Why do first generation immigrants in disadvantaged areas appear to

have a mental health advantage over their UK-born neighbors?

UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

SCHOOL OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

In partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of

MSc in Global Health

A Comparative Analysis of the Barriers

and Facilitators of Mental Health

amongst Ethnically Diverse

Communities in Glasgow, Scotland

Nicole Tørnes

August 2013

I

ABSTRACT

Objective:

Recent data has shown that non-UK born residents experienced larger mental health

improvements between 2006 and 2008 than UK-born residents living within Glasgow’s

GoWell areas which were undergoing extensive processes of urban regeneration. This study

aims to assess, compare, and explore the possible facilitators and barriers to mental health

and well-being between both migrant and UK-born residents living within three of these

disadvantaged neighbourhoods to elucidate the possible reasons behind this trend.

Method:

Through secondary analysis of qualitative data from interviews carried out during the 2011

GoWell’s ‘Lived Realities’ study, this report uses a thematic approach to specifically explore

and compare the variety of experiences and perspectives within and between migrant and

UK-born householders, which notably is the first time the data has been analysed in this way.

Results:

There was a clear distinction between the two groups in regards to overall life perspective,

prior life experiences and general attitudes towards their environment and situation. It

appeared the migrant householders generally displayed a higher degree of optimism about

their lives, and appeared more active in the community, with tighter family units than their

UK-born neighbours. Racism was a major issue, with the UK-born group highly concerned

about a continuing increase in foreigners to the area, whereas the majority of migrants

holding the belief that racism was now improving.

Conclusions:

The initial findings from this report clearly indicate that the migrants in Glasgow’s GoWell

areas may be more resilient to change and disruption whilst the UK-born individuals show a

clear lack of endurance to similar circumstances. Furthermore for migrants and new migrant

families, poverty and disadvantage may be viewed as an unavoidable and transient part of the

resettlement process. Yet for those from the receiving society, poverty may not be seen as a

part of an unfolding process, but instead viewed as the all-time low point of a cycle of

disadvantage.

II

CONTENTS

ABSTRACT

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

1. INTRODUCTION

2. BACKGROUND

2.1 ETHNICITY, IMMIGRATION AND MENTAL HEALTH

2.1.1 What we know about migrants: The significance in considering diversity

2.1.2 Acculturation and ‘Healthy Behaviours’: Is change a linear process?

2.1.3 Healthcare Access: The effect of immigration status and other factors

2.1.4 The gaps and limitations to our knowledge

2.2 URBAN REGENERATION AND HEALTH

2.2.1 Urban Regeneration and its role as a Public Health Intervention

2.2.2. The expectations and the evidence

2.2.3 Mental Health and Urban renewal: Space, Place and People

2.2.2 Glasgow’s Regenerative Initiative

2.3 THE GOWELL RESEARCH AND LEARNING PROGRAMME

2.3.1 What is GoWell?

2.3.2 What are the findings so far in relation to migrants?

2.3.3 The unanticipated results: Migrants are doing better?

3. STUDY OBJECTIVES

3.1 AIMS

3.2 OBJECTIVES

4. METHODOLOGY

4. 1 THE GOWELL ‘LIVED REALITIES’ STUDY

4.2 STUDY DESIGN

III

4.3 SETTING

4.4 STUDY PARTICIPANTS AND RECRUITMENT

5. FINDINGS

5.1 LIFE STORY AND BACKGROUND

5.2 HOME QUALITY

5.3 NEIGHBORHOOD LIFE AND SAFETY

5.4 RACISM AND DISCRIMINATION

5.5 FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

5.6 LIFESTYLE AND HEALTHY BEHAVIOURS

5.7 FRIENDS AND SOCIAL NETWORKS

5.8 PARTICIPATION IN THE COMMUNITY

5.9 FUTURE PROSPECTS

6. DISCUSSION

6.1 RESILIENCE

6.2 IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY

6. 3 STUDY LIMITATIONS AND STRENGTHS

7. CONCLUSION

8. REFERENCES

9. BIBLIOGRAPHY

IV

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Matt Egan

for the continuous support of my studies and research throughout my MSc Global Health

program, not only for his patience, motivation and enthusiasm, but also for his immense

knowledge and guidance. Through his encouragement I have learnt a great deal on evaluating

the health effects of social interventions and in doing so I have thoroughly enjoyed the

writing of this project.

Besides my supervisor, I would also like to thank the rest of the GoWell group who in turn

made this research piece a possibility: Professor Ade Kearns, Ms Louise Lawson and

Professor Nick Watson.

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1. INTRODUCTION

It is a frequently stated expectation by policy makers that urban regeneration programs

investing in the improvement of disadvantaged neighbourhoods ought to enhance the health

of residents and reduce social inequalities amongst the population in question [1]. By directly

improving living conditions, providing opportunities for community engagement and

reviving the local neighbourhood, it is thought that health, social and economic outcomes will

follow [2-5].

Whilst a growing evidence base suggests that some forms of regeneration can, in some

circumstances, benefit residents health [6], there is little evidence on the differential effects of

such interventions. The question of whether or not individuals with different backgrounds,

lifestyles and cultures respond similarly to efforts made to improve both physical and mental

well-being via the implementation of such programs, is a topic left largely unexplored. Of

particular reference to this study, previous systematic reviews that have comprehensively

attempted to identify effects of regeneration-related interventions on social inequalities have

not looked at the differential effects on the health of immigrant groups experiencing urban

regeneration in their host country [7, 8]. However, when and where ethnicity is an attributing

factor in the aetiology of disease, appearance of mental distress or causal determinant behind

the access and benefit to the appropriate care services, there is also an underlying controversy

concerning the extent to which social factors alone can elucidate the ethnic disparities in

mental health seen in the current literature [9, 10].

Within Glasgow, the stock transfer of over 80,000 socially rented homes since 2003 has

paved the way for a series of regeneration initiatives including home improvements,

demolition of high-rise flats, tenure diversification and community empowerment, led

primarily by Glasgow Housing Association (GHA) [11]. As a result, a research and learning

programme named ‘GoWell’ was launched in 2006 with the aim of establishing the nature

and extent to which regeneration impacts upon resident’s health and well-being [12]. Studies

from GoWell have so far helped us learn more about the relative effectiveness of different

regeneration approaches to inform policy and practice [13-15]. Furthermore, an (as yet) recent

unpublished longitudinal study based on data recorded between 2006 and 2008 is of

particular interest to the field of mental health amongst migrant ethnic minority groups [16].

This study provides the evidence to suggest that non UK-born migrants are showing the early

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signs of having a modest but significantly larger mental health improvement through the

regeneration process than their neighbouring UK-born counterparts. Why migrants appear to

have a mental health advantage, and appearing to be ‘coping better’ with the large changes

occurring in their lives, is as of yet unclear. These results may seem surprising, challenging

the long-standing tenets of psychology such as the damaging psychological effects of

migration and the larger socioeconomic disadvantages migrants often face upon arrival [17].

Selective migration, resilience, acculturation, and assimilation are a few of the many theories

often proposed as a way in which to explain any unexpected positive health outcomes that

arise amongst migrant groups [18]. For example, many may argue that the migrant and ethnic

minorities living amongst these disadvantaged communities in Glasgow have an inherent

resilience to change from hardships experienced during their life course [19]; they may have a

deep-rooted culture influencing a more positive mind-set alongside more positive healthy

behaviours [20]; or the process of assimilation may have seen this group come to view

themselves as part of a larger national family effectively becoming more socially cohesive

with a greater sense of belonging [21]. However, it would not be inaccurate to say we are

currently living in a period when immigrants in the UK are increasingly the target of adverse

social attitudes and governmental policies affecting benefits, university access and

bilingualism [22-24]. Unsurprisingly the opposing perspective may often be taken, whereby the

underlying belief that immigrants are recipients of policy ‘favouritism’ [25, 26]. The idea that

immigrants could possibly be getting the ‘better deal’ in so far as they are placed in the better

houses, they receive more professional and organisational support and they are ultimately

‘better catered for’ during the regeneration process is perhaps an unlikely, but often popular

explanation amongst certain sectors of society.

This thesis hopes to explore the relationship between ethnicity, migration and mental health

with the aim of investigating and comparing the first-hand accounts of individuals’

experiences and perspectives of regeneration in the neighbourhoods in question. By doing so

it hopes to not only shed light on the claims that migrants are getting a better deal but by

comparing the migrant experience to the British experience, it may also provide the basis on

which to carry out further research that may in turn help in advancing our knowledge about

the risk and protective factors for mental well-being and health. Ultimately the findings of

this cross-cultural report should provide the social dialogue from which to enhance and build

upon the established links between urban regeneration and mental health.

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2. BACKGROUND

2.1.1 What we know about migrants: The significance in considering diversity

The process of migration is a highly heterogeneous process and thus not all migrants are

likely to face comparable experiences before and after migration. Some migrate in groups or

as individuals; some for political, economic, social or educational reasons; and some on a

temporary, permanent or seasonal basis [27]. It is thus crucial to recognise that the health

impacts associated with immigration and the subsequent re-settlement process varies amongst

migrant categories and ethnic minorities, and that the process of migration is a series of

events which are in turn affected by both social and individual level factors. The degree to

which an individual is vulnerable, lacks social support or struggles with one’s cultural

identity are only but a few of many factors that can led to psychological distress (Figure 1)

[28].

For refugees and asylum seekers, studies have particularly focused on the re-settlement

process whereby loss of social status,

isolation, poverty, prior experience of

conflict and the insecurity surrounding

legal status alongside the effect of

government policies (such as dispersal

and detention) can lead to negative

mental health consequences [29-31].

Nonetheless, it has long been

acknowledged that migrants often have

higher rates of mental distress than the

native population of their country of

origin, depending on the context and

nature of the migratory process [32-33].

In the UK, a study commissioned by

the Department of Health in 2003

indicated that immigrants are Figure 1 Migration as a series of events; A selection of

possible pathways to ‘Psychological Distress’ [28]

2.1 ETHNICITY, IMMIGRATION AND MENTAL HEALTH

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particularly more vulnerable with a higher risk of developing mental illness than the rest of

the ‘White British’ population, and that this trend varied between ethnic groups [34-35].

2.1.2 Acculturation and ‘Healthy Behaviours’: Is change a linear process?

Acculturation is often defined as a ‘phenomenon’ whereby individuals or groups from

differing cultures come together in regular contact, subsequently resulting in cultural changes

in either or both groups over time [36]. This can be changes relating not only to the adoption of

norms and values, but also changes in language, religion, diet and both behavioural and

cognitive patterns. Whilst a vast amount of literature suggests many migrants are relatively

healthy upon arrival, this ‘good health’ can gradually decline over time within the receiving

society, by either processes of negative ‘acculturation’ or by other means [37]. A number of

studies have shown the impact culture can have in inducing higher levels of smoking, lower

levels of breastfeeding and the consumption of high fat diets (particularly in Western

receiving societies) amongst the newly migrated population [38-40]. However, while this may

appear as a simple linear process, whereby health behaviour change is directly related to the

length of time spent in a receiving society, in reality it may be more complex. For example,

the UK Millennium Cohort Study showed that ethnicity rather than the length of residence

was more important in predicting both smoking and alcohol consumption amongst new

mothers 9 months after giving birth [41]. Ultimately, the levels of acculturation will depend

upon the level of exposure, the extent of similarity between the two cultures and the

disposition of an individual to change [42].

2.1.3 Healthcare Access: The effect of immigration status and other factors

Access to quality mental health services is reportedly critical for immigrant populations [43].

Since several studies have shown that immigrants have less access to and lower utilisation of

mental health services, the need is to ensure that culturally and linguistically appropriate

services and treatments are available [44,45]. Barriers for migrants receiving health care have

ranged from mistrust of the mental health provider, financial difficulties, cultural stigma

surrounding the issue of mental health and language difficulties [46]. Furthermore, in many

European countries immigrants may fall outside the existing health and social services,

particularly asylum seekers and undocumented immigrants [47]. In Scotland, a recent study

has highlighted the massive ethnic disparities in mental health care whereby large and

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significant differences in hospital admissions for psychiatric, mood and psychotic disorders

existed between ethnic groups [48]. This has not only suggested that there are inequalities in

the way in which such services are used in the country but has also ignited the continuing

debate on the difficulties in diagnosing and treating individuals from minority groups [49].

2.1.4 The gaps and limitations to our knowledge

Currently there is a general lack of longitudinal mental health research on ethnic and migrant

minorities which consequently hampers the comprehensive analysis of how social,

psychosocial and biological exposures influence and shape mental health and well-being later

on in life [50]. Whilst the debate is dominated by clinical perspectives and treatments, a shift in

focus towards a more multi-disciplinary approach may help develop interventions that

nurture resilience and well-being throughout an individual’s life course, with the

acknowledgement that an evidence base involving the intersectional inequalities and

interactions of both protective and risk factors, are key to progressing our knowledge and

understanding [9]. Furthermore, much of the epidemiological evidence in regards to the

mental health impacts of the migratory process fails to investigate the consequences on the

receiving society [50]. Studies often assume a static receiving society and neglect to explore

the possibility that host communities are dynamic environments that change over time. Hence

there is a growing need to understand how migrant groups both experience (and possibly

contribute to) the change in their host communities, and how that change subsequently might

affect health outcomes for all.

2.2.1 Urban Regeneration and its role as a Public Health Intervention

Urban regeneration is a term used to describe the process of restoration and redevelopment of

the environment via policies and programs targeting urban areas or regions that have

experienced decline, deindustrialisation and multiple disadvantage [51].

Urban regeneration is a term used to describe the process of restoration and redevelopment of

the environment via policies and programs targeting urban areas or regions that have

experienced decline, deindustrialisation and multiple disadvantage [51]. A regeneration project

normally involves the partnership between that of the community and the local and/or central

2.2 URBAN REGENERATION AND HEALTH

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government and by the use of integrated action, aims at tackling the interlinked physical,

social, and economic problems within an area [1].

With economic and physical objectives to stimulate employment and improve housing

conditions, alongside social objectives of alleviating poverty and encouraging healthy

behaviours; urban regeneration is a method of urban planning by which we can navigate the

social world to decrease inequalities and influence the wide range of social determinants of

health (Figure 2) [52].

Although it is common knowledge amongst public health researchers that certain places have

better health than others, there has also been the tendency to ascribe such geographical

differences as a matter of composition, rather than contextual. The idea that geographical

disparities in health are compositional in that ultimately the disparity between areas are a

result of the people in them rather than the environmental influence, often coined ‘it’s the

place, not the person’ argument, is a widely contended issue [53, 54]. The reality is a messy

patchwork of health inequalities around the United Kingdom, with some of the starkest

differences occurring not only between areas but also between neighbours [55].

Figure 2 The Social determinants of Health. Urban renewal is thought to

tackle, improve and influence a range of physical and social determinants

with an aim of improvements to health outcomes. Source: Dahlgren and

Whitehead [52]

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2.2.2 Housing Improvements: The expectations and the evidence

The World Health Organisation maintains that housing quality including the interlinked

aspects of physical dwelling, household characteristics, and neighbourhood environment, has

the ability to affect an individual’s health and well-being, via either mental, physical or social

means [56]. Whilst the scientific evidence on the numerous links made between health and

housing has rapidly increased over the last few decades, our knowledge of exactly how and to

what extent housing improvement and regeneration programs can impact one’s health status

is still limited [57-61]. Evidence gaps exist in not only what the long term health benefits are

but also what the social patterning of effects on health inequalities are, what the relative

effects of rehousing in comparison to housing improvement are and furthermore, by what

means various interventions may ultimately lead to positive health outcomes [62]. A

systematic review of housing improvements and their effects on health outcomes between

1887 and 2007, found general improvements in both mental and respiratory health,

particularly those that increased housing warmth [63]. The review indicated that although

housing improvement often produced varied health improvements, a limited amount of

studies showed that efforts to improve housing had detrimental effects. The authors of the

review concluded that the likelihood of such initiatives producing health benefits may depend

upon how effectively interventions were targeted at those populations with the greatest

housing needs. Nonetheless, this does not mean all housing improvement is beneficial to the

individual as summarised in (Figure 3).

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Figure 3 Health and Social Effects of Housing Improvement Measures

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2.2.3 Mental Health in Urban Renewal: Space, Place and People

As further studies show, health is affected by how we feel about a place and by effective

urban planning, a simple place such as a small café presenting the opportunity for social

interaction or by the redevelopment of a local park that encourages local residents to walk

and exercise, health improvements are thought to follow [83]. Moreover opportunities for

social interaction are just as important as the physical condition of an environment and the

symbolic meaning that comes from social relationships has been documented extensively

throughout the mental health field. The idea that urban renewal has the capability to also

affect ‘local opportunity structures’, in so far as affecting the distribution of people’s access

to occupations and supporting their goals, further elaborates on the idea that such initiatives

have the potential for improving equality for all. Undeniably humans are social animals and

the opinion one has of oneself can be shaped and influenced by ones physical, social and

economic positioning within society and the neighbourhood [84]. Indeed, the link between

mental health and social disadvantage has been well-recognised for some time [85]. Although

mental health has been widely reported to be associated with the structural features of the

environment (socioeconomic and racial composition, stability and built environment) [86], a

2008 review highlighted that mental health disorders such as depression are more consistently

linked with social with social processes (disorder, social interactions, violence) [87].

2.2.4. Glasgow’s Regeneration Initiative

Glasgow is the largest city within Scotland with the highest rates of premature mortality in

the UK reportedly being found here, it is clear that Glasgow is struggling to control and

improve its high concentrations of ill health, poverty and disadvantage [88]. Health

inequalities in particular highlight the bleak challenges the city faces; for example those

living within the most disadvantaged areas of the city have a life expectancy of 15 years

lower than those in the least disadvantaged [89]. Moreover, new research in the BMJ

underlines the fact that the UKs ‘North-South’ divide has now reached its widest in over 40

years whilst recent NHS Scotland data clearly re-emphasises the point by illustrating that

men residing in Parkhead have a life expectancy of just 59 [90, 91], this being worse than the

national average in North Korea [92].

Those living in the most socially disadvantaged areas (made up of high-rise mass housing

estates and large post-war council estates) are those who assume a disproportionate burden of

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Glasgow’s poverty and poor health [93]. It is therefore crucial to direct efforts in bringing

about change to these individuals, families, and communities. With Glasgow’s recent and

considerable investment of over £1billion in improving housing and neighbourhoods, it is

hoped that such will help improve health, encourage community ownership and diminish the

high levels and effects of poverty [94]. The key components of the Glasgow City Regeneration

initiative include:

Community Interventions

Community Empowerment

Housing Improvement

Local Regeneration

New builds

Transformational Regeneration

2.3.1. What is GoWell?

The Glasgow Community Health and Wellbeing program (GoWell) is a research and learning

initiative launched in February 2006 with the aim of investigating how the large-scale

investment in housing, regeneration and neighbourhood renewal impacts on the health and

well-being of communities, families and individuals over a ten year period in Glasgow,

Scotland [95,96,97]. With the opportunity that the large-scale regeneration process has

presented, the research programme ultimately aspires to ascertain the success of different

approaches to renewal and regeneration, determine the nature and extent of these impacts on

residents, and to subsequently inform policy and practice in Scotland. As a mixed methods

study, there are a number of different components to GoWell’s research that include:

Four repeat cross-sectional surveys carried out in two/three year intervals

A longitudinal study that tracks and follows up both residents who stay at the same

address during the study period and a select number of those who move

Analysis of self-reported responses to both cross-sectional and longitudinal surveys

Use of documented ecological data to construct a contextual picture of the changes

over time

2.3 THE GOWELL STUDY

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Use of focus groups and interviews with a range of different stakeholders

GoWell focuses on 15 disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Glasgow including 3 inner-city mass

housing estates that (a) have been targeted for a particularly radical form of regeneration

involving the demolition of nearly all residential property; and (b) house considerably large

numbers of immigrant households, largely as a result of the asylum seeker programme. These

three neighbourhoods are of particular interest for an exploration of how migrant and host

communities may experience being caught up in a radical (and disruptive) regeneration

programme.

2.3.2 What are the findings in Glasgow in relation to the migrant population?

Early findings from GoWell’s quantitative research indicates that migrants have better

general health than the native Scottish population despite poorer self-reported outcomes

relating to positive mental wellbeing and social inclusion [98]. In 2010, the GoWell ‘Health,

Well-Being and Social Inclusion of Migrants in North Glasgow’ explored such issues by

analysing the responses to a cross-sectional survey conducted in 2008 covering all 15 of the

GoWell areas [99]. On several measures it appeared that migrants (inclusive of A8 economic

migrants, asylum seekers and refugees) did not report poorer mental health and were in fact,

less likely to have seen a GP for a mental health reason than their UK-born counterparts.

However, at the same time, they were also the group that had a lower score when it came to

positive mental well-being (Warwick and Edinburgh Mental Wellbeing Scale WEMWBS),

with a higher probability of feeling socially excluded and unsafe at night, and who were less

likely to know their neighbours[100].

2.3.3 The unanticipated results: Migrants are now doing better?

Whilst cross-sectional evidence has helped us understand differences between migrant and

host groups at a single point in time, GoWell data can also show how health outcomes for the

different groups have changed over time during the early period of regeneration. Unpublished

secondary outcome findings from a longitudinal analysis of GoWell data (see Egan et al for

details of methods, analysis and primary outcomes) has provided us with such an

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opportunity[16]. This recent study has suggested that based on SF12v21 mean mental health

scores, GoWell participants who were born outside the UK were more likely to have

experienced mental health improvements between 2006 and 2008 compared to GoWell

participants born within the UK. For participants born outside the UK SF12v2 scores rose

from 48.82 in 2006 to 50.11 in 2006; compared to a smaller rise from 47.61 in 2006 to 48.08

in 2008 for participants born in the UK. Furthermore, this excess increase in mean mental

health scores for participants born outside the UK was found to be significant after

controlling for confounding variables (baseline SF-12v2 mental health scores, age, gender,

household structure, education, building type and exposure to housing/regeneration

interventions during the study period): b = 4.05; 95% CI = –1.82, 2.48; P = 0.001. These

findings suggest that over the period 2006 to 2008 immigrant householders appeared to have

better self-reported mental health and a greater improvement in self-reported mental health

compared to UK born householders from the same neighbourhoods.

1 Notably, SF-12v2 scores are derived from the self-reported answers participants give in the Medical Outcomes

Study Short Form Health Survey (version 2) and whilst the 12-item survey is subject to reporter and respondent

bias, the survey has been validated in a number of international studies demonstrating that it can be delivered

consistently, and that outcomes are associated to more objectively measured health outcomes for a general

population. [ref the Quality Metrics website]

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3. STUDY OBJECTIVES

The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the extent to which qualitative data can shed

further light on how, and through what mechanisms, residents born overseas may experience

a mental health advantage over their UK-born neighbours. By comparing the variety of

perspectives and experiences of individuals and families living within three GoWell areas, all

of which containing the largest immigrant sub-populations in Glasgow, it aims to establish

the differences (if any) between those who are first generation immigrants and those who are

UK-born. Accordingly it therefore ultimately aspires to gain a more in-depth insight into the

processes of mental health, and particularly mental health in relation to urban regeneration

and neighbourhood renewal.

By addressing the following concerns, this thesis aim to significantly explore the extent to

which specific issues may affect the mental health of the migrant population, in comparison

with the UK born population, in Glasgow’s most disadvantaged communities:

To what magnitude does the process of urban regeneration and neighbourhood

improvement advance and influence the mental health of the populations in question?

Is urban and neighbourhood regeneration viewed, experienced and expressed

differently for the two groups in question?

In attempting to answer these questions, an analysis of qualitative data collected from the

GoWell ‘Lived Realities’ study is carried out [101].

3.1 AIM

3.2 OBJECTIVES

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4. METHODOLOGY

In 2011, GoWell began fieldwork for a longtititdunial qualitative study integrating both

thematic and phenomenological approaches to gain insights into the residents own views of

their home, neighbourhood and everyday lives in areas undergoing regeneration [101, 102].

Following informed consent, the first wave of the ‘Lived Realities’ interviews were carried

out in two parts in the Spring/Summer of 2011 and the second wave of follow-up interviews

in the subsequent Spring/Summer of 2012. The first interview in wave 1 was an in-depth but

loosely structured interview conducted by researcher Louise Lawson with the scope of the

interview involving themes such as the home, health, the neighbourhood, and participant’s

background and aspirations. It should be noted that the interviewing technique and study

design was based on a phenomenological framework and thus the aim was therefore to

attempt to understand the structure of the lived experience rather than explain it. The research

characteristically involved concrete reports of lived situations, frequently being first person

accounts, described and expressed in everyday language with the refrainment of using

‘abstract generalisations’. This approach is significant as it helped frame the interview

questions in a way that prevented the researcher directing the participants in a particular

direction or encouraging the use of leading questions.

Interviews typically lasted between 1-3 hours and at the end of the interview the participant

was given a camera and instructed to take pictures of anything they felt may represent their

daily life. The second wave 1 interview, carried out a few days later, was subsequently based

on a discussion of these photographs (rather than a specific schedule of interview questions)

with the intention that the direction of the interview and the topics discussed were again

principally steered by the participants’ priorities, as suggested by their photographs, rather

than the interviewer’s. For each photograph, the participant would have to explain why they

took it and encouraged to explain its significance.

4.1 THE GOWELL ‘LIVED REALITIES’ STUDY

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All interviews were carried out at the participants own home preferably without other

householders present, but not exclusively with respect to the wishes of any participant. Each

interview was recorded using digital audio equipment and later transcribed by a specialist

transcription company. An interpreter was used during an interview when required.

This study draws primarily from the qualitative data collected from the ‘Lived Realities’

study and from the secondary analysis of such, specifically explores and compares the variety

of experiences and perspectives within and between migrant and UK-born householders,

which notably is the first time the data has been analysed in this way. Since roughly half of

the ‘Lived Realities’ study participants were immigrants and half were UK born, the ‘Lived

Realities’ Study provides a rich dataset based on in-depth interviews that can hopefully help

us to gain an insight into why there is an apparent mental health advantage observed amongst

immigrant adults over their UK-Born counterparts. Only wave 1 data was analysed for this

dissertation as it was at this point in time when most of the study participants were still living

on high rise estates experiencing large scale clearance and demolition, whilst awaiting to be

relocated to new homes. This meant that the effects of the regeneration process at this time

were potentially negative, participants were at an especially turbulent time of relocation and

perhaps thus more issues of interest may have been raised. It is particularly interesting to

focus on residents at this stage of the regeneration process (living in semi-demolished

neighbourhoods awaiting relocation) because whilst the quantitative evidence suggesting that

mental health for immigrants was improving, one might expect the experience to have a

negative effect on their mental health.

Following from the study design used in the ‘Lived Realities’ research, this study similarly

uses a thematic approach to the analysis of data also. In pulling out and comparing specific

themes associated with the current research question, the process of coding was used in six

main phases in order to generate established meaningful patterns.

4.2 STUDY DESIGN

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The ‘Lived Realities’ research and the subsequent secondary analysis in this study, focuses

on the three GoWell areas referred to earlier undergoing major clearance and demolition and

containing large immigrant communities: Shawbridge, Sighthill and Red Road. All three are

inner-city social housing estates of which the majority are high-rise flats, although they all

also comprise of some low-rise stock [14].

Within each neighbourhood, there are lengthy processes of ‘transformational regeneration’

occurring at the time of data collection, where large-scale clearances, demolition and

relocation of residents were taking place [101]. Accordingly this study does not focus on

differentiating the three areas, unless duly noted as a cause for concern to do so. However as

in terms of comparability between them, it should be emphasised that all three areas fall

below the cut-off point for the most deprived 15% of Scottish data zones (a threshold based

on the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation used by the previous Scottish Government for

various purposes).

4.3 SETTING

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As seen (Figure 4), 52% of GoWell's Sighthill households are estimated to be income

deprived – (as defined by SIMD); 38.8% of Red Road, and 34.8% of Sighthill households [94].

Thus making them some of the most deprived areas in Glasgow, and amongst the most

deprived of the 15 GoWell areas. According to data available at the time of this report, whilst

all GoWell neighbourhood populations have at least 25% income deprivation, the areas with

high proportions of immigrants tend to be particularly disadvantaged [14].

Figure 4: How deprived are the GoWell Areas? Adjusted Income deprivation by GoWell study area. [14]

A total of 50 interviews were carried out amongst the 23 households that participated in the

wave 1 of the ‘Lived Realities’ study. From this sample, 14 of these were UK-born

households and 9 were migrant households, with 19 female participants and only 6 male

participants. Whilst the intention was to conduct two interviews per household (one in-depth

interview and one photograph based interview), in some cases members of the same family

were interviewed separately. Of the 23 participants, 20 resided within family households

where there were at least one adult and one child residing in the property either full-time or

part-time. Only 3 of the households were single person households.

4.4 STUDY PARTICIPANTS AND RECRUITMENT

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TABLES OF PARTICIPANTS

Details of the participants are summarised in Table 1 and Table 2 where for confidentiality

purposes all participants are given pseudonyms. The participants from each group vary in

housing situation, employment status and recruitment method as follows:

Housing Situation

Eight were in the course of relocating from their current high-rise flat to another

Eight were residing in high-rise flats whilst awaiting to learn where they would be

relocated to

Six had recently relocated from a high-rise flat to a new build situated locally

One had relocated within their residing area from a high-rise flat to another high-rise

flat

Employment Status

Eleven were working employed full-time/part-time and/or actively volunteering or

partaking in community work

Eleven were unemployed

One was employed but on sick leave

Recruitment Method

Thirteen of the participants were recruited via the help of their local housing agency

upon the liaison of the researcher with the housing officer

Six were found through the process of snowballing

Three were recruited through the local church and community groups

One had been recruited via a GoWell where they had given consent to be followed up

P a g e 19 | 62

P a g e 20 | 62

P a g e 21 | 62

5. FINDINGS

The first major theme that emerged in the study was the contrast between the participant’s

background story and how this subsequently influenced their current situation. As prior

studies would suggest [103], migrants often face many barriers and disruption through the

migration process and from fleeing unsafe countries to applying and seeking refuge in the

case of asylum seekers, it might be expected that they would have had far more harsh and

unsettling life backgrounds than the UK-born group. However the reality may be more

complex as it was apparent the UK-born group had their own set of unique life experiences

quite different to those in the migrant group.

An unsettling past of early disruption

There was a recurring theme amongst the UK-born participants that a history of substance

abuse, homelessness, domestic violence, incarceration, divorce and a general history of

turbulent family relations had greatly impacted their lives, and for most, were viewed as

explanations as to why they ended up living where they did. For many the talk of their past

lives unearthed sensitive topics that clearly still had an impact now on their daily lives. In

particular, domestic abuse was a central issue amongst many of the women in the UK-born

group. Amongst the three women in the group who willingly disclosed their history of

abusive relationships, Aisha who described her prior situation of ‘fleeing violence’ as the

main casual factor to why she subsequently became homeless and to this day suffers from

depression.

Nevertheless there were also other indications given amongst the group about the historical

pathways that could have ultimately also led to depression and other mental health issues

later in life; with Sue who was evidently still grieving the suicide of her mother when she was

a teenager.

‘She committed suicide when I was fifteen … I just sort of cut myself- I was in just too

bad a way sort of thing you know. But I do- I do that now.’

Sue (UK-born) on self-harm

5.1 LIFE STORY AND BACKGROUND

P a g e 22 | 62

It appeared that most in the UK-born group had a troubled past (of varying degree) where

breakdown of relationships, mental health issues and dysfunctional lifestyles were all situated

on the contributing pathway leading to their current circumstances and how they dealt with

such. Many, if not all, had endured some pivotal life event, had a history of social problems

and furthermore, distinctly lacked educational and work skills. It appeared that none had a

university degree or were currently undergoing an educational program, yet those who had

talked of prior employment were now jobless for reasons often relating to pregnancy, the

responsibility of upholding a single parent family, underlying health conditions or more

ambiguous reasons such as Jackie:

‘I just never found anything that I really thought, ‘this is what I really want tae dae’.

Jackie (UK-born) on being unemployed

It was also apparent that during any discussion on one’s past, the UK-born participants were

significantly more prone to mention the length of time at their residence: several of which

had been ‘born and bred’ in the area or had been there since their teenage years, and thus

perhaps indicating a family history of disadvantage and perhaps reinforcing theories

surrounding the ‘cycle of poverty’ [104]. Due to such lengthy periods spent living in their area

of residence, there was often an underlying feeling of desperation, possibly stemming from a

prolonged and unexpected delay in moving onwards and upwards.

‘I was in a rehab at the time, and this was the first offer they gave me.

I was just- dying for a house. But it was supposed to be temporary, at first

…and I’m still here eleven years later.’

Morag (UK-born)

A part of an unfolding process

In drawing the distinction, the migrant participants had a turbulent backstory too, but in

entirely different circumstances, all of which deriving from the stress and anxiety

surrounding the migration and asylum process, with markedly no talk of drug abuse,

domestic violence, or turbulent family life. Instead there was a greater focus on issues such

as having no freedom or choices upon arrival, the insecurity stemming from having an

uncertain legal status, and a general feeling of angst and apprehension as to what was to

happen to them in the future.

P a g e 23 | 62

‘we don’t allow to work, we don’t have choice where we went to live, which flat, which

area and just say to you… That’s your flat and you live, you must live here. No choices

at all for anything’

Layan (Palestine)

Layan for example highlighted that many immigrants (particularly the asylum seekers) face

several barriers and hurdles in the resettlement process, reinforcing the argument against the

increasing narrative that migrants get preferential treatment from the government. Many

seemed to in fact have developed depression as a result of the fear evoked by the prospect

and uncertainty of ‘being sent home’ but came in the hope of ‘finding peace’ no matter how

difficult. In particular, Nada recalled the struggle, commitment and dedication she had

displayed throughout the migratory process where she not only lost her children during the

process but she also fought a very long time in trying to regain them back.

‘I left my children, seven and six years, then, they come just one years ago…ten years, I

never seen my children….we obey everything, every benefit, rent house, everything, to

get your children.’

Nada (Lebanon)

Surprisingly however, whilst some stated they had come to the country due to fleeing war and

trouble in their home countries such as Lebanon, Syria and Somalia, there was a noticeable

lack of discussion about the troubles experienced in their home countries. Whether this was

due to the migrant participants not largely affected by such experiences and thus showing a

high degree of resilience, or whether such experiences ever existed at all is hard to tell.

Although there was no discussion on such, perhaps they did not dwell on the past as much as

the UK-born participants. Indeed the general theme amongst the migrants was that many

looked forward towards bettering their future, emphasising that their past was defined by a

desire to better their lives.

In stark contrast to the UK-born group, they appeared to be a more highly educated group

with at least four saying that they held a university degree and many of which holding prior

professional jobs in their home countries.

‘She was a chemist supervisor in Iraq. Because she’s got certificate, Iraq certificate, she

can’t use them here, she needs to study again.’

Ali (Iraq) about wife

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How residents felt and perceived their home environment was a topic discussed in great detail

during the interviews. Whilst previous GoWell research has suggested some UK born

residents believe asylum seekers receive preferential treatment in terms of housing allocation,

the next main finding was that when it came to housing quality, similar if not identical issues

were raised for both groups [98]. Often it was how both groups differed when they described

and vocalised these issues that was the most foretelling in how they viewed themselves and

how they felt about their lives.

Are we expected to live here?

The UK-born used far more evocative language when discussing their problems relating to

housing. Whilst both UK-born and migrants referred to difficulties with dampness, affordable

heating and water leaks, UK-born participants regularly expressed and emphasised their

feelings about these problems in a more outspoken and candid manner, with several stating

they were ‘horrified’ and ‘disgusted’, whilst numerous used terms such as ‘depressing’,

‘stinking’, and ‘I hate it’. It appeared to be their way in which to emphasise to the interviewer

the hardship and distress such living environments were causing them. Carole was

particularly vocal about her flats leaking problems, with a vivid depiction of her situation:

‘It looks like urine because it’s been coming oot through the building...Mushrooms

started growing, the smell of dampness was disgusting…it was like Japanese water

torture… I was too embarrassed to let anybody come in.’

Carole (UK-born)

Very few expressed any sort of affection towards their homes, with most voicing their mixed

feelings of anger and embarrassment and that of being ‘disheartened’ because of their poor

and often unbearable living standards. Although some made efforts to improve their situation

by decorating their homes to make them more ‘homely’, these efforts were on a rather small

scale and did not seem to significantly alter their opinions or feelings of residual animosity,

desperation and shame. Several also stated that the prolonged wait to be rehoused deterred

them from decorating their current homes. Furthermore, the topic of living space was a very

prominent source of distress and unhappiness that none of the UK-born participants could

5.2 HOME QUALITY

P a g e 25 | 62

find a resolution to. For many, there was a struggle in coping and dealing with confined

living spaces, with frustration often expressed at having to eat and sleep in the same room.

‘I detest it. It’s sorta- eating in the same room, sleeping in the same room, I just don’t

like it. At all. It’s like living in a bloomin, I don’t know, tent.’

Morag (UK-born)

There was also a distinct theme amongst the British residents in so far as privacy was

concerned. Many appeared concerned about moving and losing the privacy the high-rise flats

gave them. It appeared the feeling of safety at locking yourself away in your own flat along

with concierge at the front door was much more highly valued amongst the UK-born.

‘You were a bit isolated. I mean you could be as anonymous as you wanted to be…in the

flats when you were in, you were kinda in… You felt a bit secure.’

Lynda (UK-born)

Isolation was remarkably viewed more positively and was one of the very few things that

were highlighted as an advantage. It appeared the expectations of what the UK-born group

thought they deserved and what they were actually receiving were at odds.

Something’s better than nothing

In contrast, it seemed that the migrant participants were far more concerned with the general

condition of their residence and how it may affect their health rather on a focus of being

embarrassed about their situation. Although they expressed dissatisfaction with specific

problems of dampness leading to health problems amongst their children, leakages causing

fungal growths and faulty heating systems, they appeared to put more effort into stating the

facts rather than elaborating on any feelings of hardship, unhappiness or infuriation. They

were more likely to express positive feelings towards their residence with a prime example

being Jon who had neither furniture or bed nor washing machine or carpet, yet who still was

content despite this.

‘I’m happy, I’m happy- I can’t say I’m not happy because this is my home.’

Jon (Kenya)

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Speculation may assume that this trend is due to the migrants being more resilient, perhaps

with prior experience of worse living conditions or a lack of the UK-born’s social welfare

perspective on the right to a decent home. What is clear is that they appeared to be more

resilient to the equivalent housing standards and were much more focused on securing a

future and improve family or community outcomes than on dwelling on their current housing

circumstances.

‘I’m no care about myself, trust me, I am care about that wee baby. Only three months

old. I’m not care about myself. I’m living nearly forty four years. I’m not care- I’m die,

anything happen to me, just for wee boy, for wee boy.’

Ali (Iraq)

Although the migrant participants may have held back in displaying any disgust about their

situation for language, personal or cultural reasons, they showed considerable anxiety over

the health effects on their young children. Many of migrants sought a safe, clean and hygienic

environment to raise a family in, but nevertheless demonstrated a desire to describe problems

with their homes within more positive narratives about their lives, attitudes and aspirations.

Whilst this concern for children’s safety and wellbeing was also mentioned amongst a few of

the UK-born participants, the extent to which they focused on this issue was less.

The next major finding was how both groups related to and felt about their neighbourhood. In

many studies, the perception of ones neighbourhood in terms of the trustworthiness or

honesty of the people who live there, or the feeling of safety when walking alone had a strong

association with mental distress [105]. In this study the perceived local environment including

area reputation, access to amenities, crime rate and general neighbourliness were all issues

raised and discussed by both groups, and although there wasn’t a large difference in the

severity of concerns mentioned, it was perhaps the widespread attitude amongst the UK-born

participants that was particularly interesting.

It’s like living in the Bronx

Amongst the UK-born, there was a popular opinion that their neighbourhood was essentially

a forgotten land, an island which has been cut off from the rest of the city and to which only

5.3 NEIGHBOURHOOD LIFE AND SAFETY

P a g e 27 | 62

the destitute and impoverished reside. This perspective perhaps shaped many of the residents

feelings of hopelessness and embarrassment about where they lived, for several talked about

concealing their area of residence from outsiders as they would just ‘presume you don’t work

cos you live in that area’ and that it’s full of ‘low life’s’. The concern about being judged

was notably parallel to an undercurrent of emotions about feeling stuck in the area, but whilst

this desperation was indeed prominent, there were several who tried counteracting such

negativity with a narrative that life is essentially about what you make it.

Nevertheless the UK group were by far more vocal and concerned about what they believed

was a prevailing rise in crime and increasing levels of danger in their neighbourhoods, with

one claiming their area was becoming like the Bronx. This mainly stemmed from the

emptying of flats encouraging congregations of drug addicts and alcoholics, together with

many remarking on more and more strange faces appearing. A rise in foreigners, fear of

walking along late at night, talk of prior murders in the neighbourhood, and a general lack of

faith in the police were a only few of several issues raised in regards to feeling safe.

‘Everything, it has totally changed. It’s like the Bronx. Every year, there’s at least two

murders.’

Alison (UK-born)

Most had some direct experience of trouble with anti-social behaviour or had known

someone who had been attacked or murdered. In this regard, it seemed many lived in fear,

isolation and when venturing out of their flats, feelings of intimidation. It was only the

individuals such as Moira who had lived an extensive part of her life in the area who showed

any sign of resilience to the neighbourhood environment, perhaps due to her lengthy and

active participation in community work.

Overall there was a tendency to reminisce on the good old days when everyone apparently

knew each other and there was more of a community spirit. Today, there was a clear distrust

in ones neighbours, a frequent typecasting of residents as alcoholics or druggies and the

frequent talk of the problem being the people, not the place.

‘Doesnae matter where you move to, every place is the exact same. It’s the people that

live in the places. A’ you can do is live your ain life as best you can.‘

Harry (UK-born)

P a g e 28 | 62

City ‘slums’ aren’t all bad

The migrant groups’ account of their neighbourhood was perhaps more positive when taken

as a whole and when compared to the opinions of the UK group. Many focused on how good

it was to be so close in proximity to local amenities, college, hospital and the city centre and

although there was talk of ‘bad people’ and antisocial behaviour, there were far more migrant

participants who actually asserted and upheld the belief that the area they lived in had a good

reputation.

‘I love Sighthill…nice reputation, nice neighbourhood…Is no really easy, you

know…you have to start from zero. Good things about living here is the good

neighbours, location is very good.’

Ula (Sudan)

This was perhaps surprising when the migrant group also had extensive talk about their

concerns over the safety of their neighbourhoods, particularly due to the murders of

immigrants in the past and direct experience of violent attacks. It appeared that there was a

view that the area in which many resided in was getting better, perhaps due to the increasing

presence of and co-operation with the police.

‘Year after year and the communities start to work hard to make that bridges or

connecting between the asylum seekers and the local people and the communities

working hard, church and police and Glasgow refugee make like a connecting between

the people to understand each other to know.’

Layan (Palestine)

Markedly the migrants who held the more positive feelings towards their neighbourhood

were also very actively involved in the community and were outgoing in general. It could be

conceivable that the active migrant community were passing on positive energy to one

another and reinforcing the belief in the area.

However, not all accounts were so positive. Witnessing vast numbers of youths partaking in

alcohol binges and violent behaviour was a clear culture shock that disturbed and confused

many, and often deterred several from using the local parks with their children. This

antisocial behaviour alongside a degradation of the neighbourhood saw Sami (Bangladesh)

even liken his situation to living in a ‘city slum’. Yet it was a lack of neighbourliness that

seemed the major issue, with an evident disbelief at why their British neighbours did not any

regard to helping one when in need.

P a g e 29 | 62

‘In Africa we do that, when somebody you know, then they will help you. To my

greatest surprise people were around but no-one seemed to help.’

Maya (Ghana)

With a recent report released by the Scottish Government suggesting racism was now on the

increase across Scotland - with an apparent 13% rise in racist incidents in just Glasgow alone

in 2012 - the expectation from the outset may be that the migrant participants would be more

vocal, more concerned and more affected by experiences of discrimination [106]. The main

results from the ‘Racist Incidents Recorded by the Police in Scotland, 2011-12’ bulletin

stressed that the majority of victims of these incidents were indeed from an ethnic minority,

mainly of Asian descent, but pointed out that it was not only ethnic minorities that were

receiving abuse, as 22% of victims were classed as white British [107]. Nevertheless any cause

for concern surrounding the issue of racism and discrimination was clearly not similarly

expressed or experienced by both groups within this study.

It’s terrifying but it’s getting better

The migrants had undeniably experienced more racist incidents than their UK-born

counterparts and indeed talked more of what might be regarded as direct and extreme racism:

both verbal and physical in nature. From being shouted at by locally-born residents to go

back to their own country and derogatory comments about their skin colour, to bags of human

faeces being let at their front doors, and an incident of assault, it would be surprising if such

direct and targeted victimisation would not cause fear and distress, which it evidently did for

Nadia.

‘They want to beat me. They say, you are asylum seeker, fucking black nigger, you must

to go to your own country, here you don't pay the house, you don't pay the electricity…I

be scared.’

Nadia (Ivory Coast)

It not only appeared that the migrants felt that the overwhelming narrative from the locals

was rooted in resentment and misunderstandings that they were the recipients of more

benefits and thus didn’t deserve to be here, but that feelings of safety was a related concern

5.4 RACISM AND DISCRIMINATION

P a g e 30 | 62

for many of them. This was particularly the case since there had been several fatal attacks on

immigrants in the past. These well-publicised murders and the racism she had witnessed upon

arrival in Glasgow, had for one woman Nada, terrified her to the point she and her family had

fled to London seeking to be sent back home to their country of origin (the authorities in

London sent her back to Glasgow).

‘They feel a little bit jealous because we are asylum seeker. Somebody killed near my

building…asylum seeker. When is killed, I fear too much. I cry all the night. I can’t go

out. I said to my husband, “I want to come back to my country.’

Nada (Lebanon)

However the most interesting finding was that although racist attacks and a climate of

discrimination was present, the widespread feeling was that overall racism was far better than

it was years ago.

‘When I first moved here people were like calling me Chinky. But nowadays the

situation has changed.’

Sami (Bangladeshi)

The belief that through the efforts made by the police and church, the events and festivals

held to encourage cultural exchanges between nationalities and the endeavours made by

many to learn the language, racism was now improving. In some cases, several showed

compassion and understanding towards the perpetrators of such discrimination and hatred.

‘It’s very, very new to Scotland, people to come here like refugees, it is unusual, you

know. Is not easy to accept us for the first time.’

Ula (Sudan)

They’re overtaking the place, they’re everywhere

On the side of the UK-born participants, the feeling of hostility was vocalised by many. It

was apparent that the status of race relations within the community was viewed differently

and several if not all of the UK group complained to some degree about the massive surge of

foreigners entering the neighbourhood over recent years, and subsequently blamed their

arrival for the degradation of the neighbourhood. Many not only made explicitly racist

P a g e 31 | 62

remarks about their migrant neighbours. Several also displayed confusion and lack of

knowledge about the difference between an economic migrant and an asylum seeker.

‘There’s a block of houses an it’s got asylum seekers in it, and they’re Lithuanians, and

I swear, I swear to God, they must be prostitutes.’

Alison (UK-born)

Although reference was often made to specific minorities such as Africans and Asians, it was

also apparent that there was even greater hostility arose towards certain economic migrants

such as the Lithuanians and gypsies. The increased diversity of ethnicities and migrants

seemed to have brought with it an increased level of angst and apprehension in the

community over the last decade. However there were several who showed more positive

feelings towards inter-ethnic relations.

‘The big change is fae 20 years ago, there's mair foreign people. When I first came to

Sighthill there was only Chinese folk…kind of minority why stayed for education. I

mean, you can find wans that are quite rude but you also find white people that are

quite rude as well…my next door neighbours black, and I've got on with Daniel for

years, he's been here for years, it doesn't bother me.’

Jackie (Sighthill)

Nevertheless it was apparent both migrants and UK born seemed to offer a view that the very

precarious position that asylum seekers once held in these neighbourhoods is giving way to a

more stronger and settled position within the community. To the extent that this has occurred,

it is potentially a hugely positive development for the migrant community. In contrast,

attitudes are less consistent across the UK born community – ranging from approval to (in

many cases) regret and hostility towards what some see as an unwanted encroachment on the

host community. The overwhelming consensus was that the migrant community were

overtaking the place and from this, feelings of resentment and intimidation arose amongst the

Brits. Several stated they felt threatened, and though they never mentioned any direct

experiences of racism or hatred towards themselves, the belief that the migrants were

gossiping about them in the elevator or the foreign men were undressing them with their eyes

on the street were two scenarios where they themselves felt victimised. It could be argued

that the language barrier was a major issue underpinning the misinterpretation of any signs of

P a g e 32 | 62

abhorrence from the migrant group. Any racial discrimination experienced was less direct

and less confrontational than the incidents experienced by the migrants.

‘They started letting everybody in left right and centre…they don’t understand a word

you say.’

Harry (UK-born)

Studies have shown that dysfunctional and unstable families are often typified by conflict and

hostility with relationships that are characteristically cold, unsupportive and neglectful [108].

Such family traits have been found to generate susceptibilities in family members which

result in the disruptions of psychosocial functioning and the accumulation of risk of mental

health disorders. In this study, the focus on family life and the support an individual receives

from their family structures greatly differed between groups, for varying unforeseen reasons

and it was apparent that ‘family life’ meant two very different things for both groups.

Dysfunction is the norm

Unsurprisingly, the UK-born group had a greater number of extended family members in a

closer vicinity than the migrants. However, their family-based support network was often

described as problematic with many family members requiring support of their own. Often

the lack of visiting and communication with other family members nearby was excused by

lack of money to travel or by health conditions such as depression. Depression in particular

seemed to act as a barrier to good family relations with feelings of not wanting to ‘burden’

other family members with such a condition, perhaps again highlighting the presence of weak

family ties and the continuing stigma and lack of understanding of mental health in the UK

[109].

‘She’s nae time for him. She met another guy wi’ three weans. Plus a’ she does is drink

vodka and booze. I think it’s mair harder being a single parent and getting a wean.’

Harry (UK-born)

Indeed, it was a very common occurrence for many of the UK participants to be residing and

living within single parent families. Whilst it was difficult to ascertain what exactly caused

5.5 FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

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the breakdown of many of the British families it was clear the history of domestic violence,

drug abuse and general mental health issues influenced some individuals.

Quality family time is central

To the contrary, the migrants appeared to have more traditional family units, albeit

geographically isolated from wider family networks because of migration. There was

unmistakeably more talk of the importance of doing things as a family and the implications of

ensuring their children received good parental guidance. For example, Maya was adamant

that everyday her family would sit and talk together.

‘I’m quite a strict mother. There are things I don’t want them to get involved with. So I

try as much as I can to spend time with the, telling the children the way they should

grow up, respecting people around them and showing love.’

Maya (Ghana)

For Maya, discipline and structure in her children’s lives was central to ensuring the best for

them and she viewed this as way in which she guided them away from trouble. Providing the

means for increased communication, the relocation to a bigger house meant that her family

were much more likely to sit around together and she stated that the ‘family bond’ became far

stronger due to such. Indeed this strong ‘family bond’ and indication of supportive yet

authoritative parenting style appeared to be present amongst several migrant families and

interestingly this trend came alongside the fact that a large majority of the migrant

households were two parent families.

Healthy gut, Healthy mind

There was a clear and observable distinction between attitudes to healthy behaviours and

lifestyle between both groups, highlighting once again the importance of culture, the role of

parenting and the influence religious practice has. In relation to diet and nutrition, it appeared

to be a customary practice for the migrant participants to cook traditional meals on a daily

basis using fresh produce, often using recipes from their country of origin. Many were

impassioned by cooking, and indicated an emphasis on spending the time to teach their

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children how to cook. Whilst there was a small indication that acculturation was leading to

negative eating habits such as Mayas son who was said to often request ‘Scottish pie and fish

and chips’, there was an overwhelming indication that migrants valued fresh food, salad, and

preparing everything at home.

‘I love cooking…..Every day, fresh food, yes.’

Ula (Sudan)

Contrariwise, the UK-born participant’s diet seemed to be greatly affected by pre-existing

mental conditions such as depression, alongside both family and psychosocial circumstances.

Harry (Shawbridge) was particularly fast to attribute his son’s diet of fast food, bacon rolls

and pizza as a way in which to achieve a ‘quiet life’, which was in part seen as a way in

which to subsequently ease the hardship of being a single parent father.

Furthermore, lack of money, depression and often boredom were all put forth as reasons to

why bad eating habits and the absence of cooking fresh meals persisted amongst the UK

participants. Interestingly it was only amongst the UK-born group that any connection was

made between the housing environment and diet.

‘you’re just eating something to make you feel a bit better, just having to live

here….you feel a bit isolated so you eat something to feel better.’

Aisha (UK-born)

Religion, Identity and alcohol

Perhaps expectedly, alcohol consumption had a large cultural and religious influence, with

migrants from several different backgrounds emphasising their disdain for alcohol either due

to being a Muslim or for their distrust on the long-term health benefits. In reference to the

local Glaswegian population, Jon (Kenya) was shocked by the drinking culture displayed in

the community for ‘they are becoming like old people because of their drinking habit’.

However, whilst the two groups identified and vocalised their similar experiences and

concerns of the local drinking culture being a significant community problem, it was only

amongst the UK-born population that alcohol had directly affected their life course, with

Dave attributing alcohol abuse during his youth as a reason behind his many years spent in

jail and Alison apparently disassociating herself with those she used to go to school with due

to their current problems with drinking.

P a g e 35 | 62

Interestingly, there was also a distinct difference behind the reasoning why an individual

restrained from alcohol consumption between both the migrant and UK-born group. This

difference appeared to be founded upon different motivations and rationale. For example, in

regards to one UK-born participant, it was only for fear of losing her child to social services

that she didn’t dare risk drinking alcohol whereas more often than not the social and cultural

boundaries amongst the migrants appeared to strongly control behaviours and opportunities

(especially for the migrant youth) to indulge in negative ‘Western’ activities.

‘They have different culture…it’s not allowed when the girl to be sixteen years…she

leave the family and go out – this is forbidden for us. Not allowed…until she married.’

Nada (Lebanon)

Daily Life or Daily Existence?

The disparity in leisure activities between both groups was once again underlined by a

difference in outlook and optimism. Whilst some migrants showed signs of the beginnings of

a sedentary life of watching TV, they overall were far more likely to be active and engaged

with their own personal development and their family during free time. They appeared to fill

their time with reading books, playing music, learning languages, and visiting friends and

maintained more of a structure to their daily routine. Ultimately they aspired to not waste

their lives, they wanted to experience it.

‘I want to learn as well. I like to learn. Every day I learn one word, you know.’

Nada (Lebanon)

The widespread theme was that many lived from day to day and for many the perceived lack

of things to do in the neighbourhood often meant a sedentary lifestyle consisting of TV,

computer use and an occasional outing outside to friends or the shops. This led to many

stating that this worsened their depression and increased their levels boredom but ultimately

many seemed content with such a lifestyle.

‘You’ve not got the money to do anything and your just like stagnant, you just sit.’

Carole (UK-born)

P a g e 36 | 62

Not all the UK-born participants were wholly inactive, notably some worked or volunteered,

and for Aisha partaking in a computing course at the regeneration centre helped her boost her

levels of confidence.

The connection between social isolation and lack of social ties with that of decreased

psychological well-being is a well-recognized concept amongst sociologists, dated as far back

as Durkheim [110]. Smaller social networks, a lack of close relationships and a perception of

insufficient and inadequate social support have all been connected to depressive symptoms

[111]. Nevertheless in this study it was apparent that although the migrants appeared to have

slight but significantly larger social network, the importance of such rested much more in the

type of social support they got from such friendships and furthermore their underlying

attitude and outlook on such an issue.

Keep yourself to yourself

With establishing that many of the UK-born participants had spent a significant part of their

lives in their area of residence, it would be plausible to suggest that they would therefore

have had more time to have built stronger social networks than that of the migrants. Thus as a

result, having closer relationships with a larger amount of people. However, there was a

remarkable lack of strong social networks amongst the British group with several only talking

about having one or two close friendships. Whether this general trend was a result of many

friends being relocated through the regeneration programme, the embarrassment of inviting

people round, an outcome of depression or because of the ‘cost of socialising’, there was a

resounding theme amongst the UK-born group that many preferred not to socialise with

neighbours nor actively pursue friendships, choosing a more solitary type of lifestyle.

Interestingly, the phrase ‘keep yourself to yourself’ was frequently used by a remarkable

number of the UK-born residents.

‘I know a few people, aye, but there's mair and mair people who I don't know.

I suppose I am a wee bit of a loner…I feel mair comfortable, I like being myself.’

Jackie (UK-born)

5.7 FRIENDS AND SOCIAL NETWORKS

P a g e 37 | 62

This appeared to not only be because of the reported danger of the neighbourhood, but for

some (particularly Harry) as an easy and trouble-free approach to avoiding further stress and

difficulties in their lives.

It came across as many wanted to hide away from it all, and to a certain extent, what could be

described as a desire to live a sort of detached reality from their present situation. Likewise

the common intention of ‘avoiding trouble’ was a key factor in some of the breakdowns of

friendships amongst the UK-born group, with particular focus once again on the issue of

domestic abuse. For Aisha, the disapproval of her friends continually returning to their

violent partners was a justifiable reason to cut ties with them, and whilst her feelings of

isolation inspired her to try and make new friends, the view that the wrong type of people

reside in the area once again resurfaced. The ‘it’s the people, not the place’ argument was re-

emphasised, and in Aisha’s case, alongside the feelings of injustice and lack of belonging.

‘I’ve been trying to make friends, but it’s just, the kinda people here I think, you just

can’t. It’s quite isolated. So it’s that horrible kinda loneliness. I’m quite a bright person

and I feel I don’t deserve to live in a horrible place like this and have nobody.’

Aisha (UK-born)

Indeed, due to this view based upon the typecasting of all residents in the area, there was a

tendency for the UK group to also display deep-rooted distrust in their neighbours for Harry

stated he would never let a neighbour look after his children for there is ‘no such thing as the

word safe’.

A more ethnically diverse network?

The migrants, although not appearing to have a significantly greater number of friends, did

talk more positively about friendships and were clearly keener to establish and maintain such.

For the most part their social networks and friendships stemmed from taking part in

community work and community groups, and thus they seemed more comfortable and more

likely to mix with other ethnicities, both migrants and Scottish locals. They were far more

enthusiastic about communicating with others, appeared more sociable and outgoing and by

in large their main interest was to make friends, no matter the nationality of the person.

P a g e 38 | 62

‘I mix with Scottish as well. I’m somebody that’s very friendly. I easily make

friends…Not just the asylum seekers and refugees but, anyone who wish to you know.’

Maya (Ghana)

However, often the lack of adequate English language skills was seen as a barrier to

communicating with the locals but again this was seen as another driver for increasing efforts

in improving their language skills.

Interestingly the main issue amongst the migrant group was the way in which they viewed the

role of their friendships and that of the community. For most migrants, they appeared to be

more trusting and more willing to allow neighbours and friends to look after their children for

example. Secondly several viewed and expected their community and friendships to act as a

pillar of support, with several referring back to African communities where people will look

out for one another in times of trouble and distress.

‘In Kenyan communities… If you’ve got problem, your neighbour can help you. One

thing I know about this country if the neighbours are foreigners, you don’t have any

problem.’

Jon (Kenya)

Lastly they appeared to have an unspoken alliance with any other foreigner in the area. There

was a hint that there was to a certain degree a community within a community, and that when

all else fails, foreigners in Glasgow will always help you out if you are yourself a foreigner.

Indeed although many mixed with Scottish, this recurring theme of a strong migrant

community was evidently a huge part in why the migrant’s friendships appeared tighter and

of more importance to them. The migrants helped each other with education, instilling morals

upon each other’s children and general day to day difficulties, and perhaps this apparent

positivity amongst the migrants was passed onto one another

The potential that community service, volunteering and active participation in local groups

has in improving mental health and well-being has been frequently documented [112, 113]. From

promoting personal growth and self-esteem to strengthening the community by bringing

people closer together, the capacity it has in helping individuals feel more in control of their

5.8 PARTICIPATION IN THE COMMUNITY

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lives, more empowered, and ultimately more positive is wide-ranging. In this study it appears

that the migrants are more consistently engaged and give a wider range of examples of

engagement in community activities than the UK-born group. Although both groups are

involved in the community to some extent, it is often the type of groups and organisations

that they are involved with that show a distinct disparity in interests and issues relevant to

both groups.

Making friends and giving something back

The migrant participants emerge as a group highly involved in community work and

activities aimed at improving neighbourhood crime, those which nurture relationships

between nationalities and those focusing on learning and education. Most of which are

organised through the church and run by volunteers. Layan for example had trouble finding

work because of her asylum status but in order to ‘keep busy’ and help other immigrants, she

began working as a volunteer teaching English classes and often supporting new arrivals with

their language problems. Similarly Ula claimed that the International Woman’s group was a

big part of her life and emphasised that not only did it help foster and support new friendships

but it also was an opportunity to help others, which she valued greatly. The rewards that

came from attending such groups was evidently large, and understandably so when it’s often

reported migrants have feelings of isolation and exclusion once in the receiving country.

‘So they organised things like that for the refugees and asylum seekers. So we got to

know each other. Then we became very close. We wouldn’t call ourselves friends now,

we call ourselves like sisters. ’

Maya (Ghana)

Indeed gaining strong friendships and with such activities and groups providing a close knit

community that built the foundation of a support system for many migrants, it was apparent

again that the migrant population seemed to look out for each other. The women and families

groups were especially prominent in many of their lives, not only providing a source of

parental advice but also allowing opportunities for daily outings, cooking groups and a

clothes exchange network.

P a g e 40 | 62

Everything is for the foreigners

In comparison, the UK group had a very different experience and involvement with

community groups. Rather than a focus on social and educational groups, the majority talked

of attending self-help groups for depression and self-harm, counselling courses to deal with

confidence issues and befriending groups which are groups often viewed as a replacement for

statutory mental health services. Indeed pre-existing physical and mental health conditions

seemed to be more of a barrier in engaging with the community for this group. Any talk of

the community groups that involved a more direct way of getting to know neighbours and

locals, which most of the migrants were said to attend, were dismissed and often criticized.

The belief that many community groups were geared towards catering for the foreigners was

a key theme that again appeared to exaggerate the sour feelings from the side of the British

born group.

‘A lot of it's aimed toward asylum seekers (local community groups) for English as a

second language and all that…I don’t tend to get involved in a lot of it.’

Jackie (UK-born)

However besides this was still an underlying lack of motivation and initiative in seeking

involvement within the community amongst the UK-born participants. A few attributed their

lack of participation as a result of being overcome by chronic health conditions but there

were others who just preferred to continue with the ‘keep themselves to themselves’

narrative. However, there were still several who did show a keen interest in doing something

worthwhile and regardless if many believed there was nothing to do in the area, Jackie

advocated that more people should be proactive.

‘See if you look for it, you’ll find it, and that’s what I’ve always found with people. They

kinda moan there’s nothing there, but if you want it, and you look for it, you’ll find

something’.

Jackie (UK-born)

Amongst the UK-born group, it was clear the few who had done prior voluntary and

community work had gained a lot from it and doing so had a more positive outlook on many

aspects of their lives and interestingly also viewed the community as more harmonious.

P a g e 41 | 62

‘It absolutely made me feel a million dollars. Felt better cause it wasnae for cash, it was

motivated fae in there.’

Barbara (UK-born)

Individuals’ aspirations and their consequences for future-oriented behaviour is an important

subject matter in any study of poverty and disadvantage [114, 115]. Whether an individual’s

goals, positive feelings towards the future and locus of control are all subsequently associated

with future-oriented behaviour, in this study the relation to such with positive mental well-

being was shown to vary between groups. It was evident that when it came to discussions

about the resident’s aspirations, there was a similar trend in the desire to ultimately achieve

happiness alongside the hope for a better life. Yet, it was also evident during the discussions,

the degree to which these aspirations were to be fulfilled and the optimism surrounding their

achievement, was comparatively different.

Better job, education and future for the family

First and foremost the migrant group came across as having a slight but significantly more

positive outlook on their future. For example, there was impassioned talk of planning to get

work, predominantly for reasons relating to improving the future opportunities for their

children. For the most part the welfare of their children was at the forefront of any dreams

and hopes, with the chief aim in securing them a good education, followed secondly by

ensuring them a better standard of living to what they have now or what they have had in the

past.

‘Because me I didn't get a chance to go to school in Africa. But here, my children get a

chance.’

Nadia (Ivory Coast)

For some it was apparent that such ambition stemmed from a background of extreme poverty

and lack of opportunities in their home country, whereas for some finding a job also seemed

to be a fundamental part in how they felt about themselves. For Jon, gaining employment was

5.9 FUTURE PROSPECTS

P a g e 42 | 62

not only a way of achieving happiness but also a way in which he could control his life by

having more of his own disposable money to spend on what he wants.

‘I don’t want to be on jobseekers allowance, because I’ve never been happy with (it)...

So I’ll try to be working.’

Jon (Kenya)

Indeed this positive outlook further extended into feelings of belonging and affection to

Scotland for some. Nonetheless the migrants were a group who were by in large far more

ambitious and optimistic about their future.

‘I don’t care for her country, this our country. A lot of people help us, very nice.

Scottish people beautiful people, honestly very nice. Yes.’

Nada (Lebanon)

To cope and find contentment

In contrast the UK-born participants did not share such a strong belief that everything was

going to get better, nor did they seem to hold any belief that they were any more fortunate

than before the regeneration process began. It appeared that the main aim for the future for

many was to continue to cope with their situation, take one day at a time, and essentially

avoid looking forward to or for anything, for fear of further failure. Although one couple

from Red Road had recently succeeded in turning their lives around through volunteering,

achieving the title as a ‘community champion’ and gaining a new job after long term

unemployment, they appeared to be an isolated example within this sample. It was clear

many just wanted to find happiness and contentment and ultimately the ‘basics o’ life’ for

concern of being disappointed again.

‘Peace, contentment, feeling safe in your own house,

I don’t look to the future. I just take it one day at a time.’

Alison (UK-born)

Indeed the strong undercurrent of confidence issues surfacing during the interviews was

overwhelming and although a few of the unemployed participants suggested they had some

desire to get back into work, most other talk of the future involved modest aspirations, and

P a g e 43 | 62

these aspirations were frequently riddled with uncertainty and doubt. Undeniably it was this

uncertainty and doubt that inspired many of the reasons given to why any aspiration would

fail to be fulfilled, with many often reflecting back to their past failures and to their current

health conditions.

‘But a job is not guaranteed. I’ve no got experience. I’ve no worked in ten years,

nobody’s gonna gie me a reference.’

Aisha (UK-born)

P a g e 44 | 62

6. DISCUSSION

From the findings of this study, one could argue that the migrants show a higher degree of

strength and adaptability in comparison to the UK-born group not only for how they seemed

to respond to the process of urban regeneration but also how they dealt with racism, social

isolation and abject poverty. Firstly the role that familial capabilities, characteristics, and

resources plays in cushioning the effects of migration on the family unit have been noted by

several studies and indeed in this study it appears family life and relations were a dominant

issue that could have acted as such a cushion [116]. The finding that migrant narratives

emphasised the need to take part in more family orientated activities and instil moral values

(sometimes linked with religious beliefs) upon their children was one outcome which upheld

the findings from prior studies [117]. Indeed ‘perceived quality of parenting’ in relation to

autonomy and care given to adolescent family members have been correlated with

psychological well-being across all ethnic groups in the UK in a recent study [117].

Participation in family activities, daily family meals, visiting friends and family have all been

shown to vary by ethnicity yet have a strong association with well-being, independent of

family type or socioeconomic status [118].

Secondly the theme amongst the migrants was that many gained friendships, education and a

purpose from what appeared to be a higher level of community participation in local groups

and it was apparent that a strong migrant community comprising of a variety of different

cultures developed from such. Notably previous studies have theorized that positive attributes

found in areas of greater concentration of ethnic minority people could offer ethnic minority

residents with health promoting, or protective effects [119]. Such buffering effects have in

some studies indicated a tendency for a weaker association between racism and health as

ethnic density increased [120]. Furthermore although ethnic minorities have not found to report

higher civic engagement as ethnic density increased, they have reportedly shown a greater

degree of satisfaction with local services and testifying to a greater community cohesion

[121].

Finally, it appears that migrants adapt as well as resist to the challenges and expectations

placed on them by the migratory process or by the receiving society. Many showed resilience

6.1 RESILIENCE

P a g e 45 | 62

by maintaining their cultures, traditions and systems of beliefs yet also showed they were

open for change and open for learning. The role of self-identity may face challenges at a later

date however, when several studies have shown the generational differences between

migrants can cause conflict and mental distress. In a prior study it was shown that first

generation migrants may be disposed to strive harder yet be under more stress, whereas the

younger generation following them may face the further difficulty of adjusting in bicultural

settings leading to a culture conflict [122].

Overall the UK-born group appeared in comparison less adaptable and more intolerant to

change and seemed to have their own cultural influences that made them less likely to

incorporate other cultural norms into their lives and more negative about their future

prospects, their current situation and their outlook on life in general. The responses to the

relatively sudden arrival of migrants and then the gradual demolition of the neighbourhood

were mixed but the overall impression is that the narratives of UK-born participants (with

some notable exceptions) tended to show more concern about changes relating to the migrant

community than about the demolition of their neighbourhood. Yet it was amongst the UK-

born that it seemed the ravaging effects of ill health, smoking, alcohol abuse, and a poor diet

meant many ultimately lived a life without much hope.

Improving racism

Between 2012-2015, the Scottish Government have committed to the funding of around £5

million to organisations at the heart of the fight against racism, discrimination and religious

intolerance in the country [123]. The ‘One Scotland’ campaign which promotes the slogan ‘No

us, No them, Just We’ has often been at the forefront of the equality cause and provides the

material and toolkits for stakeholders and communities to deliver anti-racism messages on the

ground, through wider educational programmes [124]. Tackling racism and racist attitudes is

seen as high on the agenda of the politicians. It is clear that there are still opportunities being

missed in regards to how urban regeneration in itself can combine its efforts in the fight

against racism in some of Glasgow’s GoWell areas. In this study there was a strong narrative

from asylum seekers, particularly in Sighthill, that improvements had occurred in recent

years, that migrants believed the improvements positively affected their wellbeing, and that

6.2 LINKS WITH POLICY

P a g e 46 | 62

these improvements were attributed to efforts both within the community (both migrants and

UK-born) and external organisations such as the police. Therefore it is worth exploring in

more detail how ethnic divisions were improved, and how lessons from this might inform

future practice and policy.

Engaging, involving and encouraging participation

The barriers for many people not engaging with their community were varied but for the UK-

born participants they were generally to do with a lack of awareness of facilities and activities

available. It may be of value to further investigate how community participation can be

successfully encouraged, to what extent available facilities are important in one’s life and

how the process of regeneration can enable the introduction of more amenities and

community events. In this study, there is a high likelihood that the migrants more positive

attitudes about their situation is a consequence of a greater degree of community participation

giving them a feeling of empowerment and control over their lives.

‘Social mobility’ and the cycle of disadvantage

It would appear that the UK-born participants were to some degree far more negatively

affected by their environment than the migrants. This could be argued as a result of a

disparity in expectations in what they deserve and what they have got, with poverty and poor

living standards being viewed as the lowest point of disadvantage in the British participant’s

lives. For migrants however, poverty and disadvantage may merely be viewed as a part of an

unfolding and a necessary part of the migratory process and thus they hold the existing hope

that things can and will ultimately get better [125]. Nevertheless, this negativity from the UK-

group may be understandable when currently Britain has one of the lowest social mobility

levels in the developed world with an individual’s wage or education more likely to be

similar to their fathers than any other country in the OECD [126]. With education being a

driver in social mobility, educational achievement is clearly not balanced within the British

society and parental influence still makes a big difference when amongst the poorest fifth in

society, 46% have mothers with no qualifications at all yet amongst the richest, it's only 3%

[126]. The general finding that many of the UK-born had turbulent life stories and a lack of

education and social skills may support Machenbach’s view that the working class upward

mobility over the years since the end of WWII has meant that those left in the lowest class

have the least cultural resources to move up out of it [127]. Therefore it is worth exploring in

P a g e 47 | 62

more detail how urban regeneration in Glasgow can effectively get the unemployed back to

work, change attitudes, and alter perceived life prospects of residents.

6.3 STUDY LIMITATIONS AND STRENGTHS

There are several noteworthy limitations which should be taken into account when drawing

upon any conclusions made. Firstly, the generalizability of this study was limited for several

reasons, with the first being the small sample size used. Only 25 individuals were interviewed

from 22 households out of a total of approximately 2800 occupied homes in these study areas

in 2011 (figures provided by Glasgow Housing Association and GoWell) [128,129]. Such a type

of selection bias may limit the extent to which such findings are actually representative of the

population as whole, when complex factors influence mental health and when all individuals

in a neighbourhood have a variety of different experiences and perspectives [130]. Secondly

the recruitment process provides a further source of bias when participants in the migrant

group were predominantly recruited via the church and local housing officers, perhaps

making it more likely that they were active members of the neighbourhood who participated

in community and voluntary events. Furthermore, the snowball sampling technique relies

upon social networks and thus risks the recruitment of individuals who are hold similar

views, experiences and beliefs.

Regarding the method of data collection, there are several restrictions to any interpretations

that can be made from the interviews. Firstly, language barriers are a problem for the migrant

group and any inferences made from what they said should be considered with caution [131].

Lack of language skills and fear of saying the wrong thing may have meant the migrants

didn’t vocalise or articulate their concerns and problems as much as the UK-born group.

Social desirability in which respondents answer the questions in a way which would be

viewed favourably by others may have been a bigger issue amongst the refugees and asylum

seekers who may feel a need to answer positively [132]. The interview technique, although

strengthened by the unstructured nature of the questioning allowing the participants to talk

about issues important to them, was also weakened by the lack of direct probing of specific

issues that would have given us a better insight to the research topic this study was focused

on. During each interview, standard set questions were not asked and thus the exact same

topics were not covered and the comparability between the two groups were limited.

P a g e 48 | 62

Notably the data collected and analysed in this study was cross-sectional and therefore only

provided a snap shot of the participant’s lives, feelings and experiences at one particular time.

There was no analysis of how individuals’ opinions or perspectives changed over time.

However in regards to views on urban regeneration, amongst the participants there was at

least a mix of individuals who were living in high-rise flats and were awaiting relocation,

with those who had already been relocated and were settling in to their new homes.

Overall, this study does not set out to find definitive answers but intended to explore the

possible ways in which migrants may have gained a mental health advantage over their UK-

born neighbours in a time of widespread urban and neighbourhood regeneration. The detailed

and complex data provided us with an opportunity to do such but the limitations also hinder

the comprehensive understanding of mental health, migration and ethnicity.

P a g e 49 | 62

7. CONCLUSION

This study was an exploratory qualitative inquiry into how migrant status, ethnicity and urban

regeneration are related to the mental health and well-being of individuals living with

Glasgow’s most disadvantaged areas. The purpose of the secondary data analysis was not

only to develop a hypothesis on why migrants appear to have a mental health advantage over

their UK-born neighbours but also to gain a further insight into how the urban environment

and the process of urban regeneration influences ones psychological state.

The initial findings indicate a clear distinction between the two groups in regards to overall

life perspective, prior life experiences and general attitudes towards their environment and

situation. It would appear that the migrants may be more resilient to change and disruption

whilst the UK-born individuals show a clear lack of endurance to similar circumstances.

Perhaps supporting prior research [125], it underlines the possibility that for migrants and new

migrant families, poverty may be viewed as an unavoidable and transient part of the

resettlement process. Yet for those individuals and families from the receiving society,

poverty may not be seen as a part of a component of an unfolding process but instead viewed

as the all-time low point of a cycle of disadvantage. Whilst there was some evidence of a

perception that ethnic divisions within the community were improving, suggesting one

potential mechanism for improvements in mental wellbeing amongst migrants over time there

were also many reports and examples from UK-born and migrant participants that divisions

and hostilities remained. Ultimately these findings warrant further investigation into why and

how racism is changing in a continually diverse city as Glasgow.

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