Medieval and Post Medieval graffiti in the churches of Cyprus
31
Transcript of Medieval and Post Medieval graffiti in the churches of Cyprus
POCA 2007: Postgraduate Cypriot Archaeology Conference
Edited by
Skevi Christodoulou and Anna Satraki
POCA 2007: Postgraduate Cypriot Archaeology Conference, Edited by Skevi Christodoulou and Anna Satraki
This book first published 2010
Cambridge Scholars Publishing
12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Copyright © 2010 by Skevi Christodoulou and Anna Satraki and contributors
All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.
ISBN (10): 1-4438-2571-9, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-2571-9
TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ........................................................................................... vii List of Tables............................................................................................ xiv List of Appendices..................................................................................... xv Preface ...................................................................................................... xvi Petition....................................................................................................... xx List of Abbreviations .............................................................................. xxiii From Typology to Population Genetics: Biodistance in Cyprus ................. 1 Nathan K. Harper Chasing Johnny One-Flake: Recent Fieldwork into Hunter-Gatherer Movements across Cyprus Sandra Rosendahl and Carole McCartney........................................ 39 Lithics in Context: Formation Processes at Ayia Varvara-Asprokremnos Carole McCartney and Marianna Ktori.................................................... 57 Plain Wares - What’s in a name? How do they look? Where do they come from? How were they made? Why study plain wares? Ariane Jacobs............................................................................................ 75 Cypriot and Levantine cooking pots during the Late Bronze-Iron Age period: a social perspective Federica Spagnoli..................................................................................... 99 Discussing Bronze Age Cypriot Iconography: Three Case Studies Angelos Papadopoulos............................................................................ 127
Table of Contents vi
The Background of the Cypriot Ram God’s Iconography Kathrin Kleibl.......................................................................................... 145 Between Iadnana and Kittim: Eastern Views of Archaic Cyprus Anna Cannavò ........................................................................................ 169 The Archaeology of the Cypriot Basileis: Manifestations of Royal Authority in Iron Age Cyprus Anna Satraki............................................................................................ 197 Some Thoughts about the Civic Community in Archaic and Classical Cyprus Sidonie Lejeune....................................................................................... 219 Core-formed Glass Vessels on Cyprus Reconsidered Peter Cosyns and Karin Nys.................................................................... 231 In Research of Nea Paphos’ Lighthouse: New and Old Theories Concerning its Existence and Location Dimitris Vitas........................................................................................... 263 Epigraphic Evidence on Baths and Water Supply in Hellenistic and Roman Cyprus Skevi Christodoulou................................................................................. 281 Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus Mia Gaia Trentin .................................................................................... 297 The Social Value of Decoration in Cyprus under Ottoman Rule: Ceramic Decoration in Churches Iosif Hadjikyriakos.................................................................................. 323 The Paphos Mosaics: Results of a Preliminary Condition Survey Niki Savvides........................................................................................... 337 Contributors............................................................................................. 355
MEDIAEVAL AND POST-MEDIAEVAL GRAFFITI IN THE CHURCHES OF CYPRUS
MIA GAIA TRENTIN
“The wicked wretch (Richard the Lionheart)… sold our country to the Latins for £200,000 of gold”.
—Ayios Neophytos o Enkleistos
Del mese di settembre ai giorni nove tolta fu Nicossia, e schiave tutte
le vergini e le donne: ora qui piove da ciascun occhio un fonte, che condotto
le son in man di can rabbiosi, e dove? All’esser dell’onor e vita distrutte. Di mille voci vanno al Ciel le voci
Per lo sforzo de’Turchi empi e feroci. —Doni A.F., La Guerra di Cipro, 15741
Thus at the end of the 12th century, Ayios Neophytos o Enkleistos used
strong words to express the discomfort of those who had experienced the conquest of Richard the Lion Heart and the ensuing sale of the island to the Lusignan family from France (1192). And yet again, in 1574 in his epic poem, the Florentine Doni expressed western sentiments following the fall of Cyprus (1571) to the Ottoman Empire.
These two events mark not only the passage to foreign rule, but also the inclusion of the island in a western political panorama under the rule of the Lusignan dynasty and the Venetian Republic and then under the rule of the Great Ottoman Empire, with its deep roots in the Near East. Indeed, geographically Cyprus lies at a crossroads – the extreme western offshoots emerging in the Near East.
The two aforementioned events affect the local history in at least three fields – politics, religion and trade, which are fundamental for the creation of the context our research is part of.
1 Jacomuzzi 2001, Canto II, stanza 21.
Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus
298
Politically, the passage from the Byzantine Empire to the rule of the Lusignan dynasty obviously marked the start of change in the ruling class and the elite. As part of the court retinue, aristocrats arrived on the island and were entrusted with the management of estates in accordance with the administrative system prevalent in France at that time – Vassalage. The French thus penetrated the land, setting down their roots politically and controlling the land. It was therefore possible for this imported political system, of a western nature, to set down its roots in the land and thus confront the local society, forcing the island towards a more western system of government.
The same was to happen under the rule of the Venetian Republic. Following the marriage of the last heir of the Lusignan dynasty to Caterina Cornaro (1474), the island fell under the rule of the Venetian Republic. Carrying out the same land management policy, it replaced the leading French politician with figures from the Republic which, at the same time, resulted in an increase in the presence of Venetian nobility on the island, mainly due to business interests. Once again, the island was therefore under the sphere of western influence2.
The second rift was to take place when the Ottoman Empire conquered Cyprus in 1571 and the island became part of the Great Ottoman Empire, which reached as far as the Near East. Once again the governing system changed, this time with the arrival of Ottoman functionaries. The elite were also gradually replaced and the western nobility and merchants, who had animated both the social and business life, slowly left the island, also attracted by the new trade routes via sea.
From a religious perspective there were also considerable changes3. Indeed, the arrival of the Lusignan rulers was accompanied by the introduction of Catholicism on Cyprus, in a context of Orthodox tradition. Thus, assisted by the fact that Catholicism was the religion of the rulers, the Church of Rome tried to extend its influence to the island clergy, but to no avail. Amongst the numerous conflicts and stances, the 1260 Bulla Cypria4, is worthy of mention, a document in which the Papacy officially tried to impose the submission of the Orthodox clergy, but with no success. This conflict was to continue throughout the whole period of Venetian rule, between the heads of the two communities in particular. It was the Ottoman conquest that was to mark the decisive turning point. In fact, the new conquerors granted various benefits to the local church,
2 Arbel et al. 1989; Nicolaou-Konnari and Schabel 2005. 3 For a more complete and detailed description of the religious situation during western rule, see Coureas 1997. 4 Coureas 1997.
Mia Gaia Trentin
299
exonerating them from taxation and involving them in tax collection thanks to their solid roots on the island. As a result, the Catholic community was delegitimised and although it was tolerated it had absolutely no power.
The last field to be affected by the historical events quoted at the beginning was trade. When Cyprus belonged to the Byzantine Empire, thanks to agreements with the local government western trade, Genoa and Venice in particular, included the island in the trade routes. The arrival of the Lusignan rulers thus marked a development in trade and production activities on the island itself (for example the production of sugar cane), thanks to the presence of a government that had a direct interest in encouraging the interests of the western merchants who had been present on the island since the Byzantine period, and who, from that moment onwards, therefore found they had better facilities at their disposal to manage their trade. One consequence of this renewed opening to the west was facilitated by the trade routes that included Cyprus, the increase of pilgrims passing through, who often used the trade ships as a means to reach the Holy Land. After the liberation of Jerusalem in 1096 by the Crusaders, there was a great increase in pilgrimages and they not only headed directly towards the Holy Land in great numbers, but also interrupted their journey at intermediary stops. Cyprus was the last leg of the journey before reaching the Holy Land and its wealth of Saint Relics in the local sanctuaries and monasteries attracted considerable numbers of pilgrims.
This situation changed following the Ottoman conquest. The decline of the Venetian Republic had begun. Owing to internal problems, the Venetian Republic was gradually losing its lands in the East. Furthermore, the opening of new trade routes for the Americas and Indies led to a considerable change in both interests and trade beyond the Mediterranean basin. Cyprus, at the crossroads of East and West thus lost its privileged position. Trade continued and products of high quality western and eastern craftsmanship still arrived on Cyprus but by now the European merchants were more interested in other trade routes.
A direct source of these transitions in power and the ensuing social consequences are the graffiti left by those men who, for various reasons either witnessed these changes in first person or were involved in various ways5.
5 A project has been carried out over the last two years on the cataloguing of the graffiti in the churches on the island, in agreement with the Department of Antiquities. The aim of this research project is to study the information that might provide us with this evidence, information ranging from the social, anthropological and cultural spheres.
Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus
300
Graffiti, a spontaneous expression and typologically different allow us a closer understanding of the events during that period, and to observe the relationships between the local population, travellers passing through and conquerors, all within a restricted field but one that is of great significance – buildings of worship. These written testimonies will therefore be used to try and put together the differences and similarities between the two key communities on the island at that time - the Catholics and the Orthodox.
Of the sampling carried out so far, 15 sites will be presented. Alphabetic graffiti6 in Latin, Greek and Arab characters has emerged (this was in an inland site) as has picture graffiti, and it must be pointed out that these two fields, written and figurative, are considered as sources and testimonies that are of equal weight and significance.
The alphabetic graffiti, which provide clearer chronological information about the origin and which of the two communities the author belonged to, allow the observation of a diverse distribution, with a partial overlapping, both chronological and territorial, of the graffiti produced by the Catholic group and the Orthodox group.
The Latin graffiti date back to between the 12th and 17th century and are prevalently to be found in the buildings along the coasts, along the main roads of communication or in inland sanctuaries-monasteries. They present the recurring wording that includes the author’s name, at times with details about his social status or the recording of events (hic fuit….; obiit…). The graffiti that highlight the recording of an event have been defined as commemorative since their aim was to record an event such as the visit or passing through of the pilgrim. The images belonging to the Latin field also reflect this tendency, either because of the context or because of the iconographic characteristics. The images are either in direct reference to the author with a self-presentation by means of images such as a self-portrait, a monogram, a coat of arms or symbol identifying him, or by means of an object closely linked to the person, for example the actual vessel in the case of a sailor. Spatially these testimonies are to be found in the buildings that were studied, in places that are visible but not significant from a religious point of view, for example the walls of the entrance doors, the splay of the main portal or the façade slabs. These elements seem to show that the predominant wish of the western pilgrims was to affirm their presence on the religious site and to underline they had actually been there. This can be interpreted as the material transposition of the mental conception of the western pilgrimage – a physical journey marked by the
6 In this case more attention was paid to the analysis of the graffiti in Latin characters.
Mia Gaia Trentin
301
necessary stages. Western pilgrimages were soon regarded as a path of atonement, so much so that in certain countries it replaced imprisonment for crimes that were not serious (penitential pilgrimage).
Atonement became one of the key elements in western religion in the Middle Ages. With the creation of Purgatory, western man was forced to atone his guilt in the Holy Land if he wanted to increase his chances of salvation. Atonement was thus to be at the basis of western pilgrimages also during the Crusades7. Worldly sacrifice, achieved by distancing oneself from one's own community, undertaking a long journey to the Holy Land, deprived of any comforts and often dangerous, was parallel to the spiritual path of sanctification. However, in the West the latter remained in the background since spirituality mainly came from the contact with a religious place and its relics, and not so much from the journey. On the other hand, verification of the spiritual process could only rely on the trust placed in the pilgrim whereas in the case of the material worldly journey, the West created the appropriate documentation to certify the physical passage of various stages. In the pilgrim’s mind, this helped mark spatiality as a fundamental element of the journey, seen from a linear, horizontal, worldly conception. It was the vicinity to the holy site, the relics that would result in benefits and the journey was a physical test that would lead to spiritual salvation. This conception is similar to the Eastern one of Saint John Climaca, but directed in a different direction. Western pilgrimages were horizontal and linear while Eastern pilgrimages were vertical and linear. In the East above all pilgrimages imply a spiritual journey, one that does not necessarily have to be done following a path that is marked by physical stages8.
Indeed, by observing graffiti that can be attributed to the Orthodox community, I believe this diverse conception may be confirmed. The graffiti from this group are distributed chronologically between the 16th and 20th century, with a hesitant initial phase followed by an increase in testimonies that continues towards the last centuries. These are often presented in the form of drawings, while the alphabetic script predominates during the final period and in most cases, their spatial collocation is closely linked to the religious hierarchy of the space. The application of graffiti respects the areas reserved for the laymen and clergy and there is a close link between the graffiti and the Saint it is next to. The graffiti here can be divided into two main categories – devotional and votive. The devotional graffiti are characterised by their position, next to 7 Pellegrinaggi 1961; Dupront 1987. 8 These observations have been closely analysed in two reference books; for a more detailed bibliography, see Oursel 1978; Brown 1981.
Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus
302
the figure of the saints the author is particularly devoted to (Panayia, the Archangel Michael, the patron saints), and their content, which tends to place the author in relation to the saint itself with the addition of their own names, monogram, a symbol or even just a sign. In these cases the autography is probably of importance as the element that affirms their presence on that site. More specifically, considering the meaning of an image for an Orthodox, leaving a sign near the image of a saint was the equivalent of establishing their own permanent presence next to that saint, thus invoking his constant protection. Although very similar, votive graffiti differ from devotional graffiti in that the content is different, characterised by the request to the saint for grace or thanks for the grace received. As Meinardus has also shown9, the clearest example is the graffiti portraying vessels next to Saint Nicholas, present in vast numbers on the Greek islands and carried out by sailors who were asking for protection, or were offering their thanks for having survived a shipwreck or storm. The two typologies that prevail in the group of Orthodox graffiti reveal a religiosity that is expressed through the intimate relationship with the sacred, characterised by the sacred division of the spaces and pictures which, by decorating the building, express this sanctity through the hierarchy of the iconographic scheme of the frescoes. One can clearly see that the wish to form a relationship is not so much with the building as a stage of a journey but rather with its connotation of a “container of the sacred”, which the pilgrim wants to refer to, and it is in reference to this that he establishes his presence.
Recapitulating, the aforementioned data allow us to observe how the Frank conquest led to an increase in the number of western pilgrims visiting the island, already present in considerable numbers after the liberation of the Holy Land, with the subsequent addition of merchants and figures who settled there because of economic interests. It can be observed that once the island fell under the rule of the Venetian Republic, there was a reduction in the graffiti of a graphic nature by the French, while graffiti with the symbols of merchants increased. Latin graffiti began to decrease during the first century of Ottoman rule (17th-19th centuries).
On the other hand, the graffiti by the Orthodox community appeared later than the Latin graffiti but in different forms and spaces, marking a clear distinction between the two groups. The beginnings of these testimonies are hesitant but during the period of Ottoman rule they increase in number and become more and more differentiated.
9 Meinardus 1970/1971, 29-52.
Mia Gaia Trentin
303
As we shall see later on, the graffiti by these two groups co-existed for a certain period on most of the sites.
In the analysis of the sites that follows, the decision was taken to divide the churches on the basis of their geographical location, sites along the coast and sites inland, to make the contextualisation of the general plan described above easier. The decision was also taken to present the material gathered in table-form, to facilitate both the understanding and comparison.
Med
iaev
al a
nd
Po
st-M
edia
eval
Gra
ffiti
in t
he
Chu
rch
es
of C
ypru
s
30
4
Tab
le 1
4.1:
Coa
stal
sit
es w
ith
graf
fiti
Site
C
hron
olog
y L
atin
Alp
habe
tica
l gr
affi
ti
Gre
ek A
lpha
beti
cal
graf
fiti
F
igur
ativ
e gr
affi
ti
Com
men
ts
Ayi
os
Geo
rgio
s to
n
Elli
non
, F
amag
ust
a
Bu
ilt in
the
14th
cen
tury
, su
ffere
d
con
sid
erab
le
dam
age
du
ring
the
sieg
e o
f F
amag
ust
a (1
571
).
Mo
re t
han
50
shi
p
gra
ffiti,
det
aile
d in
va
riou
s d
egre
es.
So
me
cres
ts o
f arm
s. In
on
ly o
ne
case
did
W
alsh
10,
wh
o s
tud
ied
the
gra
ffiti,
iden
tify
a gr
affi
ti m
ade
wh
en t
he
bu
ildin
g w
as
still
in u
se,
thu
s le
adin
g to
the
ques
tion
of t
he
fun
ctio
n o
f th
e o
ther
gra
ffiti
mad
e w
hen
th
e b
uild
ing
wa
s in
ru
ins.
Bel
lap
ais
Ab
be
y,
Ker
ynei
a
12th
cen
tury
. G
oth
ic-s
tyle
, M
on
aste
ry
com
ple
x.
• On
e gr
affit
i on
th
e co
lum
n p
linth
in th
e d
orm
itory
in
min
iscu
le le
tter
s hic
fu
it an
d in
cap
itals
fo
r th
e au
tho
r’s
nam
e. T
he
text
sa
ys:
“H
ic F
rate
r Io
an(n
)e(s
) d
e C
orf
o
• O
ne
vess
el in
th
e w
ind
ow
sp
lay
in t
he
refe
cto
ry a
mo
ngs
t m
ore
rec
ent
gra
ffiti.
T
his
is a
n e
xtre
mel
y d
etai
led
gal
ley11
(F
ig.
14
-2).
• T
hre
e ro
un
d sh
ips
on
the
plas
ter
Th
e gr
affi
ti h
igh
ligh
t th
e La
tin p
rese
nce
on
the
site
. C
om
me
mo
rativ
e gr
affi
ti ar
e p
reva
len
t in
the
surv
ivin
g p
arts
.
10 W
alsh
20
07, 1
15-1
29.
11 M
ein
ardu
s197
0/19
71, 3
8-4
2.
Mia
Gai
a T
ren
tin
3
05
fuit
/ [_
_ _
]p(r
o)
vit
[1
]48
0”
an
d is
dat
able
to
the
end
of t
he
15th
cen
tury
(F
ig.
14
-1).
• Co
mm
em
ora
tive
gra
ffiti
with
in
scrip
tion
s an
d
mo
no
gra
ms
are
on
th
e en
tran
ce d
oo
r sp
lay
of t
he
chu
rch
(F
ig.
14
-3)
fra
gm
ents
in t
he
do
rmito
ry12
.
• F
urt
her
figu
rativ
e,
com
me
mo
rativ
e gr
affi
ti o
n th
e sp
lay
of t
he
chu
rch
entr
ance
doo
r:
cro
sses
, h
um
an
figu
res
and
sym
bo
ls
(Fig
. 1
4-3
)
Ayi
a S
olo
mo
ni,
Pap
ho
s13
An
cien
t b
uria
l p
lace
co
nve
rted
to
Ch
ristia
n u
se
in th
e ea
rly
cen
turie
s A
D
dec
ora
ted
with
fr
esco
es a
t th
e en
d o
f th
e 1
2th
cen
tury
.
Dis
trib
ute
d b
etw
een
th
e 14
th a
nd
17th
ce
ntu
ries.
C
om
me
mo
rativ
e an
d
incl
ude
onl
y th
e au
tho
r’s n
ame
(MA
RC
A
BR
AC
HI14
, C
AR
DIN
..),
in
dic
atio
n o
f a d
eath
(…
OB
IIT),
na
me
of
Insc
riptio
ns
with
d
evo
tion
al fo
rmu
lae
in a
bbre
viat
ed fo
rm.
In s
om
e ca
se t
he
text
s in
clu
de
chro
nolo
gica
l in
dic
atio
ns
that
pla
ce
the
graf
fiti b
etw
een
th
e 16
th a
nd
18th
ce
ntu
ries16.
O
n t
his
site
th
e gr
affit
i by
the
two
co
mm
un
ities
co
-ex
ist,
ove
rlap
pin
g ch
rono
logi
cally
on
ly
par
tially
. T
he
typ
olo
gica
l d
istin
ctio
n b
etw
een
th
e gr
affi
ti b
y th
e tw
o
com
mu
niti
es is
cle
ar h
ere:
th
e La
tin is
co
mm
em
ora
tive
wh
ile t
he
Gre
ek is
d
evo
tion
al.
12 M
ein
ardu
s 19
70/1
971
, 38
-42.
13 M
ein
ardu
s 19
69, 1
05-1
10
; Sty
lian
ou
and
Sty
lian
ou
199
7, 3
49
-350
; Vo
lan
akis
200
1.
14
I b
elie
ve t
hat
the
vers
ion
MA
RC
AB
RA
CH
as
pro
vid
ed b
y M
ein
ard
us
cou
ld b
e co
rrec
ted
with
a fi
nal
I in
th
e g
raffi
to.
Med
iaev
al a
nd
Po
st-M
edia
eval
Gra
ffiti
in t
he
Chu
rch
es
of C
ypru
s
30
6
the
auth
or
and
dat
e o
f vi
sit
(…M
DX
XIII
) o
r m
on
ogr
ams15.
Ayi
os
Neo
ph
yto
s,
Pap
ho
s17
Site
du
g in
the
rock
an
d
dec
ora
ted
with
fr
esco
es a
t th
e en
d o
f th
e 1
2th
cen
tury
.
Co
mp
lex
dep
ictio
n,
with
hig
hly
sty
lised
m
en w
atch
ing
a fig
ure
with
a h
alo
im
po
sin
g h
is h
and
s o
n a
sec
ond
man
. T
he
scen
e m
igh
t d
epic
t a
mira
cle
or
a sa
int's
pro
tect
ion
on
a
follo
wer
(F
ig.
14
-4
).
Th
e fig
ure
s ar
e d
epic
ted
ve
ry s
imp
ly a
nd
th
is fo
rm
reo
ccu
rs in
ano
ther
gra
ffito
d
epic
ting
a m
an in
the
nar
thex
of A
yio
s N
ico
lao
s tis
Ste
gis,
cu
rren
tly b
ein
g st
ud
ied.
T
her
e m
ust
hav
e b
een
oth
er
gra
ffiti,
as
can
be
seen
in
the
pho
togr
aph
s in
S
tylia
no
u’s
pu
blic
atio
n18.
15 M
ein
ardu
s 19
69, 1
05-1
10
.
16 V
ola
nak
is 2
001.
17
Sty
lian
ou
and
Sty
lian
ou
1997
, 351
-36
9.
18
Sty
lian
ou
and
Sty
lian
ou
1997
, fig
. 2
16.
Mia
Gai
a T
ren
tin
3
07
Ayi
a P
aras
kevi
, Y
ero
skip
ou19
Fou
nded
in th
e 9th
cen
tury
an
d
dec
ora
ted
with
fr
esco
es in
th
e 1
2th a
nd
15th
ce
ntu
ries.
In
scrip
tion
s o
n th
e b
ase
of t
he
first
arc
h
bet
wee
n t
he
nav
e an
d
the
nort
h ai
sle.
S
pre
ad o
ver
seve
ral
lines
, th
ey a
re in
go
od
con
ditio
n a
nd
are
curr
ently
bei
ng
stu
die
d.
Byz
antin
e-sh
aped
ea
gle,
her
e m
on
o-
cep
hal
ic,
som
e G
reek
cro
sse
s at
th
e ex
tre
miti
es a
nd
a
pal
met
te (
Fig
. 1
4-5
). B
oth
the
insc
riptio
ns
and
d
raw
ings
see
m t
o b
elon
g to
th
e G
ree
k co
mm
un
ity.
Alth
ou
gh th
e si
te is
on
the
road
lin
kin
g P
aph
os
and
Li
mas
sol,
the
graf
fiti d
o n
ot
see
m t
o in
dic
ate
any
Latin
in
tere
st in
the
site
.
Ayi
os
An
ton
ios,
K
elia
20
Fo
und
ed in
th
e 9th
cen
tury
an
d
mo
difi
ed a
t va
riou
s st
ages
. A
t le
ast
fou
r st
ages
of
fres
coes
fro
m
the
end
of t
he
9th t
o t
he
13th
ce
ntu
ry.
F
rag
men
ts o
n t
he
pila
ster
div
idin
g th
e n
ave
and
th
e so
uth
ai
sle,
nex
t to
the
figu
res
of t
he
Sai
nts
A
nd
ron
icu
s an
d
Ath
anas
ius.
D
evo
tion
al o
r vo
tive
gra
ffiti.
Det
aile
d,
squ
are
Gre
ek c
ross
es,
ofte
n
mad
e w
ith a
th
ick
gro
ove
in th
e so
uth
co
lum
n o
f th
e iero
n.
Bar
ely
visi
ble
b
ecau
se t
hey
are
p
artia
lly c
ove
red
by
the
ico
nost
asis
.
Ow
ing
to t
he
frag
men
tary
n
atu
re o
f th
e gr
affit
i, it
is
diff
icu
lt to
def
ine
the
typ
olo
gy
with
an
y gr
eat
ce
rtai
nty
. It
ap
pea
rs,
ho
wev
er t
hat
th
ey w
ere
mad
e b
y th
e G
ree
k co
mm
un
ity.
19 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
97, 3
82-3
94
.
20 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
97, 4
33-4
37
.
Med
iaev
al a
nd
Po
st-M
edia
eval
Gra
ffiti
in t
he
Chu
rch
es
of C
ypru
s
30
8
Tab
le 1
4-2:
Inl
and
site
s w
ith
graf
fiti
Site
C
hron
olog
y L
atin
alp
habe
tica
l gr
affi
ti
Gre
ek a
lpha
beti
cal
graf
fiti
F
igur
ativ
e gr
affi
ti
Com
men
ts
Ayi
a S
op
hia
, N
ico
sia.
G
oth
ic-s
tyle
1
2th ce
ntu
ry
con
stru
ctio
n,
tod
ay t
he
Sel
imiy
e M
osq
ue.
Insc
riptio
ns
in la
te
Go
thic
sty
le a
re
diff
icu
lt to
inte
rpre
t b
ecau
se o
f th
e p
oor
con
diti
on o
f th
e m
arb
le
slab
s in
the
doo
r sp
lays
in
the
faça
de.
Na
mes
an
d m
on
ogr
ams-
sym
bo
ls (
per
hap
s b
y th
e m
erch
ants
re
ferr
ing
to th
e au
tho
rs o
f th
e gr
affi
ti21).
Pro
bab
ly
com
me
mo
rativ
e gr
affi
ti (F
ig.
14
-6).
S
imp
le c
ross
es a
nd
tr
ian
gula
r, h
igh
ly
styl
ised
cre
sts
nex
t to
o
ther
gra
ffiti
(Fig
. 1
4-6
).
Mo
difi
catio
ns
to th
e b
uild
ing
hav
e er
ased
an
y si
gns
of p
oss
ible
gr
affi
ti in
the
inte
rior.
F
rom
th
e m
ater
ial
gath
ered
th
ere
is n
o
evid
ence
of g
raffi
ti fr
om
th
e G
reek
co
mm
un
ity.
Ayi
i Ap
ost
oli,
P
era
Cho
rio22
C
on
stru
cted
at
the
end
of t
he
12th
cen
tury
, fr
esco
es fr
om
th
e sa
me
per
iod
and
the
Insc
riptio
ns
in L
atin
ch
arac
ters
in m
inu
scu
le
lett
ers
on
the
colu
mn
se
par
atin
g th
e iero
n ai
sle,
pal
aeo
grap
hic
ally
to
be
attr
ibu
ted
to th
e
Fra
gm
enta
ry G
reek
ch
arac
ters
on
th
e co
lum
n d
ivid
ing
the
aisl
e fr
om
th
e iero
n
bel
on
gin
g to
var
iou
s in
scrip
tion
s th
at a
re
• D
istin
ct
geo
met
rical
fig
ure
s,
• H
igh
ly s
tylis
ed
do
uble
sai
l ves
sel
nea
r th
e fig
ure
of
Sai
nt
Nic
hola
s
Th
e gr
affi
ti is
evi
den
ce
of t
he
pre
sen
ce o
f bo
th
com
mu
niti
es,
alth
ough
th
e La
tin c
om
mu
nity
is
rep
rese
nte
d b
y ju
st o
ne
sam
ple
. It
sh
ould
als
o
21 M
uel
ler
200
7, 3
13
-334
; B
arbo
n 2
005
.
22 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
97, 4
22-4
24
; T
ren
tin a
nd H
adjik
yria
kos
200
7.
Mia
Gai
a T
ren
tin
3
09
15th
cen
tury
. en
d o
f th
e 1
2th a
nd
beg
inn
ing
of 1
3th
cen
tury
. B
ears
th
e au
tho
r’s n
ame
PE
TR
US
and
is n
ot
rela
ted
to
the
figu
res
of
sain
ts C
om
me
mo
rativ
e gr
affi
ti.
bad
ly d
am
aged
an
d
illeg
ible
. (v
otiv
e gr
affi
ti).
• o
ther
geo
met
rical
fo
rms
in t
he i
ero
n:
So
me
dep
ictin
g st
airs
, p
erh
aps
allu
din
g to
the
asce
nt
and
Clim
acu
s o
f S
ain
t Jo
hn,
and
sta
rs
with
an
ap
otr
op
aic
fun
ctio
n.
be
poi
nte
d ou
t th
at th
e gr
affi
ti in
sid
e th
e iero
n ar
e in
rel
atio
n t
o th
e fig
ure
s o
f th
e sa
ints
, an
d a
re t
her
efo
re
votiv
e-d
evo
tion
al
gra
ffiti.
Fu
rth
erm
ore
, si
nce
it is
an
are
a re
serv
ed o
nly
to
the
cler
gy,
th
ey
are
pro
bab
ly t
he
wo
rk o
f th
e G
ree
k co
mm
un
ity.
Ayi
os
So
zom
eno
s,
Po
tam
ia23
Cav
e fo
r th
e b
uria
l of a
sa
int,
dec
ora
ted
with
fre
sco
es
fro
m t
he
late
B
yzan
tine
per
iod.
Insc
riptio
ns
in L
atin
ch
arac
ters
bad
ly
dam
age
d o
n t
he
wes
t w
all.
Th
e te
xt c
ann
ot
be
reco
nst
ruct
ed b
ut b
y m
ean
s o
f p
alae
ogr
aph
y, t
he
few
le
gib
le c
har
acte
rs c
an
pro
bab
ly b
e at
trib
ute
d,
to th
e 13
th-1
4th c
entu
ry.
• A
t le
ast
six
bad
ly
dam
age
d,
illeg
ible
in
scrip
tion
s. T
hre
e ar
e o
n th
e b
ack
wal
l, n
ear
the
sain
t’s to
mb
. D
evo
tion
al g
raffi
ti (?
)
• A
fu
rth
er t
hre
e in
scrip
tion
s
on
the
east
wal
l, o
nly
tw
o o
f w
hic
h a
re
clea
rly
visi
ble
.
• N
um
ero
us
cro
sses
n
ear
the
sain
t’s
tom
b,
her
e d
evo
tion
al
exp
ress
ion
s.
• S
ever
al v
ery
sim
ple
, tr
ian
gula
r cr
ests
on
th
e ea
st
wal
l.
Th
e p
oo
r co
nditi
on
of
the
graf
fiti a
nd
th
e b
ase
mak
e it
imp
oss
ible
to
def
ine
the
asso
ciat
ion
m
ore
acc
ura
tely
. H
ow
eve
r, t
he
site
se
em
s to
hav
e b
een
vi
site
d b
y b
oth
co
mm
un
ities
ow
ing
to
its fa
vou
rab
le lo
catio
n al
on
g th
e an
cien
t La
rnak
a-N
ico
sia
road
.
23 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
97, 5
11-5
14
; T
ren
tin a
nd H
adjik
yria
kos
200
7.
Med
iaev
al a
nd
Po
st-M
edia
eval
Gra
ffiti
in t
he
Chu
rch
es
of C
ypru
s
31
0
Ayi
os
Dh
imitr
ian
os
Dal
i 24
Co
nst
ruct
ed a
t th
e en
d o
f th
e 1
2th c
entu
ry,
dec
ora
ted
with
th
ree
cycl
es o
f fr
esco
es
• T
wo
co
mm
em
ora
tive
insc
riptio
ns
in li
bra
ry
goth
ic,
very
den
se a
nd
o
rnat
e, in
terp
reta
tion
u
ncl
ear
(Fig
. 14
-7).
T
he
auth
or
sho
ws
con
sid
erab
le g
rap
hic
skill
in c
reat
ion,
an
el
em
ent
that
ind
icat
es
edu
catio
n in
a F
ren
ch
envi
ron
men
t, e
ither
C
ypru
s o
r F
ran
ce
itsel
f (D
er P
arth
og25
).
• G
reek
mo
no
gra
m in
th
e ai
sle.
• G
reek
insc
riptio
n
cove
ring
nin
e lin
es
and
pla
ced
nex
t to
th
e A
yia
Pro
thes
i. D
evo
tion
al g
raffi
ti (?
).
• T
hre
e h
igh
ly
styl
ised
hu
man
fig
ure
s in
sid
e th
e ie
ron
, ch
arac
teris
ed
by
a sq
uar
e h
at o
n th
e h
ead
that
evo
kes
the
hea
dge
ar u
sed
b
y O
rth
od
ox
cler
gy.
Vo
tive-
dev
otio
nal
gr
affi
ti, n
ext
to th
e p
ort
raya
ls o
f sai
nts
.
Situ
ated
alo
ng
the
road
b
etw
een
Lar
nak
a an
d
Nic
osi
a, t
he
build
ing
wa
s vi
site
d b
y b
oth
co
mm
un
ities
. T
he
com
me
mo
rativ
e La
tin
char
acte
r gr
affi
ti ar
e in
th
e ai
sle
wh
ile t
he
votiv
e-d
evo
tion
al
Gre
ek g
raffi
ti ar
e m
ain
ly c
on
cen
trat
ed
insi
de
the i
ero
n, th
e ar
ea r
eser
ved
for
the
cler
gy.
Pan
ayia
to
u
Ara
ka,
Lago
ud
era26
Mo
nas
tery
ch
urc
h b
uilt
in
the
seco
nd
hal
f o
f th
e 1
2th
cen
tury
, d
eco
rate
d w
ith
fres
coes
fro
m
the
seco
nd
hal
f
• T
wo
co
mm
em
ora
tive
gra
ffiti
in g
oth
ic o
n
the
nort
h-e
ast
doo
r.
Th
e au
tho
rs s
how
th
ey w
ere
edu
cate
d in
a
Fre
nch
en
viro
nm
ent.
In
on
e o
f th
e tw
o
• T
wo
insc
riptio
ns
insi
de
the i
ero
n, e
ach
co
mm
em
ora
ting
the
visi
t o
f a p
ilgrim
, ch
rono
logi
cally
d
atab
le fr
om
th
e b
egin
nin
g o
f th
e 18th
O
n t
his
site
th
e La
tin
gra
ffiti
see
m t
o h
ave
app
eare
d b
efo
re t
hat
in
Gre
ek c
har
act
ers.
F
urt
her
mo
re,
wh
ile t
he
form
er is
pre
vale
ntly
o
f a c
om
me
mo
rativ
e n
atu
re,
in th
e la
tter
thi
s
24 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
97, 4
25-4
27
; T
ren
tin a
nd H
adjik
yria
kos
200
7.
25 D
er P
arth
og
2006
. 26
Sop
hocl
eou
s 1
998
, 12
; T
ren
tin a
nd
Had
jikyr
iako
s 2
007
.
Mia
Gai
a T
ren
tin
3
11
and
end
of t
he
12th
cen
tury
, an
d th
e 14th
ce
ntu
ry27.
gra
ffiti
the
nam
e Le
ngl
es c
an b
e re
cogn
ised
, al
read
y ep
igra
ph
ical
ly
con
firm
ed o
n th
e is
lan
d28,
and
a d
ate,
p
rob
ably
13
1029
(F
ig.
14
-8).
• T
race
s o
f La
tin
char
acte
rs t
o t
he
sid
es
of t
he
figu
res
of t
he
Pan
ayia
an
d t
he
Arc
han
gel
on
the
sou
th w
all.
cen
tury
on
war
ds.
• F
rag
men
tary
in
scrip
tion
s an
d
mo
no
gra
ms
to t
he
sid
es o
f th
e sa
ints
, of
a vo
tive-
dev
otio
nal
n
atu
re.
• F
rag
men
ts o
f G
ree
k ch
arac
ters
to
th
e si
des
o
f th
e P
anay
ia a
nd
th
e A
rch
ang
el o
n th
e so
uth
wal
l.
is g
rad
ual
ly r
epla
ced
b
y an
incr
easi
ng
nu
mb
er o
f dev
otio
nal
m
otiv
es.
O
ther
Gre
ek
gra
ffiti
are
pre
sen
t o
n th
e o
uts
ide
of t
he
chu
rch
o
n th
e la
st fr
esco
es t
o
be
pai
nte
d.
Pan
ayia
tis
A
sin
ou
, N
ikita
ri30
Orig
inal
ly a
m
on
aste
ry
chu
rch
, bui
lt an
d d
eco
rate
d at
th
e b
egin
nin
g o
f th
e 12
th
• C
om
me
mo
rativ
e gr
affi
ti in
the
nort
her
n p
art
of t
he
nar
thex
in
late
go
thic
min
iscu
le
trac
eab
le t
o t
he
end
of
the
14th c
entu
ry.
Incl
ud
es th
e au
tho
r’s
• In
scrip
tion
s co
verin
g se
vera
l lin
es
on
the
intr
ado
s o
f th
e n
ort
h d
oo
r. O
ne
is
com
me
mo
rativ
e-o
bitu
ary.
• G
raffi
ti in
th
e
Tw
o h
igh
ly s
tylis
ed
op
en h
and
s on
the
no
rth
wal
l of t
he
nar
thex
, n
ear
the
po
rtra
yals
of t
he
sain
ts. P
oss
ibly
d
epic
tion
s o
f ex-
27 W
infie
ld 1
973
; Sop
hocl
eou
s 1
998
.
28 I
mh
aus
200
4,
vol.
I, p
l. 18
, co
nse
rved
in
th
e ch
ur
ch o
f A
yia
So
phi
a at
Nic
osi
a; p
ls 2
59
and
26
2, c
on
ser
ved
in
the
Larn
aka
Cas
tle
Mu
seu
m,
orig
inat
ing
fro
m N
otr
e D
am
e d
e T
ort
ose
.
29 T
ren
tin a
nd
Had
jikyr
iako
s 2
007
. 30
Had
jich
risto
dou
lou
an
d M
yria
nth
efs
20
02
; S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 1
997
, 11
4-1
40.
Med
iaev
al a
nd
Po
st-M
edia
eval
Gra
ffiti
in t
he
Chu
rch
es
of C
ypru
s
31
2
cen
tury
. A
t th
e en
d o
f th
e sa
me
cen
tury
th
e n
arth
ex w
as
add
ed a
nd
dec
ora
ted
.
surn
ame:
P
AN
CH
IER
, p
erh
aps
of V
enet
ian
orig
ins.
no
rth
ern
par
t o
f th
e n
arth
ex,
mo
stly
fr
ag
men
tary
. T
wo
are
le
gib
le a
nd
say
: th
e fir
st
KAΛΛΗΝΗΚ
[_]Σ
an
d th
e se
con
d (s
.c)
ΕΝ
ΨΧ
/ ΨΧ
ΕΝ
/ ΑΡΨ
. T
her
e ar
e tw
o
mo
no
gra
ms
in t
he
sam
e ar
ea.
voto
or
wis
hin
g go
od
fort
une.
Pan
ayia
Ia
mat
iki,
Ara
kap
as
Bu
ilt a
nd
dec
ora
ted
in
the
16th
cen
tury
.
G
raffi
ti m
ain
ly
dis
trib
ute
d o
n th
e co
lum
ns
nex
t to
the
sain
ts.
Co
mm
em
ora
tive
insc
riptio
ns
with
the
nam
e o
f th
e au
tho
r an
d
dat
e o
f vis
it o
r m
on
ogr
am
s (F
ig.
14
-9
). T
hes
e te
stim
on
ies
are
con
cen
trat
ed
mai
nly
bet
wee
n t
he
18th
an
d 1
9th c
entu
ry.
D
esp
ite t
he
pre
vale
nce
o
f th
e co
mm
em
ora
tive
wo
rdin
g in
the
graf
fiti
text
s, t
hei
r po
sitio
n
nex
t to
the
sain
ts d
oes
n
ot
excl
ud
e a
votiv
e o
r d
evo
tion
al
char
acte
ristic
.
Mia
Gai
a T
ren
tin
3
13
Pal
aia
En
klei
stra
, K
ou
klia
31
Cav
ern
with
1
4th-c
entu
ry
fres
coes
• S
tars
an
d s
tylis
ed
vess
els
ne
xt t
o t
he
figu
res
of t
he
sain
ts
and
nex
t to
the
Pan
tocr
ato
r in
p
artic
ula
r. V
otiv
e-d
evo
tion
al g
raffi
ti (F
ig.
14
-10
).
Th
ere
is a
lso
an
in
scrip
tion
in A
rab
ch
arac
ters
.
Ro
yal C
hap
el,
Pyr
ga32
T
he
bu
ildin
g is
d
ated
14
12 o
n
the
bas
is o
f a
pic
ta
insc
riptio
n
rep
ort
ed b
y C
. E
nla
rt33.
A.
Sty
lian
ou
at
trib
ute
s th
e fr
esco
es t
o t
he
sam
e p
erio
d34.
Co
mm
em
ora
tive
gra
ffiti
reco
rdin
g th
e vi
sit
of p
ilgrim
s o
r ev
ents
. S
om
e th
at w
ere
rece
ntly
an
alys
ed b
y S
chry
ver
and
S
chab
el35,
corr
ect
En
lart
’s in
terp
reta
tion
o
f th
e tw
o d
evo
tion
al
gra
ffiti
cove
ring
seve
ral l
ines
on
the
we
st w
all.
Th
e au
tho
rs
dat
e th
e gr
affit
i
•
Sta
rs w
ith
apo
trop
aic
fun
ctio
n.
• S
tep
s
• S
tylis
ed c
rest
s
• A
sty
lised
ves
sel
• A
fra
gm
enta
ry
scen
e w
ith t
wo
men
in
pro
file
and
the
insc
riptio
n “
latr
o”
bet
wee
n t
he
two
Th
e co
mm
em
ora
tive
gra
ffiti
do
no
t exc
lud
e th
e p
rese
nce
of t
he
pic
ta in
scrip
tion
rep
ort
ed b
y E
nla
rt.
Ind
eed
, th
e la
tter
mig
ht
no
t so
mu
ch b
e re
ferr
ing
to a
n ex
no
vo
con
stru
ctio
n b
ut r
ath
er
to a
res
tora
tion
or
an
add
itio
n w
ith n
ewly
fr
esco
ed s
cen
es.
Fu
rth
er s
tudi
es fr
om
31 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
97, 3
97-4
03
, fig
s 2
37
-23
8.
32 E
nla
rt 1
899
; En
lart
19
87.
33
En
lart
189
9.
34 S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tylia
no
u 19
48, 1
4; S
tylia
no
u a
nd S
tyl
ian
ou
19
97, 4
28
-432
. 35
Sch
ryve
r an
d S
chab
el 2
003,
32
7-3
34.
Med
iaev
al a
nd
Po
st-M
edia
eval
Gra
ffiti
in t
he
Chu
rch
es
of C
ypru
s
31
4
bet
wee
n t
he
15th a
nd
1
6th c
entu
ry.
On
e o
f th
e co
mm
em
ora
tive
gra
ffiti
that
was
no
t n
otic
ed e
arly
incl
ud
es
the
dat
e 13
80 (
ma
ybe
13
85)
in th
e fir
st li
ne
in L
atin
nu
mb
ers
and
tr
aces
of t
he
wo
rdin
g h
ic f
uit
(Fig
. 14
-11
).
Th
is is
th
eref
ore
a
com
me
mo
rativ
e gr
affi
ti th
at g
oes
bac
k to
bef
ore
th
e p
resu
med
d
ate
of c
on
stru
ctio
n o
f th
e ch
urc
h.
vario
us
asp
ects
will
sh
ed m
ore
ligh
t on
this
.
Mia Gaia Trentin
315
Fig. 14-1: Memorial graffito in the dormitory in Bellapays Abbey.
Fig. 14-2: Ship graffito of a galley in Bellapays Abbey.
Fig. 14-3: Graffiti on the church entrance door in Bellapays Abbey.
Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus
316
Fig. 14-4: Figurative graffito at Ayios Neophytos, Paphos.
Fig. 14-5: Alphabetical and figurative graffiti in Ayia Paraskevi, Yeroskipou.
Mia Gaia Trentin
317
Fig. 14-6: Alphabetical and figurative graffiti in Ayia Sophia, Nicosia.
Fig. 14-7: Alphabetical graffiti in Ayios Dhimitrianos, Dali.
Fig. 14-8: Alphabetical graffiti in Panayia tou Araka, Lagoudera.
Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus
318
Fig. 14-9: Alphabetical graffiti in Panayia Iamatiki, Arakapas.
Fig. 14-10: Figurative graffiti in Palaia Enkleistra, Kouklia.
Fig. 14-11: Alphabetical graffito in the Royal Chapel, Pyrga.
Mia Gaia Trentin
319
Two groups of writers have emerged from the analysis of this graffiti - the western Latin and the Greek group. The two groups are distributed over different chronological time-spans that partially overlap. The Latin graffiti are concentrated between the 12th and 17th centuries while the Greek are concentrated between the 16th and 20th centuries. The former, the alphabetic graffiti in particular, are prevalently concentrated during the period of western rule (the Lusignan dynasty and then the Venetian Republic), and two phases can be identified during this development: in the first, initial phase, the authors had a French graphic education; in the second, coming closer to the period of Venetian rule, the Italic influence is prevalent on the writing (epigraphic capital of humanistic revival) or generic lower-case letters together with the initials of the western merchants. These testimonies decrease with the start of the Ottoman occupation. This is indirect proof of the extent of the influence the western world was under - the new Mediterranean trade structure, the shift of territorial and trade interests towards northern Europe, the Americas and the East. As has been shown, the graffiti in Greek characters, attributable to the Orthodox community increased over the centuries after its initial hesitant appearance in the 16th century. The graffiti are prevalently drawings, an element that should not necessarily be taken as an index of illiteracy. Indeed, owing to the difficulty of the very rigid base, the authors were forced to find the simplest and most effective expressive means in graffiti to transmit its content, and words do not always lend themselves to conciseness. In this case, by means of a common language of symbols and images, a drawing offers the possibility of summarising the form while respecting the content and legibility of the message36.
The graffiti of the two communities co-exist in the main sites along the coast (Ayia Solomoni) and in the inland sites along the main roads of communication (Ayii Apostoli, Ayios Sozomenos, Ayios Dhimitrianos, Panayia tou Araka, Panayia tis Asinou). It appears they did not co-exist in areas that were clearly characterised from a political-religious point of view, for example in Ayia Sophia in Nicosia, Bellapais and in Pyrga. In fact, in these cases the architecture of the building is clearly western, and the form of these churches during construction (12th–14th centuries) reflects of the Catholic religion practised there. This factor certainly influenced the creation of religious graffiti by the Orthodox on these sites. On the other hand, it can also be observed that the Latin graffiti are located in Orthodox sanctuaries, either because of the religious importance of the
36 For more on the use of signs and symbols and processes of mental synthesis and reproduction, see Frutiger 1978; Arnheim 1969.
Mediaeval and Post-Mediaeval Graffiti in the Churches of Cyprus
320
site, for example Ayia Solomoni, or along very busy roads which might have also served as a place of rest. It would therefore appear that the Latin community experienced no particular problems with religion in either Catholic or Orthodox churches, at least as far as the sphere of private religiosity was concerned, and of which graffiti are an expression. The distribution of the graffiti appears to show, however, that the Orthodox community did not visit Catholic churches. Analysis in other sites will be able to shed more light on this question.
Furthermore, the two graffiti groups differ in both content and location - the Latin graffiti seem to have wanted to underline the visit to the building while the Greek graffiti are more closely tied to devotional-religious aspects that are shown in more detailed expressions and positioned according to a hierarchy of the sacred that was evident in the eastern tradition and made even clearer in the iconographic cycles.
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