agriculturists, from other parts of his territory
as Muzaffar Khan dug canals, made embankments and extended cultivation.
In December 1807, he sailed to Mecca to perform Hajj. He stayed there for
more than a year and on his way back home, he purchased many rare
varieties of the date palm which he transplanted in Shujabad, Multan and Muzaffargarh. No wonder many varieties of dates produced in the region
might have their origin to those days.
It was a tumultuous time as Ranjit Singh had set his eyes on Multan. After
at least a couple of unsuccessful attempts he sent an expedition of 50000 soldiers under the over-all command of his son, Prince Kharak Singh. Nawab
Muzaffar Khan, on the other hand, had only 2000 soldiers at his disposal not
only to defend Multan but also the town and fort of Shujabad. The Sikhs
were able to conquer the city of Multan with relatively less resistance, yet the
siege of the fort lasted for 84 days. On June 2, 1818 a small contingent of
Sikhs succeeded in making their way into the fort. Nawab Muzaffar Khan, along with a few of his faithful soldiers, checked their advance. The fight went
on from morning till afternoon. It was more like a hand-to-hand fight in
which both sides used daggers, swords and guns. Nawab gave a heroic fight
in which he was accompanied by his sons, relatives, loyal servants and a
handful of Afghans. Finally, a bullet from a Sikh soldier gave him the honour of martyrdom. His five sons kept fighting and sacrificed their lives one after
another. Not only this but his daughter too followed his father’s footsteps and
laid her life before the fort finally fell to the Sikhs.
Muzaffar Khan lived the life of a soldier and died as a martyr. All throughout his tenure, he remained busy in the defense of his dominion against the
Sikhs. With the demise of Muzaffar Khan, the dynasty of Sadozais also came
to an end in Multan. The Sikhs now became the masters of Multan till the
time it was annexed by the East India Company in 1849.
THE FOURTH GOVERNMENT – THE THAL NAWABS
The fourth Government comprised what is now, to a great extent, the Tehsil
Kot Addu, and parts of the District Layyah. It continued to form part of the
Mughal Empire until the invasion of Nadir Shah in 1738 when the area was
plundered ruthlessly. In 1739, the area west of the Indus was surrendered
by the Emperor of Delhi to Nadir Shah, and passed after his death to Ahmad
Shah Abdali. The armies of Ahmad Shah marched repeatedly through the district, the cis-Indus portion of which was, with the rest of the Punjab,
19
incorporated in 1756 in the Durrani kingdom. During the greater portion of
the reign of Ahmad Shah, no regular governors were appointed by the Kabul
Government. The country was divided between the Hot and Jaskani chiefs and a number of nearly independent border tribes. Occasionally one of the
king's sardars marched through the country with an army, collecting in an
irregular way, and often by force, the revenue that might have been assessed
without any uniform basis; but little or no attention was paid to the internal
administration of the area until quite the close of the reign of Ahmad Shah.
Two or three years before his death, Ahmad Shah deposed Nusrat Khan, the last of the Hot rulers of Dera Ismail Khan; and after him, Dera Ismail Khan
was governed by Qamar-ud-Din Khan and other governors appointed direct
from Kabul. Some ten years later, the descendants of Mehmood Khan Gujjar,
who had succeeded the Miranis in the government of Dera Ghazi Khan, were
similarly displaced; and in 1786 the old Jaskani family of Layyah was driven out by Abdul Nabi Serai, to whom their territories had been granted by the king in jagir. Towards the end of the century, the whole of the present district
on both sides of the river was consolidated into a single government, under
Nawab Muhammad Khan Sadozai.
Before, however, proceeding further it would be necessary to enter into some
detail as to the history of the country under the old Baloch families.
References to the settlement of the first Baloch chiefs along the Indus are
found in the work of famous historian, Ferishta, and in a Persian manuscript translated by Lieutenant Maclagan – a British civil servant in India and a
historian. The account given by the latter is that in 874 Hijri (1469) Sultan
Hussain, son of Qutab-ud-Din, obtained the government of Multan. He held
the forts of Shor and Chuniewat (in Jhang) and of Kot Karor (Karor Lal Isan)
and Dinkot (near Kalabagh). Soon after, Malik Suhrab, a Dodai Baloch, along
with his son Ismail Khan, and Fateh Khan and others of his tribe, arrived from Kech Mekran and entered the service of Sultan Hussain. As the hill
robbers were then becoming very troublesome in the province of Multan,
Sultan Hussain rejoiced in the opportune arrival of Malik Suhrab, and
assigned to him the country from the fort of Karor to Dinkot. "On this
becoming known, many Bilochs came from Kech Mekran to the service of Sultan. The lands, cultivated and waste, along the banks of the Indus were
assigned to the Bilochs, and the royal revenue began to increase. The old
inhabitants of Dera Ghazi Khan and Multan relate that, after Suhrab's
arrival, Haji Khan, with his son Ghazi Khan and many of their kindred and
tribe, came from Kech Mekran to enter the service of Sultan. When the tracts
along the Indus were in the hands of Malik Suhrab and Haji Khan, Malik Suhrab founded a town or dera named after Ismail Khan, and Haji Khan
another with the name of Ghazi Khan." This account is confirmed, though in
less detail, by Ferishta.
We next hear of these chiefs in 1540. In that year the Emperor Sher Shah visited Khushab and Bhera in the District Shahpur, and made arrangements
for bringing into submission the south-western portions of the Punjab.
20
Among other chiefs who then appeared and tendered their submission were
Ismail Khan, Ghazi Khan and Fateh Khan – the Dodai Balochs. These were
probably descendants of the men mentioned above, it being the custom in these families to have a common name by which the ruling chief for the time
being was always known. Thus, the Hot chiefs of Dera Ismail were always
called Ismail Khans, while the Miranis of Dera Ghazi were called Ghazi Khans
and Haji Khans. The Balochs are spoken of in the accounts of that time as a
barbarous and daring tribe that had long been settled in great numbers in
the lower Punjab. Mr. Fryer in his Settlement Report of the District Dera Ghazi Khan mentions that the first Ghazi Khan is proved by the date on his
tomb to have died in 1494. This would agree with the date in the manuscript
quoted above, and would fix the latter half of the fifteenth century as the
period when the main Baloch immigration took place. It would also allow
sufficient time for the Baloch headmen to have become recognized chiefs of the country by the time of Sher Shah's visit to Khushab in 1540.
The main facts established appear to be that the early settlers were grouped
under two leading families: the Ismail Khans and Ghazi Khans. Both of these were probably of one stock, viz., the Dodai Balochs; but this name Dodai
disappears altogether, and in the local history Ghazi Khan's tribe is known
as Mirani Balochs, and Ismail Khan's as Hot Balochs. The Dodais are,
according to the Balochs, a mixed tribe of Jat origin belonging to the Satha-
Surma clan, later represented by the Surma of Layyah; Doda, their founder,
married a Baloch wife. This tribe owned Dera Ghazi Khan before the Baloch
invasion, and retained it, being assimilated by the Balochs. The Miranis of Dera Ghazi Khan were Dodais; the Hots, on the contrary, were Balochs of
pure blood. The Hots, according to Baloch tradition, are one of the five main
branches into which the Balochs got originally divided, i.e. Rind, Lashari,
Hot, Korai and Jatoi, who took their names from the four sons and the
daughter of Mir Jalalan, the common ancestor. They could scarcely therefore be a branch of the Dodai. The Governor of Multan seems to have assigned to
these two families the land along the Indus, including both banks from its
junction with the Chenab upwards. They first established themselves on the
right bank, but gradually threw out parties who took possession of the left
bank as well. Very little is known about these Hot chiefs. They ruled
continuously at Dera Ismail Khan from their first settlement till about 1770, when the last of them, Nusrat Khan, was deposed by King Ahmad Shah and
taken as a prisoner to Kabul. In 1794, the government of the province was
transferred to Muhammad Khan Sadozai. At that point, the Hots disappear
from the history.
Parts of Layyah along the southern boundary of the old District Dera Ghazi
Khan appear to have been included in that section of the Indus valley which
had been assigned to the Miranis. They are said to have founded Kot Addu,
Kot Sultan, Layyah and Naushera. Beyond Naushera the country probably
at first belonged, by the terms of the original assignment, to the Hots. The towns above mentioned are said to have been founded about 1550 by the
21
four sons of the Ghazi Khans. The eldest of these, Kamal Khan, the founder
of Layyah, is said to have held a sort of supremacy over his brothers. It
appears, however, that the Miranis never held Layyah as an independent government. The Ghazi Khans held Layyah as part of the Ghazi territory,
much as the Hots of Dera held Darya Khan. It was under these
circumstances that the Jaskanis rose to power. Mir Chakar was a leading
man among the earliest of the Baloch settlers of Layyah. One of his
descendants, Daud Khan, established himself as a robber chief in the jungles
between Karor and Layyah, with headquarters at Wara Gish Kauri. He collected a large number of followers, and at the head of 500 horses he defied
both the Miranis of Dera Ghazi Khan and the Hots of Dera, on whose borders
he was established. This was during the reign of Emperor Akbar, in the latter
half of the sixteenth century. Eventually, Akbar sent a force against him, and
he was killed and his band broken up. The tribe seems, however, to have again gathered together, and in the beginning of the seventeenth century
Baloch Khan, their chief, received from the Emperor a grant of the land from
Mehmoodkot to Khola in Mianwali.
The Jaskanis do not appear, however, to have succeeded in getting possession of the portion of the tract lying to the north of Darya Khan. This
was held by the Hots of Dera till the end of the eighteenth century. Probably,
the Jaskanis got nothing more than what they already possessed, though
perhaps in nominal subordination to the Hots and Miranis. Henceforth they
were independent, and the Miranis lost their hold on Layyah altogether. The
Miranis are said to have been finally ousted from Layyah around 1620. The leading Baloch tribes of Bhakkar and Layyah all claim descent from Baloch
Khan. They are the Jaskanis, Mandranis, Mamdanis, Kandanis, Sarganis
and Malianis. Baloch Khan was succeeded by Jasak Khan, Bhakkar Khan,
Langar Khan and other chiefs of his family. At the beginning of the
seventeenth century the Jaskanis ruled over Bhakkar and Layyah as well as across the Thal towards the Chenab. They seem to have been more or less at
war with the Sials of Uch, and also came occasionally into contact with the
Sikhs, who were then becoming a power in the Punjab. Baloch Khan, the
Blind, one of the most famous of these Jaskanis, is said to have been killed
in 1746 in a fight with Jhanda Singh and Ganda Singh, the Sikh leaders. It
is probable that the real date of this event was somewhat later, and that this is probably the same Jhanda Singh who took Multan in 1772. In
Cunningham's “History of the Sikhs” it is mentioned that, from 1772 to the
retaking of Multan by the Kabul kings, the Bhangi Sikhs were predominant
in all of the Southern Punjab, and that "they seem to have possessed
Mankera as well as Multan, and to have levied exactions from Kalabagh downwards." Another tradition is against Mankera having been occupied by
the Sikhs before its final capture by Ranjit Singh, and any expedition made
by them in this direction can have been little more than a transitory raid.
The history of these times is wrapped in much obscurity, and the accounts,
being based only on unauthentic resources, are often contradictory.
22
Fateh Khan succeeded his father Baloch Khan. Towards the end of his rule,
Nusrat Khan Hot of Dera Ismail Khan, crossed over to Bhakkar, and defeated
Fateh Khan's son, also named Nusrat, whom he took prisoner with him to Dera. It was with much difficulty that the release of Nusrat was obtained.
However, he and his father, Fateh Khan, poisoned themselves through
shame at the disgrace. The whole affair was a great scandal; and, as Nusrat
Khan Hot bore a bad character as a tyrant and wine-bibber, the king, Ahmad
Shah, who was desirous of tightening his hold over these semi-independent
provinces, took advantage of the excuse to deprive him of his government and to remove him as a prisoner to Kabul.
Meanwhile, Hassan Khan Laskrani ruled the cis-Indus country in the name
of Hayat Khan, the grandson of the former chief, Fateh Khan. Being desirous, however, to keep the government in his own hands, he continued to keep
Hayat Khan under close surveillance in the fort of Mankera even after the
latter had attained majority. Hayat Khan eventually managed to escape and,
getting together a party, he defeated Hassan Khan and took him prisoner.
Hassan Khan was soon afterwards murdered by some of Hayat Khan's
attendants who were opposed to him. The Government of the Jaskanis, however, was now fast breaking up. The Sarganis, who were then a strong
tribe and had been much pampered by Hayat Khan, took offence at an
expedition fitted out by Hayat Khan against one Gul Muhammad of Uch, a
holy individual who had been trying to establish his independence in the
Chenab territory. They accordingly attacked him treacherously and
murdered him in his fort at Mankera in 1787. After this the Sarganis, under their chief, Gula Khan, held out for some time against Muhammad Khan, the
brother and successor of the deceased Hayat Khan. They were eventually
defeated by the Jaskanis under the leadership of Diwan Ladda Ram, and
their chief, Gula Khan, having been killed in this action, the Sarganis came
to terms with Muhammad Khan, and were bought off with the Munda Shergarh territory, which was granted to them in jagir.
Reference must now be made again to the affairs of Dera Ghazi Khan, whose
chiefs had always exercised a good deal of influence, if not authority, over
the Layyah portion of the Jaskani dominions. The Dera Ghazi Khan history is mostly fragmentary and conflicting. It appears that all through the reign
of Ahmad Shah Abdali (1747-73), the old Mirani family was being gradually
crushed out in the conflict between the Durrani king and the Kalhoras of Sindh; and during the whole of this time Mehmood Khan Gujar, wazir under
the last of the Ghazi Khans, was playing a double game, sometimes siding
with one party, sometimes with the other. When the country west of the Indus was ceded to Nadir Shah in 1739, he confirmed Mehmood Khan as
governor; and the latter seems also to have been continued by Ahmad Shah
too when he passed through Dera Ghazi Khan in 1748. All that time,
however, the Kalhora rulers of Sindh claimed the sovereignty of the country;
and, though Sindh itself was nominally a portion of the territory ceded to
Kabul by the Emperor of Delhi, still the hold of the Kabul king, even over
23
Dera Ghazi Khan, was weak and intermittent, and no revenue could be
obtained from Sindh without hard fighting. The Kalhora prince then was Nur
Muhammad, generally called Nur Muhammad Serai, and after his death his son, Ghulam Shah. This is the same Nur Muhammad who fought with the
Hots of Dera Ismail Khan, and is said to have governed Layyah and the
Sindh-Sagar Doab to the Chenab. The Jaskanis continued to hold Layyah till
1787.
At Dera Ghazi Khan the last chiefs of the Mirani line and Mehmood Khan Gujjar who, though titularly their wazir, appears to have been more powerful
than his nominal masters, also held their government in subordination to
the Kalhoras; and, though the rule of the latter, after Ahmad Shah's
accession, was rather intermittent, still they do not appear to have given up
their claim to Dera Ghazi Khan till they were themselves driven out of Sindh. In 1758, the king sent a force under Kaura Mal, by whom the Sindh party
was defeated in a fight near the town of Dera Ghazi Khan. The Miranis, at
that time, were split up into rival factions who took opposite sides, and many
of them after this event migrated to the neighbourhood of Layyah, where they
are still found in considerable numbers. This Kaura Mal was afterwards Governor of Multan, and exercised a sort of authority under the king both
over the Miranis of Dera Ghazi Khan and over the Jaskanis of Layyah. In
1769, Ghulam Shah Kalhora again attacked Dera Ghazi Khan, and finally
drove out the Miranis. He put in Mehmood Khan Gujjar as governor.
Mehmood Khan, as stated above, was succeeded by his nephew, Barkhurdar,
who was killed in 1779, when the province was put under governors appointed direct from Kabul. Neither Mehmood Khan nor Barkhurdar
exercised any authority over Layyah and the cis-Indus country. They were
purely governors of Dera Ghazi Khan. Ghulam Shah took Dera Ghazi Khan
in 1769 but in 1772, the Kalhoras were themselves driven out of Sindh by
the Talpurs. This threw them entirely into the hands of the Kabul king, and they retired with their following to the District Dera Ghazi Khan, where they were granted considerable jagirs; henceforth they are known as Serais,
instead of by their old name of Kalhoras. The Serais, finding themselves
stranded at Dera Ghazi Khan with a large armed following, now commenced
to look about for some territory in which to found a new principality. The
Jaskani country, torn by internal faction, and attached by tradition to the province of Dera Ghazi Khan, was close at hand, and in every way suited for the purpose. Armed therefore with a sanad from Taimur Shah, the then king
of Kabul, Abdul Nabi Serai, the brother of Ghulam Shah, entered into a
league with the turbulent Sarganis, and in 1789 marched against Layyah.
Muhammad Khan Jaskani was defeated, and fled to the Tiwana country and
thence to Bahawalpur. The Nawab of Bahawalpur would probably have assisted him to recover his country, but Muhammad Khan, with the pride of
a Baloch, insultingly refused to give the nawab a valuable work on hawking
for which he had asked, and ended his days as a dependant on Hasad Khan,
the Nutkani chief of Sagar. Thus, ended the line of the Jaskani chiefs after a
rule of more than 200 years. Abdul Nabi Serai held the Layyah Government
24
only for three years. Complaints were made to the king of his tyrannical rule,
while an appointment was wanted for Muhammad Khan Sadozai. The latter
was cousin to Muzaffar Khan, Nawab of Multan, for whom he had for some time acted as Governor of Multan to the satisfaction of the king. A sanad
therefore was soon drawn out appointing Muhammad Khan Nawab and
Governor of the Sindh-Sagar Doab from Kallur Kot to Mehmoodkot and from
the Indus to the Chenab. Muhammad Khan had still to take possession,
which was not to be done without fighting. He was met by Abdul Nabi near
Layyah, and in the battle that ensued the Serais had at first the advantage, and the Nawab's people fled. The Nawab himself was ready to flee, saying: “What can a king do without an army?" but was stopped by his jamadar, as
the legend goes, who said: “Better die than flee." Eventually he rallied a part of his forces, and meanwhile some Labanas crept up through a bhang field
and attacking the Serais from behind, killed Muhamad Arif, the son of Abdul
Nabi, who had been the soul of the fight, and the Serais, being disheartened,
gave in. The Serais were allowed a day to remove their property and departed by boat to their own country to the south.
Meanwhile, Taimur Shah had died in 1793. He was succeeded by Zaman
Shah, whose title was, however, disputed by Prince Humayun. In 1794, Humayun made his second attempt to recover the kingdom from Zaman
Shah, but was defeated and fled to Sagar, where Massu Khan Nutkani, Chief
of Sagar, assisted him and managed to smuggle him across the Dera Fateh
Khan in a ferry. He got to Layyah and stopped at a well, where curiosity was excited by his paying an ashrafi for a few sticks of sugarcane that he had
taken. The news came to the ears of Nawab Muhammad Khan, who happened to be at Layyah at the time. The Nawab suspected that it must be
Prince Humayun, for whose capture strict orders, with promises of untold
rewards, had been issued by Zaman Shah. He accordingly collected some
horsemen and pursued Humayun whom he overtook at a well in the Thal
some 15 miles from Layyah. Humayun had some 20 or 30 horsemen with
him, who in desperation made a good fight. Humayun's young son was killed, and Humayun himself was taken prisoner and brought to Layyah. The
Nawab at once reported the capture of Humayun to the king, Zaman Shah,
who sent orders that Humayun's eyes should be put out and his companions
disembowelled. He also conferred on the Nawab the name of Sarbiland Khan,
and the government of Dera Ismail Khan in addition to that which he already held. The orders of the king were carried out at Layyah. Humayun himself
passed the rest of his life in confinement.
The province of Dera, of which Muhammad Khan now became governor,
extended from the Khasor range to the Sagar country ruled over by the Nutkani chief. Nawab Muhammad Khan had his headquarters at Mankera
and Bhakkar, and governed Dera by a deputy. He left his mark on the north
of the district by the canals which he dug. It is he that is referred to as the
Nawab of the Thal. In 1815, he died. He left no son, and was succeeded by
his son-in-law, Hafiz Ahmad Khan.
25
Muhammad Khan was undoubtedly a man of great character, and during his
lifetime the Sikhs abstained from attacking the Layyah territories.
Immediately on his death a demand for tribute was made on Hafiz Ahmad Khan. On his refusal, the forts of Khangarh and Mehmoodkot were occupied
by the Sikhs, and great atrocities were perpetrated on the Muslim population
of the neighbourhood until Hafiz Ahmad Khan procured the withdrawal of
the Sikh garrisons by the payment of a large sum of money, and thus
recovered the forts, with part also of the plunder extorted. After this the Sikh
Government continued to press the Nawab with all kinds of extortionate demands. Among other things, Ranjit Singh was especially fond of seizing
any valuable horses he might hear of, and made the Nawab yield some of his
favourites. In 1818 Multan, despite of the gallant resistance offered by Nawab
Muzaffar Khan, had been taken by the Sikhs. Hafiz Ahmad Khan had not
dared to assist a kinsman in the struggle, and his own turn was soon to come. In the autumn of 1821, Ranjit Singh, disengaged from more serious
matters, determined to reduce him. He accordingly marched with an army
through Shahpur to a point on the Indus opposite Dera Ismail Khan. He sent
a force of 8,000 men across the river, and on this the town was surrendered
by the governor, Diwan Manik Rai. Bhakkar, Layyah, Khangarh and
Maujgarh were all successively reduced without resistance. Mankera, fortified by a mud wall and having a citadel of brick but protected more by
its position in the midst of a desert, was now the only stronghold remaining,
and a division was advanced for its investment on the 18th November. Sardar
Khan Badozai, a bold, impetuous man, recommended Hafiz Ahmad Khan to
march out at once and attack the Sikhs. "To fight in the plain," he is quoted to have said, “is the business of a lion, to hide in a hole that of a fox." Hafiz
Ahmad Khan, however, was not to be persuaded, and preferred to stand a siege. The Sikhs now set baildars to dig wells for the use of the troops, and
in the meantime, water had to be brought on camels and bullocks from
Maujgarh. The wells were ready by the 25th November, and Ranjit Singh then
moved to Mankera with his main force; and on the 26th November, the investment was completed. The bombardment of the place was continued for
ten days after this, but not without loss to the besiegers. At last, one of the
minarets of the fort mosque got damaged by the Sikh fire; Hafiz Ahmad Khan,
looking on this as an unlucky omen and thinking that enough had been done
for honour, proposed terms and agreed to surrender the fort on condition of
being allowed to march out with his arms and property, and to retain the town and province of Dera Ismail Khan, with a suitable jagir. Ranjit Singh
granted the terms, and the place was surrendered accordingly. The Nawab
was treated with great civility and was sent with an escort to Dera Ismail
Khan. Ranjit Singh now annexed the cis-Indus territory. It must not be
imagined that under the Sikhs the whole cis-Indus territory formed one compact government. A great portion of it was held in jagir, each jagirdar possessing judicial and executive authority in the limits of his jagir, and
being quite independent of the kardar to whom the khalsa portion of the
district happened to be leased. These jagirdars were almost invariably
26
nonresidents, and put in agents, known as hakims, to manage their estates.
These hakims were more or less in the habit of raiding on one another and
lifting cattle. Thus, the entire territory until the time of Diwan Sawan Mal was generally in a disturbed state. These jagirs were mostly in the Thal. The
whole of the cis-Indus jagirs granted by the Sikh Government, with the
exception of one or two small villages, were resumed during the British era.
The history of the four Governments has now been brought to a point where
they begin to merge under one head. The process was completed between
1790 and 1821. Bahawal Khan II had the territory lying open to him by shifting of the Indus to the west, and having just seized those talukas which
now form the Alipur Tehsil. In the part of the district which had been ruled
from Dera Ghazi Khan there prevailed an anarchy, which followed the rule of
Mehmood Khan Gujjar. Between 1790 and the end of the century, Bahawal Khan II took possession of the talukas of Arain, Kinjhar, Khor, Mahra, Seri
and Trund, which now form the southern and western parts of Muzaffargarh. This portion, along with Alipur, was called Kachi Janubi, opposed to the
Kachi Shumali of the Thal nawabs. He and his successor, Sadiq Khan II, and
Bahawal Khan III brought the country under a settled government,
encouraged cultivation and excavated canals. Bahawal Khan III was the
governor that later helped Edwardes at the siege of Multan. In 1818, the Sikhs took Multan, and the talukas formerly governed by Muzaffar Khan, viz., Rangpur, Muradabad, Muzaffargarh, Khangarh and Ghazanfargarh,
were henceforward administered by the Sikh governors of Multan. The
Multani Pathans fled the country, and went for the most part to Dera Ismail
Khan, not to return until the British come in 1849.
Ranjit Singh then proceeded to take over Dera Ghazi Khan (1819) and
Mankera (1821); and thus, the northern part of the district passed under the
rule of Sikhs. The southern half, however, still remained in the hands of the
Bahawalpur Nawabs, who accepted a lease of their earlier conquests from
the Sikh Maharaja, but when the then Nawab failed to remit the annual
amount in 1830, Ranjit Singh sent General Ventura to take charge of their conquests and the Nawab was resultantly pushed across the Chenab, which
was set as the boundary between the Sikh Kingdom and the territories of
Bahawalpur. The whole of the present district was then united under
celebrated Diwan Sawan Mal, Governor of Multan, in 1837. Sawan Mal was
an able administrator and through his development and other works was able to revive the agricultural economy, which had suffered much as a result
of constant warfare. Though under the Bahawalpur Nawabs, parts of the
district had enjoyed a fairly settled administration, Diwan Sawan Mal's
government was better than anything that had preceded it. Its sole object
was the accumulation of wealth for the Diwan. The execution of public works,
the administration of justice, and security of life and property, etc. were secondary considerations, and were insisted on only because without them
agriculture would not prosper, and the revenue would not be paid. During
his time a large number of Labana colonists from the Punjab were settled in
27
the district. Diwan Sawan Mal died on the September 29, 1844, and was
succeeded by his son, Mul Raj of whom nothing particular connected with
the district is known.
In April 1848, Sir Herbert Edwardes, then Assistant to the Resident at
Lahore, heard of the news of the outbreak at Multan and the murder of Vans
Agnew. He was then at Dera Fateh Khan. He immediately crossed the river
to Layyah but retreated on the advance of a force sent by Diwan Mul Raj. The next month passed in movements and counter-movements in the
neighbourhood of Layyah. Meanwhile, Edwardes had collected a mixed force
made up of mainly Multani Pathans and men of the Pandapur, Ustrana and
other border tribes. On the 21st May, he heard of the occupation of Dera
Ghazi Khan by a force that he had sent down the right bank of the Indus under Van Cortlandt. He then proceeded to move towards Multan. On his
march he fought the battles of Kaneri and Sadduzam, in which his rough
levies behaved with great gallantry. These same forces took part in the siege
of Multan under General Whish. On the taking of Multan, on January 22,
1849, greater numbers were discharged and returned to their homes; 2,000,
however, of Edwardes' levies were retained in the government employment; and the leading sardars all received handsome pensions. On March 29, 1849
the Punjab was annexed and the territories forming the present district,
which were for the most part already under the control of British officers,
became formally a portion of the British Empire.
The events of 1857 mutiny did not have much bearing on the area and both
Khangarh and Layyah mostly remained tranquil. The following account of
the events of 1857 is taken from the Punjab Mutiny Report. Major Browne
observes on this district:
“The district of Khangarh entirely escaped any ill-effects beyond the
alarm felt by the European community at the proximity of the
mutinous regiments at Multan and the possibility of invasion of the
lower portion by bands of robbers from Bahawalpur.”
Precautions were, however, necessary. Mr. Henderson, the then Deputy
Commissioner, fortified the jail, the court-house and the chief and district
treasuries, armed all Europeans and vigilantly guarded all the ferries which
were not closed. He detached Lieutenant Ferris, Assistant Commissioner, to
the banks of the Chenab to establish a chain of posts along it. This object was fully accomplished. The villagers themselves served so willingly that a
cordon of 104 posts, extending 26 miles, was soon established. At another
time a chain of mounted police was thrown across the district from the
Chenab to the Indus to cut off any stragglers of the 14th Native Infantry that
might come down from Jhelum. An intelligence department was also organized between Khangarh, Dera Ghazi Khan, Multan and Muzaffargarh.
As stated above, the District Layyah also remained very tranquil. Only one
or two slight punishments were inflicted for offences connected with the
mutiny. Much anxiety was caused at one time by the arrival of a wing of the
28
17th Irregular Cavalry under Captain Hockin, but it remained firm. When
the Kharral insurrection broke out in September, Captain Hockin marched
against the rebels, leaving at Layyah 40 of his men who had fallen under suspicion. The day before he marched news reached Layyah that the whole
of the 9th Irregular Cavalry had mutinied at Mianwali. Captain Fendall says:
“I certainly at first thought it was a deep-laid scheme for raising the whole
country that the 9th Irregular Cavalry were to appear before Dera Ismail
Khan, be joined by the 39th Native Infantry, come on to Leiah, pick up the
wing of the 17th Light Cavalry, go towards Gugera, coalescing with the tribes and march on to Multan (where there were two suspected regiments of Native
Infantry). It was feasible, and would have temporarily lost us the lower
Punjab.” But this dreaded junction did not take place. The news proved to
be an exaggeration. The mutineers of the 9th Irregular Cavalry, who, strange
to say, were all men of the cis-Sutlej states, were only 30 in number, and were entirely destroyed in a desperate fight, in which Mr. Thomson, the Extra
Assistant of Layyah, was very dangerously wounded.
The British district of Khangarh contained the tehsils of Muzaffargarh and Alipur, and the talukas of Maharaja and Ahmadpur, which are now in Jhang.
In 1849, at the first division of the province of Punjab for administrative
purposes by the British authorities, the town of Khangarh was selected as
the headquarters of the district, but in 1859 it was abandoned in the favour
of Muzaffargarh. Khangarh contained four tehsils: Rangpur, Khangarh with
its headquarters at Muzaffargarh, Kinjhar and Seetpur. In 1859, the Kot
Addu tehsil was separated from Layyah and added to this district; and the name was then accordingly changed from Khangarh to Muzaffargarh and
was attached to the Multan Division. In 1861, the Tehsil Rangpur was abolished. The talukas of Garh Maharaja and Ahmadpur were joined to
Jhang, and the rest of the tehsil was attached to the Tehsil Muzaffargarh. The Tehsil Kinjhar was abolished and its talukas added to Muzaffargarh. The
Tehsil Seetpur was moved to Alipur.
Before annexation, the cis-Indus tract was included in the government of
Diwan Sawan Mal. At the first arrangements of the district the trans-Indus
tehsils of the old Dera Ismail Khan and Bannu districts were formed into the
District Dera Ismail Khan, with headquarters at Bannu. The cis-Indus tehsils, that is, Mianwali, Bhakkar and Layyah and till 1859 the Tehsil Kot
Addu of Muzaffargarh, formed the District Layyah, with headquarters at
Layyah. This arrangement, though in many respects more convenient than
the later one, was set aside in 1861, as the charge of so long a border was
considered too heavy for the Deputy Commissioner of Dera Ismail Khan. The
northern portion of the two districts was then formed into the District Bannu, the southern into the District Dera Ismail Khan. The original division was
longitudinal; the Indus being the boundary, the new division was transverse,
sections of the country on both sides of the Indus being included in each
district.
29
The new district of Dera Ismail Khan consisted of five tehsils. Of these, Dera
Ismail Khan, Kulachi and Tank were trans-Indus. and Layyah and Bhakkar
cis-Indus. On the breaking up of the old District Layyah on January 1, 1861, the headquarters of the commissionership were transferred from Layyah to
Dera Ismail Khan, which, from being an outstation, became the capital town
of the division. The new Tehsil Layyah included the southern part of the old
Tehsil Mankera broken up in 1853-54, when the Chaubara, Nawankot and Maujgarh talukas were transferred to Layyah; the village of Paharpur
transferred from the Tehsil Kot Addu in 1861, and a strip of riverside villages transferred from the Tehsil Sanghar (now Taunsa) in 1869. In 1874, Sukhani
and six other villages were transferred from the Tehsil Sanghar of Dera Ghazi
Khan to Layyah.
On the separation of the North-West Frontier Province from the Punjab, a further reconstitution took place, and on November 9, 1901 the District
Mianwali was formed out of the four tehsils of Isa Khel, Mianwali, Bhakkar
and Layyah; the former two being taken from Bannu, and the latter two from
Dera Ismail Khan. The headquarters was fixed at Mianwali, the Bhakkar and
Layyah tehsils forming a sub-division, with headquarters at Bhakkar, and the district was included in the Multan Division.
On April 1, 1909 Tehsil Layyah was transferred to District Muzaffargarh, and
became its sub-division.
There has been nothing of importance in the later history of the district.
During the great war in 1914-15, there was unrest, and a series of dacoities
was committed which began in rumors that an invasion by the Germans was
about to take place. This was communal and economic though, rather than
political, as the Hindus were statedly looted by the Muslims who owed them money. The Hindus, at that time, had an economic hold on the district. The
rest of the British period was of comparative calm. The population of the arid
and semi-arid tract of this district had little time for taking any active and
substantial part in the political struggle of the country.
The year 1947 was momentous as Pakistan came into being. Inflow of
refugees took place primarily from the districts of Rohtak, Karnal, Patiala,
Hisar, Ludhiana and, in lesser numbers, from other districts of East Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. In 1949, the Thal Development Project was initiated in
the districts of Mianwali, Bhakkar, Muzaffargarh, Layyah and Khushab for
the speedy development of the area brought under irrigation by the Thal
canal, and for the re-settlement of refugees thereon. A somewhat similar
project was executed in 1953-58 whereby Taunsa Barrage was constructed
on Indus to provide weir-controlled irrigation to originally flood-fed areas on both sides of the river as well as some new lands in the Thal desert.
In 1982, Layyah was severed from Muzaffargarh, and made into a separate
district comprising the tehsils of Layyah, Chaubara and Karor.
30
In 1996, Jatoi was separated from Alipur and made into an independent
tehsil. It is how the District Muzaffargarh, after passing through many
vicissitudes, finally came into being in its present form.
There have been calls from certain quarters in recent years to convert the
town of Chowk Sarwar Shaheed into a separate Tehsil, and Tehsil Kot Addu
into a separate and independent district. In this regard, opinion of the
District Administration Muzaffargarh was sought by the Commissioner Office as well the Board of Revenue in early 2019. Whereas the proposal of
converting Chowk Sarwar Shaheed into a separate tehsil was fully supported,
the second proposal could not be endorsed on following grounds:
I. The Tehsil headquarters of Kot Addu is situated at around a distance
of merely 50 km from the district headquarters. In other words, it only takes maximum 1 hour to ply between the two headquarters.
Similarly, boundary of the Tehsil Kot Addu starts at a drive of 20–30
minutes from the district headquarters. Furthermore, the Tehsil Kot
Addu is linked to the District Dera Ghazi Khan on western side and
the District Layyah on northern side. The Tehsil being close/adjacent
to district headquarters, and having good connection with Dera Ghazi Khan and Layyah, does not qualify to become a district primarily on
geographical/spatial grounds.
II. As regards the population, as per the last census, the Tehsil Kot Addu
is inhabited by 1092775 individuals. This again is not a determining
factor as many tehsils of Punjab have more population than Kot
Addu. III. There is no need of converting Kot Addu into a district on
administrative grounds either. In such an era of communication and
transportation, it is not difficult for a deputy commissioner based in
district headquarters to exercise control therefrom. The inhabitants
of Tehsil Kot Addu benefit equally from this improvement of communication/transportation links too.
IV. Creating a new district entails huge financial burden on provincial
exchequer as not only human resource needs would increase by
manifold but also infrastructure, including offices and residences of
government functionaries, would have to be built. Such a creation
shall therefore be resorted to under exceptional compulsions only, which are missing in the given case. This factor becomes all the more
important in the backdrop of over-all economic scenario of the
province as well the country.
V. Finally, and most importantly, when an old district is partitioned and
a new district is created, it not only breaks the latter from the common past, history and heritage but has an adverse impact on the
original district on these counts too.
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Chapter 3
LAND REVENUE
In order to understand the history of land revenue system in Muzaffargarh it
would be important to have an understanding of evolution of land tenure in the district too. Land tenure simply means the rights and obligations of the
person or a group by which property is held. Such rights therein or
obligations thereto arise as a consequence of the utilisation of the land.
Historically, property in land passed through three stages; Firstly, it was held
by the tribe and clans and was regarded as a common property of the whole
body. The next stage was reached when though the land was held by a tribe or clan but its exchange and redistribution was abandoned because of the
improvement carried out by a particular family which retained it
permanently. Finally, the families broke up and individual ownerships came
into being, which was the third and eventual outcome.
EVOLUTION OF LAND TENURE IN MUZAFFARGARH Of the early history and art of agriculture little is known about Muzaffargarh.
The tribes who are found today were originally nomadic, and agriculture was
a second string to their bow. Nevertheless, agriculture must have started in
central irrigated tract long ago.
Keeping in view the nature of ownership rights and tenures that existed in
this district, the evolution of land tenures can be studied in following phases.
First Phase, from 510 to 1200
The first phase, though started much earlier but became more marked from
the settlement of Tocharis (Gujjars) followed by Arabs and culminated into
Rajput settlements. Roughly it covers a period from 510 to 1200 Tocharis were pastoral people. It seems probable that they did not adopt agriculture
as it was of insignificant value for them. The execution of tax, however, must
have lead them to recognize the users but without the sanctity of being the
owners. The advent of the Arabs did not alter the conditions materially. The
main Arab tribes which settled in this district were also pastoral.
Conceptually they must have recognized the users as owners to a limited extent for the purpose of rent. In fact Muhammad Bin Qasim on conquest
did not disturb the existing system. Since they were pastoral people, it is
certain that Arabs for grazing of their herds must have occupied some suitable Rakhs at the expense of earlier tribes. The levy of grazing fee as Tirni
seems to owe its revival to Arab supremacy, Nevertheless, in this phase, land was in abundance. One tribe, subject to its strength for possession, could
occupy as much land as possible for their herds. The transplanting of tribes
i.e. Tocharis displaced by Arabs who in turn were up-rooted by Sumras and
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Summas and Rajput went on incessantly and did not affect the pattern of
land tenure as the considerations for security rather than suitability for
agriculture were more important. It is generally believed that the individuals/tribes hardly thought of appropriating the soil as their property
in the present sense.
The Sultanate Period, from 1200 to 1812
This phase covers the entire Sultanate period up to the rise of Diwan Sawan
Mal. Although the art of agriculture had sufficiently progressed but the idea
of property as belonging to one individual did not find favour till the advent
of Sultanate. The concept of mine and thine, however, had taken shape long ago probably under the direct impact of a system of granting the produce of
defined area of land in return of services to the state. The land revenue was
assessed on the users of the land either directly or through the agent
appointed by the state. These agents were neither hereditary nor they enjoyed
any right as owners, except that they managed to appropriate the land when
central authority weakened. This period is characterized with the growth of land tenure from simpler form to complex. Simple Bhai-chara villages evolved
due to tribal division of the areas were infested with state grantees. Number of Zamindari and Pati-dari villages also came into existence. This took place
due to the following reasons:
1. The system of "Kankoot" and measurement created a gulf between the
cultivators and the state and gave rise to a class of middlemen either as tax
farmers or agents who later on usurped the right of ownership.
2. The class of hereditary assignees and landed aristocracy was created by the Muslim rulers. Hussain Khan was granted Rangpur area in jagir by
Aurangzeb; Muzaffar Khan was granted a jagir by Taimur Shah who in turn
appointed Pathans as assignees and introduced them as feudal lords in this
district; Balochs were given grant along the Indus by Malik Sohrab; Jaskanis were granted jagir by Ahmad Shah; Hafiz Dost Muhammad was granted jagir
by Ranjit Singh; and Sanjranis were granted Munda-Shergarh territory by the Nawabs of Mankera. Thus jagirs were granted by Emperor of Delhi, by
rulers of Kabul and the rulers of Sindh. Jagirdars were absentee landlords and had “Kakims” as their Kardars (workers). These Jagirdars and Kakims
became owners in the disturbed state following the collapse of Mughal
Empire.
3. The nobles were granted land as Aqta-dars who subsequently claimed
themselves as hereditary landlords.
4. Un-inhabited areas were assigned to the exploiters who undertook to
populate them. Such assignees were charged nominal revenue and became
owners thereafter.
5. Pious grants as ‘Milk’ (literally meant lands granted in perpetuity) given to
Makhdums, Qureshis and Syeds became the property of the grantees and
were inherited by the forefathers of the present heirs. In certain cases, land
33
granted as ‘Taswigh’, i.e. life interest of the grantee, was also appropriated
as private property.
6. The peasants were recognized as owners. Land paying kharaj and Ushr
was regarded the property of the tax payers who were allowed to sell such
land according to the edicts of Feroze Shah Tughlaq. The right of purchase
and sale was thus recognized which enabled the tax farmers to appropriate
large estates, particularly in bad years.
7. In this period, Rais came to be recognized as Zamindars and Ranas as
independent chieftains. Muqaddams and Khuts also enjoyed greater
concessions in this period.
8. Mauryan administration was essentially a confederation. The chiefs were always considered real rulers. The Sultan accordingly became a mythical
figure particularly to the residents of this district which enabled the chiefs to
appropriate rights in lands and become the landlords. This is exactly what
happened in case of Nawabs of Seetpur, Nawabs of Mankera, Nawabs of Kot
Addu and Nawabs of Multan.
The chiefs, like Sultan, held private property other than state property.
Likewise men in authority held similar private properties. Some holy persons
were allowed to dig canals and were given similar rights in the areas
developed and irrigated by them.
All these factors and rise of local governments led to the establishment of
different classes of assignees, landlords, peasants and the tenants thereby
disturbing normal village communities. Quasi political-cum-agricultural basis determined the pattern of land tenure. The system was not yet tested
as means of exacting tax except a proportionate share of the state.
Had the simple mechanism of growth of land tenure continued, the system would have been Bhai-chara in real sense, but the disturbance in evolution
through land revenue policies created chaos in village tenure on account of the rise of a class of tax farmers, assignees and feudal lords. The settlements,
sometimes with the individual, sometimes with the agents further added to
the complexity of the tenure. The district was yet to see another class of
colonizers under Diwan Sawan Mal who forced the Muslims landed
aristocracy either to flee or to accept Labana Sikhs as colonists of special status. He crippled the powers of the Muslim landlords so much so that they came to be recognized as Ala-Malik and the real ownership passed in the
hands of the colonists known as Adna-Malik. The land revenue was assessed
so high that it reduced the purchasing powers of the Muslim peasantry and
they were obliged to sell the land to Multani Hindu businessmen.
The British Period, from 1857 to 1947
The British based their land revenue policy on the preconceived notions that
the land revenue was the first concern of the state as it gave definite and easy income, and thus needed to be ensured. And for ensuring the land revenue,
group settlement with joint responsibility was considered the best method.
34
As described above, during the Sultanate period the development of
agriculture rather than the land revenue was a determining factor. If a tenant
failed to cultivate the land, state managed to get it cultivated through agents and after deducting the expenditure and the state's shares, profit was paid
to the owner. The settlement with the group was always avoided because it
was held a retrogressive tax which enabled the influential chiefs, Muqaddams, headmen and agents to escape payment by an unjust
distribution. During British period, the land revenue demands were
determined so high that it had to be revised three times up to the settlement. Due to their anxiety to ensure land revenue old assignees, agents, exploiters,
headmen, Hindu merchants and colonists were recognized as owners without
going into the details of their hereditary rights. The peasants were recognized
as owner proprietors wherever the claim was not advanced by the above
mentioned categories of the landlords. The tillers of the soil were recognized
either as tenants-at-will or occupancy tenants. The labourers employed for clearance of land by private arrangements as “Tarudadkars”, were recognized
as Adhlapi, Mundhimar and Bootamar tenants. A class of fresh assignees as
Inamdars was also introduced. This class later on operated as speculators in
the entire district and purchased rights in shamlat land from illiterate
peasants. Large tracts of land used as pastures were notified as state land, which were later on converted to the shamlat after the settlement of 1917.
The effect of three summary settlements was unfortunate on the landed class
of the district. The cultivators were forced to be tenant-at-will rather than
occupancy tenants for fear of paying exacting land revenue. This was
however, to some extent remedied in the first regular settlement. The village
community was nothing but a disintegrated congregation of different classes with vested interest mostly directed against each other. The binding force was the liability for payment of the land revenue. The real Bhai-chara became
unknown.
From 1947 onwards
Over the time, the Thal Development Authority (TDA) became owner of 4 lacs
of acres roughly by acquiring 3/4th of land from old proprietors. The area
under acquisition was, however, reduced later and all areas which were
shown as cultivated in the crop inspection register of 1951 and those shown as Adna-Milkiat were restored to the local owners. A formula for acquisition
was also fixed. The owners in the meantime sold out land unauthorisedly to
speculators who constituted a major class of land-holders. In some cases the
owners left their uneconomical land and occupied other better lands of the
state or the TDA. Likewise refugee settlers occupied lands which had been
acquired by the TDA. The TDA distributed the acquired land in the lots of 15 acres and 25 acres each to the peasant proprietors from different districts.
The rest of the area was auctioned. Tube well grants of 6 squares each was
also given to the allottees.
35
It may be noted that the Tenancy Act of 1887 gave very little protection to
the tenants. After independence, it was decided to reduce disparity between
landlords and tenants either by guaranteeing greater protection to the tenants or by limiting the optimum size of land. The Punjab Tenancy Act 1950 was passed with a view to abolish various cesses called “Haboob” which
the tenants had to pay to their landlords in addition to rent. This was followed
by the Punjab Protection and Restoration of Tenancy Act 1950. On the
recommendations of the Muslim League Agrarian Reform Committee, the
Punjab Tenancy Amendment Act 1952 was passed which, inter-alia, provided the conversion of occupancy tenants into owners of the land they cultivated; fixed the land-lord's share at 40% of the gross produce; and regulated Khud-Kasht (owner cultivated area which could be held by the landlord). These
reforms, however, proved to be too radical in respect of determining the share
between the landlords and the tenants and hence were modified later. The
Government which came into power following Martial Law in the year 1958
promulgated M.L. Regulation No. 64 following the recommendations given by the Land Reform Commission. This Regulation inter-alia contained the
following salient features:
1. No landlord could retain more than 500 acres of canal irrigated land or an area of more than 36000 produce index units if not irrigated by canals. If the
area was partly irrigated by canals, and rest of it un-irrigated even then the
limit of 36000 produce index units was to be operative according to the
prescribed scale.
2. The land owners were given first option to select area for themselves which
was to be retained by them under the Land Reforms. The excess area was to
be surrendered, which became the property of the Land Commission for its
further disposal.
3. If the area surrendered by the Land owners was held by tenants then they
became the new land owners of such area after payment of a price @ Rs. 8/-
per produce index. The price was to be paid in half yearly installments up to
25 years. Each tenant was to be given 12.5 acres of land, i.e. equal to
subsistence holding.
4. An area of 50 acres in the old canal irrigated colonies of the former Punjab
Province and Bahawalpur State was declared to be an economic holding and
an area of 12.5 acres as subsistence holding.
5. These holdings could not be reduced below the limit prescribed. If a person
having an area of 12.5 acres or less wished to dispose of any part thereof, he
could not do so unless the entire property was alienated to the resident of
the same estate. Similarly, he could not reduce an economic holding below
the limit of 50 acres.
6. A joint khata could not be partitioned, if by doing so, the holdings were to
become uneconomic.
36
7. The land owners who surrendered their excess holdings were allowed
compensation @ Rs. 8/- per produce index unit in the form of bonds
redeemable after 25 years with interest. In certain cases, in which the amount involved was not sizable, the compensation was paid in cash.
8. Orchards and pedigree livestock farms were out of the scope of the Land
Reforms and the owners were allowed to retain them after making necessary
declaration.
9. The surrendered lands, which were not held by tenants, were disposed of
by the Land Commission primarily through auction of otherwise.
10. All jagirs were confiscated without compensation.
11. All occupancy tenants were declared as owners.
12. Adna-Maliks (inferior owners) were declared full owners without making
any payment to the Ala-Maliks (superior owners).
13. The Ala-Malikiat rights (superior ownership rights) were abolished.
14. Ala-Khud-Adna (superior-cum-inferior) ownership rights were converted
into full proprietary rights like Adna-Malikiat rights.
The effect of the Land Reforms may be summarized as under:
No. of landlords affected by land
reforms
Area surrendered by the landlords
Area given by tenants
Area disposed of otherwise
14 41,693 acres 5,693 acres 18,545 acres
Each village had by then become a conglomeration of different classes of
men, landlords, tenants, peasant proprietors etc. belonging to different tribal
groups. The land tenure system could be grouped into the following
categories:
Zamindari Tenure
In all old villages some type of land landlordism existed. In other except in Raiyatwari chaks they predominated. These villages were owned by one
proprietor or one family, the shares in later case being undivided. Such villages were classified as Zamindari Villages. In other words, Zamindari tenure was compatible with large landed estates owned by one or few
landlords due to undivided ownerships or land being jointly held. Most of the
Thal villages fell within this category. Wherever the land was owned by an
individual or a family, the cultivation was being carried out with the help of
the tenants. Thus the village population consisted largely of tenants who
cultivated the land as tenants-at-will. In theory, this tenure had become
37
extinct, but in practice all land revenue settlement was with the landlords
who shifted the burden to tenants.
Peasant Proprietors or Bhai-chara
Bhai-chara meant “brotherhood by custom”. It was applied to those villages
which were held generally by descendants of one clan and whose rights were
determined by custom. It meant that possession of each owner or a group owner was the measure of the rights. In other words, the wells or holding
were quite independent of one another and had nothing in common. Under
the circumstances in which the tenure system grew in this district it was not
uncommon that share holders possession should become the measure of
rights particularly when the village community did not belong to one compact family group but a fortuitous congregation of units whom circumstances had
brought together. The introduction of different classes of landlords in the
Sultanate period, the unwanted introduction of inferior owners during Sikh
ascendancy and the settlement of refugees and the colonists after 1947
converted even the village where one clan existed collection of different
classes and groups each being owner of the land under its possession, and having nothing in common except a joint liability of payment of land revenue assessed on the estates long ago. How it came to be held as Bhai-chara
despite its colourful character, Settlement Officer of 1857, Captain Graham’s
remarks may be referred to as:
“In practice, each man's holding has become the sole measure of his
right. In the event of disproportion arising between any of the
holdings and the share of revenue assessed upon them, the estate is
liable to redistribution of the revenue, but to no repartition of the
lands. There is no community of possession in such lands, which are inherited, transferred and possessed in severalty. Each estate is made
up of independent freeholds, and each freehold made up of fields
which sometimes, are contiguous, but more frequently are found
scattered about and inter-mingled with the fields of other proprietors.
The fields are often possessed by men of several different
communities, of distinct families, and tribes having no interest, either actual or contingent, in common, and no concern with each other but
that of holding fields within the boundary of the same township,
residing in a part of the same hamlet or paying, either through a
common or separate representative, their portion of the revenue
assessed upon the village. Still these men, though maintaining their individuality, belong to village communities, and the latter are not
unfrequently composed of the descendants of a common ancestor. In
such tenures the grazing land alone is held in common."
Where the land in villages had not been partitioned and the land was held in Shamlat the term “Bhai-chara Ghair Mukammal” was generally applied. The
number of such villages was largest in the Tehsil Alipur where river front
prevented partition of a common riverain land. There were similar numbers
of old villages in greater Thal. To those where the measure of possession had
38
been defined on the field individually, the term Bhai-chara Mukammal was
made applicable and to those where land had not been partitioned and was held as Shamlat the term Bhai-chara Ghair-Mukammal continued to be
applied.
Pati-dari
The term Pati-dari according to Mayne “applies when holdings are all in
severalty and each share manages his own portion of land. But the extent of
the share is determined by ancestral right as derived from a common
ancestor and is capable of being modified from time to time upon this principle. This system agrees with Bhai-chara in as much as each owner
holds his share in severalty. But it differs from it in as much as the extent of
holding is according to the ancestral right and not according to the possession held by him at the time of constitution of the revenue estate as in Bhai-chara.” The Pati-dari tenure was very rare and existed in few villages
only.
Raiyat-wari
There were large number of chaks which had been carved out of the state
land or TDA land. In those chaks the land was held on tenancy basis from
the state or TDA with security fully guaranteed and practiced. The land was
held either under the TDA Act by the peasant proprietors under proprietor
scheme or given under Sheep Breeding Scheme or sold by TDA under Fixed Price Scheme or Open Auction Scheme. There were other chaks where lands
had been granted under Grow More Food Campaign or Reclamation Scheme. The ownership of common land or shamlat vested in the state or TDA and
not in individual community. The occupant enjoyed heritable rights which
placed him practically on the same footings as the owners. The land had been
granted either on long leases or on condition to purchase after sometime.
Adhlapi
Adhlapi was a system of contract under which a proprietor allowed another
person to sink a well in his land on payment of a fee and to bring the land under cultivation. He thereafter appropriated the land as proprietor of his
share of land brought under cultivation. This term also covered a proprietor
who assigned his land to someone else for planting a garden.
Lichh
If an inferior proprietor cultivated through tenants, he received a grain fee which was called Lichh on the Indus and Kasur on the Chenab. The rate
varied with locality and in consequence of contract, but it was almost invariably one-seventeenth of the gross produce and was known as lichh solh satari.
Mundhimar, Butemar and Charhayat Tenants
1. Those who had, by clearing the jungle and by bringing land under cultivation, acquired a permanent right to cultivate, were called Mundhimar
39
or Butemar, and were as a rule recorded at the first regular settlement as
tenants with rights of occupancy.
2. Those tenants who had been put in, with or without a term being fixed by
proprietors, to cultivate land already cleared and fit for crops, were called Charhayat. They were usually recorded as tenants without rights of
occupancy.
Mahsulkhor
It often occurred that an inferior proprietor agreed with a third person, usually a village shopkeeper, that the latter should receive the mahsul, pay
the Government revenue out of it and keep profit or bear the loss. Such a person was called a Mahsulkhor. This arrangement was very common before
the first regular settlement, but the class gradually vanished.
Lichhain
Lichhain meant a cultivator who tilled his land with borrowed bullocks and
paid the owner of the bullocks half of the Rahm, or cultivator's share.
Anwahnda
Anwahnda literally meant 'without working', i.e. the share of the produce
which a person connected with land received without working, or forewent
because he had not done work which by custom was incumbent on him. For
instance A lent B money and, instead of getting interest in cash, received a share of the produce. That share was called anwahnda because A got it
without working for it. When a landlord had cleared the jungle and brought land under cultivation himself and then gave it to a tenant to cultivate, he
took an extra share of the produce because he had himself done the work which the tenant should have done. Such share was called anwahnda
because the tenant did not do the work of clearing.
Lekha Mukkhi
Lekha Mukkhi was the name of a kind of usufructuary mortgage in vogue. A
debtor made over his land to a creditor until the debt was paid from the
produce of the land, or the debtor retained the cultivation and agreed to pay the proprietor's share to the creditor. In both cases, the creditor charged the
interest of the debt and expenses against the debtor and credited him with
the produce of the land or with the proprietor's share until the debt was
liquidated.
Over the time, all the classes of tenants mentioned above have become
obsolete. The classes of tenants existing these days are as follows:
Tenants-at-Will
A tenant who occupies rental property with the landlord's consent and makes
rent payments without a written lease agreement is called a tenant-at-will.
Such a tenant can be evicted at any time by the landlord without any prior
notice.
40
Mustajir
A person who holds the lease of a property is termed as Mustajir, or lessee.
The terms and conditions are more or less clearly defined; and are generally
reduced to writing.
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES AND TENURE There were no village communities in Muzaffargarh in the real sense of the word. The bulk of the rural land owning population of the district belonged
to the original inhabitants who were the descendants of the native settlers,
religious leaders, chieftains or other influential persons who received grants or jagirs from the various rulers of the kingdoms of Delhi, Kabul or Sindh.
Those land owning tribes obtained proprietary titles in the land under the
possession of their ancestors, along with the rights and liabilities of the various forms of village tenures then existing in the district. Their interest in
land was always subordinate to that of the Government. Some of the leading
tribes of the district, especially those who were important as land owners,
are Jats, Balochs, Rajputs, Pathans, Syeds, Qureshis, Arrian, and Gujjarş.
In the District Muzaffargarh the following village tenures, once existed:
(1) Bhai-chara Mukammal:
(2) Bhai-chara Ghair-Mukammal;
(3) Pati-dari;
(4) Zamindari; and
(5) Zamindari Bilijamal.
Practically every well in the district constituted a separate estate, and for
administrative purposes a number of wells had always been grouped together
under the name of a village. In some places there never was any land common
to the wells; in others where there was some common land, it had been
partitioned and each well had a waste area of its own. The great majorities of villages were accordingly held on tenure called Bhai-chara Mukammal, which
meant that the possession of each owner or group of owners was the measure
of their rights. In other words, the wells or holdings were quite independent
of one another and had nothing in common. Next in importance came the tenures called Bhai-chara Ghair-Mukammal; where there was some village
common land, i.e shamlat. The number of such villages was largest in the
Tehsil Alipur. The extensive river front prevented a partition of the common riverain tract. In the Kot Addu and Layyah tehsils, the extensive waste area
of the Thal was used for the grazing of cattle without restriction.
With the exception of the Thal villages, where no partition could take place
in consequence of the agreements executed under the Sindh Saghar Doab Colonization Act 1902, the villages of the latter class were converted gradually into Bhai-chara Mukammal.
41
The Pati-dari tenure is rare. The few villages classed under that head were
formed more by throwing into one village areas held by different groups of
proprietors.
The following extract from an old Gazetteer will be found interesting:
“It is in many cases simply impossible to class a village satisfactorily under
any one of the ordinarily recognized tenures, the primary division of rights between the male sub-divisions of the village following one form while the
interior distribution among the several proprietors of each of their sub-
divisions follows another form which itself often varies from one sub-division
to another. Especially in this the case in Muzaffargarh where the village
communities are not as a rule compact family group, the members of which claim descent from a common ancestor, but fortuitous aggregations of units
whom circumstances rather than nature, have brought together. Owing to the mode in which inferior proprietorship was formed, viz. by settling
individuals to till the land, it follows that most villages are mere collections
of wells, grouped together for serving purposes but not really knit together in
any way, and that the only real bond in many cases, between the members of village community in this district is the artificial bond, imposed by our
Government, of joint responsibility for the land revenue. To such
communities as in Multan, so here, neither of the terms pattidari or
bhayyachara, can their original significance be applied with propriety. The
technical sense, however, of the term bhayyachara, which is used to express
a state of things where possession, and not ancestral descent, is the measure of right and liability, seems to apply more nearly than the term pattidari,
which implies that ancestral right, as derived from a common ancestor, is
the rule by which each man's share in the village lands is determined. The
process by which the existing state of things was arrived at differs materially
from the process implied in the terms pattidari and bhayyachara; but looking at results along, it is possible to apply the term bhayyachara in its technical
sense to these villages. The extent of each man's possession is the measure
of his rights in, and liabilities on account of the village and this is practically
the essential feature of the bhayyachara tenure.”
The villages classed as Zamindari were few, and can best be understood in
the words of the Settlement Officer of 1857, Captain Graham:
“In practice, each man's holding has become the sole measure of his right.
In the event of disproportion arising between any of the followings and the share of revenue assessed upon them, the estate excess liable to
redistribution of the revenue but to no repartition of the lands. There is no
community of possession in such lands, which are inherited, transferred and
possessed in severalty. Each estate is made up of independent freeholds, and
each freehold made up of fields which sometimes lie contiguous, but more frequently are found scattered about and intermingled with the fields of other
proprietors. These fields are often possessed by men of several different
communities, of distinct families and tribes having no interest either actual
or contingent, in common, and no concern with each other but that of
42
holding fields within the boundary of the same township, residing in a part
of the same hamlet or paying either through a common or separate
representative, their portion of the revenue assessed upon the village. Still these men, though maintaining their individuality, belong to, village
communities, and the latter are not un-frequently composed of the
descendents of a common ancestor, in such tenures the grazing land alone
is held in common”.
Superior and Inferior Properties The tenures of the district were inseparably connected with the prior revenue
administration. The mutual relations of the classes living on the land had
been formed by the revenue system of the Sikhs and the British. The system
had not adopted itself to the existing state of things, but had distinctly and
abruptly interfered with them. At the head of the agricultural system was a large body of what were called superior proprietors. Most of those were the
descendants of tribes who came here for grazing at a time when the country
was depopulated. With or without the leave of the Government of the time,
they occupied tracts, the boundaries of which were not very clearly defined.
Of this kind were the Thahims near Muzaffargarh, the Pirhars of Kot Addu, the Khars of Thal, the Chhajaras and Dammars of Alipur, and other tribes
occupying distinct tracts of land. Other superior proprietors were the descendants of jagirdars and former governors or officials who lost their
position in troubled times but were able to retain a right to a small grain fee
in the tract over which they once exercised power. Others were the
descendants of Makhdums and other holy men who formerly held land free of revenue, but whose rights had been circumscribed by successive
governments. The superior proprietors above described were in the habit of
introducing settlers to till the lands, but the development of the settler class
could be attributed to Diwan Sawan Mal. When he took the assignment of
the revenues of the district from Ranjit Singh, he saw at once that cultivation
could not be restored or increased by the representatives of former governors, holy men, broken-down jagirdars and loosely connected tribes whom he
found in normal possession of the lands. He therefore encouraged strangers
and Hindu capitalists to sink wells, dig canals and cultivate the lands of
nominal owners. At the same time, he secured to the latter, a share of the
produce, generally half a seer in each maund by weight, or one pai in each
path, where the crops were divided by measure. In some cases, the old proprietors were strong enough to levy an institution fee when settlers were
located on their lands. In this way two distinct classes of proprietors were
formed:
(1) The old possessors, who were known as zamindars and muqaddams, and in modern official language Malikan Ala and Talukdars.
(2) The settlers, formerly called riaya and chakdars, and now generally
Malikan Adna. The chakdar acquired his rights in the land by sinking a well.
43
The superior proprietors, Malikan Ala, claimed to be owners of all
unappropriated land, and entitled to a small share of the crop produced in the appropriated land. The Malikan Adna, who were full proprietors of the
land in possession, subject to the payment of the share of the old proprietors, were not liable to eviction on failure to pay it, and were entitled to introduce
tenants without reference to the superior proprietors. Since annexation, the
fortune of the superior proprietors had varied. In some villages, the tenure
had disappeared. In others, especially where little unappropriated land was left, the lambardari, which was a novelty, took the place of the superior
proprietary right. The superior proprietors, as such, had no right to interfere in the management of the cultivation of the appropriated lands of a village.
The settlement had in no case been made with them. Except where they were
also inferior proprietors, their rights were restricted to receiving their fee in
grain or cash and to disposing of the unappropriated waste land in the village. The name of the superior proprietary right was zamindari, muqaddami or milkiyat ala. The share of the produce was haq zamindari, haq
muqaddami and malikans; or more often the specific rate at which the share was fixed; e.g. adh-sera man and pai path were used instead of the other
generic terms. In Kot Addu and Layyah tehsils, it was called “Satten panwen",
or the seven quarters of a rupee. The institution fee was called jhuri saropa,
pag and lungi.
The Multani Pathans
One set of superior proprietors was formed by the direct action of the British Government. They were the persons known as the Multani Pathans. Under
the Pathan Governors of Multan, a number of Pathans had settled in the
district. They enjoyed grain allowances which were given as a deduction from the mahsul, or Government share of the produce. When the Sikhs in 1818
took Multan, the Pathans fled from the country. In 1848, they joined Major
Edwards and rendered services in his operations against Mul Raj. When the country had become quiet, the Pathans claimed restoration. The rules of
limitation were set aside in their favour, and the Board of Administration
prescribed rules for the regulation of the trial of suits instituted by the
Pathans of Multan for the recovery of their ancestral rights, of which the
following is an extract.
“Rule 2 --To establish the right of a party to sue, irrespective of the statute of limitation on the merits of his claims to repossession of zamindari
property, he must prove that he was a Multani Pathan present with Major
Edwards’s force, or that he is a member of a family of Multani Pathans, some
of the members of which family were present with Major Edward's force”.
In pursuance of those rules, cases continued to be heard up to December, 1852, and the Pathans obtained decrees for Kasur (rent of the inferior
proprietors) in the villages of Jalalabad, Pipli, Ran, Khanghin, Mehra Faraz,
Wafadarpur, Mehra Nasheb, Ghazanfargarh, Doaba, Jarh Latukran, Langar
44
Sarai and Lalpur. It was not observed at the time that under the Pathan Governor, this Kasur was paid as a deduction from the revenue, and that if
the Pathans were to be restored under the altered state of things brought
about by a cash assessment, the more just method was to have given them an allowance from the revenue, and not to have imposed a new gram cess on
the cultivators. In 1853, the Deputy Commissioner reported that the exercise of the rights of the Pathans who recovered Kasur, paralysed the industry of
the cultivators. Again in 1859, he said that the restoration of the Pathans to Kasur rights was impolitic. The failure to define those rights had allowed
them to encroach on the inferior proprietors, and to ruin them. He instanced villages that had been ruined in this manner. The result was that in some
villages, the Pathans succeeded in ousting the inferior proprietors, and in
others they reduced them to the position of tenants-at-will. When the inferior
proprietors were too strong to be interfered with, beyond the enforced payment of Kasur, the Pathans became superior proprietors.
Inferior Proprietors, Adhlapi, Lichh and Kasur The inferior proprietors in a village had usually no communities or clanship.
They were a miscellaneous body, each member of which was originally
introduced either by the Government or by the superior proprietors. In
villages, where superior proprietary rights existed, the inferior proprietor was usually entitled only to the land occupied by himself or his tenants. The
unappropriated waste land belonged to the superior proprietors. The inferior could graze his cattle in it, subject to the tirni rules, but could not cultivate
it without the leave of the superior. In other respects, the tenure of inferior
and absolute proprietors differed only in that as regards the latter, the
superior right had ceased to exist. The formation of new superior proprietorship, where it had ceased to exist, had of course long been
impossible, but new inferior and absolute proprietors were constantly being made by the contract known as Adhlapi. A proprietor allowed a third person
to sink a well in his land on payment of a fee, and to bring the land under
cultivation. The person so sinking the well used to become proprietor of a
share of the land brought under cultivation, or a person planted a garden on a land and received a share of the land under the garden. If an inferior
proprietor cultivated through tenants, he received a grain fee which was called Lichh in the Indus and Kasur on the Chenab. The rate varied with
locality and in consequence of contract, but it was almost invariably one-seventeenth of the gross produce, and was known as Lichh solh satari. Under
the prior governments, the share taken by the state was "Mahsul”. Later, the
person who paid the land revenue received the mahsul. That person might
be superior proprietor or the tenant, or even some person unconnected with the land; but as a rule, the inferior proprietor paid the land revenue and received the mahsul. For the purpose of settlement, he had been presumed
always to pay the land revenue and to receive the mahsul, and his profits
had been assumed to be the mahsul plus the lichh or kasur.
45
Proprietary and Cultivating Occupancy of Land
The table below based on the Settlement Reports of 1901-02 and 1921-24
shows the then cultivating occupancy of the land:
Detail Cultivated Area percent
1901-02 1921-24
1. Cultivated by owners 41 45
2. Cultivated by tenants paying no rent 0 2
3. Cultivated by occupancy tenants 8 5
4. Total Land Cultivated by tenants-at-will 51 48
Tenants-at-will paying cash rent 1 1
Tenants-at-will at revenue rates 4 2
Tenants-at-will paying other rents 46 45
In the year 1952, Agrarian legislations were passed, by which the occupancy
tenants were conferred proprietary rights for the area under them. In later years, the land lords had mostly taken up self-cultivation. In the Thal, where
there was scarcity of the tenants in the previous years, the owners had
started self-cultivation due to the development of the Thal area under the
Thal and Taunsa Barrage Projects.
The position of the proprietary and cultivating occupancy of land in 1964 is
shown in the table below:
Detail of tenancy Percentage of cultivating area
1 Cultivated by owners 48%
2 Cultivated by tenants paying no rent 3%
3 Cultivated by occupancy tenants -
4 Cultivated by tenants at will 49%
5 Tenants-at-will paying cash rents -
6 Tenants-at-will at revenue rates -
By 1963-64, the average holding in the district comprised 24 acres. Except
on the wells round the towns, cultivation was too precarious for cash rents
to be taken, and throughout the district the tenants paid a share of the
produce as rent. Indus land crops irrigated by lift used to pay one quarter after deduction of the menial’s dues; crops grown on flood water paid one-
third. In the river Chenab lands the common rent was one half. There were
special rents for the expensive crops such as cane and tobacco, which
46
usually paid one-quarter or one-sixth. Canal rates were invariably paid by
the tenant. The owner usually got at the most a nominal share of green
fodder, and seldom had any share of straw, though there was no uniform custom even on the wells grouped in a single estate.
CLASSES OF TENANTS
Mundhimar, Butemar and Charhayat Tenants Two classes of tenants existed before the First Regular Settlement:
(1) Those who had by clearing the jungle and by bringing under cultivation acquired a permanent right to cultivate. These were called mundhimar or
butemar, and were, as a rule, recorded at the First Regular Settlement as
tenants with rights of occupancy; and
(2) Those tenants who had been put in, with or without a term being fixed by
proprietors, to cultivate land already cleared and fit for crops. These were called charhayat. They were usually recorded as tenants without rights of
occupancy.
It may be noted here that land was so abundant at the First Regular
Settlement that the occupancy status had no attraction for tenants. They
preferred not to be tied to the land, and to be able to change their cultivation
when they liked. In the Tehsil Kot Addu applications by tenants not to be recorded as having rights of occupancy were common though they were by
custom entitled to permanent possession. For quite sometime after the
Second Settlement, tenants were still eagerly sought after and, as a rule, free
from any attempt on the part of the landlord to extort from them. Every effort
was then made to retain them. The share of the crop received by the tenants was called Rahm.
Over the time, the landlords have started preferring to cultivate land
themselves or through tenants-at-will as the latter have no right of
occupancy. Generally this form of tenants-at-will too has turned into self cultivation, however, still this form exists in some parts of the district where
land is yet to be tilled and developed. The owners also have adopted to lease their land to a class of cultivators who are called Mustajir. The Mustajirs pay
fixed rate per acre per annum to the landlords. They cultivate the land on
their own expenses and lift the produce without giving any share of the
produce to the landlords.
Exceptional Forms of Agricultural Status In addition to the usual forms of proprietors and tenants with their respective
shares in the produce, there were certain exceptional forms of agricultural
status which may be described as follows:
47
Mahsul Khor
It often occured that an inferior proprietor, from indolence or inability to keep
accounts and manage for himself, agreed with some third person, usually a village shopkeeper, that the latter should receive the mahsul, pay the
Government revenue out of it and keep the profit or bear the loss. Such a person was called a Mahsulkhor. This arrangement was very common before
the first regular settlement, but gradually died out.
Lichhain
Lichhain meant a cultivator who tilled his land with borrowed bullocks and
paid the owner of the bullocks half of the rahm, or cultivator's share.
Anwahnda
As stated earlier, Anwahnda literally meant "without working”. It implied
share of the produce which a person connected with a land received without working, or forewent because he had not done work, which by custom was
incumbent upon him.
Lichh Khuti
Lichh in its ordinary sense meant the due of the inferior proprietor, and was
synonymous with kasur as already described. But lichh also meant the
interest due on a mortgage of land when the mortgage continued in
cultivating possession, whether it was paid in grain or cash. Another kind of lichh was valwin lichh, i.e. returned lichh, which was also called Khuti when
land was mortgaged to a Muslim and the conditions of the mortgage were that the mortgagee should cultivate the land, and pay a small share of the produce to the mortgager. It was the share which was called valwin lichh or
Khuti. The use of lichh to mean interest, and the practice of valwin lichh, were
devices of Muslims to evade the charge of receiving interest.
Lekha Mukhi
Lekha mukhi was the name of a kind of usufructuary mortgage in use. A
debtor used to make over his land to a creditor until the debt was paid from
the produce of the land, or the debtor retained the cultivation and agreed to pay the proprietor's share to the creditor. In both cases, the creditor charged
the interest of debt and expenses against the debtor, and credited him with
the produce of the land or with the proprietor's share until the debt was
liquidated.
LAND REVENUE SYSTEM In the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent the state has always claimed a share of
the produce of the land from the persons in whom it recognized a permanent
right to occupy and till it or arrange for its cultivation. It was a time honoured
as well as recognized customary law of the country that a ruler had always a
right to share the income of the land occupied and held by the cultivator, and that it was the first charge upon the land.
48
Sher Shah Suri’s Land Revenue System
The history of an organized revenue system goes back to the times of Sher
Shah Suri. It has been reported by various historians that this Afghan ruler got the land of villages of northern India and the Punjab measured and fixed
land revenue on the cultivated land in accordance with its class and
productivity. The land revenue was generally charged at the rate of 1/4th of the produce of the land. In his regime, a set of several parganas was grouped
together to form a sarkar so that proper supervision could be exercised by
various revenue officials, like patwaris, qanungos, and karkuns within each
sarkar in order to assist the work of the subedar, who was overall incharge of each sarkar.
Mughal Revenue System
During Akbar, in 1574 the system of fixation of land revenue was first
introduced in the shape of regular settlement when revenue record like jamabandi was prepared. The term of settlement was fixed for 10 years. The
enforcement of this revenue system is attributed to Raja Todar Mal. By this
system a cultivator knew before hand, firstly, what he would have to pay to
the Government after each harvest, and secondly, how far it was economic for him to cultivate his land. During the course of first settlement of the
Mughal regime, land revenue was assessed on land class-wise and in each sarkar an Aamil (Collector) was appointed and entrusted with the revenue
collection as well as other administrative work. This pattern of revenue
administration was also maintained during the reign of British and such an
officer was formally known as Collector. Even today, the revenue as well as general administration of a district is headed by a Collector not only in
Muzaffargarh but also in entire Pakistan.
The land revenue system of the Mughals was later adopted by the British
with necessary amendments. It is noteworthy that revenue system in Agra and Oudh was based on the above described Mughal land revenue system.
The British merely extended this system to the former Punjab after
annexation.
Prior to the Sikh regime, District Muzaffargarh was held by the Nawabs of
Thal and Bahawalpur. The Land revenue in the Nawabs regime was collected
in respect of all crops except cotton and tobacco. The pay of village servants
was set aside from the gross produce. Of the remainder, the Nawabs took 1/5th or 1/6th. A cess called tik was also levied. Similarly, Tirni (grazing tax)
was also fixed for each tract. The Bahawalpur Nawabs collected revenue in kind besides tik cess and tax on indigo which was called Mughla.
Sikh Revenue System
During the Sikh period, this district was held by various lessees to whom the
revenue was formed out. These lessees would pay a fixed sum to the
Government and made their own arrangements with the villages in their
form. Such lessees would either subject part of their form to others, or
49
managed the collection of the revenue themselves through agents or kardars.
Till Sawan Mal's time, the system of Kan or appraisement of the crop was the
one generally followed.
The fiscal history of Muzaffargarh District begins from the administration of
Diwan Sawan Mal, the Governor of the Sikh regime who held the Province of
Multan, including Muzaffargarh District, under Maharaja Ranjit Singh. He is
remembered as a builder of canals and wells. Under Diwan Sawal Mal, there
was a great deal of personal interference with the cultivators. If one man did not cultivate his land it was given to another who did. His method of
assessment in the irrigated parts of the district was to take the share of the
produce usually one quarter, which he sold to the cultivators at commutation
prices fixed for each harvest, except in the estates near Multan town from
where the share was taken in kind. In addition to the revenue, a large number of cesses was also imposed but remitted, either wholly or in part
except in good seasons. The pitch of land revenue was low to begin with but
gradually the assessment was raised as and when circumstances justified it.
He adhered to the ancient rate of Government share but where possible, he
raised the revenue by adding cesses. At the time of annexation, it was found
that where the rate of the Government share was high, cesses were few; and where the rate was low, the cesses were many. Cash rates, which varied from
village to village were imposed on cash crops such as cane and tobacco. In
the Thal where the cost of the division of the produce of the scattered wells
would have been out of all proportions to the amount realised, a cash
assessment was placed on each well, the normal being Rs. 12 recovered in installments of Rs. 5 in the Kharif and Rs. 7 in the Rabi. The Diwan's
assessment was heavier than any of his predecessors, but it had the
advantages of being based on actual, outturns and actual prices. The names
of some of the then prevalent cesses are as under:
(1) Nazar Mukadami: This was levied when the crop was usually good; and the kardar thought that government
should share the prosperity.
(2) Shukrana This fee was levied when the price rose, much
after the rate fixed for commuting the grain into cash.
(3) Nazar Mocharrir This was levied when the crops were weighted.
(4) Frui Korawa This consisted of fines on cattle tress-passing,
and was levied by the watchmen engaged to
keep watch on crops while ripening.
The names of some of other cesses, taxes, or fees are
(1) Nazaranas (2) Dubiri (3) Mohasil (4) Bhara
50
British Revenue System
The revenue system of Diwan Sawan Mal was given up at the time of the
annexation of the district to the British rule. All the aforementioned taxes, cesses and fees were abolished. The main feature of the British settlement
policy which the Punjab, including Muzaffargarh, received from Agra and
Oudh were:
(a) A proper field survey with the results embodied in a map and field register.
(b) A full inquiry into the rights and liabilities of all persons having an interest
in the soil, and the record of these rights and liabilities in payment registers.
(c) A moderate assessment based more on general considerations than on
attempt to deduce the demand from an exact calculation of the landlord’s net
assets and the share thereof, claimable by the Government.
HISTORY OF SETTLEMENTS As regards the history of settlements in the district, 3 summary and 3 regular
assessments, i.e. 1870-78, 1900-05, and 1921-24 have taken place. Another
settlement was initiated in 1958 but it remained limited to Tehsil Kot Addu
only. The details are as follows:
Summary Settlements
Three summary settlements were made in the district after annexation and
before the start of the first regular settlement, which was conducted in the year 1880. The first summary settlement was based on the average
collections of the Diwan Sawan Mal’s regime. Although new demand was less
than what Sawn Mal had taken, it still proved to be more than the cultivators
could pay in good and bad seasons alike, and in the later summary
settlement it was considerably reduced: for example in 1850 the demand in Layyah was fixed at Rs. 128,496; in 1853 was reduced to Rs. 122,793; and
in 1862 to Rs. 95,763. Inspite of all these reductions, the demand of the
summary settlement was considered as awkward, because, although the
demand was low, the method of assessment was wrong. As a result thereof
most of the estates were abandoned by their owners and numerous Government rakhs were formed in the district.
First Regular Settlement
The defects found in the summary settlement were removed in the first regular settlement. During this settlement, all lands were measured up and
a correct field map was prepared for every village. The tehsils were divided
into various assessment circles with reference to the sources of irrigation,
the system of agriculture and other circumstances. The riverain tracts including the Bet Sind and Bet Chenab circles together with the Chahi Sailab
circles were placed in a fluctuating system of assessment, whereby the cultivated areas were measured annually and assessed to a rate per acre fixed for each village. Besides the revision of the Rakhs, demarcation
51
arrangement for the proper management of the canals as well as the
arrangements for future relief of estates in case of the failure of canal
irrigation were also carried out in the first regular settlement operations. This settlement was carried out in the three southern tehsils by Mr. O’ Brien in
1870-78 and in Layyah by Mr. Tucker in 1872-78. The method of assessment
was the imposition of fixed demand on all holdings not subject to the riverain
action; and in the riverain estates, through fluctuating assessment by soil
rates. Throughout the riverain circles of all four tehsils, and the canal
irrigated tracts of the southern three, the assessment worked admirably in the years between 1880 and 1900. In the Thal, however, the system of fixed
assessment by which all owners were jointly and severally responsible for the
revenue of the entire estate, proved unsuitable to the special conditions, and
broke down utterly after a succession of bad season.
Second Regular Settlement
The second regular settlement of 1900 was carried out in the three southern
tehsils by Pandit Hari Kishan Kaul, P.C.S. In Layyah, the work was begun by Captain Crosthwaite, I.A. who inspected the estates and submitted
proposals, but died before the work was finished; the assessment was
completed by Pandit Hari Kishan Kaul. Three methods of assessment were
adopted to suit different conditions, firstly of Thal; secondly of the canal
irrigated estates which were regarded as secure; and thirdly, of the insecure canal-irrigated estates and those irrigated by flood from rivers. The method
of assessment in Layyah, which Pandit Hari Kishan Kaul inherited from
Captain Crosthwaite, was rather different from that devised by Pandit Hari
Kishan Kaul himself for the southern tehsils.
The Thal Assessment
In the Thal, the unit of connection was the well, and different wells which
were grouped together to form an estate had no connection with one another:
the system of assessment by estates was therefore abandoned, and a return was made to that of Diwan Sawan Mal, though with various improvements.
Each holding on a well was separately assessed to a fixed sum, collected
every year, provided that not less than half an acre was cultivated or if, the
holding covered entire well, area on one acre. The waste lands used for
grazing in each estate were assessed, and so were the few palms on the wells of the Jandi Circle nearest to the riverain area. The land revenue and revenue
on palms was paid in the Rabi and that on the grazing in the Kharif.
Secure Canal Estates
The fixed assessment which Mr. O’ Brien had put on all estates protected from the action of the rivers was maintained by his successor in the Pacca
and Thal circle of the Muzaffargarh Tehsil, and in the Pacca and Nahri Thal
Circles of the Kot Addu Tehsil; he changed it in Alipur, except in parts of
three estates. The assessment was first calculated for each estate; next the
holdings were graded, the number of grades depending on the circumstances
52
of the estate, which in a large one could be as many as seven; rates were then
determined for each class, and, with their help, the revenue was distributed
over the holdings. Wells, which had been sunk after the previous settlement, were given remission of the difference between the nahri and chahi-nahri
rates up to a period of 20 years; a similar remission was to be granted to the land of wells falling out of use. A water-advantage-rate of 10 annas (102
Paisa) an acre was to be imposed on all lands not nahri at settlement to which
subsequently canal water might have been given. Date palms and mangoes
were separately assessed, as was also the village waste land.
Assessment of Insecure Estates
The canal-irrigated estates of the Alipur Tehsil which Mr. O’ Brien had placed
under fixed assessment were assessed by Hari Kishan Kaul as though they had been riverain estates on account of their insecure canal supply. He
maintained fixed assessment only on the lands immediately surrounding the
town of Alipur, Jatoi and Shehr Sultan. With the exception of this very small
area, the whole of the Alipur Tehsil and the insecure portions of the Chenab
and Indus circles of Muzaffargarh, together with the Indus circle of Kot Addu,
were assessed in the same way. In place of the old soil-rates, crop rates were framed. The garden crops with wheat, cotton, cane and indigo being grouped
in one class; the inferior food-grains and fodder in the second; and the very inferior grain, samuka, was placed in the third class. Since, however, it was
found that some wells and holdings were superior to others in the same estate, and it was estimated that chahi-nahri and chahi-sailab crops were
better than those of the same kinds to which wells water was not given, in addition to the crop-rates, a fixed sum was placed on each well; the wells in
each estate being graded according to the area irrigated and the quality of
the crop grown. New wells were given a remission of this fixed well
assessment up to 20 years, and rules were framed for the grant of
proportionate relief to old wells repaired and brought into use. Palms and grazing land were separately assessed.
In the Kachha and Pacca riverain circles of the Tehsil Layyah the system was
rather different since no fixed well assessment was imposed, and the crops
were classified into three classes: the inferior-food grains and oil seeds being
separated from the fodders. Since, however, the Settlement Officer found a difference in the productivity of different wells, except in the most insecure
estates, the wells were graded and on the first-class crops of the better, that is to say, in practice, on the wheat, special rates of 2,4,6 and 8 annas
(12,25,37 and 50 paisa) an acre were imposed according to the class of well.
Old Demand
Under these methods of assessment the revenue of the tehsils fluctuated
considerably from year to year, with on the whole an upward tendency, as the periods of remission of new wells expired and canal irrigation was
extended. In 1924-25, the last year of the old settlement, the assessment excluding malikana and date revenue, was as follows:
53
Layyah Kot Addu Muzaffargarh Alipur Total
109539 149888 280352 280352 726477
Working of the Settlement
When the new assessment was imposed, the Thal was desolate, and the
demand was pitched low so that the tract might be given an opportunity to recover. The justice of the assessment was demonstrated by the general
recovery of the whole Thal during the next 20 years. Throughout the rest of
the district there was a general complaint by the revenue payers against what
at the time of assessment was probably the most admired feature of the old
settlement: the elaborate assessment by wells. At settlement it was assumed
that, as a rule, the characters of the wells were permanent, and that it was safe to grade them and to place very heavy assessments on the best ones.
This assumption was not justified in the peculiar circumstances of
Muzaffargarh, where the area sown and the kinds and quality of the crops
were determined not by the well, but by the flood supply, whether direct from
the rivers or through the canals. Wells could not be worked during the summer, and the Kharif harvest was entirely dependent on the floods; in the
Rabi, the area sown varied with the amount of the flood; and, whatever it
might be, the crop would not be profitable unless the well was upheld by
sufficient rain. In such circumstances, since the flood supply was in most
estates very different from what it was at settlement, almost the only wells of
which the grading was correct 20 years after settlement were those
immediately around the small towns, where the crops were dependent rather on the plentiful manure which was available, than on the water-supply. In
the Layyah riverain tract, most of the wells at settlement were those close to
the river bank, and, owing to swing of the river to the west, then got too little flood, and were rather the worst in the circle. In the Kot Addu Pacca circle
cultivation had changed from moderate wheat to good rice followed by gram,
and the grading made at settlement had ceased 20 years later to bear any relation to reality; though, since as a whole, the circle had greatly improved,
the revenue was so light that its unequal incidence was of little practical importance. In the Nahri Thal circle, though the change in cropping was less
marked than in the Pacca, the grading was by then almost equally wrong,
though there too had been marked improvement, and the incidence was of
little practical importance. In the Kot Addu Indus circle the construction of protective embankments and of canal escapes, together with the clearance of
much jungle, had changed the conditions of the circle and, generally
speaking, the worst wells in 1923 were the heaviest assessed. Further south
in the Indus circles of Muzaffargarh and Alipur, the general tendency of the
river had been to withdraw towards the west, and the well assessments in
1921-22 were seldom correct. In the Chenab circles of the two southern tehsils, the river had been swinging to the west: while, on account of the
extension of perennial irrigation in the Punjab, the floods were less
54
dependable. At settlement the higher lands were, as a rule, the better,
whereas later the lower produced the best crops. In these circles also the
heaviest well assessments were, as a rule, found on the worst wells. In the Pacca circle of Muzaffargarh the wells irrigated from the Chenab canals had
suffered in much the same way as those which got their flood direct from the
river, particularly on the Hajiwah Branch of the Taliri Canal. In the estates
of Muzaffargarh and Alipur irrigated from the tail of the Maggi, the Ghuttu,
the Puran and the Suleman; the changes in the quality of the wells were very
marked, though less extreme than on the Chenab side of the district, except at the tail of the Maggi and the Ghuttu, where the supply was worse than at
settlement. Conditions in the Thal circle of Muzaffargarh were generally similar to those of the Nahri Thal of Kot Addu. The position would have been
more serious were it not for the peculiar character of the revenue payers who,
as a rule, fell into two classes. Generally speaking, it mattered little to the
large landowners that their wells were more heavily assessed than their best since the general pitch of the assessment was not excessive and what they
lost on one well they gained on another. So too, in practice, though the small
holder might be paying four times a fair assessment or only a quarter of it,
the amounts involved were usually too small to make any real difference to
his Financial position. Nonetheless there was a universal complaint against
the assessments based on the grading of the wells, and there was no way in which the system could be defended.
Third Regular Settlement
The third regular settlement was conducted by Mr. J.D. Anderson, ICS, from
March, 1921 to April, 1925. The term of settlement as recommended by the
said Settlement Officer was 30 years but the Government vide their memo.
No. 2939-R, dated 19th August, 1933 had fixed it as 40 years. In this
settlement operation, works relating to the revision of records, measurement of Thal, measurement of riverain villages, re-measurement and revisions,
correction and preparation of maps, records of rights and village note books
etc., were carried out. With regard to the assessment operation the whole of the Thal circle, all villages of the Muzaffargarh Pacca circle irrigated from the
Indus canals and the southern villages, including Ghazanfargarh, irrigated
wholly or in part from the Chenab canals were placed under a fluctuating assessment under the orders of the Government passed in the year 1931.
No change had been made in the assessment circle of the settlement, except that the Chahi-sailab circle of the Alipur Tehsil had been abolished and Pacca
circle of the Muzaffargarh had been sub-divided into two portions: mustaqil and ghair-mustaqil. The soil classification had been based, as before, on the
method of irrigation. The lump assessment on wells had been abolished and
assessment by crop rates had been introduced throughout. Only portion of the district where fixed assessment had been retained was the mustaqil part
of the Pacca circle of the Muzaffargarh Tehsil. As the fixed assessment, which
was introduced with effect from Kharif 1925, did not work well in certain
portions of the District Muzaffargarh, it was decided to introduce a
55
fluctuating assessment by crop rates in the Thal circle and ghair-mustaqil part of the Pacca circle of the Tehsil Muzaffargarh with effect from Rabi 1933.
The system of assessment on mangoes, palms and grazing was maintained,
though the rates were raised in some cases. The total estimated assessment of the district was raised by 8 percent as a result of the re-assessment.
Mr. Anderson, the Settlement Officer, in his report on the special assessment of two circles of the Tehsil Muzaffargarh pointed out that the Kharaba rule
with two anna (12 Paisa) gradations had not worked well. In estates under
fluctuating assessment, the big owners used the rule to buy Kharaba from
the Patwaris. Mr. Anderson conclusively proved that the new rule was so
abused that whatever its theoretical advantage might be in practice, its
application had been invariably unsatisfactory. He therefore recommended
that old rule should be introduced under which any crop better than an eight
anna (0.50 Paisa) crop paid full assessment, whereas a crop of less than four
annas was counted as a complete failure. Government had accepted these proposals with the further modifications that a crop between eight and twelve
annas (0.50 and 75 Paisa) would get one-fourth remission and a crop of more
than twelve annas (0.75 Paisa) would pay full assessment.
Orders of the Government were also received regarding the secure and
insecure areas, suspension and remission rules of land revenue on the small
area under the fixed assessment and rules for protective leases of wells.
The following information, with minor adjustments, has been taken from the final settlement report of 1925 of Mr. J.D. Anderson which will give fuller
particulars of various points tackled in this Settlement.
Revision of Record
The measurements made at last settlement were, as a rule very accurate in
the canal-irrigated parts of the three southern tehsils where the country was
open and it was easy to layout the squares which were the basis of
measurement. Along the Chenab riverain, where there was seldom taller growth, the same system was finally successful though creeks and protective
embankment has been improved. In the Indus riverain, where at last
settlement there was heavy jungle, the measurements were inaccurate, so
much so that several villages had to be measured after settlement without
much improvement because the only system then available was unsuited to
the natural conditions. At the first regular settlement, the whole Thal had been surveyed on the squares system; on account of its vast size, its sands
dunes and the hardship undergone in the desert by the surveyors, the
measurement was very inaccurate, the error in parts of the Kot Addu Thal
being more than two miles. At last settlement, this expensive and useless
labour was not again undertaken, and only the cultivated land around the
wells was measured, no efforts being made to plot the position of the wells.
The district, for the purposes of measurement, thus fell into three parts (1)
the canal villages, in which there had been little change since settlement and
the old maps were accurate; in these maps correction could be carried out
56
quickly and correctly; (2) the riverain areas and a few canal estates which at
settlement had been mapped inaccurately on account of the natural
difficulties; and (3) the great waste of the Thal of which as a whole there was no satisfactory map, though the measurements of the isolated patches of
cultivation were sufficiently accurate for practical purposes.
Measurement of the Thal
The measurement of the Thal was made with great ease, accuracy and speed.
Almost the whole of the Thal had been broken up into rectangles for the
Sindh-Sagar Doaba Canal, and most of the boundary stones of these
rectangles were in sight. The area of the rectangles being known, all that was
necessary was to plot the rectangles on a mapping sheet and to take off set from the two nearest stones to each well cylinder. This work was done on a scale of 240 karams to the inch, which was too small for the practical work
of Patwaris. The cultivated land of each well was therefore measured separately on the scale of 40 karams to the inch, the position of the well
cylinder only being recorded in the small scale map. Since there were no
permanent boundaries in the Thal, and most tri-junction pillars had long been destroyed or buried under sand, the boundaries of the estates were
plotted from the map of the first settlement,
Measurement of Riverain Villages
The re-measurement of the riverain areas was carried out with the help of
the Survey of India, which prepared the sets of mapping sheets showing only
the boundary of the district. Once this work, which was onerous on account
of the wrong measurement at last settlement, was finished, these sheets were filed in the record room.
The second set of mapping sheets was made for use of patwaris, wherein a
great number of triangles was plotted out, the size varying with the nature of
the country, and the angles, whenever possible, being fixed points such as wells. With the aid of these sheets, which do away with all the sources of
error inseparable from measurements on a square system in riverain areas,
measurements were made with great ease and accuracy. Unfortunately, at
first, a system had been introduced for preparing the records, based on this
triangulation which was not suited to the circumstances of the district. The
patwaris entered with pencil in the sheets, the fields which they found on the ground, and prepared khatunis based on this measurement. Later in the
season, when the floods came out and it was impossible to do work in the
villages, the patwaris retired to the headquarters of their Naib Tehsildar and
began the preparation of the permanent record. With the aid of the fixed
points, the measurements of the previous settlements were traced on the new sheets, and permanent khatunis were then made without the knowledge of
the landowners. This system would have been workable, provided the old
measurements were correct but, since in the majority of the riverain estates
of the District Muzaffargarh, the old measurements were wrong, it caused a
sad mess, since even when there has been no change at all in the fields since
57
settlement, the wrong measurements both alter the shapes of the fields and
place them in wrong positions. Through the fault of the system, although an
owner might be in undisturbed possession of his entire field, he would be shown as a trespasser in half the area in his possession and as having lost
the half of his rightful field from the trespass by his neighbour on the other
side. The result was a nightmare map and a record full of numbers which
had no existence in fact, but were created in a mad attempt to reconcile two
sets of measurements, preference being given to that which was known to be
wrong. Mercifully, the faults in this system were detected sufficiently early for the work to be corrected, or, where necessary, to be done a second time.
Later, the following procedure was adopted; on the receipt of the plotting
sheets from the Survey Department, sufficient fixed points were laid down to
enable the patwaris to plot out the squares and fields of the old
measurement. They then went to the spot and measured the estate in the ordinary way in the presence of the landowners, who were called on to declare
any disputed boundaries. There never were any since in the riverain estates
the memory of the owners was tenacious, and trespass was never permitted,
no one ever tried to take advantage of the old inaccurate measurements, and
to do so would usually have been suicidal since invariably what would have
been gained on one side of the number was lost on the other. Whereas by the old system the real fields found on the spot were changed to make them
conform to the old mistakes, by the new system the records were brought
into conformity with the real fields.
Remeasurement and Revision
Except in the Thal, fields were prepared in all estates and parts of estates
safe from riverain action. In a few estates in the three southern tehsils,
revision was found to be impossible, and re-measurement was made by squares. Everywhere else revision was found suitable, and was carried out
in the usual way.
In addition to the copy of the maps prepared for the tehsils, tracings on wax
paper were made for the patwaris of all riverain estates for use in matters of alluvision and diluvion. Every patwari was given a tracing on cloth for crop
inspection, etc.
Index maps on the scale of 240 karams to the inch were prepared for each
purt sarkar. During the first year duplicates were also made, but later on were given up as unnecessary. Maps on the scale of 960 karams to the inch
were made for each village notebook.
Record of Rights
The following documents were included in the Record of Rights:
(1) the preliminary proceedings, citing the notification of the Government
sanctioning the new settlement, and giving the date of the beginning and end of the measurement and of the attestations by the different officials;
(2) the field maps;
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(3) the genealogical table;
(4) the index of owners;
(5) the index of fields;
(6) the record of rights itself, including all mutations decided up to the time
of attestation by the Naib Tehsildar;
(7) the mutations decided after the preparation of the last Jamabandi;
(8) the statement of revenue assignment;
(9) the statement of rights in wells;
(10) the order of the Settlement Officer determining the assessment; and
(11) the Settlement Officer's order of the distribution of the assessment.
In addition, a separate record of rights was prepared for date palms. The
enumeration of the trees curtailed much time trouble; and, where the palms
grew thickly in large groups, the count probably was not accurate. In a
number of estates, the trees were counted three times or more, and the
difference each time was considerable. As a result of these mistakes, the assessment actually imposed did not agree with the proposals submitted by
the Settlement Officer, nor with the orders passed by the Government. It was
necessary not only to count the trees, but also to grade them into different
classes, each tree paying a different assessment according to the class in
which it was graded. Many mistakes in this classification, made either with intention or by accident, were detected, but many more must have passed
unnoticed since supervision of the patwaris was very difficult. The number
of palm trees in the record of rights, together with a comparison of the
numbers of trees at last Settlement, is given in the statement below:
Name of Tehsil
No. of villages
No. of old palms at 2nd settlement
3rd settlement
Females Others Females Others
Muzaffargarh 332 469395 2096729 602372 135923
Alipur 167 173116 563686 281095 127763
Kot Addu 147 188345 827040 339513 424580
Layyah 115 65932 9875 80517 12590
Total 761 896789 3407330 1303497 700856
At last settlement a separate jamabandi of mango trees was also prepared,
but with some misgivings the Settlement Officer had recommended that it
should be abolished and the details incorporated in the ordinary record of rights. Both the jamabandi of mangoes as well as of the palms had never
59
been properly maintained or checked with the result that both were obsolete
long before the new settlement. Owing to the number of palms it was
impossible to incorporate them in the ordinary record of rights but mangoes were not very numerous.
At last settlement, the statements regulating the labour to be supplied by
each landowner for the maintenance of the canal were prepared but, since
the old system by which labour was supplied by the users of water had been abandoned, the document was unnecessary.
Assessment Circles
The assessment circles, as a rule, correspond to natural divisions of
cultivation, and no change in them was either possible or desirable. In each
of the four tehsils there was an Indus circle, in which cultivation depended
mainly upon the flood from the river. In the Layyah Tehsil, this circle was subdivided into Kacha and Pacca of which the former was the portion of the
riverain tract which got flood direct from the river; the latter was the area to the east of the largest creeks, and in a usual year received spill from them,
and not from the main river. This division into two circles was scarcely
necessary, but was unobjectionable, and its retention was convenient. In
Muzaffargarh and Alipur the estates which depended on the flood from the Chenab were grouped into Chenab circles. The Thal Kalan of Layyah and the
Chahi Thal of Kot Addu were the unirrigated estates, which were pastoral rather than agricultural. The Jandi Thal of Layyah was distinguished from
them by its greater fertility, crops of a better class and the dependence of its inhabitants on tillage rather than on flocks. The Pacca circles of the three
southern tehsils consisted of the estates protected from direct river flood and
irrigated by the inundation or weir controlled canals.
The Nahri Thal of Kot Addu was a small circle of estates to which canal
irrigation was extended between the first and second settlement; its eastern border was Chahi, and could hardly be distinguished from the adjoining
Chahi Thal. On the west, it merged into the canal irrigated Pacca; in the
middle were strips of cultivation separated from one another by sand hills.
Most of the circles were the property of rich landowners who were developing
it rapidly. The adjoining circle across the Muzaffargarh border was the Thal circle, of which about half the estates could not be distinguished from their neighbours in the Pacca, though in the remaining half sand hills were high
and plentiful, and the wild vegetation was that of the Thal, and not of the
riverain.
The only circle which had been abolished was the old Chahi Sailab of the
south of the Tehsil Alipur Tehsil. At Settlement, irrigation from the Suleman
was very uncertain, and the whole of the Tehsil south of Jatoi and Alipur was
liable to be swept by floods from the Indus. The set of the river was by then
towards the west, the protective embankment had been improved and the
irrigation from the Suleman was usually plentiful and timely so that, although the crops grown were inferior to those of the middle of the Tehsil,
60
the estates included in the old circle were definitely Nahri in character, and
the retention of the old circle was unnecessary.
None of the riverain and Pacca circles was homogeneous since canal
irrigation began outside the protective embankments which intersected
estates so that half of a village might be canal irrigated and the other half
riverain. Furthermore, creeks ran through the centre of the district, and on
their banks cultivation was riverain in character.
It would have been desirable to divide the Pacca circle of Tehsil Muzaffargarh
Tehsil into Chenab and Indus circles since the soils, crops, water supply and
methods of irrigation were different on the two sides of the Tehsil. The
division was most difficult to make as to the south of Muzaffargarh town
many estates got irrigation from both series of canals; but the lumping of all the canal irrigated estates, irrespective of their source of irrigation into a
single circle gave a false picture of the tract. The Settlement Officer did not
realize this until he came to inspect the estates for assessment, by which
time it was too late to submit any proposal for a sub-division of the old circle.
The following table shows the various assessment circles with number of
villages therein in each tehsil of the district as recorded in the Settlement of
the year, 1920-24:
Name of tehsil Assessment Circle No. of Villages
Layyah Kacha 23
Pacca 74
Thal Jhandi 45
Thal Kalan 28
Total 170
Kot Addu Thal Chahi 25
Thal Nahri 8
Pacca 74
Bet Sindh 28
Total 155
Name of Tehsil Assessment Circle No. of Villages
Muzaffargarh Thal 83
Sindh 39
Pacca 202
Chenab 88
Total 412
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Alipur Sindh 73
Pacca 90
Chenab 44
Total 207
Soil Classification
The classification of soil in the district has always been known by the method of irrigation. The simple classes were Sailab (flood from the river or creek),
Nahri (flood from an inundation canal), Chahi (by lift from a well) and Barani
(rain). When the land lied high above the canal or creek, the water had to be taken out by lift, and Sailab and Nahri changed into Abi and Jhalari. By
combination from those simple classes, Chahi-Nahri, Chahi-Jhalari, Chabi-Sailab, Nahri-Abi and Jhalari-Abi were made.
Commutation Prices
Commutation prices had to be fixed during the years of scarcity and other
exigencies, when there was rise in actual prices. Those sanctioned at the time of 1920-25 settlement are shown in the table below:
IN ANNAS PER MAUND
Layyah Kot Addu Muzaffargarh Alipur
Rice 24 24 24 24
Jowar 30 30 30 -
Bajra 30 28 30 30
Til 80 80 80 80
Cotton 80 80 80 80
Indigo - 1024 1024 1024
Wheat 40 40 40 40
Barley 26 26 28 26
Gram 32 32 58 32
Ussun 49 49 - -
Other Oil Seeds
49 49 49 -
Fodder - - 120 -
The prices in general were slightly below those assumed for the neighbouring
district of Multan, in which the crops, as a whole, were rather better than in
62
Muzaffargarh, and the facilities for marketing them were far superior. The
calculated rise in prices since last settlement was 38 percent.
Landlords’ Receipts
Cash rents were taken in the case of only 1 per cent of the cultivated area,
i.e. from the market gardens round the towns, and were useless as a guide
for fixing profits in the remaining 99% of the district. The owner’s share of
the produce had to be calculated on the assumption that all crops matured
were paying rent in kind. Since the rents of the most important crops vary
with the irrigation, as also do the deductions, the calculation had to be made for each class of soil separately, for example nothing was paid from Sailab
wheat to the potter, and the allowance of green wheat to the tenants cattle was smaller than that from Chahi-Sailab wheat. Turnips and the early Kharif
fodders which were grown entirely for the working cattle were excluded
altogether from calculation, except in the Chenab villages near Multan city,
where they were grown for sale in the market and were a valuable crop. The general result of the calculations was to show that in a normal year, owing
to the higher rates of rent and smaller deductions, the profits to the landlord
from crops which received no well water were not less than from well-irrigated
crops. This conclusion was to some extent supported by the preference which the tenants showed for Sailab land. In the Muzaffargarh Chenab circle, which
except in a bad season was predominantly Sailab, not less than 80 percent
of the cultivated area was held by tenants, or 30 percent more than the figure of the district, as a whole, and in all the riverain circles the percentage of
land cultivated by tenants was higher than in the adjoining canal circles. It must, however, be remembered that most of the owners lived in the Pacca
circles and preferred to cultivate their home lands, and also that many tenants could afford the cheaper Sailab cultivation who did not have the
cattle to work a well at a profit.
Owing to the configuration of the district, there was practically no canal-
irrigated land situated at more than 10 miles distance from the river whence
the canals were derived, and there were only few long irrigation channels. In
such circumstances, the cost of silt clearance was nowhere large, and fell either on the tenants or was done by the labourers, whom the owner was
compelled in any case to keep for efficient cultivation; only in exceptional
circumstances it was a special charge on the landlord. From the experience
gained during the settlement, there was no reason to suppose that cultivation
through farm labourers was less profitable than through tenants.
Grounds for Enhancement
The one ground for enhancement common to the whole district was the undoubted rise in prices. In the Thal the general prosperity shown by the
numerous new wells sunk, and old wells repaired and brought into use, was
a further reason for raising the revenue, though, since the wells depended
on flocks and the flocks in turn depended on the grass which sprang up after
rain, it was inadvisable to pitch the demand too high since the succession of
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three bad seasons might undo all the progress of the last 20 years. Owing to
the extension of canal irrigation in the District Jhang, there were no
alternative grazing-grounds anymore to which the sheep and goats of the Thal could be driven in a bad season. A large proportion of the cultivators of
the Layyah Indus Circles had shared the prosperity of the Thal and, though
their flood supply was worse than at the settlement, they were as a body
probably more prosperous. In the Kot Addu Canal circles there had been
considerable increase in the cultivated area and a much greater increase in produce owing to the new Dofasli cultivation. Except in the depression round
Sinawan town, where water-logging had caused deterioration in the soil and
also in the health of the people, those two circles were very prosperous, and
the standard of living was certainly higher than it was at the settlement;
wells, crops, cattle and population were all better and, though the soil and
water supply were such that the best crops could not be grown in that area
and in fact water logging was destroying the few orchards which already existed, there was room for considerable enhancement of the assessment.
The northern half of the Kot Addu Riverain circle, was on account of water-
logging, less good than it was at settlement, but south of Sinawan there had
been an extension of canal irrigation, and the circle, as a whole was no worse
than it was at settlement. Most of the revenue payers in it also owned land in the Pacca, and had shared the improvement of the Tehsil. The Thal circle
of Muzaffargarh had advanced with the adjoining part of Kot Addu, but, on
the whole, to a less extent since it had more irrigation from tails of channels.
The rest of the Tehsil Muzaffargarh had always been the most developed and
richest part of the district. There were signs that till 1915 improvement was
rapid and widespread, but since that year it had not been maintained, mainly on account of changes in the canal supply, aggravated by sickness and high
prices, and along the Chenab by erosion and migration to the canal colonies.
Even so, the palm groves and orchards were more numerous than they were
at settlement, particularly on the eastern side of the Tehsil. The north of
Alipur had shared the fortune of Muzaffargarh but the south was
considerably better than at the settlement, though there were signs that the improvement would not continue since labourers would be attracted to the
new colonies in the Bahawalpur State. The cash rents had increased largely
in amount though not in area, but rents in kind were the same as they were
at the settlement. Indigo, which used to be the most valuable crop in the
district, had almost gone, and its subtitutes were of less value than it used to be. Any increase in cultivation had been followed by an increase in
population, and the incidence on the matured area was one person to one
acre (including fodders), and was rather heavier than it was at settlement;
only in certain area was there evidence of a rise in the standard of living.
Since the whole of the Thal, the Alipur Tehsil and the riverain circles of the
other three tehsils were placed under fluctuating assessments, and an extension of canal irrigation in the Kot Addu and Muzaffargarh Pacca circles
had been assessed to the special canal advantage rate, the greater part of
any increase of revenue due to an extension in cultivation had already been
64
taken, and the chief grounds for enhancement were the increase in palms
and orchards and the rise in prices. Against this must be set the insecurity
of the district, which was dependent on two uncontrolled rivers; the history of the last 20 years had shown what little reliance could be placed on them.
On the whole, there was no scope for a large increase in revenue.
Circles under Crop Rates Assessment
Experience had shown the general lines on which any assessment had to be
made, and when the Settlement Officer joined the settlement, the people as
a whole were contented with the method by which their particular holdings
were assessed, except for the general agitation against well assessments. The
obvious way of meeting this agitation, which inspections, as already described, showed to be just, was to extend to Alipur and the riverain circles
of Kot Addu and Muzaffargarh the system adopted by Captain Crosthwaite
in the Layyah riverain. No attempt was made to classify the wells, or rather
an attempt which was made after the operations of the new settlement began,
was abandoned. A classification was, in fact, impossible if the people were called on to make it; the man of influence would invariably have his well
written down several classes. Generally speaking, no official of lower rank
than a Tehsildar had the necessary knowledge to classify a well, and to give
one the power to do so was to invite to be corrupt. No senior official could
possibly see the majority of the wells more than once, and the inspection of
a single harvest in the District Muzaffargarh would lead to no useful result. The Khasra Girdawaris showed the area of the crops, but not their quality
and anyhow an average of say, five years cropping seldom gave a true picture
of the well. All that could be said safely about a well was that, so long as the
flood supply was suitable, the owner would be able to afford good cattle, and
would have sufficient manure to grow the best kinds of crops. The most
prosperous owners cultivated cane, pepper, fruit and similar garden crops. The less prosperous grew as much wheat as possible, or, if the canal water
was very abundant, rice followed by gram, and if they could, enough of the Kharif grains to feed themselves or their labourers. On a well with a really
bad flood supply the area of wheat was decreased, and cotton, bajra and
jowar were grown in its place. The changes in cultivation caused by a change
in flood supply were well shown in Kot Addu and in the centre of Alipur; in
the latter area cane had been replaced by wheat, and rice by cotton. Similarly, the crops grown in brackish soil in Kot Addu had been replaced by
excellent rice and gram. The Alipur wells had been assessed on the cane
grown at the settlement, with a result that 20 years later the bad wheat now
grown was paying about three times what it should. In Kot Addu the
assessment based on the poor wheat was for less than what the rice and gram should have been paying. The wells thus grouped themselves by their
crops, and if a reasonable rate could be worked out for each class of crop, a
well was likely to continue indefinitely to pay a fair assessment whatever
accident might befall the flood supply.
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Classes of Crops
The crops were divided into four classes: in the first were placed cane and
the different garden crops; in the second, wheat, indigo, cotton and rice; in the third, the inferior food crops such as barley, bajra, jowar and grams; in
the fourth, fodders and such indifferent food crops as sanwank and samuka.
The general assessment was Rs. 4 an acre on Class I, Rs. 2 on Class II, Rs. I
on Class III and 8 annas on Class IV, but was varied according to the different
circumstances of the circles, and in some circles from estate to estate. In exceptional circumstances, sanction was obtained for a reclassification of
crops, e.g., in the villages near Multan town, where fodders were mostly
grown for sale; these were placed in the third class, which in the circle paid
as much as Rs. 1-12-0 an acre. In Alipur, there were some magnificent
estates where the silt had been deposited by the Chenab, and where almost unlimited manure was obtained from the town; three miles away was a strip
of arid sand which was once a bed of Indus. The crop classification based on
methods of cultivation was the same in both areas, but it was found
impossible to frame rates which could suit both sets of estates, and
throughout Alipur the rates imposed vary greatly. Generally, however,
throughout one circle, though the yield of one well would be much better than that of its neighbour for the same variety of crop, all that could be
predicted was that the quality of the outturn was an accident over which the
cultivator had no control, and flat rates were imposed on the whole circle. A
great advantage of this system was that it could act as kind of barometer to
record changes in canal supply, and any continuing change on any system used to come to the notice of the responsible authorities very quickly; a great
disadvantage was that attempts would certainly be made to get the patwaris
to record superior crops as inferior. The system by which the Thal was
assessed at last settlement was excellently suited to its peculiar conditions,
and the only change made was to increase the assessment.
Circles under Fixed Assessment
The Settlement Officer was anxious to assess the Kot Addu Pacca and Nahri
Thal by crop rates; his reasons were that the double cropping was the result of an uncontrolled canal supply. He saw indications that, if the supply
continued as he found it, water logging would spread and cultivation would
again change. His proposal did not commend itself to the higher authorities.
The revenue payers, on the other hand, rightly feared that the imposition of
crop rates on their double cropping would cause a very large increase in their
existing assessment. They failed to understand that their assessment was in any case to be increased, and that a fixed assessment, if wrong, was in the
long run more onerous than crop rates. In the Tehsil Muzaffargarh also he
would have preferred assessment by crop rates mainly because of the great
deterioration which he found in many of the estates irrigated from the
Chenab system. The owners were, however, unwilling to change the system; their chief reason being that they thought their condition could not get worse,
and would improve largely after they were given controlled irrigation. The
66
fixed assessments were, therefore, maintained in these two tehsils in all the
estates where he found them. At the instance of the revenue payers, the fixed
assessments imposed on the small area in the Tehsil Alipur were abolished. In both Kot Addu and Muzaffargarh the assessment, though nominally by
estates, had to be made by holdings. The owners were called together and,
after the Settlement Officer had announced his assessment on the villages
as a whole, it was then and there broken up and distributed over the different
wells. The method adopted was to take the crops grown on each well during
the past five years, and to apply crop-rates to these; sometimes, when the estate was irrigated from two or more channels, it was necessary to frame
two or more sets of rates. Wells, of which the lands laid high or low, were
sometimes assessed at higher or lower rates than the other wells in the same
estates. So far as possible, he got the landowners to give their own
assessment of what the different wells should pay; in places they had prepared elaborate gradation lists of the wells, and he was glad to find that
his own method usually agreed with the estimate of the land-owners, except
for wells belonging to lambardars, retired patwaris and others of the same
kinds whose wells were always considerably better by his system than by
that of the people. The labour of assessing several thousand wells in this way
was enormous, but he could devise no other system since the soil classification was of no help in the distribution of the revenue.
In the summer of 1924, the Sinawan protective embankment was breached
by an unusually high flood from the Indus, and the greater part of the Kot Addu Pacca, the eastern part of the Nahri Thal and a long strip running across the Muzaffargarh Pacca were flooded. The Settlement Officer had to
announce his assessments of these circles in the following winter, by which
time it was impossible to estimate the permanent effect, if any, of the flood.
After he had gone on leave, the Kot Addu people clamoured for the imposition
of crop-rates on the whole of their tehsil outside the Thal, and their request
was granted. In the Settlement Officer's opinion, it was wise, though he wished they could have made up their minds two years earlier. The result
was that the only fixed assessment remaining in the district was that of Muzaffargarh, Thal and Pacca Circles. The revenue payers of those two
circles were then beginning to agitate for assessment by crop rates; the truth
was that, unsatisfactory as crop rates in many ways were, particularly in the
opportunities which they gave for petty corruption and extortion, they were really the form of assessment best suited to a very insecure tract like
Muzaffargarh. The fixed assessments of the last two settlements were to the
advantage of the revenue payers so long as the canal supply was being
improved, but, with the rivers as they were then, a fixed assessment,
however, lenient, was felt as a hardship.
PITCH OF NEW ASSESSMENT
The Settlement Officer was faced with the difficulty that in a number of circles he was unable to recommend full enhancement which was justified
by his calculation since it was due entirely to the estimated rise in prices
67
which, in the peculiar circumstances of some circles, had not benefitted them
much. While he was submitting his proposals, the rate of assessment in all
future settlements was reduced from one half of the calculated full net assets to 1/3rd; and although the settlement of Muzaffargarh had begun some
months before the resolution of the Council was accepted by the Punjab
Government as a matter of grade, Muzaffargarh, as being probably the
poorest and most backward district in the Province, was given the
concession, of an assessment based on 1/3rd net assets, though the only
tehsil for which he worked out the calculation by this standard was Muzaffargarh. He had calculated the half net assets of the other three tehsils
and the 1/3rd net assets of Muzaffargarh to be a little over 11 lac in
comparison with an existing assessment of Rs. 7,67,000. The change in the
standard of assessment wiped out practically all the increase which he had
estimated from the rise in prices, with the result that the new assessment was estimated at a little under Rs. 8,27,000. Since the whole district, with
the exception of two circles in the Tehsil Muzaffargarh, was then under some
form of fluctuating assessment, the annual fluctuations in revenue were to
be considerable.
Assessment of Mangoes
The existing assessment on mangoes had been continued and extended to
new trees. The rates imposed were in general from 4 annas (25 paisa) to Re.
1 a tree; the amount imposed varying with the situation of the orchard, its distance from a market and the quality of the trees. There were a few very
famous trees, mostly in the village of Bhuttapur near Muzaffargarh town of
which the fruit was sold for seed; those trees had been paying assessments
of more than Rs. 50 each, which had been maintained. Newly planted
orchards in the circles under crop-rates were required to pay as first-class crops.
Assessment of Palms
The assessment on date-palms was continued. At last settlement 900,000
female palms and nearly 3,500,000 males and neuters were counted. At the
new settlement 1,300,000 female trees were counted and 700,000 others.
The trees were classified on the basis that whether they grew among houses,
where they were carefully tended, or on uninhabited wells, where they got
less attention; or among fields, where they got little care, but were benefitted from the cultivation of the land; or in the waste, where their fruit was seldom
picked. Rates, which varied usually from (3 annas to six pies), were placed
on the trees of the different classes, though in a few estates where the dates
were of unusual values, heavier assessments were imposed. Generally
speaking, the dates grown on the Chenab side were by far the best, both in quality and on account of the nearness of good markets.
Assessment on Grazing
The assessment on grazing was maintained. Outside the Thal the owners had
been forbidden to cut trees growing in the waste without permission from the
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tehsil. The object of this restriction had been to prevent the destruction of
timber, required as fuel in the old days when the Indus flotilla still plied on
the river; it had become almost a dead letter, though occasionally used as an engine of oppression by the tehsil subordinate staff. It was therefore
abolished.
Schedule of Payment
In all the estates assessed by crop-rates, the revenue on the matured crops
was paid after each harvest. In the estates under fixed assessment,
installments had been fixed to meet the wishes of the revenue-payers: in most cases although the Rabi was the more valuable harvest of the two, they
preferred to pay two equal installments. The dates for the Kharif were from
the 15th of December to the 15th of January, and for the Rabi from the 15th
of June to the 15th of July. The revenue was to be paid by the 15th of August,
by which date the crops had been sold. The assessment on mangoes was payable with the Kharif.
Assignments of Land Revenue
The assignments of land revenue in Muzaffargarh were generally very small
sums in favour of religious or charitable institutions. Some of the
assignments were forfeited in previous years, in cases where the institutions
for the upkeep of which the grant was made had long been allowed to fall into ruin and the assignees were spending the revenue on themselves. After
the promulgation of the West Pakistan Land Reforms Regulation No. 64 of
the year 1959, all assignments of Land Revenue were stopped in the district.
Period of Settlement
The 3rd settlement of the District Muzaffargarh was completed in 1920-25
and the period of settlement was fixed for 40 years vide Government memo.
No 2939-R, dated the August 19, 1933. This term was to expire in the year 1956. It was stipulated in the Settlement Report that the settlement would
come to an end before the expiry of 40 years in case the area of this district
was extended to irrigation facilities by means of weir controlled canals. Three
irrigation projects namely: (i) Haveli Project-Rangpur canal (ii) Thal Project
and (iii) Taunsa Barrage Project were introduced in the district in the years
1938-40; 1950-52 and 1956-58 respectively. However, no increase in the assessment was made at the time of the introduction of Haveli Project-
Rangpur Canal in the areas irrigated by this system. The previous fluctuating
assessment of the last settlement of the year 1920-25 was allowed to continue and only occupier rate i.e. Abiana of the Rangpur canal was
increased on special orders of the Government. Again in the year 1932, 211
villages from the various assessment circles of Tehsil Muzaffargarh were transferred from fixed assessment to fluctuating assessment with effect from Rabi 1933 vide Government memo No. 3040-R, dated December 17, 1932.
The rate of assessment, however, remained the same, the maximum being
Rs. 4 and minimum Re. 1/- per acre of the irrigated area. In some cases,
minimum assessment per acre was as low as 50 paisa. At the advent of the
69
Thal Project a special assessment in Layyah and Kot Addu Tehsils of Muzaffargarh District was made by the Government with effect from Kharif
1952 for a period of 10 years vide Punjab Government memo. No. 3848/54-
10 dated July 2, 1954. All areas irrigated by the Thal Canal in the above mentioned two tehsils of the district were assessed to land revenue and malikana in the manner indicated below:
(1) All crown waste lands not previously assessed to land revenue at Rs. 2/-
per matured acre on each harvest.
(2) All crown waste lands already assessed to land revenue were required to
continue to pay the assessment but when the same was allotted, the allottee was required to pay a special malikana equal to the difference.
(3) The proprietary land acquired by the Thal Development Authority and
then re-allotted was treated as (2) above with the only difference that special malikana of it would go to the TDA and not to the Government.
(4) All such allotted land was required to pay in addition, a general malikana
at Re. 1/- per allotted acre per harvest. The amount of malikana realized in
respect of land acquired by the TDA was to go to its own funds, while the
amount in respect of the crown land was to be credited to the provincial
revenue.
(5) Proprietary land allotted to the old proprietors by the TDA as
compensatory grants being the area left with them by the TDA as a result of
its acquisition proceedings were required to pay the same land revenue as
before even if they received irrigation. These lands were exempted from the payment of any malikana whether general or special.
In regard to the barani crops raised by the allottee on the crown waste lands
or proprietary lands acquired by the TDA within the irrigation limits of the Thal Project, the land revenue und malikana were assessed in the following
manner:
Land Revenue Malikana
(a) Land not assessed to land revenue
Re. 1/- per matured acre
Re. 1/- per allotted acre per harvest as general malikana.
(b) land assessed to land revenue
Land revenue already assessed
Re. 1/- per allotted acre
as general malikana plus the difference in assessed land revenue
and Re.1/- per matured acre on each harvest as special malikana.
In case the assessed land revenue was more than Rs. 1, the existing land
revenue rate was to be continued.
70
The occupier’s rates of the different canals were, however, revised by the
Government periodically. In the year 1952 the schedule of occupier's rate
applicable to the Muzaffargarh inundation canals was revised with effect from Rabi 1952-53 vide Government notification No. 41327/R/167/1900,
dated the 15th September, 1950. Again in the year 1959 at the time of the
introduction of Thal and Taunsa canals, the schedule of occupier's rate was
revised vide notification No. 10/55/S.O.VIII(I)/59, dated the 23rd November,
1959. A further amendment in the occupiers’ rate of the various canals of the district was introduced with effect from Kharif 1963 vide Government
notification No. 2/19-S.O.(Rev.)/63, dated the 5th December, 1963. For details of occupiers rates imposed on the irrigated areas of the Rangpur,
Thal, Taunsa and inundation canals of the district, reference may be made
to the schedule of occupiers rates mentioned above. In districts of Sialkot,
Sheikhupura, Gujrat, Sargodha, Jhang, Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Dera
Ismail Khan, Bannu, Kohat and Mianwali where the period of the existing assessment had expired, the Government had increased the land revenue
(both fixed and fluctuating) by 25% above the existing rates with effect from Rabi 1962 vide its notification No. 1994-62/975-R(S), dated 20th June,
1962. Since the term of settlement in Muzaffargarh District had not expired
by then, the 25% increase of land revenue was not imposed in the district.
Fourth Settlement
As stated in foregoing paragraphs, the last settlement in the District
Muzaffargarh was completed in the year 1925-26, and the next settlement operations were accordingly due in the year 1965. Unfortunately, it never
occurred. A settlement took place in Tehsil Kot Addu in 1958 though, vide
Notification No.5772/57/3580 dated 30.01.1958 and subsequent
Notification No. 2659/71/85 dated 26.11.1971. After creation of Thal
Development Authority (TDA), the land was acquired from the big owners, under slab system developed by the TDA, and settlement was made for the newly created chaks and mauzas under the said Notification. The settlement
work of 314 chakuk/mauzas of Tehsil Kot Addu was completed by
30.06.1983.
Consolidation After the conclusion of the process of settlement, the owners of land
necessitated consolidating their fragmented land parcels to create
sustainable and rational land tenures. The Punjab Consolidation of Holdings
Ordinance, 1960 was therefore promulgated for consolidation of holdings in
the province.
The consolidation of the land started in the district in 1960 under the
supervision of Consolidation Officer, who was in turn subordinate to the
Additional Deputy Commissioner (Consolidation). The latter has now been renamed as Collector Consolidation, and reports to the Commissioner Dera
Ghazi Khan Division. Data of consolidated villages of the district is as follows:
71
Consolidated villages/revenue estates
Tehsil No. of Villages
1 Muzaffargarh 367
2 Kot Addu 249
3 Alipur & Jatoi 168
Total 784
Under consolidation villages/revenue estates
Tehsil No. of Villages
1 Muzaffargarh 07
2 Kot Addu 05
3 Jatoi 03
4 Alipur 10
Total 25
Thal Development Authority
The idea to develop Thal goes back to the year 1870. This had been postponed
from time to time in favour of more lucrative projects in the former Punjab at
that time. It was after the partition, i.e. in 1949, that the Government decided
to set up an autonomous body, Thal Development Authority (TDA), to
undertake development and colonization of Thal in a coordinated manner. The TDA prepared a scheme to develop an area of 893,591 acres (6 lacs to be
acquired from big land owners and 293,591 transferred by the State). Leaving 281,552 acres for forests, mandis, canals, roads, charaghas, and
departmental reserves etc. 44,000 refugees families were to be settled.
The scheme, however, underwent modifications from time to time and the
TDA was left to develop 814,476 acres (374,807 acres State land and the rest acquired from local owners and evacuee owners). Besides State land, Rakhs
outside irrigation boundary covering an area of 206,826 acres were also
placed at its disposal for colonization and management.
Out of the total land transferred by the State or acquired by the TDA, 340,202 acres were situated in the then District Muzaffargarh. The TDA carved out chaks, developed land for agricultural purposes, constructed water courses
and water ways, established mandi towns, built roads, and extended
education and medical facilities within area of its jurisdiction. The TDA even
undertook establishment of sugar mills and construction of a base workshop
for tractors and tube-well repairs.
72
To start with, the headquarters of the TDA were situated at Shahpur within
District Sargodha but were later shifted to Jauharabad and then to Bhakkar.
The TDA was the first autonomous body after the partition, and in fact first of its kind constituted by the Government for the development of the land in
the entire history of the colonization.
The work of settlement by the TDA was completed in 1978, and the record
was consigned to Tehsil Layyah. After separation of Tehsil Layyah from Muzaffargarh, and creation of District Layyah, the record pertaining to part
of the Thal falling in Muzaffargarh was transferred to Tehsil Kot Addu. The
powers of adjustment of the TDA land were accordingly transferred from the
Extra Assistant Colonization Officer to the Assistant Commissioner Kot
Addu. In the year 2017, the Chief Secretary Punjab/Chairman, defunct TDA withdrew the adjustment powers from the Assistant Commissioner and
entrusted them to the Deputy Commissioner/District Collector. The record
of adjustment of TDA was also shifted from Tehsil headquarters to the
District headquarters. Unfortunately, the record of adjustment files has
mostly not been preserved in original form and merely copies of adjustment
orders are available on record depicting the apathy, negligence and collusion of the concerned staff.
Agricultural Income Tax
The main objective of a settlement is to make assessment of land according
to its classification primarily for the purpose of imposition of tax. In the
District Muzaffargarh, last settlement in Tehsil Kot Addu was undertaken in
1958 and in rest of the tehsils in 1921-25. Since, no settlement had taken
place for long, a different basis of tax assessment and collection was required especially because of the various advancements, including the irrigation
system, in the field of agriculture. Accordingly, the Punjab Agricultural
Income Tax Act was enacted in 1997 whereby two methods were introduced:
a) Fixed tax on land owner having 12.5 acre or above.
b) Tax on the income derived from the agriculture.
Slabs for fixed tax on land
Before 30th June, 2019
After 1st July, 2019
(i) Not exceeding 12.5 acres Nil Nil
(ii) Exceeding 12.5 acres but not exceeding 25 acres
Rs.150/- Rs.300/-
(iii) Exceeding 25 acres but not exceeding 50 acres
Rs.300/- Rs.400/-
(iv) Exceeding 50 acres Rs.350/- Rs.500/-
73
Mature Orchards
(i) Irrigated Rs.300/- 600/-
(ii) Un-irrigated Rs.150/- 300/-
The data of assessment of AIT on the basis of fixed tax since 1996 to
2018.
Tax Year Net Demand Total Recovery Percentage
1 1996-97 26,005,366 26,005,366 100
2 1997-98 31,386,819 31,386,819 100
3 1998-99 29,526,404 27,328,850 93
4 1999-20 22,762,669 21,562,306 95
5 2000-01 21,152,392 21,152,392 100
6 2001-02 15,727,949 15,727,949 100
7 2002-03 31,227,949 25,826,607 83
8 2003-04 22,225,718 22,225,718 100
9 2004-05 21,014,524 20,091,144 96
10 2005-06 19,408,518 15,914,074 82
11 2006-07 18,279,925 18,161,658 99
12 2007-08 18,172,300 17,983,406 99
13 2008-09 17,620,656 17,574,130 100
14 2009-10 17,535,293 17,535,293 100
15 2010-11 16,525,906 16,165,546 98
16 2011-12 17,478,220 17,478,220 100
74
17 2012-13 17,778,920 17,778,920 100
18 2013-14 18,267,137 17,800,527 97
19 2014-15 18,814,575 18,814,575 100
20 2015-16 19,699,430 19,699,430 100
21 2016-17 20,998,081 20,998,081 100
22 2017-18 20,016,975 20,016,975 100
23 2018-19 21,711,150 21,711,150 100
Grand Total 483,336,876 468,939,136 97
Slabs for income based AIT:
(1) Where the total income does not exceed Rs.400,000/-
0%
(2) Where the total income exceeds Rs.400,000/- but does not exceed Rs.800,000/-
Rs.1000/-
(3) Where the total income exceeds Rs.800,000/- but does not exceed Rs.12,00,000/-
Rs.2000/-
(4) Where the income exceeds
Rs.12,00,000/- but does not exceed Rs.24,00,000/-
5% of the amount exceeding Rs.12,00,000/-
(5) Where the total income exceeds Rs.24,00,000/- but does not exceed Rs.48,00,000/-
Rs.60,000/- plus 10% of the amount exceeding Rs.24,00,000/-
(6) Where the total income exceeds Rs.48,00,000/-
Rs.300,000/- plus 15% of the amount exceeding Rs.48,00,000/-
According to the provisions of the Act ibid the owner of 50 acres or above is
bound to submit return of the agriculture income in the office of Assistant
Commissioner/Collector Sub-Division concerned. In the year 2010-11, the
Government of Punjab obtained data from the Federal Board of Revenue of
the land owners who had submitted their assessed income in Income Tax Returns on the basis of which the Sub-Divisional Collectors were assigned
the task of assessing and collecting the agriculture income tax. The details
75
of the demand so generated each year and the recovery made in comparison
thereof are as under:
TEHSIL MUZAFFARGARH
Year of FBR Demand Total Recovery Balance
2012 6064525 1,416,181 4,648,344
2013 3318377 957,000 2,361,377
2014 3664238 430,625 3,233,613
2015 2037541 615,226 1,422,315
2016 2352102 531,344 1,820,758
2017 4385235 0 4,385,235
2018 4892085 692,395 4,199,690
TOTAL 26,714,103 4,642,771 22,071,332
TEHSIL KOT ADDU
Year of FBR Demand Total Recovery Balance
2012 9208538 3,635,639 5,572,899
2013 5453235 2,642,066 2,811,169
2014 1179498 1,179,498 0
2015 1842508 379,702 1,462,806
2016 2100879 403,841 1,697,038
2017 3534947 239,050 3,295,897
2018 4685542 768,497 3,917,045
TOTAL 28,005,147 9,248,293 18,756,854
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TEHSIL ALI PUR
Year of FBR Demand Total Recovery Balance
2012 3562000 870,000 2,692,000
2013 1771920 356,170 1,415,750
2014 781940 94,750 687,190
2015 498450 9,500 488,950
2016 566354 42,750 523,604
2017 466506 76,916 389,590
2018 1353361 502,561 850,800
TOTAL 9,000,531 1,952,647 7,047,884
TEHSIL JATOI
Year of FBR Demand Total Recovery Balance
2012 12820500 78250 12742250
2013 8718350 1112200 7606150
2014 4109105 138600 3970505
2015 665725 47000 618725
2016 1343640 474000 869640
2017 1583860 496320 1087540
2018 2340811 427250 1913561
TOTAL 31581991 2773620 28808371
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STATUS OF AVAILABLE STATE LAND (Till December, 2019)
Tehsil Agriculture State Land under Govt. departments
offices
State land under illegal occupation
Acre Kanal Marla
A K M A K M
M/garh 3846 0 0 410 5 0 567 3 7
Kot Addu
9532 0 0 390 0 0 7076 0 0
Alipur 459 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 0
Jatoi 53 12 12 0 0 0 136 0 11
Total 13890 15 15 800 5 0 7779 3 18
STATUS OF AVAILABLE STATE LAND (Continued)
State land vacant/un-utilized Total State Land
A K M A K M
1680 0 0 6503 8 7
2965 0 0 19963 0 0
0 0 0 459 2 3
136 0 11 325 1 34
4781 0 11 27251 5 4
STATE LAND ALLOTTED IN DIFFERENT SCHEMES
Name of Scheme Total Allottee Total Area in Acres
1 Fixed/Auction Scheme 2351 45475
2 Peasant Grant/Abadkari Scheme
1376 20640
3 Army Grant Scheme 1698 39286
4 Temporary Cultivation under Notification 03.09.1979
1028 11349
78
5 Temporary Cultivation under Notification 20.04.1983
120 1528
6 Temporary Cultivation under Notification 19.03.1995
227 3118
7 Temporary Cultivation under Notification 09.07.2001
72 1127
TOTAL 6872 122523
STATE LAND RETRIEVED UNDER LAND REFORMS IN THE DISTRICT
Name of Tehsil Total Land Total Land retrieved
A K M A K M
1 Muzaffargarh 69 07 05 50 03 14
2 Kot Addu 1212 00 09 473 09 01
3 Alipur 846 03 03 0 0 0
4 Jatoi 128 00 03 0 0 0
Total 2256 03 00 523 12 15
LAND RECORD INFORMATION & MANAGEMENT SYSTEM (LRMIS)
The Government of Punjab has undertaken a revolutionary initiative of
computerization of land records in the province to ensure that the land record is properly preserved and to improve service delivery to the general
public in related matters.
The computerization of land record was initiated in the District Muzaffargarh in the year 2010-11 whereas provision of service delivery was started in 2012.
The task of computerisation had been completed up to 90% by 2015.
There are 4 Arazi Record Centers in Muzaffargarh, i.e. one in each tehsil
headquarters. The technical side in each center is headed by a Service Center Incharge (SCI) whereas revenue matters are looked after by the
Assistant Director Land Record (ADLR). Total staff strength is 99 of which 63
are the Service Center Officials, whereas 10 seats are lying vacant. Following
facilities are being provided at the Centers:
Issuance of Fard
Mutation attestation
Correction of record
Issuance of passbook
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Chapter 4
DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION
The history of appointment of Deputy Commissioner in Muzaffargarh goes as far back as 1849 when the district was annexed to the British Empire. The
Deputy Commissioner remained subordinate to the Commissioner of Multan
till 1982 when District Dera Ghazi Khan was separated from Multan Division
and made an independent Division. In addition to the District Dera Ghazi
Khan itself, Muzaffargarh, Layyah and Rajanpur constituted the new
Division.
Mr. Wedderburn, a British, had the honour of being the first Deputy Commissioner of the district. Sardar Gurdial Singh Man was the first native
Deputy Commissioner of Muzaffargarh who held the office briefly from April
25, 1888 to June 22, 1888 only to come back again in 1889 for a longer run
of nearly 4 years. However, the longest serving Deputy Commissioner was
Khan Bahadur Syed Bunyad Hussain who held the office from November 5, 1936 to October 15, 1941, i.e. just 20 days short of 5 years. Maulvi Inam Ali
had the distinction of being the first Muslim Deputy Commissioner who
remained in office from October 15, 1897 to October 21, 1898. Malik
Muhammad Rustam Kiyani, also known as M. R. Kiyani, who later served as
Chief Justice of West Pakistan (1958-62), had also remained Deputy
Commissioner Muzaffargarh for around 9 months in 1931. At the time of partition, Raja Sultan Lal Hussain was serving as the Deputy Commissioner.
M. Masud, who later came to be known as Masud Khaddarposh, owing to his
revolutionary thoughts and plain living, had also served as Deputy
Commissioner Muzaffargarh from September 8, 1951 to May 7, 1953. The
author of this gazetteer had the honour of being 195th head of the District
Administration of Muzaffargarh.
As regards the evolution of office, by 1929, the Deputy Commissioner was assisted by 2 Sub-Divisional officers posted at Layyah and Alipur. The
Deputy Commissioner was also the District Magistrate whereas the Assistant
Commissioners/Sub-Divisional Magistrates and Extra-Assistant
Commissioners/Magistrates had first class magisterial powers. The Tehsildars and Naib-Tehsildars were magistrates of 2nd and 3rd class
respectively. The Deputy Commissioner was the Collector of the district too, and as such headed the district revenue staff. He was assisted by a Revenue
Assistant at the headquarters and by the 2 Sub-Divisional Officers who
exercised the powers of Assistant Collectors. The details were as follows:
81
Tehsildar Naib-Tehsildar Qanungo Patwari/
Assistant Patwari
Muzaffargarh 1 3 10 121
Layyah 1 2 6 63
Alipur 1 1 9 95
Kot Addu 1 1 6 69
By 1964, the Deputy Commissioner was still assisted by 2 Sub-Divisional
Officers; one each stationed at Alipur and Layyah. The Sub-Divisional officers
also exercised powers of Assistant Collectors subject to the control of the
Deputy Commissioner/District Collector. There was slight variation in the
strength of revenue staff though, as is evident from the following table:
Tehsildar Naib-Tehsildar Qanungo Patwari/ Assistant Patwari
Muzaffargarh 1 3 10 116
Layyah 1 1 6 61
Alipur 1 1 9 91
Kot Addu 1 1 6 66
The Deputy Commissioner was still the District Magistrate and was assisted
in magisterial work by an Additional District Magistrate, one General
Assistant, one Treasury Officer and two Sub-Divisional Magistrates at Alipur
and Layyah respectively. The Revenue Assistant, being an Extra Assistant
Commissioner, was also invested with the powers of a Magistrate and was accordingly entrusted with the magisterial work by the District Magistrate.
All those magistrates exercised 1st Class powers while the District
Magistrate, Additional District Magistrate and Sub-Divisional Magistrate,
Alipur had powers under Section 30 and Section 260 of the Criminal
Procedure Code, 1898 too. They also had the powers to hear appeals from
the orders of the 2nd and 3rd Class Magistrates in their respective jurisdictions. The General Assistant, Muzaffargarh too was exercising powers under Section 30 of the Criminal Procedure Code. All the Tehsildars and
Naib-Tehsildars were invested with the powers of 2nd and 3rd Class
Magistrates respectively.
The system underwent a drastic change in 2001 with the promulgation of
the Local Government Ordinance, 2001, commonly referred to as the
Devolution of Power Plan, whereby the office of the Deputy Commissioner
was abolished and replaced with the District Coordination Officer (DCO), under the overall command of an elected District Nazim. The district
departments were grouped into 9 sets, each headed by an Executive District Officer, who were in turn answerable and subordinate to the District
Coordination Officer. The executive magistracy was also abolished and the
head of the District Administration ceased to be the District Magistrate.
82
With the promulgation of the Punjab Civil Administration Act 2017, the office
of the Deputy Commissioner was revived on January 1, 2017, albeit in a
different form. However, he was not invested with the powers of the District
Magistrate.
At present, the Deputy Commissioner is assisted by 3 Additional Deputy Commissioners (Revenue, General and Finance) as well as an Assistant
Commissioner (Coordination and Human Resource) and a General Assistant Revenue at the headquarters. All the 4 tehsils are headed by the Assistant
Commissioners. The Deputy Commissioner as well as the Additional Deputy
Commissioner (Revenue) exercise the powers of the District Collector
whereas the Assistant Commissioners exercise powers of Collectors of Sub-Divisions subject to the control of the District Collector. An overview of the
revenue staff of the District is as follows:
Village Revenue
Circle
Qanungoi
Circle
Patwar
Circle
Tehsildar Naib-Tehsildar
Muzaffargarh 423 6 11 130 1 5
Kot Addu 341 7 8 136 1 6
Alipur 207 3 5 60 1 2
Jatoi 93 4 5 48 1 3
1064 20 29 374 4 16
83
LIST OF DEPUTY COMMISSIONERS MUZAFFARGARH
NAME FROM TO
MR. WEDDERBURN MR. J. H. PRINSEP LT. JAMES
1849
LT. FARRINGTON CAPTAIN VOYLE LT. McNEILE LT. J. S. TIGHE CAPTAIN BRISTOW
1850-57
MR. HENDERSON 1858
CAPTAIN BRISTOW CAPTAIN MAXWELL
1859
LT. J. S. TIGHE 1860
1 CAPTAIN J.S. TIGHE 01-01-1861 31-07-1861
2 CAPTAIN T. F. FORSTER 01-08-1861 31-10-1861
3 CAPTAIN J.S. TIGHE 01-11-1861 31-07-1862
4 CAPTAIN H. J. HAWES 01-08-1862 24-10-1865
5 MR. R. G. MELVILL 25-10-1865 24-12-1865
6 MAJOR H. J. HAWES 25-12-1865 08-04-1866
7 CAPTAIN R. G. MELVILL 09-04-1866 16-12-1866
8 MAJOR H. J. HAWES 17-12-1866 02-05-1868
9 CAPTAIN ARMSTRONG 03-05-1868 14-06-1868
10 CAPTAIN J. FENDALL 15-06-1868 30-04-1869
11 MR. G. E. WAKEFIELD 01-05-1869 31-10-1869
12 CAPTAIN J. FENDALL 01-11-1869 28-07-1870
13 MR. M. MACAULIFFE 29-07-1870 07-09-1870
14 CAPTAIN J. FENDALL 08-9-1870 27-05-1871
84
15 CAPTAIN F. J. MILLER 28-05-1871 09-06-1871
16 MR. F.D. BULLOOK 10-06-1871 09-02-1872
17 CAPTAIN F. J. MILLER 10-02-1872 22-03-1872
18 MR. J. D. TREMLETT 23-03-1872 16-08-1875
19 MR. F. E. MOORE 17-08-1875 05-11-1875
20 MR. J. D. TREMLETT 06-11-1875 03-06-1876
21 MR. D. B. SINCLAIR 04-06-1876 03-07-1876
22 MR. J. D. TREMLETT 04-07-1876 08-03-1877
23 MAJOR F. D. HARRINGTON 09-03-1877 08-12-1878
24 MR. M. MACAULIFFE 09-12-1878 09-05-1879
25 MR. EDWARD O’BRIEN 10-05-1879 26-10-1879
26 MR. M. MACAULIFFE 27-10-1879 07-03-1880
27 MR. EDWARD O’BRIEN 08-03-1880 31-05-1881
28 MR. C. E. GLADSTONE 01-06-1881 17-07-1881
29 MR. H. W. STEEL 18-07-1881 24-11-1881
30 MR. EDWARD O’BRIEN 25-11-1881 31-05-1882
31 MR. C. E. GLADSTONE 01-06-1882 11-06-1883
32 MR. R. MACONACHIE 12-06-1883 26-07-1883
33 MR. C. E. GLADSTONE 29-07-1883 26-10-1883
34 MR. A. H. BENTON 27-10-1883 10-11-1884
35 MR. J. C. BROWN 11-11-1884 04-06-1886
36 MR. H. MEREDITH 05-06-1886 15-08-1886
37 MR. T. C. BROWN 16-08-1886 17-02-1887
38 MR. H. W. STEEL 18-02-1887 24-04-1888
85
39 SARDAR GURDIAL SINGH MAN 25-04-1888 22-06-1888
40 MR. H. W. STEEL 23-06-1888 19-04-1889
41 SARDAR GURDIAL SINGH MAN 20-04-1889 05-03-1893
42 CAPTAIN F. E. BRADSHAW 06-03-1893 24-04-1893
43 CAPTAIN C. M. DALLAS 25-04-1893 06-11-1893
44 CAPTAIN C. P. EGERTON 07-11-1893 20-11-1893
45 CAPTAIN C. M. DALLAS 21-11-1893 13-08-1894
46 DIWAN NARINDRA NATH 14-08-1894 14-10-1894
47 CAPTAIN C. M. DALLAS 15-10-1894 18-07-1895
48 MR. R. LOVE 19-07-1895 19-08-1895
49 CAPTAIN C. M. DALLAS 20-08-1895 25-02-1896
50 MR. C.L. DUNDAS 26-02-1896 02-04-1896
51 CAPTAIN F. E. BRADSHAW 03-04-1896 24-03-1897
52 MR. R. LOVE 25-03-1897 19-08-1897
53 MR. A. J. W. KITCHIN 20-08-1897 14-10-1897
54 MAULVI INAM ALI 15-10-1897 21-10-1898
55 MR. E. A. ESTCOURT 22-10-1898 20-01-1899
56 MAULVI INAM ALI 21-01-1899 13-10-1899
57 CAPTAIN H. S. FOXSTRANGWAYS 14-10-1899 01-05-1901
58 SHEIKH ASGHAR ALI 02-05-1901 17-06-1901
59 CAPTAIN H. S. FOXSTRONGWAYS 18-06-1901 04-10-1901
60 MR. A. J. W. KITCHIN 05-10-1901 29-10-1901
61 SHEIKH ASGHAR ALI 30-10-1901 02-09-1903
62 MR. A.L.DANDAS 03-09-1903 02-10-1903
86
63 MR. SHEIKH ASGHAR ALI 03-10-1903 31-10-1905
64 MR. R. T. CLARKE 01-11-1905 13-08-1907
65 MR. N. H. PRENTER 14-08-1907 21-10-1907
66 MR. R. T. CLARKE 22-10-1907 16-02-1908
67 MR. J. M. DUNNETT 17-02-1908 20-10-1908
68 MR. R. SYKES 21-10-1908 01-03-1909
69 RAI BAHADUR PANDIT HARI KISHAN KAUL
02-03-1909 06-04-1910
70 MR.F.W. SKEMP 07-04-1910 16-06-1911
71 LALA TOPAN RAM 17-06-1911 19-06-1911
72 MR. M. S. LEIGH 20-06-1911 31-07-1911
73 MR. F.W. SKEMP 01-08-1911 22-10-1911
74 MAJOR A.J. O’BRIEN, C.I.F. 23-10-1911 07-04-1912
75 MR. F. W. SKEMP 08-04-1912 20-05-1913
76 MR. I. C. LALLI.S.O. 21-05-1913 18-09-1913
77 MR. W.W. POWELL 19-09-1913 18-10-1913
78 MR.I. C. LALL I.S.O. 19-10-1913 20-07-1914
79 SHEIKH RUKAN-UD-DIN 21-07-1914 11-08-1914
80 MR.I. C. LALL I.S.O. 12-08-1914 26-05-1915
81 MR.J.R.S. PARSON 27-05-1915 30-07-1915
82 SHEIKH RUKAN-UD-DIN 31-07-1915 15-08-1915
83 MR.J.R.S. PARSON 16-08-1915 24-10-1915
84 MAJOR C.H. BUCK. I.A. 25-10-1915 04-12-1916
85 MR. E. SHEEPSHANKS 05-12-1916 09-01-1917
86 MAJOR C.H. BUCK. I.A. 10-01-1917 18-03-1917
87
87 RAI BAHADUR BHAI HOTU SINGH 19-03-1917 13-09-1918
88 MR. H.H. JENKYOS 14-09-1018 12-12-1918
89 RAI BAHADUR BHAI HOTU SINGH 13-12-1918 23-05-1920
90 SHEIKH SIRAJ-UD-DIN 24-05-1920 29-11-1920
91 MR. F. B. WACE 30-11-1920 08-03-1921
92 KHAN BAHADUR SHEIKH SIRAJ-UD-DIN 09-03-1921 25-10-1925
93 SARDAR BAHADUR NIHAL SINGH 7-11-1925 19-05-1926
94 SYED MUHAMMAD SHAH 20-05-1926 04-06-1926
95 SARDAR BAHADUR NIHAL SINGH 5-06-1926 30-06-1927
96 NAWABZADA SAIDULLAH KHAN 01-07-1927 30-09-1928
97 MR. E. H. LINCOLN 01-10-1928 11-03-1931
98 MR. M. R. KIYANI 12-03-1931 08-12-1931
99 SH. NOOR MUHAMMAD 09-12-1931 14-06-1935
100 MALIK SAHIB KHAN NOOR 15-06-1935 14-11-1936
101 KHAN BAHADUR SYED BUNYAD HUSSAIN 05-11-1936 15-10-1941
102 SARDAR NANIK SINGH 16-10-1941 14-01-1944
103 RAJA SULTAN LAL HUSSAIN 15-01-1944 18-08-1947
104 S. IJAZ HUSSAIN 19-08-1947 08-11-1947
105 MR. C. H. DISNEY 08-11-1947 01-01-1948
106 MR. S. M. RASHID 01-01-1948 11-08-1950
107 MR. M. A. CHEEMA 11-08-1950 10-11-1950
108 PIR KARAM SHAH 01-12-1950 13-08-1951
109 M. INAYATULLAH 13-08-1951 08-09-1951
110 MR. M. MASUD 08-09-1951 07-05-1953
88
111 M. G. YAZDANI MALIK 07-05-1953 20-09-1954
112 M. ABDUL QUYYUM 20-09-1954 07-05-1955
113 MR. M. A. AVAIS 07-05-1955 29-06-1956
114 S. ATTA MUHAMMAD KHAN 29-09-1956 31-12-1957
115 MALIK NOOR MUHAMMAD 31-12-1957 16-12-1958
116 RAJA GHULAM MEHDI 16-12-1958 25-03-1959
117 CH. SULTAN MEHMOOD 25-03-1959 09-11-1960
118 S. MANZOOR HUSSAIN 09-11-1960 01-10-1962
119 MR. S. M. ASKARI NAQVI 01-10-1962 10-05-1963
120 MALIK AHMAD KHAN 11-05-1963 16-04-1964
121 PIR SALAH UD DIN 17-04-1964 16-08-1965
122 DR. M. ARSHAD MALIK 23-08-1965 13-02-1966
123 MR. AHMAD SHAFI 28-03-1966 13-04-1967
124 MR. KHALID JAWED 14-04-1967 15-07-1969
125 MALIK ZAWAR HUSSAIN 16-07-1969 12-06-1971
126 RAJA SALEEM AKHTART.K. 12-06-1971 26-04-1972
127 SYED SARFRAZ HUSSAIN 26-04-1972 05-04-1973
128 CH. IMTIAZ AHMAD SAHI 06-04-1973 25-03-1974
129 MR. MUHAMMAD AFZAL KAHUT 26-03-1974 17-05-1974
130 MALIK ABDUL MAJID 18-05-1974 30-10-1975
140 MR. M. A. LONE 31-10-1975 20-06-1977
141 S. G. BAQIR ALI KHAN 22-07-1977 24-10-1978
142 IMTIAZ MASROR 24-10-1978 04-10-1980
143 MAHMUD-UZ-ZAMAN KHAN 04-10-1980 31-08-1981
89
144 MR. KAMRAN RASOOL 14-09-1981 20-06-1983
145 FAYYAZ BASHIR 20-06-1983 17-07-1986
146 MR. B.A. FAROOQI OFFG 18-08-1986 29-08-1986
147 MUHAMMAD AYUB MALIK 30-08-1986 05-03-1987
148 MUHAMMAD HAMEDULLAH SHEIKH OFFG 06-03-1987 19-08-1987
149 MUHAMMAD AAMER KHAN 19-08-1987 26-03-1990
150 TARIQ SHAFI CHAK 26-03-1990 30-09-1991
151 ALI TAHIR ZAIDI 30-09-1991 12-10-1992
152 SHAHID ULLAH BAIG 12-10-1992 05-12-1994
153 SALMAN AHMAD 05-12-1994 03-03-1997
154 RIZWAN BASHIR KHAN 07-03-1997 27-05-1998
155 ATHAR HUSSAIN KHAN SIAL 26-06-1998 26-09-1998
156 MIAN MUHAMMAD IJAZ 26-09-1998 07-01-1999
157 ALLAH BUKHSH MALIK 18-02-1999 08-06-1999
158 MUHAMMAD ASHRAF 04-07-1999 17-11-1999
159 CAPTAINR. JAHANZEB KHAN 18-11-1999 12-08-2000
160 AHMAD HUSSAIN 12-08-2000 22-10-2000
161 SAQIB ALEEM 23-10-2000 13-08-2001
DISTRICT COORDINATION OFFICERS MUZAFFARGARH
NAME FROM TO
1 SAJJAD SALEEM HOTIANA 15-08-2001 03-04-2002
2 MUHAMMAD AZAM SALEEM 03-04-2002 12-06-2003
3 SHAMSHER ALI KHAN SIAL 12-06-2003 24-02-2004
90
4 MUHAMMAD ANIS QURASHI 24-02-2004 22-07-2004
5 CH. MUHAMMAD AZHAR 22-07-2004 18-03-2006
6 TARIQ NAJEEB NAJMI 10-04-2006 18-04-2007
7 AKHTER NAZIR WARAICH 18-04-2007 05-05-2008
8 TARIQ JAVEID MALIK 06-05-2008 31-08-2009
9 MAHMOOD ASLAM 14-09-2009 05-08-2010
10 FARASAT IQBAL 05-08-2010 01-09-2010
11 TAHIR KHURSHID 01-09-2010 02-09-2012
12 MUZAFFAR KHAN SIAL (ADDITIONAL CHARGE)
03-09-2012 26-09-2012
13 ABRAR AHMAD MIRZA 27-09-2012 11-03-2013
14 MALIK MUHAMMAD ASHRAF AWAN 12-03-2013 08-04-2013
15 QAZI ZAFAR IQBAL 08-04-2013 26-06-2013
16 FARASAT IQBAL 26-06-2013 29-03-2014
17 TANVEER IQBAL TABASSUM 29-03-2014 09-04-2014
18 HAFIZ SHAUKAT ALI 09-04-2014 01-01-2017
DEPUTY COMMISSIONERS MUZAFFARGARH
NAME FROM TO
1 HAFIZ SHAUKAT ALI 01-01-2017 26-01-2017
2 MUHAMMAD SAIF ANWAR JAPPA 26-01-2017 21-06-2018
3 KAISER SALEEM 25-06-2018 29-10-2018
4 DR. EHTASHAM ANWAR 31-10-2018 18-10-2019
91
Chapter 5
DISTRICT REGIONAL TRANSPORT AUTHORITY
District Regional Transport Authority was established in Muzaffargarh on
August 14, 2001, with the Deputy Commissioner, as its head primarily to
regulate the affairs of the public transport in Muzaffargarh. It comprises 7 staff members including a Secretary, who exercises the executive functions,
and a Motor Vehicle Examiner.
C class (Municipal) stands: 2
Tehsil/Town
Kot Addu
Alipur
D class (Private) stands: 5
Tehsil/Town
Kot Addu
Alipur
Shah Jamal
Qasba Gujrat
Rohilanwali
Interestingly, there is no approved stand in the Muzaffargarh city to cater for
public needs. A project of establishing a C class stand was therefore revived
in 2019, and civil works were initiated on a site closer to Yadgar Club. At the same time, for the long term solution of the traffic and transport issues, a
proposal for establishment of bigger bus stand on Mehmoodkot Road, outside
the city area, has been incorporated in the master plan of Muzaffargarh
which was being implemented as part of the Punjab Intermediate Cities
Improvement Investment Program by the Asian Development Bank funding.
As regards the permits issued/renewed in the Financial Year 2018-19, the
performance of the DRTA has been as follows:
Bolan 109
Pick-up 504
Renewal of permits 160
Total 773
92
Similarly, the fines imposed/collected over the Financial Year 2018-19 for
various violations/offences amounted to Rs. 1,552,600.
There had been an innovation in the functioning of DRTA in Muzaffargarh
lately when an Accidents Review Committee was constituted with effect from
January 1, 2019, comprising Secretary District Transport Authority, DSP
Traffic, Sub-Divisional Officer (Roads), District Emergency Officer (1122) as well as Assistant Commissioner and Sub-Divisional Police Officer of the concerned tehsil. The secretariat of the committee was established in the
office of the Secretary District Transport Authority. The committee started to
review each and every accident taking place within the jurisdiction of each tehsil of Muzaffargarh on site, which resulted in any death or serious injuries,
and took or suggested the remedial action. Furthermore, the data so collected was to be continuously analysed to identify the pattern, causes, trends and
vulnerable sites of road accidents so that long term preventive and corrective
actions could be taken or recommended accordingly.
Another achievement which the DRTA Muzaffargarh have had in 2019 was
the fact that it was instrumental in placing a ban on use of CNG/LPG as fuel
in the public service vehicles by the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority
(OGRA). In view of the increasing number of deadly accidents taking place
due to illegal and faulty fitting of CNG/LPG cylinders in such vehicles, the DRTA took up the matter with the Secretary, Transport Department,
Government of the Punjab on May 21, 2019. It was contended that the
cylinders were being fitted beneath the rear seats in complete violation of the
Motor Vehicles Rules 1969 and Compressed Natural Gas Safety Rules 1992,
endangering lives of the passengers. It was therefore proposed that a complete ban should be placed in fixing of cylinders inside the passenger
compartment or beneath the rear seats in public service vehicles. The
Secretary Transport Department in turn referred the matter to the OGRA,
which vide its letter dated July 17, 2019 conveyed its concurrence to the
proposal and instructed all the provincial governments as well as the IG
National Highways & Motorway Police to start a crackdown against public service vehicles having CNG/LPG cylinders fitted inside the passenger
compartments. A campaign was started accordingly. However, the
instructions so issued by the OGRA were later on suspended by the Lahore
High Court on a petition filed by the All Pakistan CNG Association. The
matter was still sub judice at the time of the finalization of the gazetteer.
93
Chapter 6
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
The Local Government Department existed in the district at the time of independence, and was headed by an Assistant Director then. It was
massively reformed in 2017, and a Deputy Director was posted at the district
level. In addition, 4 Assistant Directors were posted at tehsil level for the first
time. At present, the sanctioned staff strength for the district office is 20
whereas 7 seats have been sanctioned for each tehsil office. There are 111 union councils and as many secretaries. The functions of the union councils
include registration of deaths, births, marriages and divorces. The union
councils are also responsible for the cleanliness as well as provision of clean
drinking water in their respective jurisdictions.
The first local government institution, the District Board, was established in
Muzaffargarh in 1887 under the Punjab District Board Act 1883. It had 30
members amongst whom 20 were non-official and 10 were official members. The membership was enhanced to 40 in 1909 owing to the addition of the
Tehsil Layyah to the district; of this 28 were non-official and 12 were official
members. There were local boards in the 4 tehsils too, but those were
abolished in 1913. In 1923, elections were introduced and the constitution
of the District Board was set as follows:
Ex-officio 6
Nominated 6
Elected 24
Total 36
The first general elections were held in 1924. The DC was the ex-officio
chairman of the District Board, whereas the vice-chairman was elected
annually. The activities of the Board extended to Education, Medical, Public
Health, Agriculture, Veterinary Services, and Communications. The system
continued till the year 1959 when it was replaced by the Basic Democracies system. Under the system, 87 Union Councils, 7 Union Committees, 6 Town
Communities, 2 Municipal Committees, 4 Tehsil Councils and 1 District
Council were established, as per following details:
Elected Nominated Official Total
District Council 10 10 20 40
4 Tehsil Councils 93 35 40 168
2 Municipal Committees 7 4 3 14
6 Town Committees 45 22 - 67
7 Union Committees 31 - - 31
87 Union Council 955 416 - 1,371
94
The District Council, Muzaffargarh was constituted on June 30, 1960. It was
headed by the Deputy Commissioner/District Magistrate whereas the
Additional District Magistrate, Muzaffargarh and Sub-Divisional Magistrate, Layyah were appointed as the ex-officio chairmen of Muzaffargarh and
Layyah Municipal Committees respectively. The term of Basic Democracies
institutions so created was fixed as 5 years.
The system was finally wrapped up in 1969 with the ouster of General Ayub
Khan, its architect. The local government institutions remained suspended
from 1969 to 1979. In 1979, General Zia-ul-Haq revived the local government
system and elections were held under the Punjab Local Government
Ordinance 1979. During the civilian rule of 1988–99, four democratically elected political governments gained power, but the local government system
remained on the back burner. In 2001, General Pervez Musharraf introduced
an ambitious Devolution of Power Plan, as a result of which the institution of Zila Nazim was introduced at the head of the Zila Council. The composition
of the Zila Council was as follows:
UC Nazims 93
Women 31
Peasants 6
Minorities 5
Total 135
The tenure of the Zila Council was fixed as 4 years. However, no elections
were held after 2005, and the DCO was appointed as the Administrator on the expiry of term in 2009. The Local Government system underwent yet
another change and the Punjab Local Government Act, 2013 was enacted.
Elections under the 2013 Act were held in 2015, however, the elected
representatives assumed their responsibilities on January 1, 2017. The
composition of the District Council was fixed as follows:
Chairmen UCs 111
Women 15
Minorities 5
Peasants/Workers 5
Total 136
The system hardly worked for 2 years when all local governments, including the District Council, were abolished once again on May 4, 2019, and the
Deputy Commissioner was appointed as the Administrator of the District
Council. It was announced that the elections would be held, and new local
government institutions established, within one year.
95
Chapter 7
DISTRICT JUDICIARY
During the colonial period the civil and criminal system in Muzaffargarh was the same as in other parts of the province. The evolution of judiciary in the
district, as traced from the older gazetteers, has been as follows:
1929
In 1929, the civil courts in the district were as under:
i. The court of the District Judge (at Multan) ii. The court of Senior Sub-Judge Muzaffargarh.
iii. Three courts of Sub-Judges; one each at Muzaffargarh,
Layyah and Alipur. (The Sub-Judge at Muzaffargarh was
having jurisdiction over Muzaffargarh and Kot Addu tehsils.)
An additional Sub-Judge was sometimes posted in the district. There were
two courts of Honorary Sub-Judges too; one for the Tehsil Muzaffargarh and
the other for the whole district.
There were 4 advocates and 17 pleaders at Muzaffargarh, 7 pleaders at Alipur
and 1 at Kot Addu. The Public Prosecutor used to be the Government Pleader. There was an Official Receiver too whose headquarters were at Multan.
Similarly, 60 petition-writers had been sanctioned by the High Court for the
district.
On criminal side, the highest court was that of the District Magistrate.
1964
The District Magistrate, in 1964, was assisted by an Additional District Magistrate and two Sub-Divisional Magistrates, i.e. one each at Alipur and
Layyah. The General Assistant as well as Treasury Officer also exercised
magisterial powers. Furthermore, all Tehsildars and Naib-Tehsildars were
invested with the powers of Class II and III Magistrates respectively.
There was a Public Prosecutor for the district at Muzaffargarh. There were
also Police Prosecuting Inspectors at Muzaffargarh, Layyah and Alipur.
The District and Sessions Judge, Multan as well as Additional District and
Sessions Judge, Multan used to visit Muzaffargarh for 1 week and 10 days
every month respectively. Besides, one Senior Civil Judge was also posted at
96
the headquarters. There were 2 other Class IV judges posted in the district
too. These courts were housed in present Deputy Commissioner Complex.
The District and Sessions Judge, Multan was also the Senior Special Judge
of the district, who disposed of special against Central Government servants.
The Senior Civil Judge, Muzaffargarh was also Rent Controller for the
disposal of rent cases.
1970 and beyond
The district attained the status of Sessions District in 1970, and Malik
Akhtar Hussain was posted here as the first District and Sessions Judge on November 17, 1970. With the separation of judiciary from the executive in
1996, the number of Civil Judges started increasing. In 2001, the Executive
Magistracy was abolished, which further increased the judicial workload.
At present, the District Judiciary comprises the following:
District and Sessions Judge 1
Additional District and Sessions Judges 13
Senior Civil Judges 3
Civil Judges 25
One of the courts of Additional Sessions Judge has been made Model Court
under the order of the Supreme Court of Pakistan. The Model Court takes up
murder cases, and hearing takes place on day to day basis.
The Judge Anti-Corruption Court, as well as those of the Consumer Court
and Labour Court having headquarters at DG Khan, visit the district every
month as per their schedule. As far as the cases related to the Drug Court
and Banking Court for the district are concerned, the same are fixed in the
courts situated at Multan.
NATURE OF LITIGATION Most of the litigation in the district takes place in land and family matters.
The nature of cases in various courts can be assessed from the statistics for
the month of July, which were as under:
The Civil Judges disposed of 1884 cases in Tehsil Muzaffargarh, 1270
cases in Tehsil Kot Addu, 521 cases in Tehsil Alipur and 605 cases in
Tehsil Jatoi. Thus in all 4280 cases were decided during the month. The court of District and Sessions Judge as well as those of Additional
Sessions Judges decided 725 cases in all including, amongst others,
56 murder, 105 narcotics, 121 harassment cases as well as 207 bail
applications.
The number of family cases disposed of stood at 739.
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THE JUDICIAL INFRASTRUCTURE The courts of the District Judiciary are currently housed in Deputy
Commissioner Office Complex. However, the case of construction of a Judicial Complex at a land piece measuring 734 kanals 12 marlas, situated
in Rakh Khanpur on DG Khan Road is being processed. The total rough cost
has been estimated at 1269.478 million.
The Judicial Complexes have also been constructed in Tehsil Jatoi in 2008,
in Tehsil Kot Addu in 2012, and in Tehsil Alipur in 2013. The Judicial
Complex of Tehsil Kot Addu, however, has not become functional yet.
The Sessions House was located near DPO House previously and was shifted to its present location, in front of the Muzaffargarh House, i.e. the residence
of the Deputy Commissioner, in 2005.
THE BAR ASSOCIATIONS The history of District Bar Muzaffargarh can be traced as far back as 1929 when 4 advocates were working here. Today, the number of lawyers enrolled
has reached at 1131. At present, Mian Ehsan Karim Qureshi is the senior
most advocate who was enrolled on November 28, 1956. The first body of the
District Bar was formed in 1951 with Malik Qadir Bakhsh as President and
Malik Rehmat Ali Alvi as General Secretary.
In addition to the District Bar Association, the numbers of enrolled members
at Tehsil Bar Associations of Kot Addu, Alipur and Jatoi are 465, 475 and
225 respectively.
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Chapter 8
DISTRICT PUBLIC PROSECUTOR
The prosecution services in the country used to be part of the police until 2002, comprising law graduates of the ranks of sub-inspector, inspector and
deputy superintendent. After the promulgation of the Police Order 2002,
these services were separated from the police and brought under the
respective law departments of the provinces. Within the next few years, all
the four provinces had established their own prosecution departments. In 2006, the Punjab Criminal Prosecution Service (Constitution, Functions and
Powers) Act 2006 paved the way for a separate and independent Prosecution
Department in Punjab. its office was established in Muzaffargarh in 2007,
and Ch. Nisar-ul-Haq was appointed as the first District Public Prosecutor.
At present, there are 20 public prosecutors serving in the district, i.e. the
District Public Prosecutor assisted by 8 Deputy District Public Prosecutors,
and 11 Assistant District Public Prosecutors, among whom 2 are women.
The over-all workload/performance of the office of the District Public
Prosecutor Muzaffargarh during 2019 remained as under:
Number of FIRs registered
Number of challans submitted to the courts
Number of challans declared not fit for trial
Number of cases decided
10918 5290 326 4217
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Chapter 9
DISTRICT ATTORNEY
Prior to 1980, private counsels were hired to represent the Government. In 1981, the recruitment of permanent attorneys was initiated. From 1981 to
2007, both civil and criminal cases were handled by the office of the District
Attorney. In 2007, a separate prosecution department was established. At
present, only civil cases are being handled by the District Attorney while
criminal cases are dealt with by the District Public Prosecutor.
The office is headed by a District Attorney, who is assisted by a Deputy
District Attorney and five Assistant District Attorneys. One post of Deputy
District Attorney as well as all five posts of Assistant District Attorney are
currently lying vacant in Muzaffargarh.
At present, around 1500 cases are being pursued by the office of District
Attorney in various courts of the District.
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Chapter 10
DISTRICT POLICE
The first Superintendent of Police, Mr W. Gaventry, was posted in Muzaffargarh in 1911. The Police was assisted in its functions of preventing and detecting crimes by lambardars, tappedars and chowkidars. The local
system of watch and ward, Thikri Pehra, was also in vogue. In those days,
horses were mostly used for the purposes of patrolling (gasht) and
transportation. Owing to riverain area, murder, kidnapping and cattle theft
were the major crimes in the district. Head Constables and Assistant Sub-
Inspectors were generally appointed as incharge of police stations.
LIST OF SUPERINTENDENTS OF POLICE
1. Mr. W. Gaventry 01.06.1911
2. Mr. J. M. Toms 01.06.1913
3. Mr. W. G. Willson 02.07.1916
4. Agha Ali Raza Khan 15.03.1917
5. Mr. G.A. Beaty 26.04.1919
6. Rai Bahadar Chunni Lal Kapoor 01.06.1922
7. K. S. SH. Abdul Aziz 25.01.1926
8. Mr. P. S. Babar 01.02.1928
9. M. O. Scott 26.10.1929
10. M.A. Sadiq Khan 27.05.1930
11. Aghar Sadat Ali Zahdi 09.04.1931
12. Mr. W. G. Mathyue 03.11.1931
13. Mr. E. Garrid 11.05.1933
14. Mr. G. Durrent 02.03.1934
15. Mr. S. H. F. Bridgeman 02.03.1936
16. Mr. A. Unit 07.10.1936
17. Arbab Ghulam Mustafa 27.03.1937
18. W. D. V. Slessar 29.09.1937
19. Sardar Sanat Singh 06.06.1940
20. K.S. Ch. Ghulam Rasool 28.08.1940
21. B.Y. Ali 12.05.1942
22. Kanwar Shamsher Singh 29.09.1944
23. Siriranbeer Singh Chadha 09.01.1946
24. Agha Sadat Ali 02.10.1946
25. Malik Lutaf Khan 21.09.1950
26. Mian Abdul Qadir 26.10.1950
27. Mirza Muhammad Abbas 19.01.1954
28. Khan Muhammad Umar 20.09.1954
29. Malik Muhammad Yousaf 21.02.1955
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30. Khan Muhammad Umar 11.5.1955
31. Sh. Masud Aziz 10.08.1955
32. Khan Muhammad Siddique 21.09.1956
33. Sardar Ghulam Asghar 05.11.1957
34. Mr. A. R. Malik (PSP) 10.01.1958
35. Malik SaadUllah Khan 09.01.1959
36. Malik Sher Muhammad 01.04.1961
37. Mr. A. W. Farooqi 01.11.1962
38. Syed Altaf Hussain 13.06.1963
39. Agha Mazhar Ali 01.03.1964
40. Mr. Fazal Mehmood (PSP) 10.06.1965
41. Ch. Naik Alam Cheema (PSP) 22.09.1966
42. Mr. Abdul Mastan Khan (PSP) 06.05.1968
43. Mr. Riaz Ahmad Sipra (PSP) 22.06.1968
44. Mr. Karamat Ullah Bajwa (Q.P.M: PPM) 08.01.1969
45. Ch. Muhammad Ashiq 20.11.1969
46. Sardar Wahid Bakhsh (PPM) 01.10.1970
47. Mr. Jahanzeb Burki (PSP) 03.07.1972
48. Mr. Khalid Masood (PSP) 11.10.1973
49. Mr. Shahid Hassan Qureshi (PSP) 22.08.1974
50. Mr. Muhammad Mubariz Khan 16.07.1976
51. Ch. Shamas Uddin 20.08.1977
52. Mir Mazhar Qayyum (PSP) 06.08.1979
53. Mr. Zia-Ul-Hassan (PSP) 25.07.1981
54. Mr. Saleem Tariq Noon (PSP) 05.09.1983
55. Mr. Muhammad Iftikhar Choudhry (PSP) 14.07.1985
56. Mr. Shahid Iqbal (PSP) 03.12.1987
57. Mr. Muhammad Nawaz Rana 30.11.1989
58. Mr. Ghulam Haider (PSP) 11.06.1991
59. Mr. Gull Asghar (PPM/PGM) 04.02..1992
60. Mr. Nasim-Uz-Zaman (PSP) 01.08.1993
61. Mr. Sarfraz Hussain (PSP) 04.12.1994
62. Rao Amin Hashim Khan (PSP) 18.12.1996
63. Dr. Mujeeb-Ur-Rehman Khan (PSP) 05.03.1997
64. Mr. Sikandar Hayat (PSP) 25.08.1997
65. Dr. Jameel Ahmad (PSP) 28.03.1998
66. Mr. Saeed Ahmad Khan 28.09.1998
67. Mr. Tayyab Saeed (PSP) 06.01.1999
68. Mr. Muhammad Ahsan Javed 09.08.2000
69. Lt. Col: (R) Farman Ali (PSP) 13.12.2000
70. Mr. Tariq Masood Yasin (PSP) 07.02.2003
71. Mr. Suliman Choudhry (PSP) 27.03.2003
72. Mr. Ahsan Mehboob (PSP/QPM) 27.07.2004
73. Mr. Kamal Uddin Tipu (PSP) 01.07.2005
74. Mr. Muhammad Tahir Rai (PSP) 21.09.2005
75. Mr. Maqsood-Ul-Hassan (PSP) 28.07.2007
76. Mr. Muhammad Shahzad Sultan (PSP) 26.04.2008
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77. Mr. Muhammad Riaz Maken (PSP) 21.03.2009
78. Mr. Hussain Habib Imtiaz (PSP) 08.04.2009
79. Mr. Mehboob Rasheed (PSP) 16.10.2009
80. Mr. Manzoor Sarwar (PSP) 03.03.2010
81. Mr. Munir Ahmad Zia (PSP) 19.04.2011
82. Mr. Zeeshan Asghar (PSP) 09.05.2012
83. Dr. Haider Ashraf (PSP/PPM) 08.04.2013
84. Mr. Abdul Jabbar (PSP) 25.06.2013
85. Mr. Hassan Mushtaq Sukhera (PSP) 22.10.2013
86. Mr. Usman Akram Gondal (PSP) 22.12.2013
87. Mr. Rai Zameer-Ul-Haq (PSP) 10.04.2014
88. Mr. Awais Ahmad (PSP) 29.06.2015
89. Mr. Faisal Shahzad (PSP) 22.06.2018
90. Mr. Imran Kishwar (PSP) 29.10.2018
91. Mr. Ghazi Salah Uddin (PSP/PPM) 22.02.2019
92. Mr. Sadiq Ali Dogar (PSP) 02.05.2019
SUB-DIVISIONAL OFFICES The district today has been divided into 5 sub-divisional offices/police
circles, which are listed as follows:
1. DSP/SDPO City Muzaffargarh 2. DSP/SDPO Saddar Muzaffargarh
3. DSP/SDPO Alipur
4. DSP/SDPO Jatoi
5. DSP/SDPO Kot Addu
POLICE STATIONS The number of police stations in the district is 21 as listed below:
1. PS City, Muzaffargarh 2. PS Saddar, Muzaffargarh
3. PS Civil Line, Muzaffargarh
4. PS Rangpur
5. PS Rohilanwali
6. PS Khangarh 7. PS Shah Jamal
8. PS Qureshi (also named as Karam Dad Qureshi)
9. PS Jatoi
10. PS Shehr Sultan
11. PS Bait Meer Hazar
12. PS City, Alipur 13. PS Saddar, Alipur
14. PS Seetpur
15. PS Kundai
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16. PS Khairpur Sadat
17. PS Kot Addu
18. PS Mehmoodkot 19. PS Chowk Sarwar Shaheed
20. PS Sinawan
21. PS Daira Din Panah
RIVERAIN POLICE POSTS Since Muzaffargarh is situated between two rivers, i.e. Chenab and Indus, there is lot of kacha area available, which acts as hideout for the criminal
gangs. A number of riverain police posts (RPPs) equipped with, amongst other
things, boats for patrolling, have therefore been established. The list of these
posts is as follows:
1. RPP Eisanwala PS Mehmoodkot
2. RPP Bait Metla PS Shah Jamal
3. RPP Lundi Patafi PS Bait Meer Hazar
4. RPP Rampur PS Jatoi 5. RPP Maddwala PS Saddar, Alipur
6. RPP Shahpur PS Khairpur Sadat
7. RPP Daulatpur PS Kundai
8. RPP Mohib Shah PS Kundai
SANCTIONED/POSTED STRENGTH OF OFFICERS/ OFFICIALS DISTRICT POLICE
SSP SP ASP DSP DSP Leg
INS INS Leg
SI ASI HC Cons. Total
Sanctioned 01 01 01 06 03 31 06 148 203 292 2066 2758
Posted 01 02 - 06 - 12 01 127 192 273 1992 2615
Vacant - - 01 - 03 19 05 21 11 19 74 143
TRAFFIC STAFF SSP SP ASP DSP DSP
Leg INS INS
Leg SI ASI HC Cons. Total
Sanctioned - - - 01 - 07 - 13 20 29 130 200
Posted - - - 01 - 02 - 11 09 09 68 100
Vacant - - - - - 05 - 02 11 20 62 100
TREND OF CRIMES Most of the area of Muzaffargarh is rural in nature. In early days, cattle theft
was common as the cattle heads could be easily shifted across the two rivers
on both sides of the district. The trend and nature of crimes has changed over the time. Murder, dacoity/robbery, burglary, ordinary theft, narcotics
trade, illicit arms etc. constitute bulk of crimes today. Street crime as well as
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vehicle snatching is on the rise too. It may also be noted that the Mukhtaran
Mai incident had also taken place in Muzaffargarh, i.e. in Tehsil Jatoi, in
2002, as a result of which, since then, reporting of gender crimes has surged
substantially in the district.
CRIME OVERVIEW OF DISTRICT MUZAFFARGARH
OFFENCES TOTAL CRIME REPORTED
2017 2018 2019 (up to 31.08.19)
1. Murder 123 113 62
2. Rape 352 318 155
3. Dacoity/Robbery 212 214 133
4. Burglary 300 423 153
5. Ordinary Theft 825 693 522
6. Vehicles theft 349 590 307
7. Recovery of illicit Arms 404 474 545
8. Narcotics 706 786 842
CRIME OVERVIEW OF TEHSIL MUZAFFARGARH
OFFENCES TOTAL CRIME REPORTED
2017 2018 2019 (up to 31.08.19)
1. Murder 41 34 29
2. Rape 153 144 67
3. Dacoity/Robbery 78 89 58
4. Burglary 126 188 70
5. Ordinary Theft 361 225 246
6. Vehicles theft 165 256 139
7. Recovery of illicit Arms 116 174 208
8. Narcotics 283 320 353
CRIME OVERVIEW OF TEHSIL ALIPUR
OFFENCES TOTAL CRIME REPORTED
2017 2018 2019 (up to 31.08.19)
1. Murder 24 20 12
2. Rape 54 45 25
3. Dacoity/Robbery 36 52 24
4. Burglary 56 56 36
5. Ordinary Theft 150 123 70
6. Vehicles theft 66 92 30
7. Recovery of illicit Arms 84 104 135
8. Narcotics 102 117 151
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CRIME OVERVIEW OF TEHSIL JATOI
OFFENCES TOTAL CRIME REPORTED
2017 2018 2019 (up to 31.08.19)
1. Murder 22 22 06
2. Rape 93 60 23
3. Dacoity/Robbery 56 21 26
4. Burglary 76 104 30
5. Ordinary Theft 149 114 94
6. Vehicles theft 47 93 45
7. Recovery of illicit Arms 44 56 76
8. Narcotics 64 103 144
CRIME OVERVIEW OF TEHSIL KOT ADDU
OFFENCES TOTAL CRIME REPORTED
2017 2018 2019 (up to 31.08.19)
1. Murder 36 37 15
2. Rape 52 69 40
3. Dacoity/Robbery 42 52 25
4. Burglary 42 75 19
5. Ordinary Theft 165 231 112
6. Vehicles theft 71 149 93
7. Recovery of illicit Arms 160 140 126
8. Narcotics 257 246 194
SECTARIAN VIOLENCE Last major sectarian related incident took place in the district in 1999, when
terrorists belonging to proscribed/defunct organization, Sipah-e-Sahaba, opened fire on an imam bargah in the area of PS Karam Dad Qureshi at the
time of Fajr prayer killing 17 persons belonging to the Shia sect.
Overall, the last incident with sectarian overtones took place in 2011 when one of the workers of Sipah-e-Sahaba, who had assembled at Head Panjnad
to welcome their leader, Qari Ishaq, was killed by some Shia assailants. There
has been a relative calm on sectarian front ever since.
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Chapter 11
DISTRICT JAIL
The District Jail was established in Muzaffargarh in 1908 with a capacity to accommodate 180 inmates. Old building was demolished in 2012 and
construction of the new building was started, which took 3 years to complete.
At present, the Jail is spread over an area of 21 acres, 5 kanals and 9 marlas.
It has a capacity to accommodate 472 prisoners but like all other prisons in
the country, the District Jail Muzaffargarh too is overcrowded, and currently
houses 660 prisoners. None of the prisoners is female though, as female
prisoners are sent to the Central Jail, Multan.
Superintendent Jail, a BPS-18 officer, is the incharge of the Jail. He is
assisted by a Deputy Superintendent and 8 Assistant Superintendents.
Sanctioned strength of the staff is 284; 33 posts are, however, lying vacant.
182 warders constitute the bulk the of the existing staff strength.
The Jail is supervised by the Deputy Inspector General of Prisons, Multan
Region.
There is a hospital in the Jail too, which is manned by a Medical Officer, a
Psychologist, a Junior Psychologist and support staff.
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Chapter 12
SCHOOL EDUCATION
With the exception of a few government high schools for boys and girls the recognized educational institutes of all kinds in Muzaffargarh were
maintained and administered by the Local Bodies, e.g. the District Council,
Municipal Committees, Town Committees and their precursors, since
establishment of Pakistan, and even prior to that. The control of the Primary
Education was taken over by the Government with effect from July 1, 1962.
Consequent upon this change over, all the institutes in the district, except 6 High Schools, which were under the control of the District Council
Muzaffargarh, and 1 High School, which was maintained by Municipal
Committees Layyah, were placed under the control of a District Primary
Education Committee set up by the Government. The administration and
control of the educational institutes up to 8th class, which was previously in
the hand of Chairman, District Council was later also entrusted to the
District Education Committee.
The affairs of education were looked after by a District Inspector at the
district headquarters with the assistance of Assistant Inspectors at tehsil
level up to June 30, 1973. Meanwhile, the District Council schools were
supervised by the Divisional Inspector of Schools, Multan.
The posts of District Education Officers at the headquarters and Deputy
District Education Officers (Male and Female) at the tehsil level were created
in on July 1, 1973. Later, in 1993, the department was reorganized in the
District and posts of District Education Officer (Secondary Education), District Education Officer (Male-Elementary Education) and District
Education Officer (Women-Elementary Education) were introduced.
With the promulgation of the Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 2001 the
Executive District Officer (Education) was appointed as the head of the
department in the district who used to function under the over-all control of
the District Coordination Officer (DCO). On January 1, 2017 the department
was re-designated as District Education Authority with the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) as its head and the Deputy Commissioner as the Administrator.
The District Education Authority also looks after the Literacy Department as
well as the Special Education.
The CEO is assisted by 3 District Education Officers, i.e. District Education
Officer (Secondary Education), District Education Officer (Male-Elementary
Education) and District Education Officer (Women-Elementary Education).
Under these District Education Officers, 9 Deputy District Education Officers
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are performing their functions. The district is divided into 157 Centers (Markaz), each headed by an Area Education Officer (AEO). There are 81 male
and 76 female AEOs. The District Education Officer (Secondary Education)
supervises the functioning of 14 Higher Secondary Schools and 136 High
Schools.
Total number of the Government schools in the district is 1756. These include 1383 Primary, 224 Elementary, 136 High, and 14 Higher Secondary
Schools. There are 364675 students enrolled in these schools. In addition,
335 schools are being managed by the Punjab Education Foundation (PEF).
The break-up is as follows:
Level of
School
Alipur Jatoi Kot Addu M. GARH Total G. Total Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Higher
Secondary
Schools
0 1 1 0 6 3 2 1 9 5
High
Schools
12 5 14 7 29 16 35 18 90 46 136
Elementary
Schools
17 12 17 18 36 35 45 44 115 109 224
Primary
Schools
74 91 91 102 314 268 224 218 703 679 1382
Total 103 109 123 127 385 322 306 281 917 839 1756
PEF (PSSP) 19 9 20 28 75 66 50 68 164 171 335
Grand
Total
122 118 143 155 460 388 356 349 1081 1010 2091
There are 17440 sanctioned posts of staff in the district, of which 14002 are
meant for teaching staff, whereas 3438 are non-teaching sanctioned posts.
The number of registered private educational institutes in the district is 845.
The registration of another 150 schools is under process, while 374 schools
remain unregistered. As regards the registered schools, the details are as
follows:
PRIMARY SCHOOLS 138
ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS 405
SECONDARY SCHOOLS 252
HIGHER SECONDARY SCHOOLS 50
TOTAL 845
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In public schools, passing percentage in the Grade 5 examinations during
the year 2019 remained 93.91 and 94.89 for boys and girls respectively. In
private schools, this percentage was 92.95 for boys and 94.85 for the girls. Passing percentage of public schools in the Grade 8 examinations during the
year was 96.76 and 94.64 for the boys and girls respectively. In private
schools, the same remained 94.23 and 94.46.
The biggest feat which the public schools in the district achieved was the
extraordinary results of matriculation exams. With a passing percentage of
around 92%, the district topped the tables in the entire province. These results were attributed to efforts made under the ‘Examergency’ which the
District Administration and District Education Authority had imposed in the
District since January 1, 2019, till the conclusion of exams.
High Profile Schools
Some noteworthy schools of the district are detailed below.
Sardar Kaurey Khan Public Higher Secondary School was established as
a primary school on state land by the then District Council in 1983. It was
upgraded as high school in 1994 and higher secondary school in 2001. Initially the school was run by the District Council on the behalf of
Government of the Punjab itself but in 1991 it was declared autonomous,
and placed under a Governing Body headed by the Commissioner. After the
promulgation of the Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 2001 the DCO
replaced the Commissioner as the Chairman of the Governing Body. On January 1, 2017, the DCO was re-designated as the DC. The School has the
honor of being the biggest school of the district, in terms of number of
students, as currently around 4300 students are studying there.
Emine Erdogan Daanish CARE Girls School, Baseera was established in
2014. After devastating floods of 2010, the building was constructed with the
help of the Turkish Government; hence the name. The School is currently
being run as a Public-Private Partnership between Government of the Punjab and the CARE Foundation, which is the leading non-profit organisation for
education in the country. On September 8, 2014, i.e. the first day of the
school, there were 13 teachers and 150 students. The number has grown
since, and at present 100 teachers are imparting education to a total of 1600
students. The school is affiliated with the University of Cambridge
Examination Board.
Misali Public Middle School in Tehsil Muzaffargarh is a unique and
trendsetter school in the private sector which was established by Mr. Muhammad Jamil Qureshi in 1988 as a low-cost boarding school with the
aim of preparing students for admission in cadet and military colleges. Since
its establishment, it has contributed 1828 students to such colleges. At
present, 1202 students are enrolled in the school.
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Two schools in the district have been declared as Centre of Excellence, and
have been placed under the Punjab Daanish Schools and Centers of
Excellence Authority. Government Girls High and Normal School was established as a Primary School in 1870. It passed through various stages of
evolution, and was eventually declared as Center of Excellence in June,
2012. At present, it is providing education to 2067 students through a staff
comprising 55 teachers. The other school is Government Boys High School
Muzaffargarh. Established in 1870 as a Primary School, it was declared as
Center of Excellence on July 13, 2015. The school is providing quality
education to 1288 students through a staff comprising 35 teachers.
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Chapter 13
HIGHER EDUCATION
Prior to 2001, the Higher Education was administered at divisional level under the Divisional Directorate of Education (Colleges). However, after the
implementation of the Devolution Plan in 2001, the post of District Education
Officer (DEO) Colleges was created at district level and was placed under the
overall administrative control of the District Coordination Officer (DCO). In
2010, the post of DEO Colleges was renamed as Deputy Director Colleges, which still exists at the district level and reports to the Divisional Directorate
at Dera Ghazi Khan. The Deputy Director Colleges is assisted by an Assistant
Director and other support staff.
The first institute of higher education started functioning in the district as
an intermediate college, with co-education, on August 26, 1954, and has
grown to become a Post-Graduate college since 2003. The first intermediate
college exclusively for girls was, however, started in 1973 under makeshift arrangements in the Yadgar Club, and was later shifted to its own building
upon completion in 1975.
At present there are 22 Higher Education institutes, including 3 post-
graduate colleges, functioning in the district. The details are as follows:
Male Female Commerce Total
7 12 3 22
In order to cater for the needs of the increasing population, a new degree
college for women is being established at Adda Gujrat, in Tehsil Kot Addu. In
this regard, 90% of the work has already been completed.
The manpower position in these colleges is as follows:
Male Female Commerce Total
Sanctioned Filled Sanctioned Filled Sanctioned Filled Sanctioned Filled
250 184 262 109 29 25 541 318
During 2019, total enrollment in the colleges of Muzaffargarh remained
24926; 11944 students were enrolled in male colleges whereas 12066 were
enrolled in female colleges. Another 911 students were enrolled in commerce colleges. The number of students pursuing post-graduate studies, i.e.
MA/MSc/BS, in the district this year stood at 915.
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Chapter 14
SPECIAL EDUCATION
First Special Education institution in the district was established in 1997 for imparting primary education to physically disabled children, which was later
upgraded to secondary level in 2011. After the promulgation of the Punjab
Local Government Ordinance, 2001 the responsibilities related to the Special
Education were assigned to the Executive District Officer (EDO) Education.
In 2004, a separate department was created for Special Education, which continued to work under the overall supervision of the EDO Education. The
same year, 3 primary schools were established at 3 tehsil headquarters i.e.
Alipur, Jatoi, and Kot Addu. (These schools were later upgraded to middle
level in 2012.) In the year 2007, a Slow Learners School was established in
the district to help with the education of those children who had difficulty in
learning due to a variety of reasons. In 2015, another institute, i.e. the Government Special Education Centre Muzaffargarh, was set up. Similarly,
Government Muhammad Hassan Qadri Special Education Centre Seetpur,
Tehsil Alipur was established in 2016. Furthermore, establishment of the
Government Special Education Centre, Chowk Sarwar Shaheed, Tehsil Kot
Addu, has also been approved as part of the Annual Development Programme 2019.
All these institutes are looked after by their respective principals and
headmasters/headmistresses whereas the overall control vests in the Chief
Executive Officer (CEO) Education, Muzaffargarh.
As regards the manpower position in the institutes of the Special Education
in the district, there are 84 sanctioned posts for the teaching staff and 78 for the non-teaching staff.
About 650 students are currently being benefitted by the Special Education
institutes in Muzaffargarh. Free pick and drop service is provided to these
students, and 10 buses are available for the purpose. Furthermore, free
hostel facility is also available for such students.
Special students from Muzaffargarh have been able to prove their talents in
various fields. Four students from the Government Secondary School of
Education for Deaf Students have represented Pakistan in the Deaf Cricket
World Cup 2018. One student is still the vice-captain of the Pakistan Deaf
Cricket Team. Similarly, one gold medal and two silver medals were won by
the students of the same institute in All Punjab Sports Gala held in 2010. As regards academics, a student named Asad Abbas—again from the
Government Secondary School of Education for Deaf Students—got first
position in the SSC 2016 in the entire DG Khan Division.
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Chapter 15
NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
National Commission for Human Development (NCHD) aims at improving
access of the country’s poorest communities to basic education and
healthcare facilities. In Muzaffargarh, 182 Community Feeder Schools are currently being administered by the NCHD. Enrolments in these schools in
2019 remained 8710. In addition to the Feeder Schools, a total of 3801 Adult
Literacy Centers have also been established by the NCHD so far, of which 90
were made functional during the year 2018. By the end of 2018, the number
of learners graduated from the NCHD stood at 84,231.
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Chapter 16
LIBRARIES
The main library of the district is Allama Iqbal Library situated in the city on
Alipur Road. It was established by the District Council and inaugurated on
March 13, 1980 by the then Deputy Commissioner, Mr. Imtiaz Masroor. It
was later handed over to the Tehsil Municipal Administration on August 14, 2001. However, it was taken over by the District Government in 2004 and
remained under the control of the Community Development Department.
After promulgation of the Punjab Local Government Act 2013, the District
Council assumed its control once again. It was registered with the Punjab
Library Foundation Lahore the same year.
The Library is having around 30,000 books on all subjects and has a membership of 1613 persons. It is visited by an average of 130 persons every
day. Besides the facility of books, newspapers and magazines, the Library
also provides free internet service to the visitors. The Librarian (BPS-16) is
in-charge of the Library and is assisted by 3 clerks and 4 other junior ranking
staff members. There are a few other libraries in the district too the list of which is as follows:
1. Quaid-e-Azam Public Library, Police Lines, Muzaffargarh
2. Iqbal Municipal Public Library, Kot Addu
3. Municipal Public Library, Chowk Sarwar Shaheed
4. Municipal Public Library, Alipur
5. Municipal Public Library, Jatoi
E-LIBRARY In order to inculcate the habit of book reading, in general, and promote the
culture of e-reading as well as e-learning amongst the general public, in
particular, an E-library was established in Muzaffargarh in the premises of
Faisal Stadium, along with 19 other cities of Punjab in 2018.
Besides providing access to eBooks, online journals, and other scholarly resources, the library also has a stock of around 3,000 books, magazines and
documentaries. Furthermore, it provides 30 computers/laptops, 15 tablets
and multimedia for use by its members as well as the visitors. It also has a
small auditorium facility with a seating capacity of 40 persons.
E-library is headed by a librarian, who in turn is assisted by 2 assistant
librarians, 2 receptionists and an office boy.
Currently there are 1670 members out of which 211 are female members.
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Chapter 17
Technical & Vocational Training
Technical Education & Vocational Training Authority (TEVTA) was established in 1999, primarily to promote and provide demand driven
technical education and vocational training in the Province. The TEVTA is
represented in the district through a District Manager assisted by an
Assistant Manager. However, m The Zonal Manager too directly looks after
2 institutions in the district are directly looked after by the Zonal Manager.
TEVTA INSTITUTES There are 4 institutes which are currently being managed by the TEVTA in
Muzaffargarh. Not only new institutes were established by the TEVTA in the
district but also the technical and vocational institutes earlier working here
were also placed under the TEVTA. The details of all such institutes, along
with the year of their establishments, are as follows:
TEVTA Institutes in District Muzaffargarh
Name of Institute Year of Establishment
Total Annual
Capacity
Total Enrollment
2018-19
Government College of Technology
Muzaffargarh
2014 750 685
Government College of Technology
Kot Addu
2017 300 293
Government Technical Training
Institute Muzaffargarh
2000 160 214
Government Technical Training
Institute Chowk Sarwar Shaheed
2010 100 86
Government Vocational Training
Institute (Women) Muzaffargarh
1986 100 92
Government Vocational Training
Institute (Women) Kot Addu
1986 50 54
Government Vocational Training
Institute (Women)) Chowk Sarwar
Shaheed
2010 125 120
Government Vocational Training
Institute (Women) Alipur
1986 90 109
Government Technical Training
College (Male) Kot Addu
1986 80 80
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Technical Training College (Male)
Shehr Sultan
1976 80 64
Technical Training College (Male)
Jatoi
2009 90 95
Technical Training College (Female)
Jatoi
2009 60 61
RMGTC, Muzaffargarh 1986 25 25
Wood Working Centre Kot Addu 1996 10 10
As is evident from the above table, the total annual capacity of the TEVTA
institutions in the district is 2025, whereas the enrollment remained 1988
for the year 2018-19.
VOCATIONAL TRAINING INSTITUTES (VTIs) Vocational Training Institutes (VTIs) are working under the Punjab
Vocational Training Council (PVTC) which was established in October 1998 on the basis of Public-Private Partnership by the Government of the Punjab
under the PVTC Act 1998. The PVTC is utilizing Zakat, i.e. the Muslim charity
funds, for poverty alleviation by providing demand driven skill training to deserving youth, especially Mustahaqeen-e-Zakat, at their doorstep, and later
assist the graduates in their placement in various organisations.
The first VTI was established in Muzaffargarh in 2003; and, at present, there
are 7 VTIs (3 main & 4 satellite campuses) in the district. The sanctioned
staff strength for all the VTIs of the district is 105. Other details are as
follows:
VTI Campus Year Established
Admitted Pass Outs Employed Employment %age
Muzaffargarh Muzaffargarh 2003 9605 7711 4681 60.71%
Baseera 2014 1260 963 672 69.78%
Shah Jamal 2005 3394 3380 2453 72.57%
Mehmoodkot Mehmoodkot 2005 5330 4410 2463 55.85%
Kot Addu 2012 3468 2943 1547 52.57%
Jatoi Jatoi 2005 4869 4039 2045 50.63%
Alipur 2016 4185 3517 1761 50.07%
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Chapter 18
HEALTH
The District Health Office, under the charge of District Health Officer, was established for the first time in the district in 1969. In 2001, it was replaced
by the Executive District Officer (EDO), Health. On January 1, 2107, District
Health Authority was established in the district with the Deputy
Commissioner as the Administrator, and a senior doctor as Chief Executive
Officer. The Authority ensures the provision and supervision of health facilities in the district. There are currently 6121 sanctioned posts of all
cadres in the Authority.
As far as health facilities are concerned, there is 1 District Headquarters
(DHQ) Hospital in Tehsil Muzaffargarh, and 3 Tehsil Headquarters (THQ)
Hospitals at Kot Addu, Alipur, and Jatoi tehsils respectively. Hospital at
Chowk Sarwar Shaheed is a big hospital too, having a strength of 50 beds,
and is classified as THQ-level hospital. In addition, there are 13 Rural Health Centers (RHCs), 72 Basic Health Units (BHUs), and 37 dispensaries spread
all across the district. In addition, there are a minimum of 104 clinics and
hospitals working in the private sector.
Public Health Facility Numbers
DHQ 1
THQs 3+1
RHCs 13
BHUs 72
Dispensaries 37
MCH 5
Year of Establishment
Beds Strength
THQ Kot Addu 1974 127
THQ Alipur 1986 60
THQ Jatoi 2009 32
The District Quality Control Board also functions in the district under the
over-all command of the Deputy Commissioner in order to regulate the sale of drugs. At present, there are a total of 804 registered Points of Sales (POS)
in Muzaffargarh.
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DISTRICT HEADQUARTERS HOSPITAL The foundation stone of King Edward Memorial Hospital Muzaffargarh was
laid by the then Lt. Governor of Punjab, Sir Louis Dane in February, 1912. It
was built in next two years out of the public subscriptions, the sale proceeds
of the old site, and probably grants from the Government to the District
Board. The hospital was provincialised in 1928. In 1953, it was converted to the District Headquarters Hospital. It is spread over an area of 296 kanals
and has a cumulative strength of 356 beds. In August 2017, a project of
massive revamping was initiated, which is still under way.
The allocated budget for the fiscal year 2018-19 has been Rs 435.7 million,
for salaries, and Rs 243 millions for medicines and other expenditures. The
DHQ has 5 modern and well-equipped operations theatres for the purposes
of General Surgery & Allied, Ortho, Eye, ENT and gynaecology. On an average, 50 operations are carried out in its operation theatres daily.
Similarly, an average of 1800-2000 patients visits its OPD, whereas 1000-
1100 patients are received in its emergency on daily basis.
PREVALENCE OF DISEASES Among the diseases prevalent in the district, acute respiratory tract infections took the largest share last year with more than 50,000 patients.
Hypertension, diarrhea/dysentery, skin diseases (scabies, dermatitis), and
diabetes are amongst the other common diseases. Around 44,000 psychiatric
patients, mostly suffering from depression were also treated. Given the fact
that majority of the psychiatric patients are not reported due to social barriers as well lack of awareness, this is an alarming number. As regards
road traffic accidents, the number of injured remained around 30,000. In
addition, 1,955 cases of dog bites and 318 of snake bites were also reported.
It was in 2011 that a polio case last surfaced in the district. The situation
regarding Dengue was, however, alarming. Whereas, not even a single case
was reported in 2018, over 60 cases were reported in first 10 months of 2019;
only consolation is the fact that except for one patient reported in Jatoi, and another in Kot Addu, the rest of the patients had travel history from
Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Karachi and Lahore.
RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN HOSPITAL Recep Tayyip Erdogan Hospital (RTEH) is a 400-bedded tertiary care,
specialized and state of the art hospital located on National Highway (N-70) 3 km towards the Dera Ghazi Khan. RTEH is owned and fully funded by
Government of the Punjab and is managed by the Indus Hospital Karachi.
RTEH has developed its reputation to be one of the best healthcare facilities
in South Punjab in a very short span of time.
It all started during the flood of 2010, when Turkish First Lady Mrs. Eimen
Erdogan conducted a detailed visit of flood hit areas and promised a Mother
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& Child Health Care hospital. She later raised donations from different parts
of Turkey and in April 2014, a modern and fully equipped 100 bedded
hospital, named Recep Tayyip Erdogan Hospital, was formally gifted to Government of the Punjab by the Turkish Government, and is since being
managed by the Recep Tayyip Erdogan Hospital Trust. The Hospital became
affiliated with College of Physicians & Surgeons Pakistan (CPSP) in 2018. In
2015, a project of expansion was started which culminated in 2019 and as a
result of which the bed strength was increased from 100 to 400, and more
specialties were added.
Even though the Hospital provides services in around 20 specialties, yet it is
particularly known for Advanced Laparoscopic surgeries, Orthopedics’ Re-constructive surgeries, and Oral & Maxillofacial surgeries as well as for its
Rehabilitation Department.
A project for further expansion of the Hospital is in pipeline too whereby a
medical college for 500 students, a nursing school for 200 students, and a
school for 200 paramedics would also be added to it. Furthermore, hostel
and residential facilities for students and staff would also be constructed
during the expansion project. The complex would finally be spread over an
area of 113 acres.
PUNJAB SOCIAL SECURITY HEALTH MANAGEMENT COMPANY HOSPITAL The 160 bedded Social Security Hospital in Muzaffargarh city started its
functioning in 2007. The Hospital has a staff strength of 240 against 257 sanctioned posts, and is spread over an area of 27 kanals. Besides running
a 24/7 Emergency, it provides primary and secondary healthcare as well as selected tertiary care services to the registered workers of different industrial
units as well as the general public.
RESCUE 1122 District Emergency Service (Rescue 1122) was established in Muzaffargarh on September 23, 2009 to provide timely response, rescue and emergency
medical treatment to the persons affected by the emergencies. First
emergency was formally attended by the Rescue 1122 on November 23, 2009.
Initially, its office was established in District Council complex but by
November 2011, it had shifted to its own building.
The Emergency Service played a key role in historic floods of 2010 despite its
limited resources and was able to rescue 15820 flood affectees.
A total of 117092 emergencies have been dealt with by the Emergency Service
from the time of its inception till June 30, 2019; 24526 persons were provided
first aid on spot whereas 108811 persons were transported to hospitals.
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At present, it has a staff strength of 250 individuals. As regards the
operational vehicles, it has 1 rescue vehicle, 35 ambulances and 5 fire
tenders.
On October 10, 2016, 2 stations were inaugurated at Shehr Sultan and
Alipur too. Similarly, Rescue 1122 stations are also being established in Kot
Addu and Jatoi and are likely to be operationalised in 2020.
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Chapter 19
PUNJAB FOOD AUTHORITY
Punjab Food Authority was established under the Punjab Food Authority Act 2011 to ensure availability of safe and wholesome food for human
consumption. The Authority established its office in Muzaffargarh in August
2017. It has, however, not established offices in tehsils yet.
Director/Additional Director (Operations) heads the office in Muzaffargarh.
The sanctioned staff strength for the district is 56, with one deputy director
and 2 assistant directors. However, quite alarmingly, as many as 40 seats
are lying vacant.
Since its establishment and up to December 31, 2019 the office has carried
out a total of 24,297 inspections as a result of which a fine of Rs. 12,194,500 has been imposed in 1,699 cases. Also 12 FIRs were registered whereas 700
premises have been sealed.
As regards the performance of office in the Financial Year 2018-19, 11,031
inspections were conducted; Rs 507,800 was imposed in 688 cases; 3 FIRs
were registered; and 350 premises were sealed.
Inspections Improvement
Notices served Cases Fined Amount of Fine
FY 2018-19 11,031 6,185 688 5,078,000
Overall 24,297 14,998 1,669 12,194,500
Premises Sealed FIRs/
Arrests
Samples taken
Special
Raids EPOs
Served
FY 2018-19 350 3/1 114 198 96
Overall 700 12/1 262 289 474
A Training School has also been established by the office in the District on
July 9, 2018 to provide training and awareness in food safety, food hygiene and allied matters. The School has provided training to 1,048 trainees in 107
sessions.
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Chapter 20
POPULATION WELFARE
The first formal family programme was launched independently in the country in 1953 through an NGO, the Family Planning Association of
Pakistan that focused on advocating and facilitating small family norms. At
that time, the population of Punjab was 20.54 million with every married
woman bearing around 6-7 children. Three years later, as part of the first 5-
year plan (1955-60), the Government offered a small financial assistance to the Association to establish clinics in selected cities for providing family
planning services. By 1965, a Population Family Planning Welfare Board had
also been constituted under the supervision of Deputy Commissioner,
Muzaffargarh.
District Population Welfare Officer (BPS-19) heads the District Population
Welfare Office in the District. He is assisted by 2 Deputy District Population
Welfare Officers and 1 Assistant District Population Welfare Officer. There are 4 Tehsil Population Welfare Offices in the 4 tehsils of the District; each
is headed by a Tehsil Population Welfare Officer. The total sanctioned
strength of employees of the various grades working for the Office in the
District, including the tehsil offices and other establishments, is 298.
There are 4 Family Health Clinics (FHC), i.e. in all DHQ and THQ hospitals
of the District. The FHC is headed by a Woman Medical Officer (WMO) and
besides providing contraceptive services, also play a vital role in raising
awareness on public health issues, personal hygiene, nutrition and
breastfeeding.
There are 3 Mobile Service Units (MSU) in the tehsils Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu and Alipur. The MSUs are headed by WMOs and provide family planning and
reproductive health services to far-flung and underserved rural population
of the District.
The Family Welfare Center (FWC) is the cornerstone of the Population Welfare
Department and exists at Union Council level. Until recently, there were 59
FWCs operating in the District, however, 21 more centers have been added
as part of an Annual Development Plan (ADP) project. The FWCs are headed by Family Welfare Workers, and provide family planning, mother and child
health services.
In addition to the above, there are 33 positions of Social Mobilisers and 75
of Community Based Family Planning Workers (CBFPW) sanctioned for the
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District to provide family planning awareness and advice at the grassroots
level.
At present the Population Growth Rate in Muzaffargarh stands at 2.6 against
the national rate of 2.4. Similarly, Total Fertility Rate for the District is 4.7
whereas the national rate, as recorded in 2017, is 3.56. The population doubling time for the District is 35 years. On the other hand, Contraceptive
Prevalence Rate is merely 25%. All of these statistics bring to a conclusion
that a lot of wok still needs to be done in the District.
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Chapter 21
ENVIRONMENT
The office of the Environment Protection Agency (EPA) was established in Muzaffargarh in 2006 and was placed under the administrative control of the
EDO (Works & Services). It was headed by a District Officer then.
On January 1, 2017, with the change in administrative set-up of Punjab and
abolition of the office of the District Coordination Officer (DCO), the office
was placed under the administrative control of the Provincial Government. It
is now headed by an Assistant Director, who is assisted by 2 inspectors, 2
field assistants, and 6 other junior staff members.
The primary function of the EPA is to ensure the protection of environment.
With this aim in view, it undertakes a number of activities in the District,
brief details of which are as follows:
i. A total of 336 brick kilns existed in the district, and had been working on old hazardous technology. In March 2018, a ban was placed by
the EPA on establishing brick kilns on this technology. Accordingly,
9 new kilns which were being made on old technology were sealed by
the EPA, and the legal action was initiated. One of these 9 kilns has
now got converted to the newer and safer Zig-Zag technology. Similarly, 1 new kiln has been constructed on this technology
whereas 2 more are under construction. As part of the process of
converting the existing brick kilns to the new technology,
Environment Protection Orders (EPOs) have been issued to 154 brick
kilns by the EPA in 2019.
ii. The EPA is pursuing the sugar industry as well as the power plants to install air pollution control devices and water treatment plants.
Accordingly, EPOs have been issued to Fatima Sugar Mills as well as
Sheikhoo Sugar Mills. Similarly, proceedings were also initiated
against the Tandlianwala Sugar Mills, Distillery Unit II.
iii. 52 inspections of various hospitals were carried out to check/ensure that the hospital waste was being disposed of in the prescribed
manner. Notices were issued to 17 hospitals; EPOs/Directions were
issued to 13 hospitals; whereas 3 cases were referred to the
Environmental Magistrate.
iv. Around 500 vehicles were inspected up to 30th September 2019; 373
vehicles were fined on counts of smoke emission and/or noise pollution, and a fine of Rs 98,800 had been collected accordingly.
v. 86 inspections/raids were conducted under the Punjab Prohibition
on Manufacture, Sale, Use and Import of Polythene Bags (black or
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any other Polythene Bag below fifteen micron thickness) Ordinance,
2002; 15 cases were initiated in the court of Environmental
Magistrate; and a fine of Rs 7,500 was imposed. vi. A total of 246 complaints were received from general public and other
sources; hearing notices were issued on 78 complaints;
EPOs/directions were issued on 15; 61 complaints stood resolved;
whereas others are being processed.
vii. A total of 26 cases were received for seeking NOC for the
establishment of petrol pumps or controlled sheds of the poultry, which are/were being processed.
viii. As part of the anti-dengue campaign, visits were conducted at 5864
establishments and consequently, notices were issued to 226 for not
having complied with the relevant directions.
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Chapter 22
PUBLIC HEALTH ENGINEERING
The Public Health Engineering Department was created in Punjab in 1972 primarily to provide safe drinking water to general public where ground water
was insufficient, contaminated or otherwise unsuitable for drinking
purposes, and to execute sewerage and drainage schemes. Public Health
Engineering Division was established in Muzaffargarh in 1982 with an
Executive Engineer as its head, assisted by 2 Sub-Divisional Officers. Chaudhary Ghulam Rasool happened to be the first Executive Engineer
posted in the Public Health Engineering Department in Muzaffargarh.
As regards the present set-up, there exists 1 Executive Engineer, 4 Sub-
Divisional Officers, 1 Community Development Officer and a Junior Research
Officer. The sanctioned staff strength is 101.
Since its inception in Muzaffargarh, the Division has undertaken following
projects:
SCHEME/PROJECT STATUS NUMBER
Water Supply Schemes Completed 39
Water Supply Schemes Ongoing 2
Sewerage/Drainage Schemes Completed 329
Sewerage/Drainage Schemes Ongoing 66
Water Filtration Plants Completed 13
Water Filtration Plants Ongoing 15
.
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Chapter 23
HIGHWAYS DIVISION
Muzaffargarh is situated at important crossroads where Muzaffargarh-Alipur Road leads further towards Sindh; Muzaffargarh-DG Khan Road eventually
links Punjab to Balochistan; and other roads from the District run towards
upcountry through Mianwali, Jhang and Multan. Most of the imports and
exports going to and from Karachi Port also traverse the district. Moreover,
the presence of biggest oil refinery of Pakistan in Mehmoodkot area also makes it destination of hundreds of oil tankers originating from all parts of
the country on daily basis.
Highways Division, Muzaffargarh was established in 1971 with 2 Sub-
Divisions. Prior to that, i.e. 1936-1971, the construction/maintenance of
roads of the district had remained under the control of Public Works
Department (PWD), Provincial Highways Division, Multan and Provincial
Highways Sub-Division, Multan.
At present, Highways Division Muzaffargarh comprises 1 Executive Engineer,
2 Sub-Divisional Officers, 5 Sub-Engineers, and 37 other employees of
various grades.
There are 616 roads that have been constructed or improved by the Division with cumulative length of 4241 km since its establishment. The most
important project which the Division undertook in recent years has been the
dualisation of Muzaffargarh-DG Khan Road. The project was initiated on
October 12, 2017, and was formally inaugurated on December 20, 2019 at a
cost of Rs. 6157 million.
The main roads which traverse the district are as follows:
NAME OF ROADS
1. Mianwali-Muzaffargarh Road; length 72 km
2. Khushab-Muzaffargarh Road; length 89 km
3. Rangpur Chowk Munda road up to Pull Qamber; length 83 km
4. Muzaffargarh-Panjnad-Trandah Muhammad Pannah Road; length 98 km
5. Jatoi to Karam Dad Qureshi road; length 82 km
6. Karam Dad Qureshi-Kot Addu-Layyah road; length 90 km
7. Muzaffargarh-DG Khan Road; length 31.90 km
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In addition to the above, the Division has also constructed roads under a
variety of programmes/projects initiated by the Government from time to
time such as Khushal Pakistan Programme, Southern Punjab Development Programme, Khadim-e-Punjab Rural Roads Programme, Community
Development Programme, and Naya Pakistan Manzilain Aasan.
TOTAL LENGTH OF ROAD IN DISTRICT MUZAFFARGARH
Number of roads 616
Length of roads 4241 km
ONGOING PROJECTS
Number of roads 74
Estimated cost Rs. 11070 million
Funds allocated 2019-20 Rs: 1019 million
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Chapter 24
BUILDINGS DIVISION
The Buildings Division has been functioning in the district since 1976. Besides an Executive Engineer, it has 3 Sub-Divisional Officers appointed at
Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu and Alipur tehsils. A total of 61 positions are
sanctioned for the Division. The details are as follows:
Office Number of Employees
Executive Engineer 30
SDO Muzaffargarh 11
SDO Kot Addu 9
SDO Alipur 11
The Division has constructed 502 buildings since its establishment, and out
of them, continues to carry out maintenance of 39 buildings.
List of mega projects being currently undertaken by the Division as well as
those completed recently is as follows:
. Project Name Amount (Million Rs)
1 Establishment of Judicial Complex at Kot Addu, 180
2 Establishment of Government Polytechnic Institute at Kot Addu
223
3 Establishment of Government Polytechnic Institute at Tehsil Muzaffargarh
200
4 Construction of Counter-Terrorism Department (CTD office in Muzaffargarh
125
5 Establishment of Government Boys College, Sinawan, District Muzaffargarh
110
6 Establishment of Government Girls College, Qasba Gujrat, District Muzaffargarh
105
7 Establishment of Government Girls College, Rangpur, District Muzaffargarh
112
8 Establishment of DPO Office Muzaffargarh 222
9 Construction of Judicial Complex at Alipur 230
10 Construction of Judicial Complex at Jatoi 180
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Chapter 25
INDUSTRIES
The office of the Industries, Prices, Weights & Measures was established in Muzaffargarh in 2001. It is headed by a District Officer of BPS-16 who is
assisted in his functions by a lab-technician, a junior clerk and 2 naib qasids.
A total of 162 industrial units are functioning in the district; 82 Cotton
Ginning units constitute half of this numbers. The detailed break-up is as
follows:
Nature of Industry Number
1 Agriculture Equipment 18
2 Cold Storage 2
3 Cotton Ginning 82
4 Flour Mills 11
5 Jute Mills 02
6 Polypropylene Bags 02
7 Packages 01
8 Power Generation 06
9 Refinery 01
10 Rice Mills 10
11 Soaps and Detergents 03
12 Sugar Mills 03
13 Sulphuric Acid 01
14 Textile Spinning 20
15 Vegetable Ghee/Cooking Oil 01
Total 162
Muzaffargarh is a sugarcane growing district. Accordingly, 4 sugar mills were
established here: Tandlian Wala Sugar Mills in Tehsil Muzaffargarh, Fatima
Sugar Mills and Sheikho Sugar Mills in Tehsil Kot Addu are currently
operational; whereas Haseeb Waqas Sugar Mills in Tehsil Jatoi had gone out
of production since 2017 after a court verdict against its relocation from
Nankana Sahib to Muzaffargarh.
There are 6 Power Generation Units in the district: Thermal Power Station and Mahmood Power Station in Tehsil Muzaffargarh, Fatima Energy, Kot
Addu Power Company (KAPCO), and 2 units of Lal Pir Thermal Power Station
in Tehsil Kot Addu.
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Amongst all the industrial or related establishments, Mid Country Oil
Refinery of PARCO—being the biggest oil refinery of the country—needs a
separate and detailed mention.
Mid-Country Refinery Commissioned in the year 2000 and built at a cost of US$ 886 million,
PARCO Mid-Country Refinery at Mehmoodkot has added 4.5 million tons per
annum (100,000 BPD) to the country’s refining capacity. MCR was one of
only five refineries built in the world at the beginning of the millennium and,
therefore, can be called the latest in terms of technology.
The Refinery is the country’s most modern and largest operating refinery and employs critical processes involved in refining. The Refinery produces
Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG), High Octane Blending Component (HOBC),
Kerosene, Jet Fuel (JP-1 & JP-4), High Speed Diesel, Light Speed Diesel,
Furnace Oil and Sulphur. These products are being delivered to customers
through Gantry Operation at the Refinery as well as via PARCO’s Mehmoodkot-Faisalabad-Machike (MFM) Pipeline System. Furthermore, the
Refinery is capable of producing lead free Motor Gasoline of 90 Octane. It
produces fuel oil with low Sulphur content meeting the international
standards and has a Sulphur Recovery Unit with tail gas treatment to avoid
pollution.
The Refinery has a refining capacity of 100,000 BPD of crude oil, which is
transported to the Refinery site by PARCO’s existing pipeline system from
Karachi.
A high standard residential area for the employees and their families exists next to the Refinery, with all latest facilities like school, hospital, parks,
mosque, auditorium, shopping center, gymnasium, bowling alley, stadium,
sports complex, and much more. It also has a fully operational club for fine
dining and conducting various activities and family get-togethers.
In recognition of the importance of the Refinery, it has also been given a
symbolic representation in the logo of the District Administration,
Muzaffargarh which was formally unveiled on August 31, 2019.
Weights and Measures
The District Officer (Industries) also enforces Weights and Measures regime
under the Punjab Weights and Measures (International System) Enforcement
Act 1975. In this regard, revenue target of Rs.1,54,24,472 was assigned to the office for the Financial Year 2018-19, whereas the actual collection
remained Rs.1,30,96,105, i.e. 85% of the assigned target. The Weights and
Measures regime extends to following establishments in the district:
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Establishment Name Quantity
1 Petrol Pumps 205
2 CNG Stations 10
3 Shops 10600
4 Industrial Units 162
5 Weigh Bridges 140
6 Dealers (W&M) 24
The Office also performs its functions under Registration Act 1860. The
Deputy Commissioner acts as Registrar under the stated Act. A total of 984 Madaris, 93 Mosques and 155 other charitable societies have been registered
accordingly.
The District Officer also acts as Registrar of Firms under the Partnership Act
1932. 35 Firms were registered in Financial Year 2018-19; whereas the total
number of firms registered since the time of the establishment of office has
been 654.
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Chapter 26
LABOUR WELFARE
The Labour Office was established in Muzaffargarh in the year 1967 and was headed by a Labour Inspector then. In 1973, Labour Officer was appointed
as the head of the Office. Under Local Government System of 2001, Labour
Officer was replaced with the District Officer (Labour). On January 1, 2017,
the post was redesignated as the Deputy Director Labour Welfare.
At present, there is 1 post of Deputy Director, 1 post of Assistant Director, 2
posts of Labour Officers, and 1 post of Labour Inspector in the Labour
Welfare Office in Muzaffargarh
Aims and Objectives:
The main objective of the Labour Welfare Office is the maintenance of
industrial peace, and ensuring the welfare of industrial/commercial
workforce. This is achieved through implementation of labour laws and other
extra-legal measures.
Responsibilities:
Maintenance of industrial peace and harmony in the district.
Settlement of industrial disputes through the process of conciliation, arbitration and adjudication.
Settlement of claims of compensation and cases of non-payment of wages.
Registration and de-registration of Trade Unions/Federations.
Conduct of referendums for determination of Collective Bargaining Agents and supervision of election proceedings of Trade Unions/Federations.
Enforcement of labour welfare laws on factories, transport, railways, shops, commercial and industrial establishments.
Implementation of Government policies and programmes for the gradual elimination of child labour.
Coordination of Government efforts to combat the issue of Child Labour and Bonded Labour.
Registration and de-registration of factories, shops and commercial establishments.
Distribution of Marriage Grants, Talent Scholarships, and Funeral
Grants.
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Industrial Units in Muzaffargarh
Thal Jute Mills was the first industrial unit which was established in the
district in 1964. At present, following industrial units are operating in
Muzaffargarh:
Total Registered Factories: 58
Total Registered Brick Kilns: 185
Total Registered Trade Unions in Muzaffargarh District: 60
Number of Factories on the basis of Nature of Industry
Nature of Industry Total Numbers
1 Textile Mills 13
2 Jute Mills 2
3 Cotton Ginning Factories 19
4 Flour Mills 14
5 Sugar Mills 3
6 Power Producing Units 4
7 Oil Refineries 1
8 Misc. 2
PROVINCIAL EMPLOYEES SOCIAL SECURITY INSTITUTE Established under the West Pakistan Employees Social Security Ordinance
1965 (renamed as Provincial Employees Social Security Ordinance in 1970) and operational since March 1, 1967, Provincial Employees Social Security
Institute (PESSI) strives to provide health care facilities and cash benefits to
its secured workers and their dependents in Punjab. Following is the list of
medical facilities provided by PESSI in the district:
Nature of Facility Total Numbers
1 Dispensaries 07
2 Medical Centers 01
3 Emergency Centers 06
EMPLOYEES OLD-AGE BENEFIT INSTITUTE (EOBI) Employees Old-Age Benefit Act, 1976 was enforced with effect from April 01,
1976, to achieve the objectives of Article 38 (c) of the Constitution, by
providing for compulsory social insurance. The total number of its beneficiaries has been 5214. It extends following benefits to insured persons
or their survivors:
Old Age Pension
Survivors’ Pension
Invalidity Pension
Old Age Grant
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DEPARTMENTAL LABOUR WELFARE FACILITIES Following are the facilities being provided by the Labour Welfare Office in the
Muzaffargarh:
1. Labour Colony, Muzaffargarh
Labour Colony Muzaffargarh was completed in 2010. It comprises
303 residential plots for unsheltered industrial workers out of which,
298 plots have been transferred to the workers who had been selected
through ballot. 2. Workers Welfare Schools, Muzaffargarh
Workers Welfare Schools are providing high quality free education to
the children of industrial workers. Currently there are 721 boys and
850 girls enrolled separately in the 2 Workers Welfare Schools in
Muzaffargarh, each having a capacity of 1400 students. 3. Workers Welfare Board
Workers Welfare Board is providing marriage grants, death grants
and talent scholarships to the industrial workers. Details of last three
years, i.e. 2016-18, are mentioned below.
Welfare Facilities Cheques Distributed
1 Death Grants 89
2 Marriage Grants 441
3 Talent Scholarships 633
ENFORCEMENT OF LABOUR LAWS
In addition to the above, the Labour Welfare Office also performs its functions under following laws:
The Factories Act, 1934
The Payment of Wages Act, 1936
The Minimum Wages Ordinance, 1961 The Punjab Restriction on Employment of Children Act, 2016
The Workmen’s Compensation Act, 1923
The Punjab Shops and Establishment Ordinance, 1969
A court of Commissioner under Workmen’s Compensation Act and a Labor Court are housed in Labor Complex, Muzaffargarh adjudicating the
grievances of the workers under relevant laws.
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Chapter 27
SOCIAL WELFARE & BAIT-UL-MAAL
The Social Welfare Office was established in Muzaffargarh in 1969, and a project of Urban Community Development was launched. Two years later,
District Supervisor was appointed to supervise all the social welfare activities
in the district. In 1973, the post was re-designated as District Field Officer,
and Community Development Projects were initiated in Layyah and Alipur.
In 1977, District Field Officer was once again re-designated as Assistant Director. However, with the promulgation of the Devolution Plan in 2001, the
head of the district was renamed as District Officer (Social Welfare), which
continued till January 1, 2017 when the same was replaced by Deputy
Director (Social Welfare).
Functions:
According to the Rules of Business, 2011 the Department of Social Welfare
and Bait-ul-Maal performs following functions:
Registration, technical assistance and monitoring of social welfare agencies;
Social protection including institutional care, skill development and rehabilitation;
Registration, assessment, training, employment, and rehabilitation of disabled persons;
Eradication of social evils;
Coordination with and grant-in-aid to non-governmental organizations engaged in the field of narcotics control and rehabilitation of drug addicts;
Relief during calamities and emergencies; and
Financial assistance to poor and needy through Punjab Bait-ul-Maal.
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Organogram
Deputy Director (Social Welfare) supervises the affairs of the office at the
district level. There are two managers: one for Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Crisis
Centre for Women and the other for the District Industrial Home (Sanatzar).
There is a superintendent for Dar-Ul-Aman too. There are 5 Social Welfare
Officers supervising projects at Muzaffargarh, Alipur, Khangarh, Kot Addu, and Shehr Sultan, and 3 Medical Social Officers at DHQ Hospital
Muzaffargarh, THQ Hospital Kot Addu, and THQ Hospital Alipur. There are
a total of 100 sanctioned posts for the office in the district.
OVERALL PERFORMANCE The District Industrial Home, commonly known as Sanatzar, was established in the district in 1979 in a rented building, and later shifted to its own
purpose-built building in 1994. It is providing vocational training in various
trades such as dress making, embroidery, knitting, cooking, painting, make-
up, leather work, driving, and IT skills etc. Total number of beneficiaries
since its establishment has been 24045, and the number of beneficiaries
enrolled in Financial Year 2018-19 was 508.
Dar-ul-Aman was established in 2005-06; though it shifted to its own building in 2010. It has residential facility for 20 women. It provides shelter
as well as medicolegal aid to women in distress, and their children. The
number of beneficiaries since its establishment has been 1081, whereas in
Financial Year 2018-19 it remained 271.
Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Crisis Center for Women was established by the
Federal Government in 2008, but after the passage of 18th Amendment, was
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transferred to the Provincial Government in 2014. The primary objective of
the institution is to protect women against all forms of violence and to
eliminate every type of discrimination against them. Since its establishment and up to September 30, 2019 the Center had benefitted 10065 women. A
total of 652 women were provided assistance during the Financial Year 2018-
19.
Currently 2 Urban Community Development (UCD) Projects are being
undertaken at Muzaffargarh and Alipur; 2 Community Development (CD)
Projects are functional at Khangarh and Tehsil Kot Addu; and 1 Rural
Community Development (RCD) Project is working at Shehr Sultan in Tehsil
Jatoi.
3 Medical Social Services Units are providing services at DHQ Hospital Muzaffargarh, THQ Hospital Kot Addu and THQ Hospital Alipur in the form
of free medicines to the poor and needy patients. A total of 2274 patients
benefitted from these services in Financial Year 2018-19.
The office also undertakes the registration of the NGOs under the Voluntary Social Welfare Agencies (Registration and Control) Ordinance, 1961, and at
present, there are 104 NGOs registered with it in the district: 62 in tehsil
Muzaffargarh; 30 in Kot Addu; 5 in Alipur; and 7 in Jatoi. As far as the focus
of work is concerned, 36 are working for the welfare of women, children or youth; 31 in the field of education; 16 in health; 8 in environment; 8 for
persons with disabilities; 4 in anti-beggary; and 1 in the field of anti-
narcotics.
As regards the welfare of the special persons, 12069 Disability Certificates
have been issued since 1996. The Office has also ensured that the
mandatory 3% quota of jobs is observed by the public and private
organisations. Accordingly, 446 special persons are currently employed in
the district, of which 326 are working with private organisations whereas 120 are employed with the public sector. In addition, Khidmat Cards have been
issued to a total of 8543 special persons in the district.
District Bait-ul-Maal Committee is providing financial assistance to
deserving people in the form of educational stipend, marriage grant, and
medical treatment etc. A total of 13090 persons have received grants by this
Committee till date.
The construction of Qasr-e-Behbood—a skills imparting center for women—
is currently underway, and is likely to be completed by the end of 2019.
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Chapter 28
ZAKAT & USHR
District Zakat Office was established in Muzaffargarh in the wake of promulgation of Zakat and Ushr Ordinance, 1980 by the Federal
Government, with the Chairman Zakat Committee as its head and the
Assistant Director (Social Welfare) as Secretary. The post of District Zakat
Officer (BPS-17) was created in 1988 and continues to this day. On the other
hand, the Chairman District Zakat Committee is nominated by the Provincial Government for a period of 3 years. In addition to the District Zakat
Committee, there are 519 local zakat committees at the tehsil level as detailed
below:
Tehsil Number of Zakat Committees
Muzaffargarh 168
Kot Addu 224
Alipur 66
Jatoi 61
Total 519
As regards staff strength, there are 7 regular employees, paid out of the
Government treasury, whereas 43 audit as well as clerical staff members are
contract employees. At the moment, the post of District Zakat Officer
Muzaffargarh is lying vacant, and the District Zakat Officer Multan is holding
the additional charge.
As regards the disbursement of funds in the Financial Year 2018-19, the
details have been tabulated as follows:
Name of Head Amount Disbursed
Beneficiaries (Males)
Beneficiaries (Females)
Total No. of Beneficiaries
1 Guzara
Allowance
59448000 1530 3424 4954
2 Health Care 2749500 921 621 1542
3 Marriage Assistance
4400000 220 220
4 Stipend to the Student of Deeni Madaris
430615 3154 409 3563
5 Educational Stipend (General)
4368000 362 329 691
6 Education Stipend (Technical)
36504000 478 536 1014
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7 Guzara
Allowance for Blind
2682000 104 45 149
8 Social
Rehabilitation
2430000 98 64 162
9 Eid Grant 5103000 1530 3424 4954
10 Sustainable Empowerment Programme
(SEEP)
2500000 19 31 50
TOTAL 124490650 8196 9103 17299
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Chapter 29
AGRICULTURE
The Agriculture Department existed in Muzaffargarh at the time of
independence. It was headed by an Extra-Assistant Director at district level; an Agriculture Officer at tehsil level; and a Muqaddam at markaz level. The
set-up was not changed during or after the Basic Democracy system of Ayub
Khan. However, it was upgraded in 1977 and a Deputy Director was appointed at district level; Extra-Assistant Director at tehsil level; Agriculture Officer at markaz level; and Field Assistant at union council level. The set-
up primarily looked after the Extension wing, which worked directly with the
farmers to increase their produce by equipping them with modern technology
and information. There were other agriculture related institutions too.
However, with the promulgation of the Devolution Plan in 2001, all agriculture related institutions/wings were combined under an Executive
District Officer (Agriculture). In 2017, The Department returned from district
to provincial level. The present hierarchy consists of one Deputy Director
(Extension) as district head assisted by 4 Assistant Directors posted in the
sub-divisions/tehsils.
LAND USE The land use distribution in Muzaffargarh is as under:
LAND USE ACREAGE
Geographical Area 2052571
Cultivated Area 1157757
Un-Cultivated Area 894914
Irrigated Area 946410
Non-Irrigated/Barani Area 211347
Forest 59834
AGRICULTURAL DIVISIONS For agricultural purposes, the district may be divided into four major zones: Riverain tract, Sub-Riverain tract or Central Irrigated tract, Thal Nehri and
Thal Kalaan.
Riverain Tract
The Riverain tract may further be sub-divided into Indus Riverain tract and
Chenab Riverain tract. As regards the Indus, floods are common due to
overflowing of banks of the river in summer, and tend to spread over the low-
lying tract between the main stream and Sinawan. The flood water leaves behind alluvium, i.e. fertile soil. Cultivation on this relatively narrow tract
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depends upon flood water/sailab which leaves behind enough moisture for
maturing of Rabi crops without need of artificial irrigation. The construction of Taunsa Barrage, however, has greatly affected the sailaba irrigation, firstly
because most of the area facing Kot Addu has become pond area, where cultivation has become impossible, and secondly because of diversion of
water into the canal system, the quantity of water flowing downstream the
headworks has diminished.
The bed of the Chenab, on the other hand, is relatively deep and thus floods
do not spread over large areas. General tendency of the river, except where
it is restrained by protective works such as Railway Bridge near Chenab West
Bank Railway Station, is to swing to the West. The cultivation depends upon
the moisture contained in the soil. Quality of silt in this tract is better as
compared to that of Indus tract.
Central Tract
Lying between the two riverain tracts, in the shape of an inverse triangle,
roughly inside the great protective embankments in the East and West and
sand dunes in the North, is the Central tract which is irrigated from weir-
controlled canals and constitutes the best land in the district. The tract is now increasingly becoming water logged and salinity affected, and unless
serious efforts are made to fight out salinity and water-logging, the
productivity of the land would continue to deteriorate.
Thal Nehri
The third agricultural zone, i.e. Thal Nehri, is mostly situated in Tehsil Kot
Addu and is irrigated by Thal Canal which travels from Jinnah Barrage
through the districts of Mianwali, Bhakkar and Layyah. The area of Rangpur is irrigated by the Rangpur Canal. The entire area, wherever canal irrigation
has been extended, lends itself admirably to the cultivation.
Thal Kalaan
Removed from the rivers, in between Muzaffargarh-Mianwali road in the west
and Muzaffargarh-Jhang road in the east, there is high sandy tract called
Thal Kalaan, presently beyond the reach of canal water as well. Further, due
to uncertain rainfall and scarce water, the tract is not favourable for
cultivation.
SYSTEM OF CULTIVATION As in most parts of Punjab, mix-cropping pattern is followed in Muzaffargarh.
In central region, cotton, wheat and other cash crops are grown while in
riverain tracks, mango orchards, sugarcane crop as well as wide range of vegetables thrive. In Thal area, pulses e.g. gram, lentil and mong are grown.
There is also a wide range of fodder crops grown in riverain, central and Thal
areas to feed the cattle.
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Tehsil Muzaffargarh
The soil and climate of Tehsil Muzaffargarh is suitable for all types of crops
including wheat, cotton, rice and sugarcane. The farmers in the tehsil are hugely benefitted by the existence of a number of ginning factories as well as
Rehman Hajra/Tandlian Wala Sugar Mills. Wheat is mainly grown on
domestic and commercial land by the growers on large scale. The produce
is lifted by the Food Department as well as private parties. Rice, on the other
hand, is generally purchased by private vendors.
As regards the fruits, the soil and climate is very suitable for the growth of
mangoes and dates. The trend of sowing grapes, on commercial lines, is also
on the rise.
Tehsil Kot Addu
Tehsil Kot Addu may further be subdivided into two areas on the basis of
climate and soil type. One side has rich loamy soil with poor drainage, and
is irrigated by the Muzaffargarh Canal. Major crops sown in this part are
wheat, rice, sugarcane and cotton. There are two sugar mills namely Fatima
Sugar Mills and Sheikho Sugar Mills situated in Tehsil Kot Addu due to which sugarcane is harvested over a large area. Geographically, the land is
leveled and rich in nutrients but due to prolonged cultivation of sugarcane,
the problems of water logging and salinity are cropping up
The other part of Tehsil Kot Addu is mainly rainfed and comprises sand
dunes. Number of farmers have successfully levelled the sand dunes and
brought them under cultivation. Some of the farmers also use modern
irrigational facilities such as drip irrigation and rain guns. The main crops sown in the area are wheat and gram. A large number of citrus orchards have
also been established in the surrounding area of Chowk Sarwar Shaheed in
Tehsil Kot Addu. The trend of planting citrus is on the rise owing to its high
commercial value.
Tehsil Alipur
The soil is sandy to loamy in nature, and the climatic conditions are peculiar
due to presence of rivers on both sides. The major crops are wheat, rice, cotton and sugarcane. Similarly, canola and sunflower are also grown on
large tracts. As regards the fruits, pomegranate of Alipur was once famous
due to its sweetness and white colour. However, due to a variety of reasons,
area under pomegranate cultivation has been reduced by almost 70 %. A
project of rehabilitation has been launched in 2019 jointly by the District
Administration and the Agriculture Department, which aims at increasing
the area under cultivation by manifold in next 3 years.
Tehsil Jatoi
Tehsil Jatoi is situated along the left bank of River Indus. The land is
therefore mostly riverain with sandy texture. Cotton, sugarcane and wheat
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are generally grown. A considerable portion of land is under sunflower
cultivation which yields high income for growers these days.
MAJOR CROPS Major crops grown in Muzaffargarh have been detailed as follows:
Wheat Wheat, as elsewhere in Punjab, is one of the staple crops in Muzaffargarh too. Not only it feeds human beings but provides food to livestock too in the
form of wheat straw. Around 21 varieties are grown in the district, and with
the adoption of new technology and research, its per acre production has
been considerably increased.
In 2018-19, yellow rust, a fungal disease, broke out in the district which
severely damaged the wheat crop and reduced its production by 25%.
Rice Owing to deficiency of water, rice is not grown in the district on large scale.
Some activity takes place along the rivers or in the canal-fed areas though.
Most of the rice is cultivated in the localities of Daira Din Panah and Shah
Jamal. Up to 14 varieties are sown in the district.
Cotton Cotton is being sown throughout the district since early 1960s, i.e. when the
canal water became available. Generally, 20 varieties of cotton are grown of
which those of Alipur and Jatoi are considered the best.
In addition to the above major crops, the pulses, i.e. gram, mong, mash etc.
are also sown in the district. Moreover, oilseeds crop including sunflower,
sesame, mustard, canola etc. are also sown successfully. Similarly,
vegetables and fodder crops are also grown over large areas.
FRUITS Mangoes and dates are the principal produce of the district which are not
only consumed locally, but are exported in large quantities too.
Mango Muzaffargarh is famous for its mangoes which are grown in almost the entire
district over an area of approximately 46500 acres. The areas of Khangarh,
Shah Jamal and Rohilanwali are particularly famous for their produce. The most important varieties are Sindhri, Chaunsa, Dusehri, Anwar Ratul, Langra
and Malda.
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Date Palm The most remarkable and noticeable plant in the district is the date-palm, known locally as khajji—so much so that it has found its way into the
district’s logo too. Many attribute the introduction of the plant in the area to
the arrival of Muhammad Bin Qasim but there is no conclusive evidence.
Similarly, one of the oldest orchards, Taliri Bagh in Tehsil Muzaffargarh is attributed to Nawab Muzaffar Khan, the founder of Muzaffargarh. It is said
that on his return from Hajj towards the end of 1808, he purchased many
rare varieties of the date-palm and transplanted them in Shujaabad, Multan
and Muzaffargarh, and that the Taliri Bagh could be the remnant of the
same. The Bagh had deteriorated over the time and was in shambles owing
to negligence by the concerned department, i.e. the District Council. However, a project of its massive rehabilitation was launched in 2019 to
preserve statedly the first and possibly the oldest bagh of the tehsil, if not
the district. The khajji grows in every part of the district and flourishes even in the poorest
soil. The major varieties grown in district are Aseel, Zahidi, Fasli, Dhakki, Dagh, Hillawi, Sabzo, Barhi, Deglet Nour, Medjol, Thorry, etc. The best
indigenous variety grows in the vicinity of Alipur towards the north of Tehsil
Muzaffargarh.
The date palm trees are source of livelihood for a large number of farmers.
Every part of the plant has a separate use, but besides the fruit, the leaves
are most useful, and are used for making mats, baskets, fans and ropes.
Even though the plant is prone to a number of diseases and infestations, the greatest enemy of the date is continued rain which, when occurs, completely
destroys the crops. In fact, humidity above 60% and temperatures below
25°C cast adverse effects on the ripening of the fruit.
In view of the large production of dates, it was decided in early 1970s to
establish date processing plant in Muzaffargarh to enable the farmers to export their dates. Ayub Agriculture Research Institute Faisalabad provided
machinery for the purpose but due to the lack of technical skills and other
reasons, it could not be made functional.
Sugarcane Even though sugarcane is grown in the district since long, but the trend increased by manifold after 1990s with the establishment of 4 sugarcane
factories: 1 in Tehsil Muzaffargarh, 2 in Tehsil Kot Addu, and 1 in Tehsil
Jatoi. Of all 4, the one in Jatoi has gone out of production since 2017, due
to an adverse court verdict, and is now passing through the stages of
attachment/liquidation processes.
It may be noted here that the increasing trend of growing sugarcane has
adversely affected the growth of cotton and wheat in the district.
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GOVERNMENT SEED FARM EHSANPUR The Government Seed Farm Ehsanpur was established in 1962 by the then
West Pakistan Agriculture Department. After having passed through different
hands, it was finally transferred from the Federal Government to the
Agriculture Department (Extension Wing) in 1976. The primary objective of
the farm is to prepare and provide seeds of latest varieties to the farmers.
The farm had an area of 2470 acres. However, due to the construction of
colonies for flood affectees, area of the farm has been reduced to 2381 acres.
WATER TESTING LABORATORY In order to address the issues pertaining to soil and water, a Water Testing
Laboratory was established in Muzaffargarh in 1981. It is providing advisory
services to the farmers regarding use of fertilizers and problems regarding soil reclamation. Since its establishment, the laboratory has analyzed more
than 1 lac soil samples and more than 8,000 water samples to benefit the
farming community.
The salinity and water logging status of Muzaffargarh soils is as under.
112.7 thousand hectares is salt affected.
1.17 thousand hectares is water logged.
PEST WARNING AND QUALITY CONTROL WING The Pest Warning and Quality Control Wing of the Agriculture Department was created in 1984, and is responsible for plant protection activities, quality
control of pesticides as well as training of farmers/pesticide dealers etc. on
the use of pesticides.
A total of 84 violations have been reported by this establishment from 2002
to 2019, and FIRs were registered with the relevant police stations. So far 56
cases have been decided, convicting 41persons, whereas 15 persons have
been acquitted.
PUNJAB AGRICULTURAL ENGINEERING DEPARTMENT Punjab Agricultural Engineering Department Muzaffargarh office was
established in 1976, and has been providing services to farmers ever since.
Field Operations Wing More than 40% of the total land of the district, i.e. 894914 acres, is still
undeveloped/uncultivated. This huge chunk of land is mostly covered with
sand dunes, which need to be properly levelled/developed using heavy
machinery, such as bulldozers, to make way for cultivation. In this regard,
Field Operations Wing has been providing services to small farmers on subsidized rate of Rs. 560/hr. Accordingly, in Financial Year 2018-19, 2,430
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acres of land were developed with the assistance of the Field Operations
Wing. In addition to providing assistance in levelling of the land, the Field
Operations Wing also provides advisory services to farmers regarding farm
mechanization.
Well Drilling Section The Well Drilling Section is providing assistance to the farmers primarily for
the purposes of tube well drilling as well as other advisory services regarding water resources development. Electrical Resistivity Meter (ERM) survey is
also conducted by the Well Drilling Section to assess the ground-water
availability and quality prior to the tube well drilling.
ON-FARM WATER MANAGEMENT OFFICE The On-Farm Water Management Office in District Muzaffargarh was established in 1984 for the purposes of lining of water courses and other
related initiatives. Since its establishment, it has carried out lining of 4156
watercourses out of a total of 5143 sanctioned outlets.
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Chapter 30
FORESTS
Muzaffargarh Forest Division was created in 1945. Prior to that, it remained a part of Multan Forest Division. It consists of 2 Forest Sub-Divisions and 4
Forest Ranges. The Division is headed by a Divisional Forest Officer assisted
by 2 Sub-Divisional Forest Officers and 4 Forest Rangers. The total staff
strength is 225.
FOREST TYPES Most of the forest areas of Muzaffargarh is situated on the left bank of River
Indus and right bank of River Chenab or at the confluence of both. As regards
the types of forests, compact forests are mostly in the form of irrigated and Bela plantations whereas linear plantations exist along provincial roads as
well as canals. The details are as follows:
Name of Sub-Division/Range
Compact Area (acres) Linear Plantation
Irrigated Bela Total Roads (Mile)
Canals (Av:Mile)
1 Muzaffargarh Sub-Division
8053.11 5711.36 13764.47 111 364
2 Ghazi Ghat Sub-Division
2935.86 12666.85 15602.71 52 --
3 Kot Addu Range 191.60 -- 191.6 -- 479.20
4 Khanpur Range 31555.10 -- 31555.1 16 --
5 Alipur Range 3035.66 26656.12 29691.78 11 91.60
6 Jatoi Range 10632.24 -- 10632.24 29 315.20
Total 56403.57 45034.33 101437.9 219 1250
FOREST NURSERIES Muzaffargarh Forest Division consists of 3 potted nurseries, having 570000
plants of different varieties, and 3 bed nurseries having 1 million stumps of
different trees as detailed below:
Name of Nursery/Site Kind Quantity (Plants/ Stumps)
Year with Area
(Acres)
1 Chenab Potted Nursery Potted 265000 --
2 Bakaini Sale Depot, Jatoi Range Potted 180000 --
3 Alipur Compound Area Nursery Potted 125000 --
Total 570000
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1 Bait Mir Hazar Khan Forest Cpt. No. 57, 58
Bed 400000 10 (2017-18)
2 Bait Mir Hazar Khan Forest Cpt. No. 56
Bed 400000 10 (2018-19)
3 Khanpur Plantation Cpt. No. 233 Bed 200000 05 (2017-18)
Total 1000000
INCOME/ EXPENDITURE Details of income realized from the sale/auction of wood and other forest produce, as well as imposition of fines, and expenditure (non-development)
incurred during last five years are as under:
Year Revenue (Rs) Expenditure (Rs)
2014-15 46888583 13970287
2015-16 19567559 21570740
2016-17 11876308 22017765
2017-18 20622782 26866574
2018-19 14082935 26174111
Total 113038167 110599477
REST HOUSES Muzaffargarh Forest Division owns 3 rest houses as per the following details:
Year of Construction
Location No. of Rooms
Area Remarks
1982-83 Danday Wala Forest
02 80
marlas
Electricity but no gas and telephone facility. Needs renovation and maintenance.
1985-86 Mud Wala
Forest
02 40
marlas
No electricity, gas and
telephone facility. Needs renovation and maintenance.
1988-89 Khanpur, near Fazal Cloth Mills
02 80
marlas
Electricity but no gas and telephone facility. Needs renovation and maintenance.
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Chapter 31
IRRIGATION
The early means of irrigation in Muzaffargarh were by wells and inundation
canal system origin of which can be traced back to 1853. A small portion in
north of Kot Addu is still irrigated by inundation canals starting off from
Dholewala near Kot Sultan. This inundation canal system irrigates around 48418 acres of the district. However, after commissioning of the Taunsa
Barrage in 1958, a well-organized canal system was introduced in
Muzaffargarh. The canal system fed by Taunsa Barrage initially consisted of
Muzaffargarh and Dera Ghazi Khan canals irrigating roughly 2 million acres
of land. The Taunsa-Panjnad (TP) Link canal was added in 1970 as a
component of Indus Basin Project. The Irrigation Department in the district consists of Superintending Engineer
Muzaffargarh Canal Circle under whom there are five divisions headed by
Executive Engineers namely Taunsa Barrage, Kot Addu Canal, Muzaffargarh
Canal, River Diversion, and Store & Workshop Divisions. Total staff strength
of the department in the district is 2865.
TAUNSA BARRAGE DIVISION The Taunsa Barrage Division primarily looks after the affairs of Taunsa
Barrage and the related structures. The Taunsa Barrage Irrigation Project,
which was launched in 1953 and was completed in March, 1959, provides
irrigation facilities to Dera Ghazi Khan and Muzaffargarh districts. It was formally inaugurated by Ayub Khan, the then president of Pakistan on March
3, 1959. The Barrage was built across River Indus, and is situated at a
distance of 17 km from the Kot Addu town. It derives its name from the
town of Taunsa Sharif, situated on the right bank of River Indus about 40
km upstream. In April 2004, the World Bank approved a $123 million loan to rehabilitate
Taunsa Barrage. The main objective of the Taunsa Barrage Emergency
Rehabilitation and Modernization Project was to take urgent steps to prevent
failure of Taunsa Barrage, which is undoubtedly one of the most important
and vital structures for the sustenance of agriculture and the provision of
drinking water to the rural populace of the arid areas of South Punjab.
KOT ADDU CANAL DIVISION Kot Addu Canal Division comprises 3 Sub-divisions namely Kot Addu,
Ahmedpur and Baseera. Muzaffargarh Canal RD 06785-206700 with its off-
takes falls within the jurisdiction of Kot Addu Canal Division. Inundation canal system off-taking from Dholewala Regulator is also under the control
of this division.
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MUZAFFARGARH CANAL DIVISION Muzaffargarh Canal Division covers three tehsils of the District
Muzaffargarh, i.e. Muzaffargarh, Alipur and Jatoi and some portion of Tehsil
Kot Addu. It comprises Muzaffargarh Canal System and Rangpur Canal
System—the former from RD 206+700 to RD 370+700, and later from RD
320+000 to RD 442.025. Both the systems are non–perennial. Offices of the Executive Engineer Muzaffargarh Canal Division and Sub-
Divisional Officer were established in 1938. There are four sub-divisions in
Muzaffargarh Canal Division namely Muzaffargarh, Khangarh, Jatoi and
Shehr Sultan.
RIVER DIVERSION DIVISION River Diversion Division was initially responsible for the construction of River
Training Works (RTW). However, with the passage of time, maintenance of
River Training Works and Ghazi Ghat Drainage System, Hinjrai Drainage
System, Kot Addu Drainage System, and Alipur Drainage System has also
been assigned to the Division. As regards the administrative set-up, it comprises following sub-divisions:
1. RTW (Left) Sub-Division Muzaffargarh
2. RTW (Right) Sub-Division Dera Ghazi Khan
3. Drainage Sub-Division Muzaffargarh
4. Drainage Sub-Division Kot Addu
GHAZI GHAT BRIDGE COMPLEX Ghazi Ghat Bridge Complex was constructed in DG Khan District in 1984 on
River Indus, around 40 km from Muzaffargarh, as part of which a number of
River Training Works were provided namely R-1, R-2, R-3, R-4, Right Guide Bund, Kasturi Flood Bund, Right Approach Road, Left Approach Road, L-1, L-2, and Ghuttu Flood Bund (upstream/downstream) as well as Flood Bund
(downstream). The structures were constructed to train the River for its safe
passage through the bridge.
The salient features of the Ghazi Ghat Bridge Complex are as follows:
Designed Capacity 10 lac cusecs
Number of bays 22
Width of each bay 155 ft.
Clear waterway (excluding piers) 3410 ft.
Bottom of wells 265.00 ft
Top of piers 412.00 ft
Top of roadway 421.25 ft
Length of embankments 68 miles
152
DRAINAGE SYSTEM The Drainage System in River Diversion Division Muzaffargarh comprises
following components:
Description No. of Drains
Length (Miles)
Catchment Area (Sqr. Miles)
Ghazi Ghat Drainage System 3 60.88 370.84
Hinjrai Drainage System 8 25.94 124.72
Kot Addu Drainage System 8 74.59 527.84
Alipur Drainage System 3 28.91 147.55
Total 22 190.32 1170.95
STORE & WORKSHOP DIVISION The Store & Workshop Division, Muzaffargarh started functioning with effect
from July 1, 1974. At present, the Division has a total of 399 tube wells out
of which only 189 are in running condition.
LINING OF CANALS
To control seepage losses, lining of channels was started in Muzaffargarh in 1990. Since then 57 channels, out of a total of 165, have been lined either
partially or completely. Total length of lined channels in the district is
417.562 km.
TAUNSA-PANJNAD (TP) LINK CANAL
The Taunsa-Panjnad Link Canal offtakes from Taunsa Barrage. It was constructed in 1976 with the objective to supply water to Chenab River. Its
authorized discharge is 12000 cusecs and its length is 191 RDs (58.2 km).
The TP Link colony was developed in 1971 by WAPDA and handed over to
the Irrigation Department in 1979.
WATER THEFT
Pakistan’s water profile has drastically declined from being a water abundant
country to the one suffering from severe water scarcity, owing to which
equitable distribution of canal water among farmers has become a daunting
task for the Irrigation Department. In this regard, 238 FIRs were registered
in 2019 in Muzaffargarh to curb water theft and to ensure supplies to the
farmers at the tail.
153
HISTORY OF PAST FLOODS
Chenab River At Sher Shah Bridge, various stages of flood for River Chenab are as follows:
Discharges (Lac cusecs)
Flood Stage
Below 1.50 Normal
1.5 or above but below 2 Low
2 or above but below 3 Medium
3 or above but below 4.5 High
4.5 or above but below 6 Very High
6 or above Exceptionally High
A super flood was experienced in the Chenab River during the year 1992,
with peak discharge of 888143 cusecs. The breaching section on the left side of the Sher Shah Flood Bund was operated, but it could not become active.
Later, Doaba Flood Bund was overtopped and vast area of the Muzaffargarh
Tehsil became inundated. Huge damages occurred to the infrastructure and
evacuation took place on large scale. The River Chenab experienced high
floods during the years 1993, 1994, 1996 and 1997.
2014 Flood
During exceptionally high flood of 2014 in River Chenab, the peak discharge recorded at Trimmu Barrage (downstream) was 767849 cusecs that later
passed through Sher Shah Bridge in River Chenab. Muzaffargarh Flood Bund was breached at RD:148-149 & RD 157-158, and
so was the right bank of Muzaffargarh Branch Canal at various sites.
Consequently, the flood water entered Muzaffargarh city and badly damaged
public and private properties/infrastructure.
Breaching Section
After exceptionally high flood of 1992, following breaching sections were
approved by the technical committee of Punjab Flood Commission: I. 2 breaching sections in Railway Flood Bund on left of Sher Shah
Bridge.
II. 2 breaching sections in reach RD: 12-13 and 13-14 of Doaba Flood Bund.
III. 3 breaching sections in reach RD: 8-9, 14-15 and 18-19 in Rohari Flood Bund.
IV. Breaching section at reach RD: KM 19+331, KM 23+720, National
High Way (N-70) on Sher Shah Bridge.
154
A committee with following membership was later notified to operate
aforementioned breaching sections:
Deputy Commissioner Convener
Representative of the department owning the structure. (Not below the rank of an Executive Engineer or equivalent)
Member
Executive Engineer, Communication and Works Department Member
Executive Engineer concerned of the Irrigation Department Member
Representative of Pakistan Army not below the rank of a Lt. Colonel
Member
As per SOPs of the breaching committee, when the gauge fixed at 16th right
pier of Sher Shah Railway Bridge touches R.L. 393.50, Sher Shah breaching
section on left side of River Chenab is to be operated. If no relief is obtained and gauge of Sher Shah Bridge keeps on rising, breaching section of Doaba Flood Bund is to be operated.
During the 2014 flood, due to the rise of gauge above RL:393.50 breaching
committee requested Army authorities, NHA authorities and Pakistan
Railways to operate breaching section on September 14, 2014. After
operation of breaching section maximum 78000 cusecs discharge passed through the section. It remained operative till September 20, 2014.
Indus River At Taunsa Barrage, various stages of flood for River Indus are as follows:
Discharges (Lac cusecs)
Flood Stage
Below 2.5 Normal
2.5 or above but below 3.75 Low
3.75 or above but below 5 Medium
5 or above but below 6.5 High
6.5 or above but below 8 Very High
8 or above Exceptionally High
2010 Flood
An Exceptionally High Flood was witnessed in August 2010 with a discharge
of 1085601 cusecs downstream at Taunsa Barrage. The duration of flood
remained for the period of about 22 days. The heavy pressure of flood was
particularly experienced on left side leading to the breach of Left Marginal Bund of Taunsa Barrage. The flood water flowed freely on the country slope
and inundated vast areas of Kot Addu, Sinawan, Mehmoodkot, Gurmani,
Qasba Gujrat and Ghazi Ghat Town. A relief cut at RD: 125800/L
Muzaffargarh Canal was made to release and divert flood water into Chenab
River. The pressure of flood water was so severe that Muzaffargarh Canal got
breached at 12 points. All in all, the 2010 floods caused unprecedented
damage to public as well as private properties and infrastructure.
155
Historical Data:
Year Discharge (Cusecs)
Flood Limit
1959 518000 High flood
1960 515687 High flood
1964 504340 High flood
1966 516113 High flood
1973 570087 High flood
1975 524495 High flood
1976 677105 Very High Flood
1978 508922 High flood
1979 398069 High flood
1984 512194 High flood
1986 512769 High flood
1988 563416 High flood
1989 560630 High flood
1990 517652 High flood
1992 655879 High flood
1994 574602 High flood
1995 611937 High flood
1996 521708 High flood
1997 536199 High flood
1998 528543 High flood
2005 531177 High flood
2006 612269 High flood
2010 1085601 Exceptionally High Flood
2013 516017 High flood
2015 604000 High flood
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Chapter 32
LIVESTOCK
Livestock sector is a source of 65% of income for the rural populace of the
district, and also provides them food security in the form protein of animal
origin. In fact, in the Livestock Census conducted in Punjab in 2018,
Muzaffargarh was at the top in the entire province with a livestock population of 5,346,080; Dera Ghazi Khan stood 2nd with 4,680,996.
DEPARTMENTAL EVOLUTION Prior to 1960, no development worthy of note took place in the sector in the
district, though a pair of oxen has always been considered status symbol for
a land holder. In fact, in the District Gazetteer of 1964, it has been categorically said, “there is no proper breed of note in the district and the
animals are of very low quality”. Livestock keeping was confined to meeting
the domestic needs of milk only. Livestock was actually a component of
Agriculture Department then. Veterinary institutions had been established
at Thana level. The incharge of the Veterinary Hospital was designated as Veterinary Assistant Surgeon. In those days, the appointment of para-
vets/menial staff and the construction of veterinary hospital/dispensaries
were regulated by the District Council.
In 1973, Livestock was separated from the Agriculture Department and made
an independent department. Veterinary Assistant Surgeon was re-designated
as Veterinary Officer. The Department bloomed with the establishment of 8 Artificial Insemination Centers in Muzaffargarh. By 2001, it had around 171
personnel working for it.
In 2004, a state of the art diagnostic laboratory with necessary equipment
and trained human resource was also established in the district. It was
further strengthened with a mobile unit for providing coverage up to the
village level.
In 2005, a development project, Support Services for Livestock Farmers, equipped the Department with 76 new Civil Veterinary Dispensaries cum
Artificial Insemination Centers and supporting technical manpower in the
form of Veterinary Assistants, Artificial Insemination Technicians and
Laboratory Assistants. The strength of the department thus rose to 256
employees.
The Department continued to grow, and at present, it is headed by an Additional Director Livestock (BPS-19) who is assisted by, amongst others, 3
Additional Principal Veterinary Officers (BPS-19), 4 Deputy Directors (BPS-
18), and 8 Senior Veterinary Officers (BPS-18). The total sanctioned strength
of the Department is 668 employees of various grades.
The detail of the veterinary institutions is as follows:
157
Civil Veterinary Hospitals
Civil Veterinary Dispensaries cum Artificial
Insemination Centers
Artificial Insemination
Centers
Mobile Veterinary
Dispensaries
16 88 8 5
STATISTICS
Beef production & consumption: The annual consumption of beef is 1962000 kg (recorded in 9 Municipal
Committees and 13 big towns of the district). Approximately 79640 large
animals are exported from Muzaffargarh to upper Punjab, Sindh, KPK and Baluchistan. Beef consumption of sacrificial animals is estimated as 405000
kg.
Mutton Production and Consumption: The annual consumption of Mutton in Muzaffargarh is 251000 kg.
Approximately 155000 small animals are exported from district
Muzaffargarh. Mutton consumption of sacrificial animals is estimated as
2486000 kg.
Milk Production: The annual milk production is estimated as 337 million litres as recorded
from milk collection centers and other sources.
Milk Collection Centers: 216 milk collection centers have been established in the district by private
companies.
Hide and Skin Production: Large animals hides: 68500 per annum.
Small animals hides: 70500 per annum.
Poultry Meat Production: Rural poultry meat: 10501 million ton per annum.
Broiler poultry meat: 2202 million ton per annum.
Egg Production: Desi eggs: 93 million per annum.
Layer eggs: 45 million per annum.
Cattle Feed Mills: 4 feed mills registered under the Punjab Animals Feed Stuff and the
Compound Feed Act 2016 have been established in the district.
158
Poultry Waste Rendering Plant: 1 registered poultry waste rendering plant is working in Muzaffargarh
District.
Poultry Farms: 1. Commercial Poultry Farms registered under the Punjab Poultry
Production Act 2016: 206 2. Rural Poultry Farms (registered): 100
THE DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS (2014-18)
1. POVERTY ALLEVIATION OF POOR WOMEN THROUGH
PROVISION OF HEIFERS AND SHEEP/GOATS IN PUNJAB (2014-
18)
Ultimate objective of the project was to uplift the income of poor/widow women and to make them financially stable. The
numbers were as follows:
Large Animals:
Particulars Total
Cow Buff.
1 Total Large Animals Distributed 195 205
Animals Calves
1 No. of Male Calves 123 98
2 No. of Female Calves 102 93
Total Calves 225 191
Small Animals:
Particulars Total
Sheep Goat
1 Total Small Animals Distributed 260 260
Kidding/Lambing
1 No. of Male Kids/Lambs 234 280
2 No. of Female Kids/ Lambs 179 237
Total Kids/Lambs 413 517
2. PROVISION OF RURAL POULTRY BREEDS THROUGH
AUGMENTING R&D (2014-18)
Under this project, 9819 poultry units comprising 5 female and 1
male birds were supplied to poor families in rural areas primarily to supplement their income.
159
3. ENHANCING BEEF PRODUCTION IN PUNJAB, PHASE-II (2015-18)
3540 buffalo calves (1 to 15 days age) were registered under Save the
Calf Project, and the farmers were awarded Rs. 6500/- on successful completion of 4-month phase. Similarly, under the feedlot fattening
component, 1925 buffalo calves (one and a half year) were registered
for 3 months and on successful completion of the phase, Rs. 4000/-
per calf were awarded to the successful farmers.
4. ENHANCEMENT OF LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION AND PRODUCTIVITY THROUGH STRATEGIC DE-WORMING AND
VACCINATION (2016-18)
As part of this project, 1759173 animals were de-wormed. Similarly,
4427615 large and 6647996 small animals as well as 4012481
poultry birds have been vaccinated against different diseases.
5. ENHANCING COMPETITIVENESS OF LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION
SYSTEM BY JOINT VENTURE OF LIVESTOCK DEPARTMENT
WITH SKILLED COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS (2016-18)
The project aimed at engaging community facilitators and updating
the knowledge of livestock activists. The details are as under:
Male Community Facilitators
Female Community Facilitators Total
900 900 1800
6. PROVISION OF BREEDING SERVICES IN PUNJAB
SYNCHRONIZED WITH THE LIVESTOCK BREEDING ACT 2014
(2016-18)
The project aimed at paradigm shift from quantitative magnitude of
work towards qualitative result-oriented approach for provision of breeding services, which would eventually lead to enhanced fertility
and productivity of the large animals.
7. IMPROVING PRODUCTIVITY AND FERTILITY OF SMALL AND
LARGE RUMINANTS THROUGH ENCOURAGEMENT OF BULL KEEPING FOR NATURAL MATING (2016-18)
Provision of incentives/Financial assistance to the farmers for
encouraging them to maintain natural mating facilities for the
animals and to enhance the fertility and productivity.
No. of Animals Registered No. of Animals Bred
Cow Bull
Buff. Bull
Camel Ram Buck Cow Buff. Camel Ram Buck
1281 958 84 1107 2119 37666 36949 605 48164 81319
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8. STRENGTHENING OF COMMUNICATION AND EXTENSION
NETWORKING AT DIVISION LEVEL IN PUNJAB (2017-18)
The objective of the project was to promote knowledge sharing among
the stakeholders and to disseminate information regarding
departmental activities through local media and in native language.
The departmental training buses were also use for the purposes. As
part of the project, 2954 farmer days/fields days, 836 school focus
programmes, 24 radio talks and 860 mobile training programmes were conducted.
9. LIVESTOCK CENSUS PUNJAB REAL TIME DATA COLLECTION &
POPULATION ON 9211 SYSTEM (2017-18)
The credible real time data collection is imperative for a long term result oriented approach. The Department therefore erected state of
art ICT based 9211 system for real time data collection. The data so
collected for the district is as under:
No. of Farmers 189558
Cattle 1222145
Buffalo 621127
Total Large Animals
1843272
Sheep 471135
Goats 1115345
Total Small Animals
1586480
Poultry 1208246
Camels 1687
Horses 744
Mules 93
Asses 16037
Ducks 14595
Ostrich 464
Pigeon 387103
Fancy Birds 189100
10. IMPROVING THE PRODUCTION PERFORMANCE OF LIVESTOCK
IN PUNJAB THROUGH MANIPULATION OF DIFFERENT MINERAL
AND FEED SUPPLEMENTS (2017-18) For the purpose, 5 Livestock Sahulat Centers were established in the
district where improved feed supplements like Mineral Mixture, Urea Molasses Block, and Wanda were made available to the farmers on
cost basis. Total number of 49147 bags of Wanda, 72240 packets of
Mineral Mixture, 9400 Urea Molasses Block and 229445 kg rock salt
had been accordingly sold.
161
11. IMPROVEMENT OF LOW PRODUCING CATTLE IN THE PUNJAB
(2016-17)
The project envisaged providing high quality semen on competitive rates. Accordingly, for the last 3 years, 309750 doses of local semen
and 29391 doses of imported exotic semen have been used.
12. DEVELOPING RURAL POULTRY MODELS TO SUPPORT RURAL
ECONOMY (2017-18)
In order to supplement the income of poor families and to inculcate
interest for poultry breeding, poultry units with free cages and feed
packets were provided to students of 28 girls schools in the district.
DISEASE PREVALENCE Contagious diseases especially Foot & Mouth Disease (FMD), Hemorrhagic
Septicemia (HS), Brucellosis and Black Quarter (BQ) Disease in large animals
has been prevalent until the Department started intensive yearly mass vaccination campaigns to control these diseases. Similarly, contagious
diseases such as Enterotoxemia (ET), Peste des petits ruminants (PPR),
Contagious Caprine Pleuropneumonia (CCPP) have been prevalent in small
animals e.g. sheep and goats. Newcastle Disease (ND) is prevalent in the
poultry.
Department completes 100% mass vaccination of Hemorrhagic Septicemia in large animals and Enterotoxemia in small animals every year. Similarly, the
Department has completed 100% mass vaccination of FMD in large animals
and PPR in small animals under an FAO project.
In addition to the above-mentioned contagious diseases, following other non-
contagious diseases are also prevalent; 1. Ectoparasites – Ticks, Lice, Mange, Fleas
2. Endoparasites – Nematodes, Cestodes, Trematodes
3. Haemoparasites such as Babesiosis, Theileriosis, Trypanosomiasis,
and Anaplasmosis etc.
4. Reproductive Disorders such as Cystic Ovaries, Retained Fetal
Membranes, Repeat Breeding, Dystocia, etc. 5. Metabolic Disorders such as Rumen Acidosis, Ketosis, Hypocalcemia,
Postparturient Hemoglobinuria etc.
6. Diseases of young stock such as calf diarrhea, calf pneumonia, calf
scours etc.
7. Skin and feet diseases such as wooden tongue, foot rot, ring worm, lice, mange, ticks etc.
8. Enteric diseases e.g. bloat, Johne’s disease, Fasciolosis, Salmonella
etc.
9. Udder disorder e.g. Mastitis
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DISEASE CONTROL COMPARTMENTS
The Livestock and Dairy Development Policy 2016 of the Government of
Punjab envisages economic uplift of the stakeholders. The Department has accordingly come up with a practical approach of establishment of Disease
Control Compartments (DCCs), one in each tehsil of the district. These
compartments would be focused for disease control interventions which may
later on lead to Disease Free Compartments and Zones. In Muzaffargarh,
following union councils are declared as DCCs. 1. Union Council Sharif Chajra (Muzaffargarh).
2. Union Council Alurid (Kot Addu).
3. Union Council Jhuggi Wala (Jatoi).
4. Union Council Ali Wali (Alipur).
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Chapter 33
FISHERIES DEPARTMENT
The Fisheries Department conserves, manages and develops aquatic resources to meet the quality protein requirements of the masses. Its office
was established in Muzaffargarh in 1971 with Assistant Warden as its head,
who performed his functions under the over-all supervision of Assistant
Director Fisheries, Multan. The post was upgraded to Assistant Director on
August 10, 1973. At present, the office comprises 36 staff members, of which
6 seats are vacant.
DETAILS OF WATER BODIES The auctioning of 21 public water bodies in the district is being done since
1975-76. The list of such bodies is as follows:
1 Pond Area Taunsa
2 River Indus, Tehsil Kot Addu
3 River Indus, Tehsil Muzaffargarh
4 River Indus, Tehsil Alipur
5 River Indus, Tehsil Layyah
6 River Indus. Keenjar
7 Dhool Wala Canal Unit
8 Rangpur Taliri Canal
9 Dhand Faqirwali
10 Kot Addu Escape
11 TP Link Canal
12 Head Panjnad Lake
13 Muzaffargarh Canal
14 Dubajat Rakh Hamzaywali
15 Chitta Khandar Canal
16 Ghazi Ghat Main Drain
17 Shehr Sultan Sub-Division
18 Jatoi Sub-Division
19 Dhand Mohal
20 Ghuttu Supply Channel
21 Kot Addu Main Drain
DETAILS OF HATCHERIES There is a total of 5 hatcheries in the district: 2 hatcheries have been
established by the public sector and 3 by the private entrepreneurs.
164
Name of Hatchery Category
Nursery Unit Behind Fazal Cloth Mills, Tehsil Muzaffargarh Public
Ghazanfargah ,Tehsil Muzaffargarh Public
Chaudhary Fish Hatchery, Rang Pur, Tehsil Muzaffargarh Private
Tawakal Tilapia Fish Hatchery, Jhang Road, Tehsil Muzaffargarh Private
Al Raheem Fish Hatchery, Jhang Road, Tehsil Muzaffargarh Private
DETAILS OF FISH FARMS The trend of establishing fish farms in the district is on the rise, and one comes across many such farms, on both sides of the road, particularly on
entering Muzaffargarh from the Head Muhammadwala Bridge over the River
Chenab. These farmers have gone a step ahead of many of their counterparts
in other districts, and got them registered as Muzaffargarh Fish Farmers
Association. No wonder Muzaffargarh today is counted as one of the top 5
fish producing districts of Punjab.
The total area under fish farms in the district is 15274.5 acres producing 1603.82 metric ton of fish every year. The Department earned Rs.
1,50,773,601 as income during the Financial Year 2018-19.
Name of Tehsil Total Area (Acre) Fish Production in (MT)
Muzaffargarh 12305 1292.025
Kot Addu 2533.5 266.0175
Jatoi 268 28.14
Alipur 168 17.64
Total 15274.5 1603.8225
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Chapter 34
DISTRICT ELECTION COMMISSIONER
The Election Office was set up in the district in 1967 with the Election Officer, as the head, and 4 other junior ranking staff members. However, as the Office
evolved over the time, today it is headed by a District Election Commissioner
assisted by an Election Officer and 7 other junior ranking employees. There
is no sub-office in any tehsil of Muzaffargarh.
The first elections which were conducted by the Election Office in the district
were those of 1970 held under the Constitution of 1962. However, the first
elections which were conducted under the 1973 constitution were held in 1977. These elections later became disputed and were declared null and void.
After promulgation of Martial Law, the general elections were held in 1985
on non-party basis but the assemblies so elected were dissolved in 1988 and
new elections were held the same year. Since then elections have been held
in 1990, 1993, 1997, 2002, 2008, 2013 and 2018.
GENERAL ELECTIONS, 2018 The total number of registered voters in the district is 2033153 that
comprises 1131574 male and 901579 female voters. There are currently 6
National Assembly and 13 Provincial Assembly constituencies in
Muzaffargarh. In the general elections of 2018, the Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarian (PPPP) was able to secure 3 National Assembly seats, 1 was
secured by the Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI), and 2 went to the independent
candidates. As regards the Provincial Assembly constituencies, the PTI
turned out to be the largest party with 7 seats, independents won 4 seats
whereas 2 seats went to the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN). All
independent candidates later supported the PTI.
In the 2018 elections, one female candidate, Ms. Zara Batool, who contested elections on the ticket of the PTI from PP-272/Muzaffargarh-V, also came out
victorious. Two sons of the highly respected politician, Nawabzada Nasrullah
Khan (Late), namely Nawabzada Iftakhar Ahmad Khan and Nawabzada
Mansoor Ahmad Khan were also elected MNA and MPA respectively; the
former as PPPP candidate and the latter as PTI candidate. Mr Makhdom Zada
Sayed Basit Ahmad Sultan, who contested elections as independent candidate from NA-185/Muzaffargarh-V, secured highest number of votes,
i.e. 94672 in the district for a National Assembly constituency whereas Mr
Khuram Sohail Khan Laghari—also an independent candidate—topped the
table for Provincial Assembly seats with 48957 votes.
166
Muhammad Shabbir Ali, who had won elections from Kot Addu constituency
as an independent candidate, was later included in the federal cabinet as
Minister for State for Housing and Works. Similarly, in Punjab, Mr Abdul Haye Dasti was appointed as Advisor to Chief Minister on Agriculture,
whereas Mr Khuram Sohail Khan Laghari was appointed Special Assistant
to Chief Minister on Food. Both of them had won elections as independent
candidates. As regards Parliamentary Secretaries, Mr Muhammad Sabtain
Raza (Higher Education), Mr Muhammad Raza Hussain Bukhari (Forestry,
Fisheries and Wildlife), Mr Muhammad Aown Hameed (Literacy) and Mr. Muhammad Ashraf Khan Rind (Irrigation) were assigned respective
responsibilities.
The list of winning candidates in the 2018 general elections for National and
Provincial assembly seats is as follows:
NAMES OF RETURNED CANDIDATES. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, GENERAL ELECTIONS 2018
Constituency Name Party Votes Percentage
1 NA-181 Muzaffargarh-I
Muhammad Shabbir Ali IND 64154 62.58%
2 NA-182 Muzaffargarh-II
Mahar Irshad Ahmad Khan
PPPP 53094 60.99%
3 NA-183 Muzaffargarh-III
Raza Rabani Khar PPPP 54960 63.23%
4 NA-184 Muzaffargarh-IV
Nawabzada Iftakhar Ahmad Khan
PPPP 54879 58.52%
5 NA-185
Muzaffargarh-V
Makhdom Zada Sayed
Basit Ahmad Sultan
IND 94672 58.01%
6 NA-186 Muzaffargarh-VI
Aamir Talal Khan PTI 63564 60.53%
NAMES OF RETURNED CANDIDATES, PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY, GENERAL ELECTIONS 2018
Constituency Name Party Votes Percentage
1 PP-268 Muzaffargarh-I
Malik Ghulam Qasim Hunjra
PMLN 30492 62.58%
2 PP-269 Muzaffargarh-II
Azhar Abbas PMLN 28310 62.79%
3 PP-270 Muzaffargarh-III
Abdul Haye Dasti IND 17717 59.14%
4 PP-271 Muzaffargarh-1V
Nawabzada Mansoor Ahmad Khan
PTI 26051 57.81%
5 PP-272 Muzaffargarh-V
Makhdom Zada Sayed Basit Ahmad Sultan (GE-2018)
IND 23649 56.84%
6 PP-272 Muzaffargarh-V
Zara Batool (Bye Elections)
PTI 27773 38.46%
167
7 PP-273 Muzaffargarh-VI
Muhammad Sabtain Raza PTI 36369 59.83%
8 PP-274 Muzaffargarh-VII
Muhammad Raza Hussain Bukhari
PTI 27858 60.58%
9 PP-275 Muzaffargarh-VIII
Khuram Sohail Khan Laghari
IND 48957 59.01%
10 PP-276 Muzaffargarh-IX
Muhammad Aown Hameed
PTI 32154 59.94%
11 PP-277 Muzaffargarh-X
Mian Alamdar Abbas Qureshi
IND 34314 64.55%
12 PP-278
Muzaffargarh-
XII
Niaz Hussain Khan PTI 28341 61.91%
13 PP-279 Muzaffargarh-XII
Muhammad Ashraf Khan Rind
PTI 42606 62.45%
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Chapter 35
SPORTS
Sports Office was established in Muzaffargarh in 1970 in a room of Yadgar Club, Muzaffargarh. It was shifted to the Faisal Stadium in 1983. In 2013, a
project of constructing state of the art Sports Gymnasium in Muzaffargarh
was initiated. The Sports Office was shifted to the Gymnasium in 2016 upon
its completion. The District Sports Office is headed by 1 District Sports
Officer in BPS-17, assisted by Tehsil Sports Officer in BPS-16 at all tehsil headquarters; at the moment the posts of Tehsil Sports Officer for Kot Addu
and Jatoi are lying vacant though.
In addition to the Faisal Stadium and Sports Gymnasium in the city, the
Office also manages a sports ground each at Tehsil Kot Addu and Khairpur
Sadat in Tehsil Alipur. Work on establishing a football stadium in Khangarh,
a cricket stadium in Alipur, and a cricket stadium as well as multipurpose
hall in Jatoi is currently in progress.
The District Sports Committee functions under the chairmanship of the
Deputy Commissioner, and undertakes sports competitions as per the sports calendar issued annually by the Youth Affairs, Sports, Archeology and
Tourism Department, Lahore. The Sports Calendar for the year 2019
includes schedule of 11 games for boys and 6 games for girls.
SPORTS COMPETITIONS A number of provincial and national events have held at Muzaffargarh in the
past, the details of which are as follows:
Year Event
1 1984 National Hockey Championship
2 1988 National Kabaddi Championship
3 1990 All Pakistan Football Championship
4 1997 All Pakistan Squash Championship
5 2004 Pakistan vs India Kabaddi Match
6 2016 All Punjab Rugby Championship
7 2018 All Punjab Badminton Championship
PROMINENT PLAYERS More than 50 players from Muzaffargarh have represented Pakistan
internationally in various disciplines and have been able to win gold, silver
and bronze medals. Following two of those warrant special mention:
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Najia Rasool Khan has been winning Gold medal in National Taekwondo
Championship for last 10 years. Besides other medals/prizes, she had won
Silver medal in Common Wealth Games held in India in 2015. She was given Pride of Performance Award on March 23, 2018 by the President of Pakistan.
She has also received Tamgha-e-Muzaffargarh in Shan-e-Muzaffargarh
Awards 2019.
Azhar Hussain has been winning laurels in the field of wrestling. He was
able to win Gold and Silver medals in Common Wealth Games held in India
in 2011. Besides winning cash prizes from the Government of Pakistan, he
was also able to secure Tamgha-e-Muzaffargarh in Shan-e-Muzaffargarh
Awards 2019.
THAL JEEP RALLY The annual tradition of the Thal Jeep Rally was started in 2016 at the
initiative of the then Deputy Commissioner, Hafiz Shaukat Ali, with
assistance from the Tourism Development Corporation of Punjab. The rally track is around 190 km long and traverses the districts of Muzaffargarh and
Layyah. It starts from Changa Manga Teela in Head Muhammadwala, Tehsil
Kot Addu, and with the midpoint at Chaubara in District Layyah, ends at the
same point too.
As many as 65 vehicles participated in the first rally, which was held from
November 3-5, 2016; Sahibzada Sultan came out victorious.
The 2nd rally in 2017 was won by the renowned racer, Mir Nadir Magsi.
The 3rd rally was held on November 16-18, 2018 with 88 vehicles registered
in all categories, of which 44 vehicles qualified for the final round. Amongst
others, 3 women drivers also participated in the rally. Competitions were held
in 9 categories: 4 in Prepared Category, 4 in Stock Category, and 1 Women Category. Mir Nadir Magsi covered the distance of 191 kilometres in 2 hours,
16 minutes and 51 seconds and came out victorious. Sahibzada Sultan
covered the same distance with the margin of 8 seconds, and secured second
position. Qadir Nawaz Sangi got third position with a timing of 2 hours, 22
minutes and 22 seconds. Prize money of Rs 2.5 million were distributed
among the winners of all categories in a ceremony held in sports gymnasium
of the Faisal Stadium after the conclusion of the rally the same night.
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Chapter 36
DISTRICT INFORMATION OFFICE
Primary responsibility of District Information Office is to maintain a close liaison with the media and to ensure proper coverage of the Government
policies and projects. It was established in Muzaffargarh in 1974 with the
District Information Officer as its head. The office comprises a total of 7
employees today.
As regards the history of journalism in the district, the Weekly Basharat
published by a prominent poet, Kashfi Multani, is considered one of the first
newspapers of Muzaffargarh. Amongst all the newspapers and journals which were started in the district at various times, the Jaloos, by veteran
journalist, A.B. Mujahid, continues to be published since 1990, initially as a
weekly and later as a daily newspaper.
Research reveals that at least 79 newspapers and periodicals have been
issued declaration in the district after the creation of Pakistan; not all of them
are published anymore though. The breakdown is as follows:
Daily 7
Weekly 45
Fortnightly 13
Monthly 10
Quarterly 1
Annual 3
At present, 4 press clubs have been established by various groups of
journalists in the District Headquarters. Press clubs have also been
established in Tehsil Alipur, Jatoi, and Kot Addu too. In addition, several
organizations are working for the rights of the journalists in the district.
Similarly, many literary organizations and societies have also been established in Muzaffargarh to promote literary activities. However, no record
is kept of such organizations and societies.
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Chapter 37
AUQAF DEPARTMENT
The Auqaf Office was established in the district in 1960. At that time, the charge of Assistant Manager was given to the Tehsildar Muzaffargarh. At
present, the office is headed by a District Manager Auqaf in BPS-16, assisted
by, among others, District Khateeb in the same grade. The total sanctioned
strength of the office is 25. The office manages 10 establishments such as
shrines, mosques, imam bargahs and seminaries.
Besides the donations received at the shrines, the office also gets income
from its rented property, which is mostly in the shape of shops.
A total of Rs 11,899,603 was generated as income during the Financial Year
2018-19, and expenditures during the same period amounted to Rs.
2,380,271.
The list of shrines/mosques/imam bargahs/seminaries being managed by
the office, along with the date of their taking over, is as follows:
Name of Property Tehsil Taking over
1 Mosque/Darbar Hazrat Daud Jahanian, Muzaffargarh 22-04-1961
2 Mosque/Darbar Hazrat Abdullah Shah Bukhari
Muzaffargarh 27-06-1987
3 Darbar Hazrat Muhammad Tahir Bagga Sher
Muzaffargarh 21-11-1988
4 Darbar Hazrat Nur Shah Qalandar Kot Addu 06-11-1986
5 Mosque/Darbar Hazrat Abdul Wahab Bukhari (Din Panah)
Kot Addu 23-07-1960
6 Mosque/Darbar Hazrat Mohib Faqeer Alipur 29-08-1972
7 Darbar Hazrat Alam-ud-Din Bukhari Jatoi 03-08-1982
8 Madrassa Anjuman Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat
Alipur 20-03-2001
9 Imam Bargah Hussainian Muzaffargarh 05-08-1960
10 Darbar Hazrat Mohib Jahanian Muzaffargarh 21-02-2009
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Chapter 38
EXCISE AND TAXATION
The office of the Excise, Taxation and Narcotics Control was established in Muzaffargarh in 1962 and was assigned the task of collection of revenue
receipts under various heads. The Excise and Taxation Officer is also
entrusted with the powers of Assessing Authority, Motor Registering
Authority, Prohibition Officer and Revenue Collector under section 30 of the
Land Revenue Act, 1967.
As regards the staff of the office, the sanctioned strength is 30 out of which
5 positions are lying vacant. In addition to the Excise and Taxation Officer in BPS-17 as head of the office, there are one Assistant Excise and Taxation
Officer (BPS-16) and 4 Excise and Taxation Inspectors currently posted in
the office.
The over-all performance of the Office since its establishment has been as
follows:
Total No. of vehicles registered 148419
Property Tax recovered Rs. 88,63,88,930
Motor Vehicles Taxes recovered Rs. 61,22,90,230
Entertainment Duty recovered Rs. 3,80,20,510
Cotton Fee recovered Rs. 65,68,36,590
Professional Tax recovered Rs. 14,56,82,000
As regards the Financial Year 2018-19, a recovery of Rs. 14,86,15,551 has
been made against the assigned target of Rs. 15, 52,72,844. In the meantime,
the detail of main categories of vehicles registered in the district was as
follows:
Motorcycle Motor car Pick-up Bus Tractor
18779 3013 1394 367 1900
Similarly, the detail of the above categories of vehicles registered since January 1,
1974 up till December 31, 2019 was as under:
Motorcycle Motor car Pick-up Bus Tractor
191014 10477 7378 2035 23574
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The performance of the office in respect of Narcotics Control cannot be
termed as satisfactory. A total of 218 cases had been initiated hitherto out of
which 157 resulted in conviction. 13 cases are still under trial. The office
attributes this unsatisfactory performance to the lack of staff members. It has been informed that the post of the concerned Excise and Taxation
Inspector is lying vacant since 2006.
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Chapter 39
COOPERATIVES DEPARTMENT
The Cooperatives Department aims to facilitate the formation and working of cooperative societies for the promotion of thrift, self-help and mutual aid.
The affairs of the cooperative societies are regulated under the Cooperative
Societies Act, 1925 and Cooperative Societies Rules, 1927.
Cooperative movement in the Muzaffargarh District goes as far back as 1915
when 2 Cooperative Societies were transferred from Mianwali District along
with the transfer of villages of Mianwali and Rang Shah. However, the first
Cooperative Society in the district was registered in Thatha Gurmani. In
February 1916, a temporary Sub-Inspector was appointed. Later, in the same
year, 16 Societies and the Central Cooperative Bank were registered. By 1921, total number of societies registered with the department had reached
153. The number of societies kept growing, and rose to 483 in 1946 and 734
in 1962, including 433 cooperative credit societies. In addition, there were
46 service societies in the district. There were five Cooperative Banks; one
each at Muzaffargarh, Alipur, Kot Addu, Layyah, and Karor which met the
Financial requirements of these societies.
The Assistant Registrar of the Cooperative used to head the Cooperative Department at district level till 1979. At present the Department is headed
by a Circle Registrar (BPS-18) at district level. Moreover, there are 3 Assistant
Registrars (BPS-17) posted as tehsil heads at Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu and
Alipur. The post for Jatoi is yet to be created. In addition, there are 12 Inspectors (BPS-14) at markaz level and 33 Sub-inspectors (BPS-11) at Sub-
Circle level. The total sanctioned strength of the staff is 92.
PUNJAB PROVINCIAL COOPERATIVE BANK It was established in 1924 as an apex bank to meet the funding requirements
of the cooperative societies, and gained the status of scheduled bank in 1955.
It has 4 branches in the district: 1 each at Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu, Chowk
Sarwar Shaheed, and Jatoi.
The Cooperatives Department plays an important role in supporting the agricultural community. In this regard, advance extended in Rabi and Kharif
seasons in Financial Year 2018-19 has been tabulated as under:
Advance Rabi 375.16 million
Advance Kharif 372.69 million
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Further information in respect of the Cooperatives Department is as follows:
NUMBER OF AGRICULTURAL CREDIT SOCIETIES
No. of Societies
Membership Share Capital
Working Capital
788 24836 25.98 m 1056.54 m
NUMBER OF SERVICE DEVELOPMENT SOCIETIES
No. of
Societies
Membership Share Capital Working
Capital
03 247 0.024 m 0.034 m
NUMBER OF DEVELOPMENT SOCIETIES
No. of Societies
Membership Share Capital
Working Capital
04 300 0.049 0.166
As regards the types of societies, the details are as follows:
No. of Societies
Membership Share Capital (m)
Working Capital (m)
Urban 03 61 0.015 0.021
Integrated Rural Development Program
01 16 0.004 0.069
Federation 01 764 0.910 0.876
E.A.U. 03 301 0.039 0.465
Housing Society 01 131 0.140 0.141
Village Organizations
32
1205
0.770
0.795
Total 41 2478 1.878 2.367
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Chapter 40
PAKISTAN POST OFFICE
The office of the Divisional Superintendent Postal Offices, Muzaffargarh was established in 1927, with Mr. Birbarwas as its head. The territorial
jurisdiction of the then Division extended to almost all major districts of
current southern Punjab including those of Dera Ghazi Khan Division and
Bahawalpur Division, as well as Mianwali and Bhakkar. Gradually, due to
administrative reasons, new postal divisions were created. In 1956, Postal Division Bahawalpur was established; in 1974, the districts of Bhakkar and
Mianwali were detached from Muzaffargarh; and finally, Dera Ghazi Khan
Postal Division was separated from Muzaffargarh in 1982.
In 1982, the post of Divisional Superintendent Postal Offices was replaced
with the post of Divisional Superintendent Postal Services. At present,
Divisional Superintendent Postal Services, an officer of BPS-17, exercises
control over all post offices in Muzaffargarh and Layyah districts. There are 3 Sub-Divisions namely Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu and Layyah each headed by
an Assistant Superintendent Postal Services (BPS-14). General Post Office
Muzaffargarh is headed by a Senior Postmaster (BPS-16), whereas a sub-
post office is headed by a Postmaster in BPS-9. The total sanctioned strength
of the Muzaffargarh Postal Division is 298, of which 46 positions are
currently lying vacant.
Besides providing postal services, the Post Office performs a number of
agency functions on behalf of federal as well as provincial governments such as collection of motor vehicles taxes, token taxes, and arms licenses fees etc.
In addition, the office of the Assistant Director Postal Life Insurance,
Muzaffargarh is also located in General Post Office Muzaffargarh. Similarly,
in 2018, a project of renewal of expired national identity cards was started
in collaboration with NADRA at Post Office Shehr Sultan. The NADRA authorities provided necessary equipment as well as the training to the postal
staff for the purpose.
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Chapter 41
PAKISTAN RAILWAYS
The Sind-Sagar Branch of the North-Western Railway, which was built in 1886, linked the district with the then existing railway network. Railway
Station Muzaffargarh was established on January 22, 1887, and is manned
by 20 staff members today.
There are total of 11 railway stations on the main railway line which leads
from Multan to Rawalpindi via Kundian, i.e. Chenab, Muzaffargarh, Thermal
Power Station, Budh, Lal Pir, Mehmoodkot, Gurmani, Sinawan, Kot Addu,
Daira Din Panah and Ehsanpur; 7 of these stations are of category A whereas the rest are category B stations. At its peak, the number of passenger trains
running up and down the main line had risen to 6 but nowadays the number
has been reduced to 2, i.e. Mehr Express and Thal Express that ply between
Multan and Rawalpindi. In addition, 3 goods trains and 6 oil trains, on an
average, are running daily on the line these days.
Kot Addu is a junction station from where a railway line leads to Quetta and
Karachi, and a passenger train, Khushal Khan Khattak Express, going from Karachi to Peshawar, passes through it. Similarly, Mehmoodkot has attained
the status of category B station due to the nearby Mid-Country Refinery of
PARCO as well as oil terminals of other oil marketing companies (OMCs). A
large number of trains carrying crude and refined oil are loaded and
unloaded here every day.
There is one Railway Police Station at Kot Addu too having its off-
shoots/posts at Muzaffargarh and Mehmoodkot, to look after the assets of
the Railways in Muzaffargarh, and to ensure that its operations are
conducted smoothly and peacefully.
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Chapter 42
WAPDA/MEPCO
The first local office of WAPDA in Muzaffargarh was established in 1977 with Muhammad Azhar, Executive Engineer, appointed as its head on January
14, 1977. Muzaffargarh Circle is now part of Multan Electric Power Company
(MEPCO), and is headed by a Superintending Engineer. There are 4
Divisions, each under the charge of an Executive Engineer, and 20 Sub-
Divisions, each headed by a Sub-Divisional Officer, in the Circle. The existing strength is 573 employees which includes 34 officers, 362 technical and 177
non-technical staff members. Besides District Muzaffargarh, Layyah also
constitutes part of the Muzaffargarh Circle.
Total number of consumers in the Circle is 832746, which includes 742406
Domestic, 73849 Commercial, 4622 Official, 5848 Industrial, 29 Bulk, 5754
Agriculture, and 193 other connections. There are 4 Grid Stations of 66 KV
and 14 of 132 KV. In addition, 2 independent grid stations, i.e. a 132 KV Grid Station owned by Ahmed Hassan Textile Mills and another 220 KV Grid
Station owned by PARCO, are also part of the Muzaffargarh Circle.
Construction of a new 132 KV Grid Station at Khan Pur Bagga Sher is
underway. Similarly, land arrangement for new grid stations at Shah Jamal
and Chak No 139-ML Kot Addu is also under process.
There are 161 Feeders in the Circle, including 41 Dedicated and 120
Distribution Feeders, having average length of 55 km. The number of
transformers installed is 14744. The length of High Tension (HT) Lines in the
Circle is 8851 km and that of Low Tension is 6431 km.
Total load demand of the Muzaffargarh Circle is 458 MW whereas the running position during June 2019 remained 450 MW. During 2017-18,
2035.3 million units were received in the system whereas the number of
units sold remained 1777.5; the line losses were 12.7 %, i.e. 257.8 million
units. However, the recovery of due payments during the same period
remained 100%.
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Chapter 43
NADRA
NADRA office was established in Muzaffargarh on July 1, 2003. At the moment, there are 8 NADRA Registration Centres (NRCs) in the district, i.e.
at Muzaffargarh, Kot Addu, Alipur, Jatoi, Khangarh, Shah Jamal, Thal
Chowk Kareem Abad, and Chowk Sarwar Shaheed. Around 2000-2500
applicants are served in these centers on daily basis. The collective staff
strength is nearly 100. As regards the center at Muzaffargarh, there are 28 staff members, headed by an Assistant Director, who serve around 500-600
applicants on an average every day.
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Chapter 44
REGIONAL PASSPORT OFFICE
The Regional Passport Office was established in Muzaffargarh on March 14, 2011. The Office is headed by an Assistant Director, and has a sanctioned
strength of 22 employees. It serves around 200 applicants on daily basis.
After scrutiny, the applications are forwarded to Head Office for further
processing and issuance. The delivery is, however, made through the
Regional Passport Office, Muzaffargarh.
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Chapter 45
PAKISTAN BAIT-UL-MAL
The office of Pakistan Bait-Ul-Mal (PBM) was established in Muzaffargarh in 1991. Besides providing financial assistance, educational assistance, and medical assistance, initially a scheme of providing subsidy on aata (flour)
was launched. Later, a comprehensive Food Support Programme was also
initiated whereby up to 33,000 beneficiaries used to get cash subsidy from
the Government in the form of regular installments.
In 2005, a Dastkari School was established wherein the students were not
only taught the skill of sewing but were also paid stipend. Later, this
programme was upgraded and renamed as Women Empowerment Centre. In addition to sewing, the female students now learn beautician as well as IT
courses as part of the diploma offered by the Centre.
PBM is also running two schools in the district under the title of School for
the Rehabilitation of Child Labour and Orphans for the less privileged of the
society. Besides getting free education, the students get stipend, uniform,
shoes, bags, and medical assistance as well as 2 recreational trips every year.
In July 2019, the PBM established and inaugurated Darul-Ehsas—its first
orphanage of south Punjab in Kot Addu. The institution would provide
education as well as boarding facilities to orphan boys. It has a capacity of
100 boys, though 76 have been admitted yet.
Furthermore, when the Muzaffargarh Dialysis Society—first initiative of its kind in public sector in the entire country—was instituted in Muzaffargarh
in 2019 to provide continuous, certain and free dialysis services to all dialysis
requiring patients of the district, the Managing Director, Pakistan Bait-ul-
Mal, as a goodwill gesture to acknowledge and encourage the initiative,
himself visited Muzaffargarh and announced that thenceforth expenses of at
least 50 patients would be borne by the Bait-ul-Mal on permanent basis.
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Chapter 46
PLACES OF INTEREST
Muzaffargarh, unfortunately, lacks in many civic amenities and facilities. This is true for places of interest from an outsider’s or visitor’s perspective
too. Hardly any antique building or relic of the past has survived; nor have
new places been added by the successive administrations or those at the
helms of affairs. Worth visiting places in the district are therefore few and far
between, and have been detailed as follows.
TOMB AND MOSQUE OF TAHIR KHAN NAHAR The town of Seetpur, in Tehsil Alipur, is situated at around a distance of 100
km from the Muzaffargarh city. It houses the mosque and tomb of Tahir
Khan, which are the only places of antiquity in the district. These historical
buildings were built in 1475 and reflect the Multani style of construction.
In 1455 Bahlol Khan Lodhi granted the tract lying between the Indus, which then joined the Chehab at Uch, and the north of Shikarpur in Sindh, to his
relative, Islam Khan Lodhi. This tract comprised what is now the southern
part of Tehsil Alipur, the southern part of District Dera Ghazi Khan, and the
northern part of Sindh. Islam Khan took the title of Nahar and established
an independent kingdom. Tahir Khan was grandson of Islam Khan, who extended the boundaries of his territory considerably. He was called ‘Sakhi’ or the liberal, and built the present tomb and mosque in his life time, at the
close of fifteenth century.
The Tomb The tomb of Tahir Khan Nahar bears close resemblance with the tomb of
Shah Rukn-e-Alam at Multan
statedly built around 1320. It is
octagonal in plan with sloping sides
each measuring 13 feet 3 inches. The
tomb is built on a raised octagonal platform 8 feet high from the
adjacent land. It has got seven flight
of steps to climb up the podium. The
tomb is about 45 feet high from the
surrounding ground levels. The tomb is approached by an arched entrance
on the eastern side, which has got two wooden leaves.
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The interior of the tomb is decorated with glazed
tiles in green, blue and white colours which are
laid in geometrical and floral patterns. The two graves inside the tomb on a platform are of Tahir
Khan Nahar and his brother Mahmood Khan.
There are eight arches inside the tomb starting
from floor level and reaching a height of about 10 feet. In the interior at south eastern octagon
a staircase of 28 stairs leads up to the roof of the
tomb and the base of the dome.
The Mosque The mosque is made up of three domed
chambers of worship. The central, larger
bay holds the entrance and is flanked by
the two other smaller bays. The exterior
surface of the mosque is covered with
geometric patterns of coloured glazed tiles. While the colouring of these tiles
differs from those of the tomb,
similarities in scale, pattern and design
forge a unified complex.
TALIRI BAGH Taliri Bagh is situated on the eastern side of the Muzaffargarh city. Its
historical importance can be assessed from the following words of the District
Gazetteer compiled in 1929:
“The only public garden is the Tiliri Garden situated at a distance of
about a mile to the east of the town. It is the only place of resort by
the public on festivals and other occasions. The garden has of late
been extended for Arabian date plantations which are now yielding
fruit.”
Similarly, the District Gazetteer compiled in 1964, while referring to the Bagh, emphasized that it was “still the best date palm orchard in the country
which also provides a beautiful avenue for picnic resort for the public on
festivals and other occasions. This garden is famous for its mangoes and
Arabian date plantation.”
The Bagh might have been the first and the only place of public resort, as far
back as hundred years ago, and also the then best date palm orchard in the
entire country but unfortunately no one today in the entire Muzaffargarh
seemed to know its historical significance. In fact, it came as a surprise for the author too that the DC House in which he lives, and the Camp Office he
is working on the Gazetteer in, was situated right in the middle of a place of
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such a value. A subsequent visit to the Bagh was even more disappointing.
It was not even a shadow of its former self. There was no system of care,
maintenance or watering
in place either. The trees seemed old and aging,
and were lacking in fruit.
There were shrubs and
bushes all over the place.
People had made pathways crisscrossing
the entire garden, at
least one of which was a pacca road. Nomads had
made their dwellings, i.e. jhuggis, at some places. The neighbouring sabzi mandi had also been encroaching upon the adjoining areas of the Bagh
primarily for parking and dumping purposes. The nearby settlement, i.e. basti, was also extending its boundaries deep into the Bagh. In short, it was
a sorry, if not shocking, spectacle.
A renovation/rehabilitation plan for the Bagh was immediately devised and
put into place. The area of the Bagh was clearly marked with the help of
revenue staff. The nomadic and other settlements were removed, and in order to secure the Bagh from encroachments for all times to come, construction
of a boundary wall was started. A room for watchmen/chowkidars is also
being constructed. Similarly, water source, i.e. tube well, as well as water
channels would also be built. Lighting and other arrangements would be
made too. An understanding with the Wildlife Department has also been arrived at by virtue of which herbivores and other compatible animals, such
as deer, antelopes, peacocks, etc., would be provided once the construction phase is complete. The ultimate objective is to convert the Bagh into a small
wildlife park, where uncaged animals would be kept in their natural habitat,
and restore it to its former glory of being the “only place of resort…on festivals
and other occasions”, for the people of Muzaffargarh, and even beyond.
YADGAR CLUB Yadgar Club, formerly known as
Victoria Memorial Hall, is
probably the only building of historical significance in the midst
of the Muzaffargarh city. As per
the account given in the 1929
District Gazetteer, “The Victoria
Memorial Hall was built in 1909
by public subscription, and was constructed under the personal
supervision of Lala Kedar Nath,
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the then District Judge. The building has attached to it spacious grounds
with a garden, which is used for tennis, etc., by the Muzaffargarh Club, which
was started in the same year.” The Club was also used by the District Board until the latter built its office. The early classes of Government Girls College
were started in the Club in 1973 too, and continued till the construction of
College’s own building in 1975. However, with the passage of time, the Club
had fallen into neglect and disrepair, and had practically been abandoned.
During 2019, a project of massive renovation was therefore launched at the
completion of which it would be opened for citizenry with added facilities. The Club would finally comprise one hall, six rooms, a swimming pool, a
jogging track and facilities for indoor as well as outdoor games such as table
tennis, badminton, lawn tennis, squash etc. Furthermore, it would also start
serving food on the pattern of such clubs existing in other bigger cities of
Punjab. It was also envisaged that the Club would rather go a step ahead and unlike other such clubs, open its doors to non-members/ordinary
citizens and their families too, on the weekends. The Club was a common
asset of all the residents of Muzaffargarh, and should therefore not be
reserved for the privileged classes alone, believed the District Administration.
PANJNAD BARRAGE/HEADWORKS
Panjnad Barrage is situated just below the confluence of River Sutlej and
Chenab, 7 km away from the main city of Alipur, on the border of two districts
i.e. Muzaffargarh and Bahawalpur.
It was constructed during 1925–1929 under the Sutlej Valley Project with a
designed discharge capacity of .45 million cusecs of water. The Barrage was recommissioned in 1932 for design discharge of .7 million cusecs. The
Barrage pond area falls in Tehsil Alipur (District Muzaffargarh) and Tehsil
Ahmedpur East (District Bahawalpur). The road bridge at Panjnad Barrage
is utilized by the traffic coming to and from Sindh, particularly Karachi.
Three canals i.e. Panjnad Canal, Abbasia Canal and Abbasia Link Canal with
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design discharge of 7,769 cusecs, 1,064 cusecs and 5,600 cusecs
respectively, off take from left side of the Barrage. The Barrage has a gross
command area (GCA) of 1.81 million acres and provides irrigation supplies to cultivated command area (CCA) of 1.62 million acres (0.66 million ha)
falling mainly in the District Rahim Yar Khan (96%).
BARRAGE DATA
Design discharge (cusecs) 700,000
Total width between abutments (ft) 3,400
Clear water way (ft) 2,820 (47 bays of 60 ft width
each)
Minimum U/S flood level (ft) R.L. 341.50
Minimum D/S flood level (ft) R.L. 340.30
Pond level – normal (ft) R.L. 337.50
Crest level (ft) R.L. 325.00
In 2018, a mega rehabilitation project was started at the Barrage with the collaboration of Asian Development Bank (ADB) for the first time since its
construction in 1929. The project would cost around Rs 4.5 billion, and take
3 years to complete as a result of which the discharge from the headworks
would increase from .7 million cusecs to .86 million cusecs.
TAUNSA BARRAGE Taunsa Barrage is located
on the River Indus at
about 39 km south of
Taunsa Sharif town and
17 km north-west of town of Kot Addu. It was
constructed from 1953–
1958 to provide weir-
controlled irrigation
supplies to originally
flood fed areas on both banks of the river along
with some new lands in the Thal desert area. The Barrage serves 2.351
million acres (951,400 hectares) besides diverting flows from the River Indus
to the River Chenab through Taunsa-Panjnad (TP) Link Canal. The Barrage
also serves as an arterial road bridge, a railway bridge, and a crossing for gas, oil, telephone lines as well as high voltage transmission lines. The
Barrage, as originally constructed, has 65 bays with a total width of 4,346 ft
between the abutments.
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BARRAGE DATA
Capacity (cusecs) Length b/w abutt. (ft) Clear water way (ft)
1,000,000 4346 3860
Off-taking Canals
Name Design Disch.
Cap. (000, cs)
Length (Canal Miles) CCA (000, acres) Main Branches &
Distys.
Total
Muzaffargarh Canal
8.3 74.2 978 1,053 838 Muzaffargarh District
DG Khan Canal 8.9/14.2 69.0 1049 1,118 950 DG Khan & Rajanpur districts
TP Link Canal 12 38 - 38 -
Taunsa Barrage Project was initially conceived in 1936 and after passing through many vicissitudes was sanctioned in 1953. Construction also
commenced the same year. The project was commissioned in 1958 and
formally inaugurated on March 3, 1959 by the then president, General Ayub
Khan.
Taunsa Barrage is the most important barrage amongst those built across
the mighty Indus and its tributaries as it commands large areas in Punjab
and Balochistan provinces. The canal system fed by the Barrage initially consisted of Muzaffargarh Canal and DG Khan Canal. The former was
completed in 1960, while the latter although opened in 1958 continued to
remain under construction for some more years. TP Link Canal was added
in 1970, as a component of the Indus Basin Project. Muzaffargarh Canal and
TP Link Canal are on the left flank of the Barrage while DG Khan Canal is on
the right flank. Also, recent construction of head regulator of Kachhi Canal on right flank would eventually enable a withdrawal of 6000 cusecs for
irrigation of Kachhi plain in Balochistan. TP Link Canal conveys Indus River
water to the Chenab River to supplement irrigation in Panjnad Barrage
command area during periods of water shortage in the latter.
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MASJID SAKINA-TUL-SUGHRA Masjid Sakina-Tul-Sughra is a modern-day
marvel situated at Mauza Kotla Rehm Ali Shah
in Tehsil Jatoi. Modelled after Turkish
mosques, it was statedly designed by the
Turkish architects too. It is rather claimed that the engineers, builders, interior
decorators, and even some of the building
material as well as fittings and fixtures, were
also imported from Turkey. The founder of the
mosque, Syed Ismail Ahmad Hussain Bukhari, is a Pakistani doctor based in the
United States.
The construction of the mosque was started on
January 31, 2006 and completed around
middle of the next year. The main building of the mosque covers 6 kanals and is a part of a
larger complex spanning over a total area of 52 kanals which also comprises lawns, a well-equipped madrassa, residential
facilities, and more. At a given time, up to 400 persons can offer prayers inside the main building of the mosque; another 3500 can do so in the open
areas outside. The height of its 2 minarets reaches up to 180 feet.
PAK ARAB OIL REFINERY (PARCO)
Situated in Mehmoodkot, at a distance of around 35 km from the city of
Muzaffargarh, is the PARCO Mid-Country Refinery. It was commissioned in
the year 2000 and built at a cost of US$ 886 million. The Refinery has added
4.5 million tons per annum (100,000 BPD) to the country’s refining capacity.
It was one of the only five refineries built in the world at the beginning of the millennium and can therefore rightly be called the latest in terms of
technology.
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A high standard residential area for the employees and their families exists
next to the Refinery, with all latest facilities like school, hospital, parks,
mosque, auditorium, shopping center, gymnasium, bowling alley, stadium and sports complex. A fully operational club for fine dining and conducting
various activities and family get-togethers is also situated within the
premises.
In recognition of the importance of the Refinery, it has also been given a
symbolic representation in the logo of the District Administration,
Muzaffargarh, which was formally unveiled on August 31, 2019.
A tour of the Refinery can only be conducted with prior permission from, and
after coordination with, the administration of the Refinery.
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Chapter 47
PERSONS OF IMPORTANCE
Throughout its 225 years of history, Muzaffargarh has produced many men
and women of distinction, some of whom are as follows:
SARDAR KAURA KHAN JATOI A great benefactor of the people of Muzaffargarh,
and the surrounding areas, Sardar Kaura Khan Jatoi was the chief of Jatoi tribe towards the end
of the 19th century. His date of birth is unknown,
yet his year of death is known to be 1898. During
British rule, he remained Honorary Magistrate, and was also conferred upon the title of ‘Khan Bahadur’. He was an extremely wealthy person
and used to spend his wealth for the betterment
of the people. He constructed roads, dug wells,
supported education, and provided financial
assistance to the poor, orphans, and widows. He
had statedly married six times but still remained
issueless. He donated one third of his property situated on both sides of the River Indus in districts of Muzaffargarh and Rajanpur for Rifa-e-Aam, i.e. the welfare of general public, through a will executed on August 5,
1894. As a result, a total of 82753 kanals and 14 marlas were transferred to
the then Local Fund for the purpose. This is undoubtedly the biggest
donation, in the form of land, ever made by a single person, not belonging to
royalty, in the history of the Indian subcontinent, if not in Asia and beyond. The conferment of ‘Nishan-e-Muzaffargarh’ upon him could therefore be
termed as nothing more than a token acknowledgment.
SARDAR ABDUL HAMID KHAN DASTI Sardar Abdul Hamid Khan Dasti was amongst the renowned activists of Pakistan Movement from
southern Punjab. He was born in 1895, graduated
from the Government College, Lahore, and did his LLB
from Punjab University. He started his professional
career as a public prosecutor. When he was
transferred from Muzaffargarh to Rajanpur for having secretly taken part in Pakistan Movement, he resigned
from the service and started active politics. He became
District President of Muslim League in 1944. He
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contested 1946 elections for the provincial assembly, and because of his
efforts, not only won his own seat but also managed to get 2 out of 3 seats
for his party from the district. For the cause of independence, he had to face
frequent arrests and detentions which he bravely did.
After the creation of Pakistan, he remained federal minister for a long time. On July 30, 1953, he laid the foundations of first ever degree college of the
district. He remained Chief Minister Punjab from May 21, 1955 to October
14, 1955, i.e. for 146 days. He bade farewell to this mundane world in 1985.
In recognition of his active role during the Pakistan Movement, and his
outstanding services for the people of Muzaffargarh, the ‘Hilal-e-
Muzaffargarh’ was conferred upon him posthumously during Shan-e-
Muzaffargarh Awards ceremony held on August 30, 2019.
NAWAB MUSHTAQ AHMAD GURMANI Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, a well-known
politician from early days of Pakistan, was born in
village Thatta Gurmani in Tehsil Kot Addu in 1905.
Besides other stints in politics, he has served as the Governor of Punjab from November 26, 1954 to
October 14, 1955. He also had the honour of being
the first Governor of West Pakistan – a post he held
from October 14, 1955 to August 27, 1957. Earlier,
he had remained Interior Minister of Pakistan (1951-54). In 1949, as a Minister without Portfolio, he signed the Karachi
Agreement that established a ceasefire line
between Pakistani and Indian areas of Kashmir, which later came to be
known as the Line of Control. He had also served as prime minister in the
princely state of Bahawalpur before partition. He left for the eternal abode in
1981. On May 7, 1980 Nawab Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani established Gurmani Foundation to provide support to the underprivileged students.
With the same objective, the Gurmani Foundation has established an
endowment fund worth Rs 1 billion at the Lahore University of Management
Sciences (LUMS). This was the largest single gift ever received by the LUMS,
and may well be the single largest gift ever given to an educational institute
in Pakistan.
The Gurmani Foundation is undertaking a number of community welfare
projects, mostly in the field of education, in Muzaffargarh too.
NAWABZADA NASRULLAH KHAN During his lifetime, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was a consistent voice of
dissent and a crusading democrat against authoritarian regimes. Such
regimes feared him more than any other opposition leader because of his
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uncanny ability to unite diverse parties around the fundamentals of the rule
of law, the constitution, and the right of people to govern themselves.
Born into a feudal family of Khangarh in 1918, he was sent
to the elite Aitchison College, Lahore in 1928 where he
continued to study till 1933. His entry into politics came through joining a religiously inclined, but anti-colonial
political party, Majlis-e-Ahrar, the same year. He was also
present in the annual session of the All India Muslim
League on March 23, 1940 in which the famous Lahore
Resolution, which later came to be known as Pakistan
Resolution, was passed.
After independence, he switched over to the Muslim League, from whose platform he successively won 1952 provincial and 1962 national assembly
elections.
It was during General Ayub Khan's military rule (1958-69) that he started to
make his mark on national politics. He joined the opposition party, Jinnah
Awami League, which was later on renamed as Awami League. He was
selected as its vice president when Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardi was the president of the party. He strongly supported Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah in
the Presidential Elections of 1964 against Ayub Khan. Disenchanted by the heavy-handed dictatorial regime, he set about gathering together all
opposition parties under one banner. His first foray into building an
opposition coalition resulted in the highly effective Democratic Action
Committee, which prepared the ground for the fall of the seemingly solidly
entrenched Ayub Khan in a popular uprising. The success of this alliance
turned out to be a role model for other pro-democracy movements that he
later became involved in.
In 1969, he founded his own party with the collaboration of four other parties and named it as Pakistan Jamhuri Party. Nawabzada's next crack at alliance-
building came in 1977 in the shape of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)
against the first democratically elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. In
the elections of 1977, he was elected as the Member National Assembly but
following the party policy, refused to take oath. He was one of those politicians who negotiated with the PPP government for holding new
elections. However, unfortunately, when the government and the PNA had
reached an agreement to hold fresh elections, General Zia-ul-Haq imposed
martial law. Nawabzada initially allowed his party to join General Zia's
regime, but he soon started realising the true nature of the authoritarian
regime and wasted no time in distancing himself from it. In the 1980s, Nawabzada began assembling democratic forces to challenge the regime. This
resulted in the formation of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy
(MRD), which developed into a highly successful grassroots pro-democracy
movement. In 1983, the MRD launched a successful countrywide civil
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disobedience movement that was ruthlessly suppressed by the regime.
Thousands were killed or imprisoned, and Nawabzada had to remain under
house arrest for around 5 years.
Owing to the momentum created by the MRD movement, and few other
factors, General Zia had to lift Martial Law in 1985. After his demise, elections were held in 1988 in which Nawabzada was also elected as Member
National Assembly. Once again, he chose to sit on opposition benches in the
Benazir Bhutto’s PPP-led government. He even participated in the
presidential election of 1988 in which Ghulam Ishaq Khan came out
victorious by securing 348 of the 446 votes cast by an electoral college
consisting of both houses of the Parliament and the assemblies of Pakistan's four provinces, whereas Nawabzada received 91 votes. However, he made up
with Ms. Bhutto during her second term of office in 1993 and became Chair
of the Kashmir Committee, travelling widely to publicise the Kashmir issue.
His final act as an anti-establishment figure was the
formation of the Alliance for the Restoration of
Democracy (ARD) in 2000 against General Musharraf
who had seized power in a military coup a year earlier. However, to the General’s good fortune, even before
the alliance could have threatened his regime,
Nawabzada breathed his last on September 26, 2003
in Shifa International Hospital of Islamabad, following
a heart attack.
Though Nawabzada was more known as a politician,
he was a man of letters too. Not only he was a poet himself, and produced 2 volumes of his poetry, but
also remembered hundreds of other verses, both Urdu
and Persian, by heart. He had a distinctive appearance with a dark achkan, Turkish cap and a huqqa. He did his politics
from a sitting room in his modest house on Nicholson Road in Lahore, where
he held meetings and met visitors for many years. True to Muzaffargarh and southern Punjab traditions, his gift of mangoes used to reach houses of
politicians and other prominent persons of all shades of opinion every
summer.
Nawabzada was a political leader of the highest calibre and the last of the old
breed of politicians who stood for principles, civility, tolerance and
democratic values. Above all, he was a great human being. With his demise
in 2003, that chapter of our political history has been closed for ever.
Embodiment of simplicity and humility, he continues to live in the hearts of people of Pakistan. Muzaffargarh feels immensely proud to have produced
such a son of the soil. Conferment of ‘Nishan-e-Muzaffargarh’ posthumously
on him during Shan-e-Muzaffargarh Awards 2019 may not have done any
good to him but enhanced the prestige and credibility of the award itself.
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JUSTICE (R) TASSADUQ HUSSAIN JILLANI Justice (R) Tassaduq Hussain Jillani, the 21st Chief
Justice of Pakistan, was born on July 6, 1949 to a
family that belonged to Khangarh. He got his education
from Multan and Lahore, and started his professional
career as a lawyer in 1974. He was appointed Advocate General Punjab in 1993, Judge of the Lahore Court in
1994, and Judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan in
2004. He also remained acting Chief Election
Commissioner for around 4 months in 2013.
On November 7, 2007, Justice Jillani was one of
those senior judges of the Supreme Court who refused
to take a fresh oath following the imposition of emergency rule by General Pervez Musharraf. In consequence, Justice Jillani, along with other
judges, was forcefully retired and kept under detention. The
move exacerbated the Lawyers' Movement against the Musharraf regime,
and eventually led to the reinstatement of the suspended judiciary, including
Justice Jillani, on March 23, 2009. On July 31, 2009, a full 14-member
bench, including Justice Jillani, held the declaration of emergency and
imposition of PCO illegal and invalid.
On December 12, 2013 he was appointed the Chief Justice of Pakistan—an
office he held until July 5, 2014.
Considered a progressive judge, Justice Jillani has always been a strong
proponent of civil liberties and fundamental rights, authoring landmark
decisions on women's rights, honour killings, the right to education, and more. He also authored the decision in the suo moto case pertaining to the
protection of minorities and freedom of religion after the Peshawar church
attack in 2013, widely held as the broadest interpretation of religious
freedom laws in Pakistan's history.
In 2017, Justice Jillani was appointed judge ad hoc on the International Court of Justice bench hearing the Kulbhushan Jadhav case in Hague. When
the verdict was finally announced in July 2019, Justice Jillani gave a
dissenting note, opposing the Indian point of view.
Justice Jillani has not merely penned down landmark judgments, he has a
keen interest in literature too. He had authored a theme song, Justice for All,
which was sung by various Pakistani singers at the 50th Anniversary of the
Supreme Court of Pakistan, and was later regarded as the Judicial Anthem
of Pakistan. The idea of establishing the Supreme Court Museum was also
said to have been presented for the first time by him in 2010.
Justice Jillani is widely respected in judicial circles and beyond. His name
was even proposed for caretaker prime minister by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf
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in 2018. He has also been awarded International Justice Excellence Award
for promoting peace at home and around the world in a ceremony held at the
International Institute for Justice, Netherlands on March 28, 2019.
And finally at the Shan-e-Muzaffargarh Awards 2019 held on August 28,
2019, he was able to secure ‘Nishan-e-Muzaffargarh’, which was the highest award conferred on any living person in the ceremony held in recognition of
all those sons and daughters of the soil who had won laurels for
Muzaffargarh, nationally or internationally.
MALIK GHULAM MUSTAFA KHAR A close companion of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, former Chief Minister and Governor of Punjab as well as a
Federal Minister, Malik Ghulam Mustafa Khar was
born on August 2, 1937 in village Khar Gharbi of
Tehsil Kot Addu in District Muzaffargarh. He got
his education from Aitchison College Lahore and entered politics at a young age. He was elected
member of National Assembly in 1962 at the age of
24 years. In 1967, he joined Bhutto as a founding
member of Pakistan Peoples Party. He was
appointed Governor of Punjab twice, i.e. from
December 23, 1971 – November 12, 1973 and March 14, 1975 – July 31, 1975, and Chief Minister from November 12, 1973 – March 15, 1974. In
1993, he became Federal Minister for Water and Power in the then
government of Benazir Bhutto. He remained in Pir Pagaro’s Pakistan Muslim
League (Functional) from 2012 to 2017. In April 2017, he joined Pakistan
Tehreek-e-Insaf. However, he lost 2018 elections – which he termed as his last elections before seeking a respectable retirement from politics – to an
independent candidate, Dr Muhammad Shabbir Ali Qureshi, and stood 3rd
in the electoral race. Since he had been one of the most known faces of
Muzaffargarh, and had been Governor as well as Chief Minister of Punjab,
he was conferred upon ‘Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh’ in 2019.
HINA RABBANI KHAR Former Foreign Minister of Pakistan and incumbent Member National
Assembly, Ms. Hina Rabbani Khar, was born on November 19, 1977 to well-
known Khar family of District Muzaffargarh. Her father, Malik Noor Rabbani
Khar, had also been a Member National Assembly whereas her uncle, Malik Ghulam Mustafa Khar, have had held the portfolios of Governor and Chief
Minister of Punjab as well as Federal Minister. She completed her graduation
from Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) and Masters in
Business Management from University of Massachusetts, USA.
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She entered active politics as a Member National
Assembly in 2002, at the age of 25, representing
the PML-Q and eventually became Minister of State for Economic Affairs in the cabinet of Mr Shaukat
Aziz – a portfolio she held until 2007. In 2008, she
was re-elected from the platform of Pakistan
Peoples Party and was appointed Minister of State
for Finance and Economic Affairs. She had the
honour of being the first women presenting a federal budget in Pakistan in June 2009. In
February 2011, she was first appointed as Minister
of State for Foreign Affairs and later as Foreign
Minister on July 19 the same year, thus becoming
the youngest and first female Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country. She held the portfolio till March, 2013. In 2018 elections, she was elected Member
National Assembly on reserved seat for women by the Pakistan Peoples Party.
In recognition of her achievements, the city conferred upon her the award of
‘Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh’ in August 2019. Undoubtedly, she is, and has been,
the most known female face of Muzaffargarh.
PATHANAY KHAN A legendary folk singer of Seraiki waseb, Pathanay
Khan—earlier named as Ghulam Muhammad, was
born in 1926 in the village Basti Tambu Wali of
Tehsil Kot Addu. He had a distinct style of singing and mostly sang Seraiki kafis or ghazals drawing
on the Sufi poetry of Khawaja Ghulam
Farid and Shah Hussain. He was awarded ‘Pride of Performance’ by the President of Pakistan in 1979.
Though he bade farewell to the mundane world on March 9, 2000, his kafis, especially ‘Meda ishq vee
toon’, keep his memories alive in our hearts.
In recognition of his unique and disconsolate singing style and doleful voice,
he was conferred upon the ‘Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh’ in 2019.
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TAUQEER NASIR A legendary TV actor, director and producer,
Tauqeer Nasir, was born on September 14, 1957.
He did his Masters in Mass Communication
from the Punjab University, Lahore in 1981. He
started his acting career from Pakistan Television in 1978. Kashkol, Sona Chandi, Landa Bazar, Aik Haqeeqat Aik Afsana, Samundar, Dehleez, Dard Aur Darman are some of his many
famous TV dramas. He has been awarded
‘Tamgha-e-Imtiaz’ in 1999 by the Government of
Pakistan.
Tauqeer Nasir has also served as Director
General, Pakistan National Council of Arts (PNCA) from 2009 to 2011. When
it comes to performing arts, Muzaffargarh has not produced a face more known than his. He has therefore rightly been conferred upon ‘Hilal-e-
Muzaffargarh’ in 2019.
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Chapter 48
Muzaffargarh at 225
While working on the gazetteer, it was revealed that Muzaffargarh was going to have 225th anniversary of its establishment in 2019, i.e. it was in 1794
that the then ruler of Multan, Nawab Muzaffar Khan, laid the foundation of
a fort and a city, at a place known as ‘Musan de Hatti’, on the road that led
to Dera Ghazi Khan from Multan. It was how Muzaffargarh, the fort of
Muzaffar, came into being.
It was very disturbing to note that even though Muzaffargarh had been there for more than 2 centuries, yet it still lacked in many facilities which other
cities of same size and age possessed as a matter of routine. For instance,
Muzaffargarh did not have a good park for recreation and other such
purposes for the general public; there was no club for the citizenry to have
their gatherings in, and enjoy indoor and outdoor games as well as food along with their families; there was no auditorium worth the name for holding
cultural, academic and other such activities; there was no market place
where one could room around and shop with one’s family freely; the sole
stadium was not good enough to hold local matches what to talk about larger tournaments; the historical Taliri Bagh had become a picture of neglect; the
road which passed through the middle of the city was in debilitated state; there was no proper bus or wagon stand in the entire city; so on and so forth.
No wonder Muzaffargarh was listed in 5 least developed and poor districts of
Punjab—second from the bottom, to be more precise.
In such a backdrop, it was decided that the best way to celebrate the 225th
anniversary was to devise and implement a comprehensive plan for
equipping the city with all essential facilities. The city would be transformed thereby and given a complete makeover; Shehr-e-Nau, Nawan Shehr
Muzaffargarh ( گڑھ ر ف
ہر؛ مظ واں ش
و، ن
ہر ن (ش was adopted as a slogan to give motivation
to all team members of the District Administration, and infuse further energy
in them.
However, before embarking upon any such project, it was important to put
one’s house in order first. The DC office was therefore attended to, at priority.
There was no proper waiting area for those who had to visit the DC office for
one task or another. This matter was therefore attended to at priority and a proper waiting area equipped with necessary facilities such as aluminium
benches, TV, drinking water and toilet facilities was created. The Personal
Assistant to the Deputy Commissioner, who in fact happens to be the face of
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the DC office, did not have a proper room either, and used to sit behind a
crude partition. A room was therefore prepared for him to ensure that he sat in a dignified environment and treated the visitors of the DC office in the same
manner.
The front lawn was redone, with plantation of quality grass as well as new
plants and trees.
The conference room was in shabby condition too. Its furniture was worn out, and there was no uniformity either, e.g. it had chairs of different sizes
and shapes for the participants. Tiles meant for roofs had been fixed on walls,
probably to mask the underlying dampness. Microphone cables, as well as
those of multimedia, were spread all over the room. Bulbs and tube lights of
different types/voltage were being used to lit it up. Such was the condition of the place where the Deputy Commissioner used to chair the meetings of
various stakeholders and met incoming delegations. The work was started
from scratch and a very decent conference room, equipped with necessary
furniture and other facilities, was eventually created. So on and so forth;
suffice to say that almost all aspects needed attention, which was duly given.
So much so that the State Flag, which was required to fly over the top of the Deputy Commissioner office, was previously flying on one side of the back of
the office, and had to be relocated to the required place. Similarly, an old and
worn-out board outside the main gate read the Deputy Commissioner Office.
It was therefore replaced with a bigger and newer board properly displaying
the name of the Deputy Commissioner office and its various sub-offices.
The District Administration then moved on to issue detailed SOPs for public
dealing; Allama Iqbal’s following verse was adopted as the guiding
principle/slogan in this regard: رم کی طرح ب م
ش و ب ری
اراں ن ہ ی
ھو حلق
Those SOPs were prominently displayed in offices as well as waiting areas of
the officers of the District Administration so as to acquaint the visitors with
their rights, and to let them know that what they should expect in those
offices. It was further contemplated that the display of SOPs in their offices would act as a kind of check on the concerned officers, and enable the visitors
to question them in case of any deviation. Even otherwise too, all officers
were instructed to strictly follow those SOPs in letter and spirit. Furthermore,
all field officers were instructed to ensure their availability in offices at least
for couple of hours daily at predetermined/declared timings to save general
public from inconvenience.
Once the house was in order, we moved on to address bigger challenges.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A FACILITATION CENTER For a common citizen in a given district, the Deputy Commissioner office is
the real face of the Government, which one has to approach from time to time
200
for services such as acquisition of domicile, revenue record, various NOCs
and licenses etc. The more respected and facilitated he feels in the DC office,
the better opinion he forms about the Governments sitting in Lahore and Islamabad. Unfortunately, however, whereas the deputy commissioners tend
to hold all other departments of the district accountable, on one count or the
other, rarely do they look into their own backyards. In order to address this
anomaly and contradiction, the District Administration Muzaffargarh
decided to establish a state of art Facilitation Center to ensure that the
general public visiting them had a pleasant experience, and got all services under one roof and that too in a befitting manner. Accordingly, a Facilitation
Center was established having following features:
A fully air-conditioned,
aesthetically designed
hall in green and white
Pakistani colours.
An electronic token issuance/queue
management system.
A sitting area for those
waiting for their
turn/token number,
equipped with TV screens, water
dispensers, and toilet
facilities.
Courteous and IT trained staff.
Clearly defined and displayed SOPs and timelines for all services being
offered.
Not only the above, given the energy deficiency in the country, and uncertain situation in this regard, the center was powered by solar energy too. And
most importantly, no government funding was sought or used; it was
established entirely with the help of donors.
ESTABLISHMENT OF AWAZ-E-KHALQ HELPLINE 1718 At present, there is no formal system/single source in districts for the citizens for obtaining information or registering complaints in respect of
service delivery by the government departments in general and the Deputy
Commissioner office in particular. A person in need might have to search for,
and dial, numerous telephone numbers before he finally finds the right one.
Even then, he might not encounter a receptive person on the other side of the phone to provide the required information or to take questions and
complaints. There was thus dire need of establishing a helpline where trained
personnel could receive calls, take questions, provide information, and
register complaints. In fact, there shall be a standard phone number in the
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entire province – if not the country – for
such purposes. One must admit here
that the police department as well as the rescue services have already
achieved this uniformity where any
citizen can reach them by dialing 15
and 1122 respectively. The civil
administration, on the other hand, still
lags behind despite the fact that most of the services are provided by it, and
consequently is highly sought after.
With this aim in view, the District
Administration Muzaffargarh decided
to launch a helpline having following
features:
The helpline was named as ‘Awaz-e-Khalq’ with reference to the
famous quotation:
ھو مج سدا ارہ ح ق
کو ن لق
آواز ح
A short dialing code 1718 was acquired by special arrangements with
the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA). It was easy to
remember and recall in Urdu as well as English.
A call center, with multiple lines, and manned by trained and
knowledgeable receptionists, was established in DC office for the purposes.
The receptionists were supposed to greet every caller, introduce
themselves, take queries, provide required information, register
complaints, and finally give departing remarks.
Amongst other information, the receptionists were also required to
provide information related to addresses, fee, documents, and other prerequisites in respect of the services available at district level, and
were been trained for the same. The ultimate aim was to enable the
applicants to come prepared in all respects to the concerned office,
instead of wandering from pillar to post in order to get the required
service. In the longer run, it was planned, the helpline would not only be used
for the purposes of provision of information but also for the
registration of those complaints which could be best addressed at the
local level, for example a missing gutter top, non-display of price list
at a shop, food adulteration; and the like.
Seemingly a small step, the establishment of Awaz-e-Khalq helpline was
expected to go a long way in facilitating those who would seek to interact with
the Government for any service or complaint. In fact, it would make their
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interaction a pleasant one. Needless to say here, it would fill a void which
has always been there between ordinary citizens and the lowest tier of the
Government ever since the creation of Pakistan.
COMPILING THE GAZETTEER Compiling gazetteers was a tradition of the days gone by. The deputy
commissioners in the pre-partition era, at times, used to compile the
gazetteers particularly at the conclusion of settlements. A gazetteer was
considered the most sacred and authentic document in respect of any given district, and contained all the necessary information including, but not
limited to, people, places, and practices prevalent there. Like many other
good traditions, compiling gazetteer too has been put on the back burner for
there are many more urgent and pressing issues to deal with by the deputy
commissioners these days. Tenures, on the other hand, have become too small to attend to as demanding and time-taking a task as compiling a
comprehensive gazetteer. As a result, such an important source of
information has been lost. We, at Muzaffargarh, tried to redeem the tradition.
The fact that the district had completed 225 years of its existence further
warranted that a special edition might be brought out to commemorate the
same; hence this gazetteer. However, merely doing what our predecessors had done around a century ago was not enough; something more and
contemporary needed to be done. We are therefore setting a new precedent.
Going with this era of information technology, we are launching an electronic
and online version too, with pictures, videos, graphs and more. This would
not only satisfy tastes of the present generation but would provide the information in more accessible and searchable form too. Also, it would be
easier for the newer lot of deputy commissioners to maintain and update the
gazetteer in this form.
DESIGNING THE LOGO In order to give Muzaffargarh in general and the District Administration in particular, an identity, it was decided to get a representative logo prepared
along modern lines. Ideas and designs were invited from general public for
the purpose through media. Finally, on the basis of input so received, a logo
was designed with the help of professional designers. It all took hard work,
and a lot of back-and-forth consultation, of around 5 months. The logo was unveiled on August 31, 2019 on the eve of the Shan-e-Muzaffargarh Awards
in the Jinnah Hall, which was also inaugurated the same day.
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ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INDUSTRIAL ESTATE As stated above, Muzaffargarh is one of the least developed districts not only
in the region but the entire province, with majority of the population
undertaking, or connected to, subsistence farming, in one way or the other. Industry is practically limited to few units only, and has thus not been able
to have greater impact on the economic lives of the people around. Such a
situation could not be reversed without any extraordinary or out-of-box
intervention. On the other hand, the District Administration neither had the
capacity nor resources to make any such intervention. However, it decided to take advantage of Muzaffargarh’s strategic location. The effort was fully
supported, rather led by, the then Commissioner Dera Ghazi Khan, Tahir
Khursheed, who had himself been a deputy commissioner in Muzaffargarh,
and therefore had a special affiliation for the district. A piece of state land
measuring 400 acres was identified on Muzaffargarh–Dera Ghazi Khan Road
for the purposes of establishing an industrial park, and an on-site presentation was made to the then Chairman Planning Department, who was
heading to Dera Ghazi Khan on February 18, 2019 on an official assignment.
It was proposed that an industrial park comprising big and small industrial
units, along with allied facilities such as an IT/Engineering University, a
vocational training center, a workshop, an exhibition center etc., shall be established there. It was said that it would be first such park in the South
Punjab, situated at a distance of maximum two hours from Rajanpur,
Bahawalpur, Dera Ghazi Khan, Layyah, Muzaffargarh and Multan.
Furthermore, it was easily accessible from Sindh and Baluchistan too. Since
the state land was available on almost all sides, there was also room for
future expansion. It was further argued that the proposed park could turn around the economy of entire region and not merely Muzaffargarh.
Furthermore, besides providing higher education as well as technical
training, it would also provide employment opportunities to the locals on
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large scale. The Chairman Planning Department gave his nod right away.
Later, the proposal was formally sent to him by the Commissioner office. To
our good fortune, Mr. Tahir Khursheed got posted as Secretary Industries after a few weeks. No wonder, when the 2019-20 budget was finally
announced, establishment of an Industrial Park, through public-private
partnership, had been made part of the next Annual Development Plan of the
province.
RENOVATION AND REHABILITATION OF THE FAYYAZ PARK
Fayyaz Park is the only public park in the city. It was established on the site
of the old Deputy Commissioner House in mid 1980s. Originally spanning over an area of 57 kanals and 13 marlas, it has now squeezed to 43 kanals.
Over the time, it too had become a picture of utter neglect. A big portion of
the park had virtually become junkyard for the out of order vehicles and
other equipment of the District Council. The grass cover had mostly lost. Tree growth was haphazard and unplanned. In the absence of appropriate
watering arrangement, the soil was increasingly becoming affected by
salinity. Benches and poles were damaged or missing. Swings, slides and the
like, meant for the kids, were broken. The track and pathways were in
disrepair. Worse still, parts of the park had become sanctuary for the drug
users. Other immoral activities were reportedly also taking place, especially at odd hours. All of this meant that the residents of Muzaffargarh city had
been deprived of their only park due to the sheer neglect of those concerned.
A comprehensive project for the rehabilitation and improvement of the park
was prepared in the first half of 2019 with the help of the engineers,
horticulturists and other experts on the pattern of leading parks of Lahore
and Multan, and the work was started forthwith. Extensive cleansing was
carried out and entire junk was removed. New pathways/tough pavers were schematically constructed. A layer of 6 inches’ sweet soil was laid down in
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the entire park. Grass was especially procured from Patoki, and was planted
by their workmen. Shrubs were removed; and aging and worthless trees were
replaced with newer and better ones. Underground network of pipes, with sprinklers, was laid down for watering purposes. Victorian benches as well
as lamp posts were fitted, and the entire park was properly lit up. A special
and exclusive area was designated and developed for families and children,
and swings, merry-go-round and other playing equipment were installed.
New toilets were constructed. The adjoining mosque was rehabilitated.
Proper parking areas were created. Outer wall was replaced with fence to give more openness to the park and to enable passers-by as well as motorists to
enjoy the greenery and the freshness from a distance too. A canteen was also
being established. Similarly, gazebos were being installed at 4-5 points. And
above all, a proper jogging track was laid down all along the outer boundary
to introduce and promote healthy habits among the residents of the city. It was hoped visiting Fayyaz Park would eventually become a true fun-filled
family activity for the people of Muzaffargarh.
RENOVATION AND REHABILITATION OF THE YADGAR CLUB Yadgar Club, formerly known as
Victoria Memorial Hall, has been explained in detail in the chapter
titled as ‘Places of Interest’. The club
has even been mentioned in the 1929
gazetteer and is probably the only
surviving building of historical significance in the midst of the
Muzaffargarh city. Over the time, the
club had also become a picture of
neglect and had practically been abandoned by the general public. A project
of its comprehensive renovation and rehabilitation was therefore launched
by the District Administration in 2019 at the completion of which it would be opened for the citizenry with added facilities. The club would comprise
one hall, six rooms, a swimming pool, a jogging track and facilities for indoor
as well as outdoor games such as table tennis, badminton, lawn tennis,
squash etc. The out-of-order clock in the clock tower of the club was also
retrieved for repair by experts brought in from Karachi. No wonder, one day the tolls of its bells would be heard all across the city every hour – a feature
which presumably was not there in the tower even in its original form – thus
creating a fascinating environment. The contract for a catering service was
also awarded through the prescribed procedure so that food could also be
served to the members and their families on the pattern of such clubs
existing in other bigger cities of Punjab. It was further envisaged that the club would rather go a step ahead and unlike other such clubs, open its
doors to non-members/ordinary citizens and their families too, at least on
the weekends. The club was a common asset of all the residents of
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Muzaffargarh, and should therefore not be reserved for the privileged classes
alone, believed the District Administration.
Soft opening of the Club was carried out on October 3, 2019 when dinner for
the delegates of the Children Literature Festival was held there.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A WILDLIFE PARK AT THE TALIRI
BAGH Taliri Bagh is statedly the first and the oldest garden of Muzaffargarh spanning over 246 kanals and 7 marlas, in the east of the city, and finds a
mention in the 1929 gazetteer too. It has been explained in detail in an earlier
chapter of this gazetteer too. Once known for the quality of its dates all
across the country, unfortunately no one today in the entire Muzaffargarh seemed to know its true historical significance. Even otherwise too, the Bagh
was in extremely debilitated condition. There was no system of care or
watering in place. The trees had become old and aging, and lacked in fruit. There were shrubs and bushes all over the place. People had made pathways crisscrossing the entire garden, at least one of which was a pacca road.
Nomads had made their dwellings, i.e. jhuggis, at some places. The
neighbouring sabzi mandi had also been encroaching upon the adjoining
areas of the Bagh primarily for parking and dumping purposes. The nearby
settlement, i.e. basti, was also extending its boundaries into the Bagh.
In view of the historical significance of the Bagh, a comprehensive
renovation/rehabilitation plan was devised and launched by the District Administration. The area of the Bagh was clearly demarcated with the help
of revenue staff; the nomadic and other settlements were removed, and in order to secure it from encroachments for all times to come, construction of a boundary wall was started. A room for watchmen/chowkidars was also to
be constructed. Similarly, water source, i.e. tube well as well as water
channels, would also be built. Lighting and other arrangements would be
made too. Not only this but an understanding with the Wildlife Department
was arrived at – whose team visited the venue twice – by virtue of which herbivores and other compatible animals, such as deer, antelopes, blue bulls (nil gai), peacocks etc., would be provided once the construction phase was
over. The ultimate objective was to convert the Bagh into a small wildlife park
where uncaged animals would be kept in their natural habitat for the
education and recreation of people of Muzaffargarh as well as the
neighbouring districts.
RECONSTRUCTION OF KASHMIR ROAD The project of dualisation of the main road which enters Muzaffargarh from Multan side and reaches up to the katchehri chowk had been initiated at a
cost of Rs. 258 million in 2015 but had later become unfunded/abandoned.
As a result, such an important road in the midst of the city was in extremely
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debilitated condition, with lots of potholes, and gave a very bad impression
of the city to the visitors. Unfortunately, the cost had now risen to over Rs.
400 million making it even more difficult to redeem the project. Anyways, the matter was taken afresh with the Communication and Works (C&W)
Department, and after persistent and personal follow-up at the highest level,
the revised PC-II was prepared and forwarded to the Planning and
Development Department. The Provincial Development Working Party
(PDWP) meeting was then especially attended by the officers of District
Administration, alongside those of the C&W Department, to plead the case in person. The project was finally approved at revised cost, and was to be
completed in next 3 years. A token allocation of 9 million was also made for
2019-20. Consequently, the work was resumed on the dualisation project.
It may further be mentioned here that the same road was later named as
Kashmir Road by the District Administration in August 2019, in consultation
with all stakeholders of the city, to express solidarity with the Kashmir cause
in the wake of annexation of the state by the Indian Government.
ESTABLISHMENT OF JINNAH AUDITORIUM It was believed that the city should
have a modern and fully equipped
auditorium to undertake cultural,
academic and other such activities; a place where guest
speakers, performers,
academicians, intellectuals and
the like could also be invited with
pride. Eventually, an auditorium fitted with around 300 folding
auditorium chairs and air-
conditioning facilities was built
within the premises of the District
Council office and was named after Jinnah – the founder of Pakistan. It was
formally inaugurated on August 31, 2019 by Mr. Tassaduq Hussain Jilani, former Chief Justice of Pakistan, and the same evening the ceremony of
Shan-e-Muzaffargarh Awards was held there.
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RENOVATION AND REHABILITATION OF FAISAL STADIUM A comprehensive scheme
was launched to rehabilitate
and upgrade the only cricket
stadium of the city, and to
make it good enough for holding first class matches.
With this aim in view, the old
ground was dug up, and was
refilled with sweet soil from
the river bed; it was levelled
with the help of a laser leveler and road roller; grass was brought from Patoki;
soil for the pitch was arranged from Nandipur; and a PCB curator was brought in for the pitch preparation. Finally, the ground was inaugurated by
way of a friendly match between Muzaffargarh Eleven and Multan Eleven, on
October 12, 2019 which ended on the victory of Muzaffargarh.
PREPARATORY WORK FOR THE MALL OF MUZAFFARGARH In order to provide the city a modern market place, a plan of constructing Mall of Muzaffargarh was prepared. A piece of 8 kanals of land at Kashmir
Road in the midst of city owned by the Municipal Committee was identified
and earmarked for the purpose. The plan, as originally envisaged, had a
basement for parking purposes as well as 4 storeys. The top most storey was
to be used for a food court, with a variety of food outlets, in order to cater for
the dining needs of the city populace. An advertisement was accordingly given in national media seeking interested parties. Even though a few parties
showed their interest, yet no understanding could be arrived at. In the light
of their concerns, however, the proposed design as well as terms and
conditions were revised and procurement proceedings were started afresh.
The proceedings were still underway at the time of the finalisation of the
gazetteer.
BECOMING THE FIRST OPEN DEFECATION FREE (ODF)
DISTRICT OF PAKISTAN The importance of safe water, sanitation facilities and hygienic environment
cannot be overemphasized, yet it remains largely a neglected area all across
the country. Muzaffargarh was no different either. It was rather ranked at
35th number out of the 36 districts, on this account, at least in Punjab. The Government of Punjab had embarked upon an ambitious Water Sanitation
& Hygiene Sector Development Plan (2016-2026), whereby the access of
community to toilet facilities was to be increased in a bid to decrease, and
eventually, eliminate open defecation. The District Administration
Muzaffargarh decided to take lead in this largely ignored, yet important,
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matter too. All relevant stakeholders were taken on board, and through the
joint efforts of District Administration, the Housing, Urban Development &
Public Health Engineering Department, and implementing partner, WaterAid, Muzaffargarh had the honour of becoming the first Open
Defecation Free (ODF) district not only of Punjab but of Pakistan. Formal
announcement to this effect was made on November 27, 2019 in a
ceremony held at the Jinnah Hall, Muzaffargarh. (Compare this with the
fact that not too long ago, it was ranked at second last number in the entire
province.) The district has now achieved the unique status where all the households have access to toilets. However, to reap maximum benefits from
the exercise, behavior change at individual as well as community levels is,
and remains, a pre-requisite.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A BUS STAND The city did not have even a single approved and well-equipped bus/wagon
stand to cater for the needs of the general public. A few unregistered
bus/wagon stands were, however, functioning in the city and exploiting the
public without providing necessary facilities in return. Establishment of a
modern and well-equipped bus/wagon stand was therefore the need of the
time. It was also found out that a few years ago, a project of construction and establishment of a stand was initiated close to the Yadgar Club, but was left
in the middle. The place was now being used by private transporters mostly
for parking their vehicles and other related purposes. The place was
retrieved; a design of a stand with all necessary facilities was approved after
requisite consultation; and the civil works were accordingly initiated.
At the same time, for the long term solution of the traffic and transport
issues, a proposal for establishment of bigger bus stand on Mehmoodkot Road, outside the city area, was prepared and got included in the master
plan of Muzaffargarh which was being implemented as part of the Punjab
Intermediate Cities Improvement Investment Program by the Asian
Development Bank funding.
PREPARATION OF MASTER PLAN FOR MUZAFFARGARH It may not be out of place to mention here that the District Administration
Muzaffargarh also identified and pointed out a big anomaly in the Punjab
Intermediate Cities Improvement Investment Program whereby the civil
works were being initiated prior to making master plans for the target cities.
In our opinion, it was tantamount to putting the cart before the horse, and could lead to many practical problems later on. The District Administration
therefore insisted that master plans should be made prior to making any
interventions. Our efforts bore fruit and in a meeting, held in Lahore, our
team was able to convince the local as well as foreign staff working on the
program on the need of preparing a master plan of Muzaffargarh as well as
other target cities well before undertaking other interventions.
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LAUNCHING AWAMI DASTAR KHAWAAN The District Administration, in
collaboration with the management
of Mahmood Group/Mahmood
Textile Mills Ltd., launched public dining, Awami Dastar Khawaan,
with effect from October 1, 2019. The
initiative was based on the desire
that no one from the poor and the
destitute of Muzaffargarh should
sleep with empty stomach at night.
Though it started with dining arrangements for 150-200 persons initially in the lawn of the former District Council office, after the Maghreb every day, the initiative was to be expanded
in future depending upon the number of the guests. It was further ensured
that only good quality and hygienically cooked food was served and that too
in an honourable manner.
FORT MUNRO RESTHOUSE The inhabitants of Muzaffargarh hardly have any excursion or recreational
facility. However, to their good fortune, not only Fort Munro, a hill station, is
situated at a close distance but also a big rest house owned by the District
Council Muzaffargarh is situated there. Unfortunately, the rest house had fallen into disrepair, and lacked in appropriate furniture and other necessary
facilities. Worse still, there was no mechanism in place for the inhabitants of
Muzaffargarh to get the rooms booked in the rest house.
A project of repair and rehabilitation of the rest house was therefore
embarked upon, as a part of which the replacement of furniture was also
initiated in phases. In addition, the mess and kitchen were to be repaired as
well to make quality in-house dining facilities available to the visitors, on
affordable rates. And above all, the arrangements were put into place whereby any residents of Muzaffargarh could get the room booked in the rest
house through the Deputy Commissioner office, on first come first serve
basis.
ESTABLISHMENT OF OIL CITY AT MEHMOODKOT As stated in the earlier pages, Muzaffargarh houses the Mid Country Refinery
of PARCO at Mehmoodkot, which is the biggest oil refinery of Pakistan. The
Refinery caters for around half of the fuel needs of the country. The armed
forces of Pakistan, in particular, depend heavily on the Refinery for their
needs. It is therefore not an exaggeration to term the Refinery a life line for
the entire country.
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The presence of the Refinery in Mehmoodkot has in turn attracted many Oil
Marketing Companies (OMCs), which have established their storage depots
in and around the area. As regards the vehicular traffic, 350-400 tankers arrive here every day and up to 2000 tankers are present in Mehmoodkot on
an average on any given time. However, all of this is taking place without any
proper planning. As a result, the growth at the site has largely been
haphazard, unplanned and unregulated. In addition to other civic problems,
there is huge potential of occurrence of any untoward incident too. In the
absence of proper safety and relief/rescue arrangements, such an incident may engulf the entire area which, in all eventuality, would become no less
than a national disaster. Entire situation therefore warrants proper town
planning of the area keeping in view the existing facilities as well as the future
needs. Such a planning shall also entail comprehensive arrangements for
dealing with untoward incidents/emergency situations, which are non-existent at the moment. No wonder, one day, with proper planning in place,
Mehmoodkot might formally become the first Oil City of Pakistan.
Unfortunately, the District Administration neither has any expertise nor
resources, human as well as material, to undertake the aforementioned
planning which is undoubtedly a technical matter, and has to be carried out
by specialists/experts. In such a backdrop, Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority
(OGRA), being the regulatory agency of the oil sector, was formally requested
by the District Administration, in written, to take up the task, constitute a committee of experts and all stakeholders, dispatch them to the venue, get
proper town planning carried out and suggest strategy for its
implementation. It was further suggested that the Oil Companies Advisory
Council (OCAC) should also be taken on board which comprised members
from all 5 refineries as well as 25 OMCs operating in Pakistan, as already one of the stated objectives of OCAC was “Develop plans/suggestions to help
Government to streamline the oil and gas sector”. It was assured that the
District Administration would provide all sorts of support, as and when
required.
The OGRA responded by saying that it was not seized with the function of
town planning, and that the Deputy Commissioner as well as Chief Inspector
of Explosives were the ones responsible.
The matter was once again referred back by the District Administration to
the OGRA. It was said that there was no denying the fact that such matters ordinarily fell within the domain of the District Administration, yet such
strategic interests needed to be protected by all concerned irrespective of
areas/domain of jurisdiction. It was further said that it was not an ordinary
town planning the District Administration was seeking help in. Given the
enormity of task, and specific requirements of the oil sector, the District
Administration felt constrained as it neither had the resources nor the technical expertise to do justice to the task. It was also pointed out that the
preamble of the Oil and Gar Regulatory Authority Ordinance, 2002
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mentioned “effective and efficient regulations” and other “matters connected
therewith or incidental thereto” as the objective of establishment of the
OGRA. Still, it was suggested that the matter should not be seen in pure legal perspective; all stakeholders should rather take it up in good faith, and as
national duty, and join hands towards solving the problem. Only that given
the stature of the OGRA, it was requested to take a leading role in
safeguarding the national asset.
While the gazetteer was being penned down, the matter was still going back
and forth between the District Administration and the OGRA. One, however,
regrets here that precious time was being lost, and with every passing day
the situation was becoming worse. No wonder one day situation might reach point of no return and become so complicated that no one would be able to
put it right then.
REVIVAL OF POMEGRANATE CULTIVATION Pomegranate was once grown over large areas in Tehsil Alipur – on as many as 4000 acres according to one estimate. Even the 1929 gazetteer considers
them the best in the district. Further research reveals that those
pomegranates, especially the white variety, were considered the best not only
in the entire Punjab but even beyond, and had rather become the identity of
Alipur. However, a few decades ago, the crop started getting afflicted with an
unexplained disease whereby the fruits would start splitting up before ripening. Ordinary measures, and even the use of pesticides, did not cure the
disease. With no solution in sight, and after having borne successive losses,
the growers started shifting to other produce. And today, pomegranate is
hardly grown on around 400 acres. The District Administration therefore
decided to retrieve this lost glory too, and restore the pomegranate cultivation, and thereby the identity of Alipur. Upon its request, the
Agriculture Department, the Government of Punjab, constituted a committee
of experts to conduct a research into the causes of downfall of pomegranate
cultivation, and suggest remedial measures. The Secretary Agriculture
himself visited Muzaffargarh and chaired a meeting of all relevant
stakeholders. A comprehensive plan was devised and immediately put into place. It was envisaged that within next 3 years, the area under pomegranate
cultivation would be extended preferably up to 4000 acres. It was decided to
add a component of pomegranate revival into PC-1 of the project, "Promotion
of Fruits Crops Production in Punjab through Provision of Certified Plants".
It was further decided that nurseries would be established in Alipur with a capacity of producing around 8000 saplings to be provided to the growers
free of cost or on nominal price. Awareness seminars were held in Alipur,
and active as well as potential growers were invited to attend the talks,
interact with the specialists, and get their apprehensions removed and
queries addressed. A databank of all the participants was also prepared for
networking and follow-up purposes.
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CONSTITUTION OF ACCIDENTS REVIEW COMMITTEE Road accidents are one of the leading causes of deaths worldwide, and
Pakistan is no exception. In fact, with more than 25000 traffic related deaths
annually, Pakistan has one of the largest numbers of such deaths in the
entire world. The number is much higher than those killed in terrorism,
which is considered the most serious and challenging problem the country has faced in recent years. However, not many in the country are seemed
perturbed or intend to take a meaningful action to check the trend. The
District Administration Muzaffargarh decided to take a lead on this account
too.
Major reasons for the road accidents could be attributed to poor road
engineering, deficient road fixtures and fittings, reckless driving, lack of road
safety awareness, improper law enforcement and unsafe pedestrian crossings, yet more reliable and precise data needed to be gathered for an
effective short term as well as long term actions. Accordingly, an Accidents
Review Committee comprising Secretary District Transport Authority, DSP
Traffic, Sub-Divisional Officer (Roads), District Emergency Officer (1122) as
well as Assistant Commissioner and Sub-Divisional Police Officer of the concerned tehsil. The secretariat of the committee was established in the
office of the Secretary District Transport Authority. The committee became
operative with effect from the first day of the year 2019, and started to review each and every accident taking place within the jurisdiction of each tehsil of
Muzaffargarh on site, which resulted in any death or serious injuries, and
took or suggested the remedial action. Furthermore, the data so collected
was to be continuously analysed to identify the pattern, causes, trends and vulnerable sites of road accidents. Long term preventive and corrective
actions were then to be taken or recommended accordingly. Soon the
initiative was taken note of by the Chief Minister office, and directions were
issued to other districts too to follow suit.
BAN ON USE OF CNG/LPG CYLINDERS IN PUBLIC SERVICE
VEHICLES
Every now and then accidents taking place due to illegal and faulty fitting of CNG/LPG were reported in the media, in which, more often than not,
precious human lives were lost because of fire or any other associated
reason. Many of such accidents involved school vans in which small children
were burnt to death. While no effective and sustained action was being taken
by the concerned departments and authorities, others did not seem
perturbed either. The District Administration Muzaffargarh decided to take up the matter with the OGRA through Secretary Transport Department,
Government of the Punjab in the larger interest of the general public
throughout Pakistan and wrote a formal letter on May 21, 2019. It was
pointed out that the cylinders were being fitted beneath the rear seats of the
public service vehicles in complete violation of the Motor Vehicles Rules 1969
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and Compressed Natural Gas Safety Rules 1992, endangering the lives of the
passengers. It was therefore proposed that a complete ban should be placed
in fixing of cylinders inside the passenger compartments or beneath the rear seats in such vehicles. The Secretary Transport Department referred the
matter onwards to the OGRA, which conveyed its concurrence to the proposal
on July 17, 2019, and instructed all the provincial governments as well as
the IG National Highways & Motorway Police to start a crackdown against
public service vehicles having CNG/LPG cylinders fitted inside the passenger
compartments. A campaign was started accordingly. However, the instructions so issued by the OGRA were later on suspended by the Lahore
High Court on a petition filed by the All Pakistan CNG Association. The
matter therefore came to a standstill and was sub judice at the time of the
finalization of the gazetteer.
ESTABLISHMENT OF INTENSIVE CARE UNIT (ICU) AT DHQ
MUZAFFARGARH The need for an Intensive Care Unit (ICU) for a hospital cannot be overemphasized.
Unfortunately, however, Muzaffargarh did not
have any such unit. In fact, some of the
neighbouring districts in South Punjab too did
not have ICUs. Serious patients from Muzaffargarh therefore had to be taken mostly to
Multan, if not beyond, for necessary medical
care. Under the auspices of District Health
Authority, Mehr Muhammad Iqbal, the MS DHQ Muzaffargarh, took lead in
this regard and established an ICU with necessary lifesaving equipment and
trained staff. It is now hoped that precious lives would be saved, many of whom were being lost, more often than not, due to lack of timely, high quality
and specialized medical care previously.
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUZAFFARGARH DIALYSIS SOCIETY
(MDS) There are around 200 known patients of
Chronic Renal Failure in Muzaffargarh who
require dialysis services on regular basis. Even though majority of these patients are
poor and non-affording, in this era of high
inflation and low income/savings, it is not even possible for those coming
from middle and higher strata of the society to afford such an expensive,
demanding and continuing treatment. On the other hand, the District Health Authority has limited means and resources only, which it has to allocate to
other aspects of health care too. It cannot therefore provide free dialysis
services to all the deserving patients, and that too throughout the year. As a
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result, many of the patients either have to spend their assets and savings on
their treatment or leave themselves at the mercy of the disease. Every time
they come to hospital for dialysis, they are uncertain whether they would get free dialysis service or not; and on many occasions, their worst fears come
true when they are told that the hospital has run out of the budget that had
been reserved for free dialysis and allied expenses. There was thus a need to
provide a sustainable solution by combining the resources of all relevant
government departments as well philanthropic individuals and organizations
from the private sector.
The Muzaffargarh Dialysis Society was established in the district under the
chairmanship of Deputy Commissioner with membership from the District Health Authority, Social Welfare Department, District Zakat Office, and
Pakistan Bait-ul-Mal. At the same time, as stated above, it had members
from the private sector too. The Society was registered with the Industries
Department, and housed at the District Headquarters Hospital (DHQ),
Muzaffargarh. It was hoped that the Society would take away at least few of the worries of such hapless patients by ensuring them concessional and on-
time dialysis. This was the minimum the District Administration as well as
the District Health Authority could do for the patients who already had to
live under miserable conditions and remain uncertain as to their future.
The over-all scope of work of the Society was decided as under:
1. The data bank of all patients requiring dialysis in Muzaffargarh would
be developed and maintained in soft as well as hard forms.
2. A tentative budget for the entire year would be worked out/estimated
on the basis of data so collected. 3. The resources/funds of all relevant departments such as the District
Health Authority, District Zakat Office, Social Welfare Department,
and Pakistan Bait-ul-Mal would be pooled up to do the planning well
in advance. Any shortfall would be overcome by the donations from
philanthropic individuals/organizations.
4. The affordability of every individual patient would be judged through a proper mechanism whereby his/her credentials and financial worth
would be ascertained, on ground, by the local revenue staff working
under the overall supervision of the concerned Assistant
Commissioner. The extent of concession/subsidy would be decided
accordingly. This measure alone would ensure that the funds are spent where they are needed the most. In other words, only truly
deserving patients would get free or concessional treatment, which
would make the entire exercise sustainable.
5. The Society would network with all other organisations working on
the same and/or similar agenda in the country so that assistance and
cooperation could be sought from them as and when required. Even patients could be also referred to them, if needed.
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6. The Society would also get continuous research conducted into the
prevalence of renal diseases in Muzaffargarh so that the root causes
could also be identified and addressed. Even otherwise too, as they
say, prevention is better than cure.
In order to ensure secure funding for the Society, Managing Director, Pakistan Bait-ul-Mal was reached out by the District Administration. The
Managing Director, on his part, visited Muzaffargarh on September 28, 2019
as a goodwill gesture to acknowledge and encourage the initiative, and
announced that thenceforth expenses of at least 50 patients would be borne
by the Bait-ul-Mal on permanent basis. The Muzaffargarh Dialysis Society
was formally launched on October 5, 2019 in the DHQ.
SETTING UP TRADITION OF A JOINT EID PRAYERS The true spirit of the
Eid Prayer is to have
the same at a central location where the
Muslims shall
participate in large
numbers,
irrespective of
sectarian or any other differences,
and exchange
pleasantries.
Unfortunately, however, over the time, a trend of arranging such prayers in
small gatherings at multiples places, based on one’s sect, has taken roots not only in Muzaffargarh but elsewhere in Pakistan too. Even ordinary
Muslim citizens find it convenient to offer such prayers in the neighbouring
ground or mosque. Wider consultation was therefore undertaken with religious leaders/ulemas of various sects as well as other stakeholders of the
city. It was decided that thenceforth the Eid prayers would be offered at a
central location where citizens from all schools of thought/backgrounds should be able to participate, and present a unified outlook. It was also
suggested that from accessibility, security, parking, spaciousness and other
points of view, hockey ground of the Government Post Graduate College
(Boys) was best suited for the purpose. Accordingly, the District
Administration made befitting arrangements for Eid-ul-Fitr as well as Eid-
ul-Azha. It was heartening to see that all stakeholders of the city, i.e. common citizenry, traders, doctors, lawyers, government officials, and above all, ulema – Sunni as well as Shia – participating in the prayers. The number of
participants also showed a marked increase on Eid-ul-Azha over Eid-ul-Fitr.
It was hoped that this tradition would flourish even more in the years to
come.
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SHAN-E-MUZAFFARGARH AWARDS In 225 years of its existence, Muzaffargarh had produced many men and
women of stature, who had left their marks on a variety of fields, nationally
as well as internationally, and had thereby brought pride to the city.
However, no record of such persons was available in consolidated form; nor
had the services of all of such persons been properly acknowledged at appropriate level in a befitting manner before. Many of such persons were
now deceased, or had taken up residence in other cities of Pakistan. A
decision was therefore made not only to locate all such persons but also to
bring them back home once again and acknowledge their services through
conferment of awards. An Awards Nomination Committee was therefore constituted comprising the Principal, Government Post Graduate College
(Boys), Principal Government Degree College for Women, Muzaffargarh, a
historian/representative of the civil society, Mr Khair Muhammad Budh, and
the District Information Officer, Muzaffargarh. While the Principal,
Government Post Graduate College (Boys) was declared the chair of the
committee, District Information Officer was to act as the secretary. Not only the committee itself undertook extensive research and consultation but
invited proposals from the general public through media too. The names of
the persons so selected, as well as the recommendation of the category of
award, was then forwarded to the District Administration, which then
reached out to all such nominees – even in the other parts of Pakistan – invited them to come over to Muzaffargarh to receive their awards, and made
logistic and other arrangements accordingly. In case a person had died, his
next of kin was located, reached out and requested to receive the award. The
ceremony of Shan-e-Muzaffargarh Awards was held on August 31, 2019 in
the Jinnah Hall, which was also inaugurated the same day. Never before
such a galaxy had assembled under one roof in the history of Muzaffargarh; nor had the residents of Muzaffargarh seen such a well-organized, well-
rehearsed and colourful ceremony at such a scale before. It was vowed that
the Shan-e-Muzaffargarh Awards would be made an annual feature not only
to acknowledge those who could not be given awards in the first ceremony
but also to encourage those who would win laurels for the city in future.
The list of the recipients of awards, along with the category/level of the award
conferred, is as follows:
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SHAN-E-MUZAFFARGARH AWARDS
RECEPIENT FIELD CATEGORY
Sardar Kaura Khan Jatoi (Philanthropist)
Public Service Nishan-e-Muzaffargarh
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan (Statesman)
Politics Nishan-e-Muzaffargarh
Justice (R) Tassaduq Hussain Jillani (Former Chief Justice)
Law and Justice Nishan-e-Muzaffargarh
Dr. Ijaz Ahmed Langrial (Senior Superintendent of Police, Shaheed)
Police/Martyr Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Jahanzeb Adnan (Major, Shaheed)
Army/Martyr Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Sardar Abdul Hamid Khan Dasti (Former Chief Minister Punjab)
Politics Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Malik Ghulam Mustafa Khar (Former Chief Minister/Governor, Punjab)
Politics Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Muhammad Ashraf Tabassam (Major General, Retired)
Army Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Hina Rabbani Khar (Former Foreign Minister)
Politics Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Pathanay Khan (Folk Singer)
Performing Arts Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Tauqeer Nasir (TV Artist)
Performing Arts Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Mian Afrasiab Mehdi Hashmi Qureshi (Ambassador)
Foreign Service of
Pakistan
Hilal-e-Muzaffargarh
Ghulam Haider Yateem Jatoi (Seraiki Poet)
Literature Sitara-e-Muzaffargarh
Kashafi Multani (Poet/Journalist)
Literature/
Journalism
Sitara-e-Muzaffargarh
Haji Jalal Uddin
(Worker Pakistan Movement)
Pakistan
Movement
Sitara-e-Muzaffargarh
Najia Rasul (Taekwondo)
Sports Tamgha-e-Muzaffargarh
Azhar Hussain (Wrestler)
Sports Tamgha-e-Muzaffargarh
Muhammad Fayyaz (Player, Pakistan Wheelchair Cricket Team)
Sports Tamgha-e-Muzaffargarh
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EDUCATIONAL INITIATIVES Like elsewhere in the province, and even in the country, the performance of
public schools in Muzaffargarh was far from satisfactory too. This was
despite the fact that overwhelming majority of school-going children were
attending public schools. Unless the standard of education was improved in
those public schools, in this era of high competition, there was no hope of a brilliant future for such children. Even otherwise too, provision of quality
education was one of the primary responsibilities of those who happen to be
at the helms of affairs at every level, be it local, provincial or federal.
Cognisant of its true importance, the District Administration Muzaffargarh
adopted education as one of its top priorities, and embarked upon a comprehensive strategy to introduce and promote quality education in the
public schools. The District Administration further believed that the schools
were there not only to impart education but to transform the entire
personality of a given child. The importance of co-curricular activities, aimed
at character building, was thus given equal, if not more, attention. Besides
routine measures, some of the most meaningful interventions have been
stated below:
CONSTITUTION OF STUDENTS COUNCILS IN PUBLIC
SCHOOLS In order to equip students with life skills such as confidence, management,
communication etc, and to revive co-curricular activities in public schools by
actively engaging students, the District Administration/District Education
Authority decided to constitute elected students councils in such schools. It was further envisaged that such an initiative would not only inculcate sense
of responsibility amongst the students but also introduce democracy and
democratic values at grassroots level, and that too in a country where
regrettably democracy has failed to take roots even after more than 70 years
of its establishment.
Since the term ‘students union’ had developed a negative connotation over
the time, the District Administration and the District Education Authority painstakingly avoided using it. Also no one wanted to give the impression of
‘unionism’ in our schools. Unlike students unions therefore, where students
with political inclinations/ambitions generally participated, the criteria for
students’ councils were such that only hardworking, capable and disciplined
students could participate and get elected.
In the pilot phase, the students’ councils were introduced in High and Higher
Secondary schools only. It was thought that once perfected, the concept
might be expanded to other schools too. Every council comprised President, Vice-President and General Secretary hailing respectively from the three
senior most classes of a school. Only those students were eligible to contest
the elections who had secured top three positions in last annual exams. In
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case of disinterest by anyone, next in line/merit became eligible. Similarly,
high attendance, punctuality, and good conduct were also included in the
criteria to ensure that only the best students in all respects could come forth
for the elections.
As regards the elections, the schedule was announced well in advance to enable eligible and interested students to run their campaigns for at least
one week. On the day of the elections, which were held simultaneously in the
entire district, election symbols, ballot papers, voting screens, ballot boxes,
polling agents, etc. were all used to give students as much experience of
elections held at higher levels as possible. A senior teacher acted as the
Election Commission to oversee the process, and to take and address complaints/election petitions, if any. The responsibilities of the students’
councils so elected were decided as under:
a) To become a role model for other students by exhibiting best
discipline, performance, conduct and character. b) To arrange co-curricular activities such as Bazm-e-Adab,
speech/debate, essay writing, painting, sports and other such
competitions. c) To lead special initiatives such as promotion of book reading
amongst the students, improvement of writing skills, green
schools, etc.
d) To guide/encourage on how to access the online magazine, Roshni, and how to contribute to the same.
e) To help the school administration in maintaining discipline at the campus.
f) To assist the school administration on special occasions such as
parents’ day, sports day, annual functions, August 14 events and
more.
g) To communicate the problems faced by the students, and their
opinions on various issues, to the school administration. h) To convey the messages/announcements by the school
administration to the students, as and when needed.
i) To guide the new comers/fresh admissions.
j) Other responsibilities as and when assigned.
In order to ensure that no aspect/element was ignored while simulating
general elections, the office bearers of students’ councils were even
administered a formal oath before assuming their responsibilities. A central ceremony was held at Government Girls High School Khursheed Abad,
Muzaffargarh, with none other than the Minister for School Education
himself administering the oath, and whereby the elected members vowed not
only to serve their fellow students and assist their teachers but also to forget
the bitterness of the past, if any, and take along those who had contested elections against them. Similar ceremonies were held in other tehsil
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headquarters simultaneously too where the Assistant Commissioners
administered oath to those elected.
REVIVAL/PROMOTION OF BOOK READING HABITS It is admitted at all hands that the book reading culture is on its way out
from our society, in general, and children, in particular. Children today are
more interested in making use of, and enjoy, electronic gadgets such as
computers, mobiles, video games and the like. As a result, they are not
getting benefitted from the useful knowledge available in hard form. There are thus genuine fears that the disconnect from book reading might also
disconnect them from their history. Furthermore, children are deprived of
learning those social, moral and religious values which one used to learn
once from the books. True that they are exposed to wealth of knowledge
available on the internet but knowledge so acquired can at best be declared vast but not deep. Finally, as they say, the printed word leaves a longer
lasting impact than a word communicated electronically. If this challenge of
dying book reading culture is not addressed in earnest, no wonder it would
be lost once and for all from amongst our younger generation, it is feared.
The District Administration and the District Education Authority decided to
take this challenge head-on too. After much deliberation, it was agreed that
an intervention for the purpose would be made at the level of class VI in
public schools as the students at this stage were mature enough to do the reading on their own, on one hand and on the other, were still in the age
where their habits were being formed. The intervention entailed exposing the
students to book reading compulsorily for a period of one year at the end of
which, it was expected, that a good percentage would have developed the
habit of book reading and continue it for the rest of their lives. Main features
of the project were as under:
1. The project was led by the Urdu teachers in public schools. 2. Quality and traditional magazines such as Taleem-o-Tarbiat,
Naunehal etc. were used for the purpose. There were multifarious
reasons to give preference to a magazine over a book some of which
were as follows:
A magazine was usually more illustrative, colourful and
attractive than a book. The diversity of contents catered for all moods and
preferences. One could read a story, a poem, a joke, an
anecdote or any other such item depending upon one’s mood
and the available time.
The length of individual contents happened to be such that
one could easily read them in one sitting. Character building was one of the objectives/integral
components of the afore-mentioned reputed magazines since
generations.
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3. Corresponding with 4 weeks of a month, each class VI of a public
school was divided into reading circles comprising 4 children each,
and each reading circle used to be provided one copy of the selected magazine on the first working day of every month. Each of these 4
children in every group was supposed to keep the possession of the
magazine for one week, thus completing the rotation in 28 days.
4. The order of handing over the magazine was required to be changed
every month. For example, a student in a reading circle who got
magazine last of all in one month might get the magazine in the first week in the next month, and so on.
5. Once the 28 days’ cycle was complete, the rest of 2-3 days of the
month were to be utilised by the relevant Urdu teacher to arrange
discussions amongst the children in the Urdu period on the contents
of the magazine and the learnings which the students had made, such as what did they like the most, what they did not like, any new
word or term they learnt, and other things of the sort. Those
discussions were in fact used as a subtle tool to encourage and
appreciate those students who had been reading the magazine
attentively and were thus able to take active part in discussions, and
make others, who had not done the task of reading at all or had done so halfheartedly, realise that they should also do justice to the task
in future. However, while doing so, it was to be ensured that the
students took the exercise of book reading not as a burden but as a
joyful activity.
6. It was also expected that not only the students who kept the custody of magazine for a week would read the magazine but their brothers
and sisters at home would also get an opportunity to do so. In other
words, we were targeting our students as well as their siblings
through this campaign of promotion of book reading.
7. Once the reading cycle was complete every month, the magazines
were placed in library so that the students of other classes could access them too.
LAUNCHING OF THE ONLINE MAGAZINE, ROSHNI It was further thought that merely book reading would not achieve the
required results. In order to truly inculcate the love of literature in our children and polish their skills, a platform should also be made available to
them to express themselves and give vent to their creativity, critical thinking
and imagination. Also, needless to say here, unless used, a skill remains
latent only and might even be lost. After thorough deliberations, it was
decided that in this age of information technology such a platform should
ideally be web-based as it would not only save costs but would also give greater flexibility. Moreover, there would be no space constraints for the contributors. Accordingly, Roshni, an online magazine, was launched on May
2, 2019 for the students of the public schools in Muzaffargarh, where the
students could send their contributions of all types and genres, such as
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stories, essays, jokes, poetry, paintings, news and the like, through their
respective school administrations. It was also decided that students would
be engaged at all stages of magazine preparation, i.e. writing, editing, proof reading etc., to give them relevant exposure, and editorial committees were notified accordingly. The Roshni also had the honour of being the first online
magazine for the children in Pakistan.
PROMOTION OF URDU Urdu, unfortunately, is increasingly becoming irrelevant in this era of information technology and globalisation. The younger generation is
gradually drifting away from it, and prefers to learn and use English, where
possible. Something extraordinary needed to be done, at all levels, otherwise
our national language might totally become irrelevant in the coming decades.
With this background, the District Administration Muzaffargarh embarked
upon a comprehensive strategy whereby the students of public school were exposed to Urdu reading and writing through aforementioned tools of
promotion of book culture, launching of online magazine and the like. It was
believed that such interventions would, in all likelihood, give a new lifeline to
Urdu, at least to the extent of Muzaffargarh.
CHILDREN LITERATURE FESTIVAL The efforts aimed at inculcating love for
literature in younger children reached
their climax in holding of a 2-day Children
Literature Festival in collaboration with the Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi in
Muzaffargarh on October 3-4, 2019.
Oxfam and Oxford University Press were
amongst other leading collaborators.
The festival which was held at Sardar
Kaurey Khan Higher Secondary School,
offered a variety of activities such as book
reading, storytelling, theatre, robotics, panel discussions, tableaus, folk
performances, screening of
documentaries, sessions on rights
awareness, personal hygiene, self-
protection, and more. A large number of
book stalls were also established at the venue and so were those depicting arts and crafts and selling food items. Furthermore, in order to ensure
participation of maximum number of students, transport arrangements were
made for school children of the city as well as neighboring areas.
First of its kind, the festival turned out to be huge success as not only
students from the public and private schools but also their family members
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as well as other citizens participated in large numbers. They were all
delighted that such a literature festival, which was previously considered a
prerogative of the bigger and developed cities only, had reached Muzaffargarh
too for the good of their children and others.
GREEN SCHOOLS INITIATIVE The initiative, led by Malik Masood Nadeem, the CEO District Education
Authority, was based on the premise that love of nature should be developed
amongst our children during their formative years, and no place could be better than schools for the purpose. Even otherwise too the challenge of
depleting forest cover at hand was so enormous that each and every member
of the society, including our children, needed to be mobilized.
‘Green or Grey’ was the guiding principle set for the initiative meaning
thereby that no part or patch in our schools should be left unattended. The
schools were required to convert as many places into green areas as possible
by using grass covers or by planting plants and trees; the rest of the areas might be converted into grey areas such as footpath, roads, tough
tiles/pavers, etc. depending upon their usage. As regards the funding
arrangement, only minimal funds were required for the purpose which
individual schools could spare from their regular funds or Non-Salary
Budgets (NSBs). Furthermore, resources of relevant departments such as
Agriculture, Forestry and the like could also be tapped, and joint ventures
and other such arrangements could be made, where possible.
The objectives of the Green Schools initiative were set as follows:
1. To inculcate love of nature, in general, and habit of gardening, in particular, in our children.
2. To use the safe/protected premises of public schools for enhancing
forest cover in the country.
3. To make public schools play a lead role in creating a green movement
in the country.
Other important features of the initiative were as under:
1. A subject of gardening was to be introduced at an appropriate level,
i.e. primary class, in public schools.
2. The subject would have theoretical as well as practical components.
3. Given the weather pattern, this subject was to be taught for 3 months either in September-November or February-April or both trimesters
each year, to avoid exposing children to extremes of weathers.
4. The period of this subject was to be held at the end of the day so that
children did not have to come back to classes if their hands or clothes
got dirty. However, gloves, aprons and other protective gear as well as necessary gadgets/equipment for gardening chores were required to
be arranged for the children by the schools as matter of precaution.
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5. Reading material/guide books were created for the purpose by
consulting the material available on the subject with the help of
teachers who themselves had ample interest and background knowledge on the issue.
6. Deforestation, agriculture, kitchen gardening, pollution and other
environment related topics constituted contents of the course.
7. It was envisaged that the students would join the gardeners of schools
to assist them in their jobs and keep their schools green.
8. The students were to be assigned plants/trees which they would look after during their stay at school. The plants/trees would thereafter be
allotted to other students after the graduation of the earlier students.
9. Cluster approach was followed for the purpose whereby nurseries
were developed in the biggest school of a given cluster of schools.
Those nurseries provided healthy saplings, and their replacements, to other schools of the cluster on need basis.
10. Generally, plantation was carried out along boundary walls, walk
ways, and other appropriate places without affecting, or
compromising on, the playgrounds of the children.
11. Schools were required to ensure allied arrangements such as
watering, sweet soil, laser leveling, when required, and more. 12. Another focus of this subject was on promoting ‘organic’ practices.
The children were to be taught the side effects of using pesticides,
insecticides, and chemical fertilizers, and the need of resorting to
their natural alternatives.
13. Annual prizes were to be announced for the high performers to
promote healthy competition amongst the students. 14. Local species as well as fruit trees were used for plantation. It was
decided that the fruits, on ripening, would be distributed to school
children to share the ‘fruits of their toil’ with them. In addition, the
children would be encouraged to distribute those fruits amongst the
poor and the destitute of the society, residing around the schools or
their homes, to promote alms giving and compassion in them.
As part of the initiative, majority of the public schools of Muzaffargarh got their grounds levelled through the use of manual labour, tractors – and in
some instances – even laser levellers. A large number of schools arranged
sweet soil from the river bed. Similarly, watering arrangements were made in
almost all the schools. Subsequently, nurseries were established in 42 out of
65 clusters of schools in the district. More than 40,000 saplings were
prepared for plantation. Preference was given to local species such as Sukhchen, Dharek, Sunbal, Arjun, Shahtoot, Kachnar, Neem, Bakain, Shesham, Jaaman, and Amaltas. These nurseries provided healthy saplings,
and their replacements, to other schools of the cluster, as and when required.
The District Education Authority was very upbeat, and believed that the
initiative did not have any parallel in the country.
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IMPOSITION OF EXAM EMERGENCY – EXAMERGENCY In view of the then upcoming exams season, the exams’ emergency with the name of ‘Examergency’ was imposed in the public schools in Muzaffargarh
on January 1, 2019 for the next 3 months. Even though all classes were to
be given due attention, yet, since results of exams of 9th and 10th classes
mostly determined the eventual career of the students, special focus was laid on students of those classes. Following measures were adopted as part of the
campaign:
i. Detailed profile of every student was prepared by the In-charge
teacher in a separate register in consultation with other concerned
teachers stating, amongst other details, the student’s strengths and
weaknesses in every subject, and updated the same every now and
then after due consultation in order to ensure that the strong points
were being further polished whereas weak points were being rectified, in true earnest. The register was kept readily available for inspection
by the senior authorities.
ii. Lesson plans were prepared by keeping in view the needs of the
students, complexity of the subjects and other such factors for the
left-over time, and strictly adhered to. iii. Extra/special classes were held after regular school hours, and
teachers were motivated to give additional time and attention to the
students. However, even though teachers were expected to extend
cooperation in the larger interest of the students, it still remained a
voluntary exercise only and no teacher was forced against his/her
will to participate. In fact, corrective action was taken in instances where any form of coercion was reported.
iv. Modern teaching and assessment tools were adopted during the
campaign. Furthermore, mock exams and other such exercises were
held frequently to acquaint the students with the exam
conditions/pattern. v. Parents were also taken on board too as to the preparation of their
children for exams through the use of Parent-Teachers meetings and
other such means, and their cooperation was sought as and where
needed. They were further requested to keep proper supervision at
homes too during those defining months of their children.
vi. Officers of the District Administration as well as the District Education Authority visited the schools in their respective
jurisdictions regularly and extensively to supervise the activities
undertaken as part of the campaign. They even took up teaching, in
some instances, to express solidarity with the teachers and the
students and to infuse further energy in the campaign. The Deputy Commissioner too, besides carrying out visits of the public schools in
the length and breadth of the district, adopted Government High
School Talkot in Muzaffargarh city, and not only visited the school
regularly to keep close supervision but also took classes occasionally.
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vii. Midway assessment of the campaign was held one month prior to the
annual exams by taking mock exams on the pattern of the actual
Board exams. The principals, headmasters/headmistresses, and teachers who could not show satisfactory results were reprimanded
and made to put extra effort compulsorily during the rest of the time
left to the exams.
viii. A grading system was also introduced whereby the heads of schools
as well as all concerned teachers were awarded grades on the pattern
of grading system used for the students. It was thus open for others to see performance of each and every individual head or teacher of
the district. It was believed it would act as subtle tool for pushing
heads and teachers to action and keeping a close supervision on
them. Also, in case of poor results, it was possible for them to work
hard with their students in future, show better results and get their grades changed, which was in fact the true spirit and purpose of this
particular measure.
ix. Complete ban was imposed on teachers on providing tuition to the
students at home and/or in academies till the conclusion of the Board
exams. The delinquents were to be proceeded against on disciplinary
grounds under the Punjab Employees Efficiency, Discipline and
Accountability (PEEDA) Act, 2006 and other relevant laws and rules.
Before imposition of the ‘Examergnecy’, a detailed meeting was held with the
officers of the District Administration and the District Education Authority
as well as the heads of all High and Higher Secondary schools of the district.
They were taken on board as to the true aims and objectives of the initiative,
and were motivated to get down to action right away. They were clearly
conveyed that substantial improvement would have to be shown over results
of the past years, especially the preceding one, and anything less than that was to be rated as poor or unsatisfactory performance. The heads of the
schools were further asked to hold such meetings with teachers of their
respective schools too. However, in order to doubly ensure that there was no
lack of communication, and that the spirit of the campaign got conveyed to
each and every teacher, no matter at how far flung a place, a letter from the Deputy Commissioner was addressed and delivered to every individual
teacher.
NAYA SAAL NAHIN; NAYA DAUR All the initiatives
mentioned above were not
inaugurated or
launched in bits
and pieces. Had it
been so, much difference would
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not have been made. It was rather decided that those initiatives would be
components of a larger and well-coordinated reform strategy, which would
then be implemented all at once to have maximum impact. It was such a comprehensive plan that it was given a slogan “Naya Saal Nahin; Naya Daur”
ا دور) ی ں، ن ہی ا سال ن ی and was unveiled on May 2, 2019, at the eve of start of new (ن
academic year in public schools. The slogan meant that it was not merely the new academic year that was setting in, it was all ushering in a whole new
era. The fact was that all those initiatives were taking place in the public
schools at such a large scale and in such a coordinated way, probably for the
first time, in the province, if not beyond. The news had already reached
Lahore, wherefrom the Minister for School Education especially came to
personally preside such a historic moment. The office bearers of school councils of dozens of public schools of the city area were administered oath
by the Minister; first bundles of magazines were distributed to the schools’ heads for the book reading initiative; Roshni, the online magazine, was
launched electronically by a click; and more.
All the above initiatives, in general, and the imposition of ‘Examergency’, in
particular, bore immense fruits. When the results of matriculation exams
were announced, amongst all 36 districts of Punjab, Muzaffargarh topped
the tables with a record 91.4 % results. Overwhelming majority of schools showed improved results over last year. It was matter of more consolation for
the Deputy Commissioner that the school adopted by him, Government High
School Talkot, showed the maximum improvement over the last year, that is
from 52.63 in 2018 to 88.24 in 2019. All those heads, teachers and students
who had shown extra-ordinary performances were invited to a special
ceremony and awarded prizes. No wonder their joint effort would eventually translate into hundreds of more doctors, engineers, IT experts, business
graduates and other professionals from amongst the children of
Muzaffargarh in the times to come, Inshallah.
PREPARING ASPIRANTS FOR COMPETITIVE EXAMS Owing to the lack of exposure as well as proper guidance, not many students hailing from Muzaffargarh appear for federal as well provincial competitive
exams; hardly a few succeed. As a result, the share of Muzaffargarh in the
civil service is negligible. It was therefore decided that proper training courses
would be designed and run for the aspirants at the Government Postgraduate
College (Boys) at minimal fee. Accordingly, meetings were held with the Secretary Higher Education Department in Lahore twice, who finally not only
gave the requisite permission, but travelled all the way to Muzaffargarh,
along with the Minister for Higher Education, on August 8, 2019 to endorse
the initiative and inaugurate the classes, in a public ceremony held in the
college auditorium. The main features of the course were envisaged as
follows:
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Two courses of around 4 months each would be run in a year.
An entry test would be held to select appropriate number of aspirants
through a transparent process. All residents of Muzaffargarh, including students, working professionals as well as those seeking
jobs were eligible to apply.
Classes would be held five days a week, but after working hours to
ensure maximum participation of the students and other aspirants.
Two types of faculty members would be associated with the suggested
course: Compulsory subjects would primarily be taught by the subject specialists already available in the Government Post
Graduate College (Boys) and the Government Degree College for
Women, Muzaffargarh. In addition, visiting faculty would be created
out of the CSS/PCS/PMS officers posted in and around Muzaffargarh
as well as permanent faculty of the Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan and the Ghazi University, Dera Ghazi Khan.
There would be no financial obligation on the part of the Government.
The course would be run on self-finance basis to make it sustainable.
Expenditures from the funds so collected would be carried out with
the concurrence of a steering committee headed by the DC.
Annual audit would be carried out with the assistance of government auditors through special arrangements.
Dedicated corner would be created in library of the Government Post
Graduate College (Boys), where monthly journals and books
recommended for competitive exams were to be made available.
The first course was attended by around 50 aspirants selected through a
rigorous entry test from amongst over hundred students, and the classes
were started on September 2, 2019 with the Deputy Commissioner taking the first class. The participants of the course were charged Rs 15,000 each
for the entire duration. A hall equipped with air-conditioning and other
necessary facilities, next to the library, was selected for holding of the
classes. As envisaged, subject specialists from as far as Lahore and
Islamabad were invited to deliver lectures. Similarly, retired and serving
officers also joined in as guest speakers. Help and assistance was also sought from the leading training academies of Lahore. As a result, not only teachers
and subject specialists came from such academies but also course contents
and preparatory material was obtained from them. Mock exams were held
towards the conclusion of the course to sharpen the skills of the participants
and assess their level of preparation. Finally, a committee under the chairmanship of Deputy Commissioner was notified to ensure that the
courses were held regularly and smoothly in future too.
It was hoped that if not the first generation, second generation of participants
of the course, would be able to qualify the exams themselves or inspire their
friends and family members to do so. The sons and daughter of Muzaffargarh
would thereby get a chance to serve their country as well as their city in
meaningful positions.
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ESTABLISHMENT OF A UNIVERSITY AT MUZAFFARGARH Establishment of a university campus or sub-campus in Muzaffargarh has
been a long-standing demand of the residents of the district. With the
support of our public representatives, the District Administration was able
to take strides on this front too. Matter was taken up with the Chairman
Higher Education Commission (HEC) in person – not once but thrice – and he was kind enough to send a high-powered delegation to Muzaffargarh
comprising relevant officers of the HEC as well representatives of Bahauddin
Zakariya University (Multan), Muhammad Nawaz Sharif University (Multan),
and Ghazi University (Dera Ghazi Khan) on April 11, 2019. Prior to the visit,
the administration of Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan was requested by the HEC to prepare a feasibility report on establishment of its sub-campus
at Muzaffargarh. The University affirmed that Muzaffargarh could be a
potential district and submitted feasibility report to the HEC accordingly.
The delegation not only had detailed discussions with the Deputy
Commissioner but met other stakeholders too. The District Administration
proposed that the unutilized/underutilized portions of building of Quaid-e-
Azam Academy for Educational Development, Muzaffargarh could be used
for the purpose of establishing sub-campus at the earliest, whereas the formal campus could be constructed on the land located and provided by the
District Administration in due course of time. It was pointed out that the
Academy building was used to impart training to teachers only for few days
in a year, and that the students of small girls’ school established there could
easily be shifted to the adjacent Government Girls High School Khursheed Abad. The delegation later undertook visit of the Quaid-e-Azam Academy too,
and found it suitable for the purpose, in terms of location, space and the
infrastructure. As regards the funding, the HEC suggested that the same
could either be arranged out of the Public Sector Development Programme
(PSDP) of the Government of Punjab, or included in the phase–II of the
umbrella project of the HEC, i.e. Establishment of Sub-Campuses of Public
Sector Universities at District Level.
Once the spade work had been done, it was believed that the public representatives and the District Administration would work hand in hand
with each other to get the necessary approvals of the quarters concerned
subsequently on the lines agreed with the HEC.
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Last words.... All of the aforementioned was achieved through our teamwork
in merely eleven months – not even a year. However, the best we could
do in such a short span of time was to identify the projects that were
needed the most, consult the stakeholders, make comprehensive plans,
reach out to the decision makers, arrange resources – financial and
otherwise, start execution, and even conclude, where the time
permitted. As regards ensuring sustainability, detailed
SOPs/guidelines were prepared and documented for the implementers
and supervisors that would come after us; focal persons or
implementing/monitoring committees were notified; the citizenry was
fully briefed to give them the due ownership of the projects; sources of
funding were identified and ensured; and the leadership of the relevant
department, i.e. the secretary and the minister concerned, was taken
on board too to get their patronage. We have done the difficult part. But
before many of these projects could have taken roots, the departing
bells rang. Much would now depend upon the posterity as the baton is
being passed on to them. Let’s hope for the best.