"Mistra. A Fortified Late Byzantine Settlement", in J. Albani and E. Chalkia, eds., Heaven and...

ATHENS 2013

Heaven & EarthE D I T E D B Y

JENNY ALBANI AND EUGENIA CHALKIA

n a t i o n a l g a l l e r y o f a r t

BENAKIMUSEUM

HELLENIC REPUBLICMINISTRY OF CULTURE AND SPORTS

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Published by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports and the Benaki Museum, Athens

© 2013 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports© 2013 Benaki Museum

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted by any means, electronic or mechanical,including photocopying, recording, or information retrieval system, without permission from the publishers.

ISBN 978-960-476-132-6 (HC)

ISBN 978-960-476-133-3 (PBC)

Editors JENNY ALBANI, EUGENIA CHALKIA

Research assistants ELENI CHARCHARE, ANTONIS TSAKALOS, SOTIRIS FOTAKIDIS

Bibliography VASSILIKI P. KLOTSA

Glossary ELENI CHARCHARE, ANTONIS TSAKALOS

Translators from Greek FREYA EVENSON

VALERIE NUNN (Essay by I. Anagnostakis)

DEBORAH KAZAZI (Forewards, Essays by A. Tourta, E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. Drakopoulou, Ch. Koilakou)

Translator from French ALEXANDRA BONFIONTE-WARREN (Essay by C. Abadie-Reynal)

Text editor RUSSELL STOCKMAN

Designer FOTINI SAKELLARI

Photographers VELISSARIOS VOUTSAS, ELPIDA BOUBALOU

Map design PENELOPE MATSOUKA, ANAVASI EDITIONS

Color separations PANAYOTIS VOUVELIS

Printing ADAM EDITIONS-PERGAMOS

Financial Management DIMITRIS DROUNGAS

Printed on Fedrigony 150 gsm

The Companion Volume is issued in conjunction with the exhibition Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections, held at the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., from October 6, 2013, through March 2, 2014,

and at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, from April 9 through August 25, 2014.

The exhibition was organized by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Athens, with the collaboration of the Benaki Museum, Athens,

and in association with the National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C., and the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles

SPONSOR

Jacket / Cover illustration The city of Jerusalem, detail from the Entry into Jerusalem. Wall painting, circa 1428. Mistra, katholikon of the Pantanassa Monastery.

Frontispiece Backdrop, detail from the zone of the martyrs. Dome mosaic, late 4th–6th century. Thessalonike, Rotunda.

The exhibition’s international tour is made possible through OPAP S.A.’s major funding. Financial support is also provided by the A.G. Leventis Foundation.

The exhibition is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities

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Historical Overview

Mistra, the fortified settlement

founded after the reacquisition of

Constantinople by the Byzantines

in 1261, flourished during the late medieval

period (fig. 196). The empire at this time

was ruled by the Palaiologoi (1261–1453),

the last Byzantine dynasty.1 At the original

core of Mistra, the castle founded in 1249 by

the Frankish ruler of the principality of

Achaia, William II Villehardouin, occupies

the peak of a hill at the foot of Mount

Taygetos. It was constructed in order to

secure the plain from the Slavs of Taygetos

and reinforce the Latin domination of the

region. In Byzantine sources the hill and the

settlement that developed below the castle

were called Myzithras, or, more scholarly,

Sparta or Lakedaimon,2 while the name

Mistra has become established in recent

literature. The Frankish castle was ceded to

Michael VIII Palaiologos (1261–82), along

with three other castles in the southern

Peloponnesos, as ransom for the release of

William II, who had been captured by the

Byzantines in the battle of Pelagonia in

1259. The metropolitan see of Lakedaimon

was moved to the new settlement of Mistra,

occupied primarily by former residents of

Lakedaimon, or ancient Sparta. The

governors, who initially held the office of

kephale for a one-year term, settled on a

plateau of the hill below the castle, where

most likely the residence of the Frankish

lord already existed.

A great change in the administration of

Mistra is noticeable in the mid-fourteenth

SOPHIA KALOPISSI-VERTI

MistraA Fortified Late Byzantine Settlement

Fig. 196 | Aerial view of Mistra: the castle, Ano and Kato Chora.

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century. The emperor John VI

Kantakouzenos (1347–54), who had settled

in Mistra after his abdication, installed his

son Manuel as the first despotes with a life

term. Manuel (1349–80) married Isabelle

de Lusignan, inaugurating a period of

friendly relations with the Franks.

Several years later the administration of

Mistra passed into the hands of the

Palaiologan family with the installation as

despotes of Theodore I (1383–1407), son of

the emperor John V Palaiologos (1341–

91). He was followed by Theodore II

(1407–43), son of the emperor Manuel II

(1391–25), just eleven years old. Emperor

Manuel II himself remained in Mistra for

long periods to supervise the

administration. The Palaiologan despotaimanaged to severely restrict Frankish

domination in the Peloponnesos. The last

Byzantine emperor, Constantine

Palaiologos (1443–49) commanded Mistra

as despotes before moving to Constantinople

and ascending the throne.

After Demetrios Palaiologos (1440–

60), the last despotes of Mistra, surrendered

to Mehmed II in 1460, Mistra became the

seat of the Bey of the Sanjak of the

Peloponnesos. During the period of

Ottoman rule, Mistra developed into an

important center for the production and

trade of wool and—primarily—silk.

Gradually, the settlement spread outside

Marmara Gate

Chapel of Ai-Giannakes

Lower Gate

PalaceNauplionGate

Hagia Sophia

Upper Gate

Evangelistria

Hagioi Theodoroi

Hodegetria

Hagios Nikolaos

Pantanassa

The Castle

Peribleptos

Gate at the outworks

Metropolis

Liitle Palace

Fig. 197 | Topographical map of Mistra.

House of Laskares

Monemvasia Gate

House of Phrangopoulos

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the walls (Exochorion). From 1687 until

1715 Mistra came under Venetian control,

and then again under the Ottomans.

From the seventeenth century on it

became a favorite destination for European

travelers.3 In 1834, shortly after the

liberation from the Ottoman rule, part of

the population of Mistra was installed in

the newly founded city of Sparta. The last

residents were finally removed from the

settlement in 1955, when Mistra was

transformed into an archaeological site

open to the public.

Since the pioneering studies of Gabriel

Millet in the early twentieth century,4

many scientists have been involved in

research relating to Mistra’s monuments.5

Restoration works were undertaken in the

first half of the twentieth century, mainly

by Anastasios Orlandos. In parallel to the

stewardship of the 5th Ephorate of

Byzantine Antiquities, reconstruction and

restoration of the monuments have been

undertaken since 1984 by the Committee

for the Restoration of the Monuments of

Mistra.6 In 1989 Mistra was included in

the catalog of UNESCO’s World Heritage

Sites.

Mistra the Fortress

Mistra’s system of fortifications, which

utilize the naturally defensible location,

include the castle (fig. 53) at the top of the

hill, at an elevation of roughly 2,000 feet

(621 m) above sea level, and two parallel

zones of walls below, at the base of the hill,

which enclose the settlement.7 The castle

itself also has two fortified defensive zones

(fig. 197). The two parallel walls farther

down the hill were built at the same time

as part of the initial fortification program,

dividing the settlement into Ano (Upper)

and Kato (Lower) Chora. The enclosure

wall of Ano Chora has two gates, the

Nauplion Gate on the exterior wall,

protected by two towers and outworks,

and the Monemvasia Gate in the section

of the wall separating Ano from Kato

Chora. Two important monasteries stand

at the two ends of the wall of Kato Chora,

the Brontochion Monastery and the

Peribleptos Monastery, which, with their

imposing fortified towers, participated in the

defensive function of the walls. The main

gate, after the gate near the Peribleptos

was closed, was most likely at the site of

Marmara, where there was also a building

complex with a fortified tower.

Mistra the Settlement

The settlement of Mistra, which extended

over six hectares in Ano Chora and

thirteen in Kato Chora, was one of the

largest of the Late Byzantine period, with

the exception, of course, of Constantinople,

Thessalonike, and certain other cities

surviving from Late Antiquity. Although

there are no extant accounts of the

number of the city’s residents during the

Byzantine period, scholars have estimated

that the population totaled between 1,000–

1,200 residents,8 and up to 20,000

including the suburbs.9 It is most likely,

however, that the population by no means

exceeded 5,000–6,000, as has been

estimated for provincial cities of the Late

Byzantine period.10

With the establishment of Mistra by

Michael VIII Palaiologos, the

administrative center, in other words, the

seat of the commander, was in Ano Chora,

while the ecclesiastical center, the

metropolis, was in Kato Chora.11 Apart

from this, the settlement, like nearly all

Middle and Late Byzantine cities,

developed more or less organically, that is

without urban planning, with buildings

gradually constructed over time to meet

growing needs.12 The settlement’s two

sectors appear to have developed parallel to

each other. From the middle of the

fourteenth century Ano Chora (fig. 198)

was enriched with the expansion of the

palace, the erection of the palatial chapel of

Hagia Sophia, and the construction of

numerous houses. We do not know

whether the large square in front of the

palace, the forum of the Byzantines,

functioned as a commercial space or was

an imitation of the squares of

contemporary Italian cities.13

The main body of the guard was

housed in Kato Chora (fig. 197), a densely

populated area with diverse social strata.14

In addition, most of the larger monasteries

were gradually built here, as well as

mansions and more modest houses. In

contrast to Ano Chora with its large

square in front of the palace (figs. 198–99),

in Kato Chora the houses, shops, and

workplaces were aligned along the main

paved streets. Three roads snaked upward

from the gates of the lower wall to the top

of the hill, connecting Kato Chora with

Ano Chora and the Pantanassa Monastery

and at the same time separating Kato

Chora into four residential blocks. Traces

of a stone-paved street lying parallel to the

slope of the hill and connecting the

Brontochion Monastery to the Peribleptos

Monastery might be identified as the Mese(Middle Road), i.e. the central road typical

of Byzantine cities.15 The larger streets

were intersected by other smaller roads

which often traveled through passageways

(diavatika), barrel-vaulted corridors

traversing the ground floors of houses,

ensuring free passage.

The oldest of Mistra’s reservoirs16 are

the two cisterns of the castle and the large

vaulted cistern in the palace square. A

large cistern with columns, following

Constantinopolitan models, was discovered

to the northeast of the church of Hagia

Sophia. Two cisterns beneath the palace

served its needs while others provided for

the manor houses.

Sections of the water supply network,

connected to an aqueduct outside the

walls, have been uncovered in both Kato

and Ano Chora. The system is

complemented by fountains in various

locations throughout the settlement. The

drainage system appears to be less well

organized. The wealthier houses had toilets

built into niches. Several septic pits have

also been found. It appears, however, that

with only few exceptions, such as the

palace, sewage was channeled directly to

the outdoors.

Some of the most important examples

of residential architecture of the Late

Byzantine period are preserved at Mistra.17

In the first period, that is from the

foundation of the city up until around the

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middle of the fourteenth century, a time

when the Frankish presence still created a

sense of insecurity, the houses had a closed

form, with small windows and defensive

towers. They commonly had a large space,

the triclinium, within which all the

activities of the household took place.

After Manuel Kantakouzenos took

control in the mid-fourteenth century, the

climate of hostilities with the Franks

changed to one of peace and security. The

houses of this period, frequently with two

or even three stories, changed form,

acquiring large windows, balconies, and

sun terraces. The triclinium always

occupied the upper floor. The ground floor

was used as a space for workshop activities

and possibly also for transactions. The

secondary functions of the household were

also found there, while the basement,

when present, mainly in mansions, was

turned into a stable or cistern. The walls

were now articulated, both inside and out,

with blind arches. Western forms were

also adopted, mainly in the openings,

which acquired pointed arches and porous

stone frames. These elements are found not

only in the residences of aristocrats but

also in more modest houses. Among the

most important surviving residences in

Kato Chora are the Phrangopoulos House

and the Laskares House, which has

recently been restored.18

Prominent members of the aristocracy

and of the administrative or ecclesiastical

hierarchy were buried, as in Constantinople,

in the narthexes of churches, in porticoes,

and in chapels. Noteworthy are the

arcosolia (burials in sarcophagi placed into

arched recesses in the wall) in the southern

portico in the church of Aphentiko, the

wall paintings of which offer invaluable

information as to the appearance of the

aristocrats of Mistra during the fourteenth

century. In the church of Hagia Sophia a

series of tombs were discovered under the

floors of the north and west porticoes. As

indicated by the finds, these tombs were

used for multiple burials of members of the

aristocracy.19 Aristocratic burials were also

found in the chapels of the same church, as

well as of the church of Hagioi Theodoroi.

In contrast to these wealthy tombs, groups

of burials uncovered in the area

surrounding the latter church most likely

belong to monks, as deduced from the

inexpensive finds.20

Fig. 198 | Aerial view of Ano Chora at Mistra: the Palace, church of Hagia Sophia, ruins of houses.

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The AdministrativeOrganization: the Palace

Mistra’s administrative offices were

housed in the palace complex overlooking

the square of Ano Chora. The palace also

served as the residence of the governor,

and later, of the despotes21 (figs. 197, 199).

The L-shaped building has four

construction phases covering the period

from the thirteenth to the fifteenth

centuries. The original core, a two-story

structure with a tower, bears many

Western features, such as pointed-arch

windows, and was most likely built by the

Franks before Mistra came under

Byzantine control. During the era of

Andronikos II, at the end of the thirteenth

or beginning of the fourteenth century, the

palace expanded toward the west with a

two-story construction that followed

Byzantine tradition. The arched window

openings are semicircular. The next

extension, also toward the west, was

undertaken in the second half of the

fourteenth century during the era of the

despotes Manuel Kantakouzenos. The two-

story structure presents typological and

architectural similarities with

contemporary houses of Venice. The last

Byzantine building phase includes an

impressive three-story elongated building

on the northwest, which combines

elements of Byzantine and Western

architecture. It is attributed to the emperor

Manuel II Palaiologos, who stayed in

Mistra for long periods in the years 1408

and 1415. A magnificent throne room was

located on the uppermost floor of this

extension, with a balcony overlooking the

square.

Production and CommercialActivity

From the fourteenth century onward,

Mistra evolved into an important

consumer of foodstuffs, garments, and

crafts products.22 An important role in the

supply and distribution of agricultural

products in the settlement was played by

the monasteries, which had large land

holdings, as indicated by the chrysobulls

reproduced in the southwestern chapel of

Aphentiko.23 A portion of the retail trade

in the city appears to have taken place

along the central streets of Kato Chora,

although written sources about the

organization of the economy have not

been preserved, and archaeological evidence

is sparse. The olive press in Kato Chora is

one of the few surviving examples of

installations in the city for the processing

of agricultural products.24 The aristocracy’s

demand for luxury goods, fabrics, and the

like would have been met by imports from

the West.

Religious Organization25

Monuments which follow both the

Helladic and Constantinopolitan

architectural traditions, as seen in their

typological and design features—masonry,

openings, brickwork—coexist in Mistra.

The settlement’s two oldest churches, the

Fig. 199 | Mistra. The Palace being restored, seen from the forum.

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Metropolis and Hagioi Theodoroi, were

designed in accordance with the local

Helladic school. Of special interest and

indicative of the prevailing ideology are the

choice of architectural type,26 on the one

hand, and the churches’ dedications on the

other. The Metropolis was built as a

timber-roof, three-aisle basilica type. Not

only are a majority of metropolitan

churches of this type, but more

importantly, so is the basilica of Hosios

Nikon in Sparta, whence the metropolitan

see was transferred to Mistra. The church

of Hagioi Theodoroi, on the other hand, is

a Greek cross, domed octagon; it follows

the type of Hagia Sophia in Monemvasia,

the large administrative and ecclesiastical

center of the southern Peloponnesos.

Through these architectural choices,

imperial policy relating to the succession of

cities in Lakonia, newly freed from

Frankish domination, is symbolically

expressed. Moreover, the churches’

dedications to soldier saints, in an outpost

of Byzantium and in an age of difficulty

and struggle for territory against the

Franks, is not accidental. In fact, Saint

Demetrios, to whom the Metropolis is

dedicated, was the guardian saint of

Michael VIII Palaiologos, the virtual

founder of the church, through the local

ecclesiastical leadership, as well as of the

city itself.

The Metropolis27 (fig. 197) was erected

by the metropolitan Eugenios (1262–72),

Fig. 201 | Mistra, Hagioi Theodoroi. The east side of the church.

Fig. 200 | The Virgin and Child, with the metropolitan Theodosios. Wall painting, 1273–83. Mistra, Metropolis, bema apse.

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who is depicted in the diakonikon, where his

tomb was also discovered.28 To his successor

Theodosios (1272–83?) are due a large

portion of the wall paintings decorating the

church. Theodosios, who subscribed to a

policy of reconciliation with the papacy as

promoted by Emperor Michael VIII

Palaiologos, was represented kneeling in

prayer at the feet of the Virgin in the conch

of the sanctuary apse (fig. 200). However,

his image was intentionally scraped off in

an act of damnatio memoriae by one of his

successors, probably Nikephoros

Moschopoulos (1288?–1315), who was a

follower of Andronikos II’s policy against

reconciliation. In the inscriptions he had

carved in the church Moschopoulos

promoted himself as the church’s founder.29

During his tenure the Metropolis

flourished. It had a library and most likely a

scriptorium for copying manuscripts. He

himself completed the painted decoration of

the church, with, among others, figures of

the apostles in the south aisle in the heavy

or cubist manner of the end of the

thirteenth century. Around 1310 he

decorated the narthex with scenes of the

Second Coming and of the Ecumenical

Councils, among other works. These wall

paintings follow a stylistic trend in which

the human form is represented with three-

dimensionality but without exaggeration, a

trend visible in some of the most

outstanding monuments of Constantinople

from the decade 1310–20, such as the

paintings in the chapel of the Pammakaristos

Monastery and in the Chora Monastery.30

In the first half of the fifteenth century

galleries were added to the Metropolis,

which thus took on the form of the Mistra

type of church (see below). According to a

relief inscription, this conversion was

achieved under the metropolitan Matthew.

In the older literature the conversion was

associated with the supposed coronation of

Constantine Palaiologos in the Metropolis

in 1448/49, a hypothesis that does not

appear to be supported by the sources.31

The exterior wall paintings of the north

portico, depicting four deceased

metropolitans of the fourteenth and early

Fig. 202 | Mistra, church of the Hodegetria. Ground plan at ground-floor level and at the galleries level, longitudinal section (after Etzeoglou 2013).

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fifteenth centuries, have also been associated

with the changes brought about by

Matthew in the fifteenth century.32

Abbreviations of his name also appear on

the imposts of the proskynetaria of the

templon, while the rest of the marble

sculptural elements of the templon date to

around 1200 and were reused, having

originally come from an unknown church

of the southern Peloponnesos.33

The octagonal church of Hagioi

Theodoroi,34 the first katholikon of the

Brontochion Monastery (figs. 197, 201),

was founded, according to an inscription,

by Daniel, who does not appear in any

other source, and by Pachomios, who in

1296 is referred to as the monastery’s

abbot.35 The few surviving sculptures date

from the church’s construction and

represent local artistry.36 Although there are

very few preserved examples of painting

from the end of the thirteenth century, the

sepulchral representations of aristocrats in

the eastern chapels are interesting.37

The church of the Hodegetria or

Aphentiko38 (figs. 197, 203), which also

belongs to the Brontochion Monastery,

was founded by the monk and megasprotosynkellos Pachomios before 1309, and

was completed before 1322. A new

architectural type, the so-called Mistra type

(fig. 202), was created for the first time in

this church. Specifically, its ground floor

takes the form of a three-aisle basilica,

while at the gallery level it has features of

the more complex cross-in-square, five-

dome church.39 This new type was

adopted later, in the first half of the

fifteenth century, by the Pantanassa and

the Metropolis, when the latter was

rebuilt. Its implementation appears to have

arisen from the officers’ need to take part

in church services from the galleries,

according to Constantinopolitan ritual.40

Constantinopolitan elements are also

encountered in the masonry, in the three-

dimensional articulation of the exterior

walls, especially the apse, with blind arches,

as well as in the arrangement of the roof,

which show a shift in orientation from the

local Helladic tradition toward

Constantinopolitan prototypes.

Inside, the walls of the lower story

were covered with marble revetment,

displaying a tendency toward luxury.41 In

the narthex, representations of the Virgin

as Zoodochos Pege (Life-containing

Source) in the lunette above the royal door

and of healing saints, as well as scenes of

the miracles of Christ, are related to the

therapeutic properties of water. These

images have been associated with the

rising popularity of worship of the Virgin

Zoodochos Pege in Constantinople under

Andronikos II.42

The northwest chapel was constructed

Fig. 203 | Mistra, Hodegetria. The east and north sides of the church.

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to contain the tomb of the abbot Pachomios

(died 1322), who is pictured offering a

model of the church to the Theotokos. The

despotes Theodore I Palaiologos (died 1407)43

was also later buried here. The chosen

iconography reflects the chapel’s sepulchral

character (fig. 204).

The iconography of the southwest

chapel is also interesting. Here the vault is

filled with Christ in glory, supported by

four angels (fig. 205). Painted on the walls

were copies of four chrysobulls, issued

between the years 1313/14 and 1322,

granting privileges to the church of the

Hodegetria.44

In a recent article the iconography of

the wall paintings of the south portico—a

detailed cycle of the Dormition of the

Virgin and more—has been associated

with the holy shrines of the Virgin of

Blachernai and of Chalkoprateia in

Constantinople, and is considered to be

contemporary with the chapel of the

chrysobulls.45 The south portico was used

during the fourteenth century as a burial

space for members of Mistra’s aristocracy,46

while in 1366 a chapel was added to the

east by the abbot Kyprianos.

In terms of style, various artistic trends

are recognized in the wall paintings of the

Aphentiko (dating to around 1309–20),

and are the result of the collaboration of at

least two painters.47 One of these, mainly

represented by the decoration in the

narthex and the sepulchral chapel of

Pachomios, is reminiscent of the paintings

of Chora Monastery in Constantinople,

with its particularly elegant figures and

familiarity with classical prototypes.

Another trend, visible in the chapel of the

chrysobulls, in several figures in the

galleries, and in the south portico, although

faithful to classical tradition, is

characterized by dynamism and boldness

in the combination of colors and use of

light to create an “expressionistic” effect.

This avant-garde trend enjoyed great

popularity in subsequent decades in the

monuments of the Morea.

The relationship between the church of

the Hodegetria and Constantinopolitan

prototypes is obvious not only in the

church’s architecture but also in the style

of the decoration and choice of

iconography. In fact, the most recent

studies show that the donor of the

Aphentiko, the megas protosynkellosPachomios, clearly sought to associate his

foundation with the worship of the

Theotokos, as it was growing in popularity

under Andronikos II Palaiologos in

Constantinople during the first decades of

the fourteenth century. It was also a

conscious link with her holy shrines at the

Monastery of Zoodochos Pege

(iconographic program of the narthex), of

Fig. 205 | Mistra, church of the Hodegetria, chapel of the chrysobulls (southwest chapel).Fig. 204 | Mistra, church of the Hodegetria, funerary chapel of Pachomios (northwest chapel).

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Chalkoprateia, and of Blachernai

(iconography of the south portico). The

dedication of the church itself to the

Virgin Hodegetria overtly associates the

church of Pachomios with the famous

icon of the Panagia Hodegetria kept in the

Hodegon Monastery in Constantinople.

The church of Hagia Sophia (fig. 197),

a two-column cross-in-square domed

church, was directly related to the palace.48

Initially the katholikon of a monastery,

identified as the Monastery of Zoodotes

Christos founded by the despotes Manuel

Kantakouzenos around the middle of the

fourteenth century, the church was used as

a palace chapel. Its sculptures, reused to a

great extent, have been dated to the end of

the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth

century, and have parallels in the templon

of the church of Samarina in Messenia.49

The northeast chapel is sepulchral,50 while

the southeast (built after 1366) has been

associated with Isabelle de Lusignan, wife

of the despotes Manuel Kantakouzenos, and

its painted decoration has been attributed

to the same workshop that decorated the

Peribleptos (see below). Indeed, the

decorative program, with its particular

emphasis on the scene of the Birth of the

Theotokos, was connected to Isabelle’s

desire to bear a child.51

The katholikon of the Peribleptos

Monastery52 (fig. 197) was founded by the

first despotes of Mistra, Manuel

Kantakouzenos and his wife Isabelle de

Lusignan. At the southeastern edge of the

city, it was constructed as a two-column

cross-in-square church between the years

1365 and 1374. The Helladic cloisonné

masonry system is employed in the

church’s wall construction (fig. 206), while

the appearance of Western decorative

elements on its eastern façade (fleurs-de-lis)

and on the tower of the refectory makes it

clear that Isabelle must have played an

active role in the design of the monastic

complex. Nevertheless, the painted

decoration follows the Orthodox tradition

faithfully and unconditionally.

The image of the Pantokrator dominates

the dome, surrounded by prophets (fig.

207). The attributes held by the prophets

and the contents of the biblical passages in

their scrolls herald an iconographic subject

that would become popular later, depicting

the hymn “From above the prophets have

heralded Thee,” addressed to the Theotokos

as bearer of the Incarnation.53 The scene of

the divine liturgy in the prothesis is

interesting, as is the rich Marian cycle

comprised of 25 scenes.54 The wall paintings

of the Peribleptos church are works of high

quality, ecclesiastical probity, and spirituality,

on which many painters collaborated. The

sculptural decoration is composed in part of

reused elements and new ones.

The careful defacing of all the emblems

and family crests of the Lusignan and

Kantakouzenos families (upright lion) on

Fig. 206 | Mistra, the Peribleptos Monastery from the northeast.

| 235 |

the exterior of the monastery’s church was

an act of damnatio memoriae, undertaken

immediately after the Palaiologan family

assumed the leadership of Mistra. A

patron couple depicted on the western wall

offering a model of the church must be

associated with this second phase, clearly

presenting the new owners and renovators

of the church after the removal of the

Kantakouzenos family. Indeed, this has

been associated with the local lord Leon

Mavropappas, whose monogram was

placed in the entrance to the post-

Byzantine narthex.55

The church of the Evangelistria (fig.

197) is a two-column, cross-in-square

domed church.56 Built at the end of the

fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth

century, it most likely functioned as a

funerary church. The contemporary

sculptural decoration is likely the work of

a local workshop.

The Pantanassa,57 the katholikon of a

monastery, is a foundation of the

protostrator and katholikos mesazon John

Phrangopoulos, a high-ranking functionary

of the military and administrative

hierarchy in the despotate. The name and

position of the donor are mentioned in an

inscription in the western gallery, and in

monograms carved on the impost of a

column of the nave.58 The date of the

church’s construction, 1428, was recorded

in a dubious lost inscription that had been

read by the abbot Fourmont in 1730.59

The design of the Pantanassa Church

(fig. 197) follows the Mistra architectural

type, which, as seen above, developed in

the churches of Mistra after its inaugural

use in the Hodegetria of the Brontochion

Monastery. To Western Late Gothic

models belong the exterior relief decoration

of the eastern façade and several decorative

elements of the bell tower (fig. 208). As is

common for most Mistra churches, some

of the reliefs are reused, while others are

works contemporary with the construction

of the building.

The organization of the iconographic

program and the choice of the individual

figures are modeled after those of the

church of the Hodegetria, while the

iconography of the Christological scenes

(fig. 209) is related to those of the

Peribleptos. Participating in the decoration

were at least three painters, most likely of

metropolitan origin, for their works exhibit

exceptional quality. They brought their

knowledge of the most up-to-date trends

in the capital to their painting in Mistra’s

major fourteenth-century monuments, the

Hodegetria and the Peribleptos churches.

If the exterior of the church of the

Pantanassa shows an acceptance of

Western decorative elements on a

Byzantine structure, the wall paintings

adhere to a purely Orthodox tradition.

With solid roots in the classical past, and

in accord with the humanistic tendencies

of the era, the painters of the Pantanassa

experimented with the rendering of

Fig. 207 | The hymn “From above the prophets have heralded Thee” in the dome and Christological scenes in thevaults. Wall paintings, circa 1370. Mistra, katholikon of the Peribleptos Monastery.

| 236 |

landscape and space and gave essential

roles to color and light, revealing their

preoccupation with innovations also found

in the contemporary art of the West. This

Renaissance spirit and innovative

questioning indicate the potential of an art

form whose development was abruptly

halted by the Ottoman conquest.

Around twenty chapels, mainly single-

nave structures, survive in Mistra,60 some

of which bear wall paintings.61 The

majority must have been private family

churches, frequently with a sepulchral

character, while some were possibly used

as parish churches. The oldest chapel, with

fragments of wall paintings, stands at the

top of the hill, and appears to predate the

castle built by Villehardouin in 1249 (fig.

197).62 Among the most important is the

chapel of Ai-Giannakes (fig. 197), found

outside the walls. A foundation of Kale

Kavalasea, the donor herself is depicted in

a blind arch of the south wall, as a

layperson and as a nun, with her

children.63

Church Patrons,Commissioners of Codices,and Spiritual Life

During the first phase in the history of

Mistra, from its founding until

approximately the middle of the fourteenth

century, patrons of churches and

monasteries were high ecclesiastical

officials, such as the metropolitans

Theodosios, Eugenios, and Nikephoros

Moschopoulos for the Metropolis, and the

megas protosynkellos Pachomios for the

Brontochion Monastery. By contrast,

following the installation of Manuel

Kantakouzenos as despotes, church

patronage passed into the hands of

representatives of the civic administration.

Manuel Kantakouzenos and his wife

Isabelle de Lusignan sponsored Hagia

Sophia and the Peribleptos, and the

protostrator and katholikos mesazon John

Phrangopoulos donated the Pantanassa.

Local aristocrats also played an important

Fig. 208 | Mistra, katholikon of the Pantanassa Monastery, circa 1428. The east and north sides of the church.

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role in the erection of churches, such as

Kale/Kallinike Kavalasea, who established

the Ai-Giannakes Chapel.

An important number of manuscripts

were produced in Mistra. The first phase

in the evolution of scribal activities (1289–

1319) has been associated with the

metropolitan Nikephoros Moschopoulos

and the megas protosynkellos Pachomios.64

Specifically, of the ten codices known to

have belonged to the library of

Nikephoros Moschopoulos, three were

most likely written or completed in

Mistra, while two others, with

handwritten notes by Nikephoros himself,

were donated to the metropolitan church

of Hagios Demetrios and to the

Brontochion Monastery, respectively.65

Mainly ecclesiastical in content,66 only one

of the manuscripts is illustrated, containing

miniatures of the four evangelists.67 Of the

remaining manuscripts belonging to this

initial phase, all with ecclesiastical content,

two were commissioned by Pachomios,

while a third was commissioned by a

secular officer. The most important scribes

of this period are Georgios, the nomikos(notary) Basilakes, and the protekdikos(cleric with juridical powers) of the

metropolis of Lakedaimon, Nikolaos

Malotaras.

Seven codices date from the second

period (1362–72), copied by a capable

calligrapher from Constantinople, Manuel

Tzykandyles. His activity is associated

with Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos,

who after his abdication visited Mistra

repeatedly and ultimately settled and died

there. Of these manuscripts, three contain

works of John Kantakouzenos himself,

and the rest are copies of ancient Greek

texts. As has been observed, the

manuscripts of the first period are of a

provincial level and reflect conservative

tendencies, while those of the second

period are of a very high quality.68

During the first half of the fifteenth

century important, mainly ecclesiastical

scholars gathered at the court of the

Palaiologan despotai in Mistra. They played

an active role in the philosophical and

Fig. 209 | Entry into Jerusalem. Wall painting, circa 1428. Mistra, katholikon of the Pantanassa Monastery.

| 238 |

social discussions of the time, and in

debate over the union of the Latin and

Orthodox Churches which was especially

intense at the time of the Council of

Ferrara-Florence (1438/39).69 The

Neoplatonic philosopher George Plethon

Gemistos, deeply knowledgeable about

ancient Greek writings, settled and taught

in Mistra from around 1410 until 1452. A

rival to the future patriarch of

Constantinople Gennadios II Scholarios,

who supported Aristotelian philosophy, he

championed Platonic thought, finding

particular response in the West. He

envisioned the revival of ancient Greek

thought and emphasized the Hellenic

nature of Byzantine culture, and suggested

new social and civic configurations.70

Studying under Plethon between the years

1431 and 1437, his disciple, the

metropolitan of Nicaea and future cardinal

Bessarion, actively participated in the

promotion of the union of the Churches

and accompanied John VIII Palaiologos in

negotiations during the Council of

Ferrara-Florence.

Relationship withConstantinople and Contactswith the Franks

Throughout its history, from its

founding in 1262 to its surrender to the

Ottomans in 1460, Mistra enjoyed an

extremely close relationship with

Constantinople. Indeed, from the middle

of the fourteenth century on, members of

the ruling Kantakouzenos and Palaiologos

dynasties were enthroned as despotai in

Mistra. The emperors John VI

Kantakouzenos, Manuel II Palaiologos,

and John VIII Palaiologos lived in Mistra

for some time, demonstrating a personal

interest in the administrative and military

sufficiency of the settlement. The last

Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI

Palaiologos, was despotes of Mistra before

ascending to the imperial throne.

Just as the administration of Mistra

was completely dependent upon

Constantinople, the art developed in the

newly founded settlement on the

Peloponnesos also followed

Constantinopolitan prototypes. This is

visible in the architecture of certain

churches (the Aphentiko, for example) and

most apparent in painting. Indeed, in both

quality and in style the monumental

paintings of Mistra parallel the large

painted Palaiologan ensembles of

Constantinople, and it is very likely that

painters or workshops engaged in Mistra

were summoned from the capital. In fact,

the many features inspired by ancient

Greek art were part of a movement to

revive ancient prototypes, one developed in

the imperial capital within a scholarly

community of intellectuals who shared

humanistic views. In addition, several

iconographic subjects and thematic cycles

depicted in the churches of Mistra were

directly associated with Constantinople.

However, the Helladic tradition, as

seen in the architecture of several churches

and in sculpture, was also very strong and

blended harmoniously with that of

Constantinople. At the same time, through

the approximately two centuries of life at

Mistra a significant local tradition

developed, both in architecture—notably the

Mistra type of church—and in painting, as

seen, for example, in the iconographic and

stylistic similarities between the Pantanassa,

the Peribleptos, and the Hodegetria.

After the first period of difficult

struggle against the Franks, a new era

began around the middle of the fourteenth

century, characterized by approaches to the

West reinforced by marriages between

despotai and Frankish princesses. The first

despotes, Manuel Kantakouzenos (1348–80)

wedded Isabelle de Lusignan from the

royal house of Lesser Armenia and

Cyprus; Theodore II Palaiologos (1407–

43) married the Italian princess Cleopa

Malatesta; and Constantine Palaiologos

(1443–49) married Maddalena/Theodora

Tocco. These ties with the West were also

mirrored in the intermingling of

Byzantine and Western elements in

architecture. The architecture of the palace,

the pointed arches and Gothic relief

decoration in the window frames of

secular buildings, the decorative features on

the apse of the Peribleptos and on the

tower of the refectory of the same

monastery, the garland on the eastern

façade and the decorative features of the

bell tower of the Pantanassa, all reflect

contacts with the arts of the West.

Characteristic of this amalgamation

between Byzantine and Western

traditions is a relief architrave of a

templon, partly preserved in the Museum

of Mistra (fig. 210). Carved by a local

artisan out of local marble, with geometric

designs in relief that belong to the

Byzantine tradition, it includes two

medallions with the monogram of Isabelle

de Lusignan, in the Hellenized form of her

name,71 as well as a central medallion with

the family crest of the Lusignans of

Cyprus: the heraldic lion and the

Jerusalem cross.72

Particularly interesting is the codex Par.

Fig. 210 | Relief templon epistyle with the monograms and the coat of arms of Isabelle de Lusignan (∑∞ª¶∂∞ ¡Δ∂ §∂∑∏¡∞ø). Mistra Museum.

| 239 |

Gr. 135, which includes the Book of Job

with 198 miniatures in which Western

features are obvious both in terms of

iconography and style. The manuscript

bears the signature of the scribe Tzykandyles

and the date 1362, and it is widely believed

that it was written in Mistra73 and

illustrated perhaps by a Western painter.

Worthy architects, builders, sculptors,

painters, scribes, and miniaturists complete

the picture of artisans who worked in

Mistra over a span of 200 years, attempting

to meet the high expectations of aristocratic

patrons and members of the court with

Constantinopolitan standards and taste.

This class, open to ideas from the West,

resided in Mistra in luxury, as evidenced

by their elegant clothing recorded in

portraits and comfortable houses explored

in archaeological excavations. At the same

time, the city’s numerous chapels, both

private and parish, may be associated with

the middle class, which resided in more

modest dwellings but participated

dynamically in the city’s activities.

Mistra was created after the reconquest

of Constantinople in 1261 as an outpost

against the Franks in the Peloponnesos.

From the fourteenth century on it grew

into an important intellectual and cultural

center with artistic preeminence in the

Peloponnesos. Mistra enjoyed an

immediate relationship with

Constantinople and participated in cultural

dialogue with the West and the Crusader

East. The philosophical leanings and

activities of Plethon Gemistos and his

circle at the beginning of the fifteenth

century made Mistra the symbol of a

renewed classicism based on the thought

and traditions of ancient Greece.

1 For the history of Mistra, the two-volume work by

Zakythinos 1975 is still fundamental. See also Struck

1910; Medvedev 1973; Loehneysen 1977; Runciman

1980. For the history of the Franks in the

Peloponnesos, Bon 1969.2 Arvanitopoulos 2004, 36; Papamastorakis 2012, 277–80.3 Stavrianopoulou 2009.4 Millet 1910; Millet 1916b.5 Orlandos 1936a; Orlandos 1937; Orlandos 1971;

Drandakis 1955; Drandakis 1979–85; Drandakis 1987–

88; Chatzidakis 1979; Chatzidakis 1981; Mouriki

1966–69; Mouriki 1970; Mouriki 1991; Dufrenne

1970; Etzeoglou 1982b; Etzeoglou 2005a; Etzeoglou

2005b; Etzeoglou 2009; Etzeoglou 2013; Marinou

2002; Marinou 2006; Marinou 2009a; Marinou

2009b; Marinou 2012; Louvi-Kizi 2003; Sinos 1987a;

Sinos 1987b; Sinos 2005; Sinos 2008; Sinos 2009a;

Sinos 2013; Aspra-Vardavaki and Emmanuel 2005;

Papamastorakis 2012; Papamastorakis 2013.6 Sinos 2009a.7 For the fortifications of Mistra, see Marinou 2009b and

Marinou 2012. For the walls of Byzantine cities in

general, see most recently Bakirtzis 2012.8 Sinos 2005, 411–14; Marinou 2009a, 63.9 Bouras 1997, 76. Matschke (2002, 465) estimates the

population of the late Byzantine cities, with the

exception of Constantinople and Thessalonike, to have

been around 10,000.10 Moustakas 2012, 231. 11 For the urban layout, see Marinou 2009a. For the city

of Mistra in general, Chatzidakis 1981; Bouras 1997;

Arvanitopoulos 2004; Sinos 2005.12 Bouras 1998–99, 89, 93–94; Bouras 2012b, 10.13 Bouras 2012b, 12.14 For the social stratification and the perceptions of an

“urban” (Constantinopolitan) elite versus the

“peasants” of Mistra, echoed in a satirical text of the

first decades of the fifteenth century, the ᾿EÈ‰ËÌ›·

ª¿˙·ÚÈ ÂÓ ῞∞‰Ô˘, see Kiousopoulou 2012a. 15 For the urban fabric and network of streets, see

Marinou 2009a, 59–64.16 For the water and drainage systems, see Mystras

2001, 49–53; Arvanitopoulos 2004, 148–73; Marinou

2009a, 71–73.17 Orlandos 1937, Orlandos 1971; Sinos and Marinou

2009.18 Kalligas and Kalliga 1985–86; Marinou 2006; Marinou

in Sinos and Marinou 2009, 246–73. 19 For the remains of luxurious women’s clothing, likely

of Spanish origin, from a tomb in the northern portico

of Hagia Sophia (first half of 15th century), see

Kalamara 2000; Kalamara and Valansot 2000; Mystras

2001, 148–51;20 For the graves, see Mystras 2001, 75–77;

Arvanitopoulos 2008.21 Orlandos 1937; Sinos 1987a; Sinos 1987b; Sinos

2008; Sinos 2009a.22 For the economic and social organization of Late

Byzantine cities, see Maksimovic’ 1981; Matschke

2002. For Late Byzantine cities in general, see Bryer

1986; Kiousopoulou 1993; Saradi 2012, 41–45.23 Kiousopoulou 2003.24 Mystras 2001, 67, fig. 66.25 For the churches of Mistra in general, see Millet 1910;

Chatzidakis 1981; Marinou and Sinos 2009. For the

iconography and the iconographic programs in

general, see Millet 1916b; Dufrenne 1970.26 Marinou and Sinos 2009, 113.27 Chatzidakis 1981, 25–45; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

115–35; Marinou 2002.28 Etzeoglou 1982b, 513–14.29 Manousakas 1959; Chatzidakis 1979, 152–55.30 Belting, Mango, and Mouriki 1978; Underwood 1966.

For similarities to the decoration of the church of the

Hodegetria, see most recently Papamastorakis 2013.31 Papamastorakis 2012, 288–92. The author identifies

the metropolitan Matthew with the hierarch of the

same name mentioned in an inscription from Gortyn

dating to 1427/28.32 Etzeoglou 1982b, 513–14.33 They belong to a local workshop of the southern

Peloponnesos, samples of which have been found for

example in situ in the church of the Zoodochos Pege

at Samarina in Messenia and reused in the church of

Hagia Sophia in Mistra; Pallis 2006.34 Chatzidakis 1981, 48–51; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

136–41. 35 Orlandos 1936a; Kalopissi-Verti 1992, 80–81, no. 27.36 See, most recently, Mexia 2006a.37 Etzeoglou 1982b, 514–15; Papamastorakis 1996–97,

293.38 Chatzidakis 1981, 53–67; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

141–54; Etzeoglou 2005b; Etzeoglou 2009; Etzeoglou

2013; Papamastorakis 2013.39 According to Sinos (Marinou and Sinos 2009, 142–

46), it is a cross-in-square domed church to which, in

a second phase, galleries were added.40 Delvoye 1964; Hallensleben 1969.41 Orlandos 1935.42 Etzeoglou 2005b; Etzeoglou 2013.43 Etzeoglou 1982b, 516; Papamastorakis 1996–97,

290–93, 298; Arvanitopoulos 2008, 84.44 Millet 1899, 98–118; Kalopissi-Verti 2003, 80; Gerstel

2013, 337–46.45 Papamastorakis 2013.46 Etzeoglou 1982b, 516–17; Mystras 2001, figs. 161–

63; Arvanitopoulos 2008, 85.47 Mouriki 1978, 72–73.48 Chatzidakis 1981, 69–71; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

155–74.49 Pallis 2006.50 Drandakis 1979–85.51 Emmanuel 2003.52 Chatzidakis 1981, 73–89; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

175–88; Louvi-Kizi 2003.53 Mouriki 1970; Papamastorakis 2001, 12–13 and passim.54 Lafontaine-Dosogne 1964, passim; Mouriki 1966–69.55 Louvi-Kizi 2003, 102, 105–16.56 Chatzidakis 1981, 91–93; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

189–95.57 Chatzidakis 1981, 95–107; Marinou and Sinos 2009,

196–215; Aspra-Vardavaki and Emmanuel 2005; Sinos

2013.58 Millet 1899, 134–39.59 Papamastorakis (2012, 292–96) considers the

inscription to be later.60 Nine in Kato Chora, four in Ano Chora, a double in

the castle, and one outside the walls; Marinou 2009a,

65. For the chapels, see Marinou and Sinos 2009,

221–41.61 Drandakis 1955.62 Indeed, a Frankish chapel was added to its northern

side before the castle was handed over to the

Byzantines in 1262; Drandakis 1955, 156–66; Sinos

2009a, 221–22.63 Drandakis 1987–88; Papamastorakis 1996–97, 298.64 Etzeoglou 2005a, with earlier bibliography.65 For the library of Moschopoulos, see Manousakas

1957; Nelson 1986.66 Cesena, Bibl. Malatestiana, D.XXVII.2.67 Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, ∑ 34 sup.; Nelson 1986,

251–52; Etzeoglou 2005a, 182–83.68 De Gregorio 1994; Etzeoglou 2005a, 190.69 For the intellectual life of Mistra, see Zakythinos 1975,

vol. II, 310–76; Runciman 1980, 109–30; Jeffreys 2013.70 For Plethon, see Masai 1956; Woodhouse 1986;

Smarnakis 2007; Shawcross 2013.71 ∑·Ì¤· ÓÙÂ §Â˙ËÓ¿ˆ.72 Mystras 2001, 183–84, no. 29; Louvi-Kizi 2003, 104.73 Velmans 1967; Spatharakis 1981, no. 264; Hutter

1982, 251–53; New York 2004, no. 33. Papadaki-

Oekland 2009, 401–4 and passim.This view has

recently been disputed by Rodonike Etzeoglou (2005a,

189–90), who considers that the codex may have

been commissioned in one of the Italian communities

of Constantinople.

| 276 |

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