Massification, competition and organizational diversity in higher education: evidence from Italy
Transcript of Massification, competition and organizational diversity in higher education: evidence from Italy
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This is a preprint of an article whose final and definitive form has been published in the STUDIES IN HIGHER EDUCATION © [2010] Society for Research into Higher Education; STUDIES IN HIGHER EDUCATION is available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03075070903050539#.UayM7eukDQ5 Please cite as: Rossi, F (2010) Massification, competition and organizational diversity in higher education: evidence from Italy, Studies in Higher Education, 35(3), 277-300
Massification, competition and organizational diversity in higher education:
evidence from Italy
Federica Rossi
Dipartimento di Economia “Salvatore Cognetti de Martiis”
Università degli Studi di Torino Via Po 53
Torino, Italy E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
The article explores whether, and to what extent, several broad trends that have taken
place in most higher education systems in the last few decades – such as
massification, privatization, increased competition for students and for research funds
– stimulate more diversity between institutions. This question is widely debated, both
empirically and theoretically.
Using Italian data, the dynamics of organizational diversity are analyzed with respect
to several features of higher education institutions, namely (1) size, (2) specialization
and (3) mission orientation. This multidimensional approach offers some interesting
results both in their own right as well as in a comparative perspective with studies that
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have investigated similar issues in other countries.
Keywords: Higher education, privatization, competition, diversity, organization studies
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Introduction
The changing organization of higher education systems is an issue of interest both to
the academic community and to policymakers, who have in fact promoted platforms
for the discussion of the future of the university (European Commission, 2004) as
well as various attempts to forecast scenarios for the evolution of national university
systems (OECD, 2006).
While it is now generally accepted that the normative and organizational structure of
higher education systems depends on the complex interplay of contingent factors,
including specific legislative frameworks and historical development patterns (Scott,
2004), the academic literature has identified a number of broad trends that, in the
course of the last two or three decades, appear to have taken place consistently in
most countries, and has speculated about their likely implications. A particularly
debated issue is whether, and to what extent, such trends have led to more diverse
systems, able to accommodate a wider range of student needs and preferences and to
perform a broader range of functions (Trow, 1979; Birnbaum, 1983; Stadtman, 1980;
Van Vught, 1996, 2008).
In the absence of theoretical consensus on the determinants of diversity, and on the
dimensions along which higher education systems are likely to differentiate, empirical
analyses can contribute useful knowledge to the debate. The present article analyzes
the dynamics of inter-institutional diversity in the Italian higher education system, and
attempts to relate these dynamics to changes in the functions that universities are
required to perform and in the rules governing the university system.
First, it reviews several key trends in the development of higher education systems,
and introduces the debate about their impact on organizational diversity in higher
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education. Second, the article describes the organization of the Italian higher
education system, and discusses the extent to which it has been affected by the trends
identified previously. Third, the dynamics of organizational diversity in Italian higher
education are explored empirically, with respect to a set of institutional features: (1)
size, (2) specialization and (3) mission-orientation. Finally, some conclusions are
drawn, and some broader implications of this study are discussed.
Change and organizational diversity in higher education systems
Trends in the development of higher education systems
In the last three decades, in Europe and in many other developed countries, a number
of general trends have taken place, which have affected the structure, governance and
organization of higher education institutions. Among the many changes that
universities have confronted, particularly remarkable are the increases in the number
of students that they are required to train and in the range of activities that they are
supposed to perform, as well as the modifications in the mechanisms regulating the
allocation of public funds to institutions and in the rules underpinning governance
processes within universities (Gumport et al, 1997; Skilbeck, 2001; Krause, 2007).
In most developed countries, the share of population who attend university at some
point in their lives has increased over time, with the most relevant waves of
massification having taken place in the mid-1960s, in the early 1980s and mid-1990s
(Bonaccorsi, 2006). Currently, in countries like Britain and the US, more than one
third of 18-24 year olds are enrolled in higher education (Douglass, 2004), a share
that is well above the 15% threshold which, according to Trow (1974) separates elite
from mass education.
Such massification of higher education has been interpreted as an indication of the
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growing need for intellectual workers in most modern economic systems, in which
knowledge industries play an increasingly important role (Peters and Humes, 2003).
Universities are required to provide a flow of trained personnel for industry, and to
contribute to the ongoing re-qualification of human resources. An increasing share of
enrolments is composed of non-traditional students, including mature and foreign
students (Kelo, Teichler and Wächter, 2006).
The greater size and complexity of the student base has entailed growing costs for the
higher education sector, in a period characterized by tighter constraints on public
finances (OECD, 1990) and by growing consensus on a reduced role for government
intervention in the economy (Geuna and Muscio, 2008), particularly in areas like
higher education where private returns are high (Psacharopoulos, 1994).
In this context, the expansion of the private higher education sector has allowed many
countries to accommodate increased enrolments without the need to further expand
public budgets (Dima, 2004). Political support for the privatization of higher
education has increased significantly since the late 1970s (Teixeira and Amaral, 2001;
Dima, 2004). The political arguments have emphasized that privatization would entail
not only cost-effectiveness and greater efficiency and accountability (Cave, Kogan
and Smith, 1990; Dima, 2004), but also more competition and client choice, leading
to increased institutional responsiveness (Teixeira and Amaral, 2001).
In most Western countries, in the course of the 1980s and 1990s, even public
institutions have undergone governance reforms aimed at increasing their decisional
autonomy and their financial accountability since - in line with the shift towards New
Public Management practices (Pollitt, 1990) – such principles are considered crucial
in order to promote efficiency, improve administrative performance and induce
universities to develop strategic capabilities (Bonaccorsi and Daraio, 2007).
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In parallel, governments have increasingly relied on mechanisms such as accreditation
processes, assessments and rankings in order to monitor the universities’
performance.
Governments have tried to reconcile the expansion of the higher education sector with
the stringency of public budgets also by encouraging universities to reduce their
dependency on government handouts through a diversification of their funding
sources. Changes in the rules governing the allocation of funds to higher education
have often been instrumental to achieve this objective.
First, universities have been encouraged to increase the share of private funding
accrued from student fees, often by being allowed to charge differential fees for
national and foreign students. Greater competition for enrolments between institutions
has been further stimulated by the substitution, since the 1980s, of the previously
dominant incremental systems (according to which resources for education were
distributed to institutions on the basis of their historical allocations) with formula
systems where resources are made proportional to the universities’ actual
expenditures per student enrolled (Geuna, 1999).
Second, universities are encouraged to derive a greater share of their research and
education funding from private firms and charities (for example through activities
such as the provision of educational services to employers, the procurement of
research contracts, the direct commercialization of academic discoveries). The
introduction of more competitive mechanisms for the allocation of public research
funds – which are increasingly assigned on the basis of performance and quality
criteria (Geuna, 1999; Lepori et al, 2007) – has, at least in certain countries, prompted
less successful universities to rely on consultancy and contract research for private
firms in order to supplement their research income (Geuna, 1999).
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While these innovations in university management and regulations have mainly been
introduced in order to reduce the universities’ reliance on public budgets, to reward
performance and stimulate efficiency, transparency and accountability in the use of
public funds, they have also encouraged universities to pursue short-term objectives
in the use of funds and have resulted in more intense competition for resources for
education and research (Rothschild and White, 1991).
Finally, the increasing importance of industry contracts within university budgets
signals another much-discussed trend that has been taking place in the last two
decades: the tendency to view universities as agents of economic development. In
addition to performing their key research and education activities, universities are
increasingly expected to contribute to economic growth and wealth creation, by
ensuring the rapid production, certification and transfer of knowledge to the economic
system (Slaughter and Leslie, 1999; Etzkowitz, 2002; Nowotny, Scott and Gibson,
2001). Knowledge transfer is implemented through numerous channels, besides the
traditional “open science” dissemination of academic research results and the
provision of education services: the transaction of intellectual property rights over the
results of research, the establishment of collaborative contractual relations and
research joint ventures with industry, the creation of spin-off companies (Martin,
2003; Thursby and Kemp, 2002). Because the new functions of universities have
overlapped with their more traditional ones, some authors talk about a phenomenon of
“mission stretch” required from higher education institutions (Scott, 2007).
Organizational responses to massification and increased competition: towards
increasing diversity of higher education systems?
These processes pose radical challenges to university systems. First, universities are
required to accommodate a growing population of students with more varied
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educational, social and cultural backgrounds, in the context of decreasing government
budgets. Second, since in the so-called knowledge-based economy universities are
increasingly required to produce knowledge that is relevant to the needs of the
economy and of society (Slaughter and Leslie, 1999; Geuna and Muscio, 2008), there
is a need for more trans-disciplinary science, as well as a dual need for the acquisition
of more generic competences and for understanding the specific context of knowledge
(Gibbons et al, 1994). Third, another challenge is how to accommodate the expanding
missions that the university is supposed to accomplish, finding ways to transfer
knowledge to the economic system through channels that are different from the
standard education and research routes (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff, 2000).
Higher education analysts have argued that the answer to most, if not all, of these
challenges lies in fostering increasing diversity within higher education systems.
More diverse systems, it is claimed, can cope with new functions and respond to the
many demands coming from a larger and more varied set of stakeholders (Conceição
and Heitor, 1999; van der Wende, 2007). However, there is little agreement on the
determinants of diversity. Although policymakers sometimes assume that institutional
differentiation will follow spontaneously from a combination of the trends identified
above (see for example European Commission, 2004), the actual theoretical positions
are controversial. While some authors have argued that higher education systems have
an innate tendency to differentiate and to increase their diversity (Parsons and Platt,
1973; Clark, 1983), others, inspired by the theory of institutional isomorphism
(DiMaggio and Powell, 1983), have reached the opposite conclusion that higher
education systems are likely to become less diverse over time, because of the
homogeneizing influence of the institutional context (Neave, 2000; Huisman, 1998;
Goedegebuure et al, 1996; Van Vught, 1996 and 2008). The effects of increased
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competition on diversity are also contested, with some authors claiming that
competition encourages institutions to look for market niches (Aldrich, 1979), others
claiming that competition encourages imitation (Riesman, 1956; Hannan and
Freeman, 1977; Aldersley, 1995) and yet others suggesting that competition can foster
both effects, depending on the circumstances (Geiger, 1996; Goedegebuure et al,
1996).
It is very difficult to reach a wide consensus on the causes and dynamics of
organizational diversity in higher education, for a number of reasons. First, there is no
prevailing organizational theory explaining the mechanisms that promote diversity in
social systems and the conditions under which differentiation processes take place,
which could be applied to the case of higher education (Huisman, 1998; Van Vught,
1996; Teixeira and Amaral, 2001). The dynamics of organizational diversity depend
on the outcomes of very complex interactions between agents at different levels of
social organization – individuals, political coalitions, institutions – and between these
agents and their environment: theories of organizational diversity are therefore
necessarily incomplete and may lead to contradictory interpretations (Teixeira and
Amaral, 2001). Second, diversity has many dimensions: it is possible, for example,
for the same process to foster diversity in one dimension while at the same time
fostering homogeneity in another dimension. It is therefore extremely important to
clarify the features of higher education systems to which the concept of diversity is
applied.
Table 1 summarizes several process that have been identified by the literature as
affecting the amount of diversity present in higher education systems, with respect to
some of their main features. For each of these features it is possible to find arguments
in favour of opposite views on the dynamics of diversity. Since it is very difficult to
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anticipate purely on theoretical grounds whether processes promoting or hampering
diversity in the system will prevail, the support of empirical enquiry is particularly
important.
(Table 1 about here)
Higher education in Italy: context and trends
In the academic year 2007/2008, according to data reported by the Italian Ministry of
University and Research, 93 higher education institutions were active in Italy; of
these, 76 were universities, 10 were “distance learning” universities, 5 were advanced
postgraduate institutions, and 2 were “universities for foreigners”, specialized in
Italian language and culture.
Although the Italian university system is formally very homogeneous - universities
constitute the only institutional form in higher education (Kyvik, 2004) and until very
recently only one type of degree title existed - in practice there are marked differences
between institutions (Clark, 1977). With respect to historical origin, several “waves”
of creation of universities can be identified: a large share of universities have been
founded before the French revolution, mostly in medieval times; some have been
founded between the late XIX century and the second World War, a period which has
seen the creation of a number of specialized universities (the “politecnici” of Milan,
Turin and Bari, specialized in engineering and architecture, Bocconi university in
Milan, specialized in economics, and L’Orientale of Naples, specialized in Asian
languages); however, universities founded after 1945 constitute by far the largest
group.
The rate at which new universities have been created has broadly followed the rate of
growth in enrolments. Access to higher education was, for a very long time, restricted
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to a small elite of wealthy students. Only after the mid-1960s, Italy finally moved into
mass secondary education. Yearly growth rates in enrolments were positive until the
late 1970s, followed by a slowdown until the early 1980s, and a subsequent period of
sustained growth until the end of the decade: overall, the number of enrolled students
increased five-fold between 1960 and 1991 (Catalano and Silvestri, 1992). After a
period of stall in enrolments in the early 1990s, due mainly to demographic decrease,
the number of enrolled students picked up again, increasing by about 9% between
2000 and 2005. Since in the same period the number of tenured teachers increased by
26.1%, the students/teachers ratio progressively decreased, remaining, however, one
of the highest among the OECD countries (MIUR, 2006).
Between 1945 and 1980, like in most other Western countries (Geuna, 1999), the
growth in demand for university education was matched by a large increase in the
number of public university institutions, and correspondingly of faculties and
teachers. After 1990, the share of private universities has instead increased rapidly, as
can be seen from Figure 1, which shows the number of universities active in Italy
since 1850. While 90% of the universities created between 1960 and 1990 were
public, 49% of the 35 universities created after 1990 were private. The trend towards
increased privatization has been even stronger after 2000, largely because of the
creation of numerous private institutions that exclusively provide distance learning
educational services. The lower costs (in terms of buildings and other physical
infrastructures) involved in setting up distance learning institutions and the rapid
development of web-based technologies, have allowed rapid growth in the number of
these so-called “telematic universities” (11 have been created between 2000 and
2006).
(Figure 1 about here)
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Besides their historical origins, Italian universities differ markedly also in terms of
size and specialization, two aspects whose dynamics are explored in greater detail in
the next section.
Furthermore, over time, some of the rules enforcing institutional homogeneity have
been relaxed and elements of competition have been introduced. Between the end of
the 1980s and the early 1990s, numerous innovations have been introduced in the
system of rules governing the relationship between universities and central
government, which was previously characterized by very strong centralization:
universities were given the ability to set their own statutes and regulation (1989) and
to autonomously decide how to allocate their budgetary resources (1993). The
universities’ autonomy further increased after 2000, when they became responsible
for setting up and managing their own PhD programmes and for the direct recruitment
of teachers at all levels.
Starting with the academic year 2000/2001, in line with the Bologna process, the
standard duration of undergraduate degrees was shortened from four to three years
and a two-year master degree was introduced. There is some evidence that, like in
other European countries (Geuna, 1999), the Bologna reform has increased
participation rates (Giannessi, 2006) and has encouraged more enrolments on the part
of non-traditional students (Almalaurea, 2007). The number of international students
has also increased, although this phenomenon remains marginal if compared with
other countries. According to the Ministry of University and Research, in 2005/06
only 2.28% of students enrolled in Italian universities were foreign citizens, a very
small share when compared with other European countries: for example, according to
Kelo, Teichler and Wächter (2006), in 2003 the share of foreign students had reached
19.5% in Switzerland, 17.6% in the UK, 13.3% in Austria and 11.9% in Germany.
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Following this reform, universities have been allowed to freely set up new bachelor
and master degree courses, within some broad ministerial guidelines in terms of
educational objectives to be fulfilled, minimum commitment expected from students,
and subjects to be included in each curricula. This has led to a large growth in the
number of curricula offered in the Italian university system, from the 2981 curricula
offered in 2001/02 to the 5434 curricula offered in 2006/07 (Giannessi, 2006).
The rules governing the allocation of public money to universities have also
undergone significant changes. Until the early 1990s, funding was allocated on the
basis of each institution’s historical expenditures, with incremental resources made
available for the development of new activities (Geuna, 1999). In 1993, it was
established that a share in the budget of each university (whose weight in the total
budget would increase over time) should be assigned on the basis of the university’s
actual expenditures: the estimate of production costs per student constituted one of the
main criteria for funds allocation (Bagues, Sylos Labini and Zinovyeva, 2008). Later,
in 1997, universities were allowed to set their own tuition fees independently, within
minimum and maximum thresholds defined by the Ministry (Catturi and Mussari,
2003).
A more competitive system was also introduced, in the mid-1990s, for the allocation
of research funds. Until then, the research funds allocated to each university were split
into a 60% and a 40% share. The former constituted a non-targeted form of research
funding, computed on the basis of the number of researchers: each university then
allocated these funds to individual professors according to their own procedures. The
40% share constituted instead a form of targeted funding, to be distributed by the
university on the basis of a competitive evaluation of research proposals presented by
the various research teams. Because of lack of external control on the universities’
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evaluation procedures, these funds were distributed to a large extent on the basis of
academic politics (Bruno and Orsenigo, 2002). In 1997, in order to increase
transparency in evaluation and competition among universities, it was established that
the “40% Funds” would be allocated centrally by the Ministry on the basis of public
tenders: the projects submitted – requiring the collaboration between teams from
different universities –were to be evaluated by anonymous referees.
Together, these trends and interventions have increased the universities’ decisional
autonomy, reduced the extent of direct government control over the university system,
and have arguably contributed to intensifying competition for enrolments and for
research funds among universities. To gain empirical insight into whether they have
also led to increased diversity between higher education institutions, the analysis
considers, separately, three features of institutions with respect to which the issue of
diversity is often debated: (1) size, (2) specialization and (3) mission orientation.
The organizational development of the Italian university system: towards
increased diversity?
Empirically, the extent and dynamics of diversity in higher education have been
investigated in different ways. Several studies have constructed typologies of higher
education institutions and have shown how institutions move across categories over
time (Birnmaum, 1983; Aldersley, 1995); other possible approaches are cluster
analysis (Geuna, 1999), the use of statistical indicators (Taylor, 2003), the use of
positioning indicators (Bonaccorsi and Daraio, 2008). The analysis presented here
relies on a combination of techniques that include the study of the features of size
distributions, the development of indicators of diversity and the study of their
dynamics over time, and cluster analysis performed at different points in time.
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The dataset used for the analysis includes institution-level variables drawn from
several sources. Data on university teachers from 2000 to 2007, data on enrolled
undergraduate, master and PhD students (number and region of residence) in the
academic years from 1999/2000 to 2005/2006 and data on undergraduate and master
curricula between 2000/01 and 2006/07 have been drawn from the online database
made available by the Ministry of University and Research (MIUR); while data on the
research grants obtained by Italian institutions, R&D revenues, tuition fees and tuition
revenues have been drawn from the database realized by the National Committee for
the Evaluation of the University System (CNVSU). The observations refer to a subset
of 72 higher education institutions active in the period from 2000 to 2007, for which
consistent and complete data are available. Of these, 12 are non-State universities and
the remaining 60 are State universities. The distribution of the size of institutions has
been studied over a longer period of time, by integrating recent MIUR data with data
on enrolments in 1965 provided by Clark (1977), referring to a smaller subset of 30
universities active between 1965 and 2007.
Diversity in terms of size
Data on the size of Italian university institutions measured in terms of enrolled
students show that the size distribution of the 30 universities active in 1965 was very
dispersed around the mean (the then smallest university, Pescara, enrolled 370
students, while the largest, La Sapienza in Rome, enrolled 58000) and was quite
skewed, indicating that the system included a large number of relatively small
institutions and a small number of relatively large institutions.
During the period 1965-2000, all universities have expanded in size: while larger
universities have grown more than smaller ones in absolute terms, growth rates have
consistently been higher for smaller universities (particularly those that in 1965 had
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less than 5000 students), as can be seen from Figure 2.
(Figure 2 about here)
These differentials in growth rates, however, have not led to a convergence in the
universities’ sizes, since new, initially small, institutions have continually been
created during the period. While the sizes of the group of 30 institutions that were
active in 1965 have tended to converge over time (their size distribution in 2000 is
considerably less dispersed than it was in 1965, since the ratio between standard
deviation and mean has decreased considerably), the size distribution of the entire set
of universities active in 2000 is just as dispersed around the mean and just as skewed
as the overall size distribution was in 1965.
The same pattern is found if the set of universities active in the more recent period
between 2000 and 2007 is considered. The expansion in terms of number of teachers
has been greater in those universities that, in 2000, employed less than 1000 teachers,
while a similar, although less marked, pattern can be found with respect to the
increase in the number of students. At present, diversity in terms of size is
remarkable: in 2007, the smallest university in the dataset had 23 teachers and 266
enrolled students (San Pio V university in Rome), the largest had 4770 teachers and
almost 130,000 enrolled students (La Sapienza). The distributions of the number of
students and of the number of teachers are also quite skewed.
The process of massification of higher education could have fostered a polarization in
the system, with a set of more prestigious, large universities attracting an ever
increasing share of enrolments and with smaller and less prestigious universities
characterized by stagnating or even decreasing enrolments: instead, smaller
universities have consistently displayed higher growth rates. However, because the
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increase in demand for university education has been accompanied by a rapid
expansion in the number of institutions, the size distribution of universities in the
system has remained quite similar over time, that is diversity has not decreased.
There is marked stability in the ranking of institutions, especially at the top: Rome’s
La Sapienza, Bologna and Napoli’s Federico II have remained the largest universities
in the country for the past 45 years. As shown in Figure 3, universities that were
founded a longer time ago are on average larger than more recent ones, and non-State
universities, which are generally younger than State ones, are also on average smaller.
Older universities are therefore more successful at attracting greater numbers of
students, probably thanks to the prestige they have acquired during centuries of
activity; however, they are not usually the fastest-growing institutions.
(Figure 3 about here)
Using data on a set of 271 European institutions, Bonaccorsi and Daraio (2008)
identified a set of high-growth universities which are characterized by small size,
specialization, private status, strong support from the local community, localization in
densely populated areas with overcrowded universities as well as, generally, lack of
specific research orientation. If the set of 11 Italian universities that have displayed
the highest growth rates in the period 2001/2002-2005/2006 (with average yearly
growth rates higher than 10%) are considered, about half of them show a combination
of features that are similar to those identified by these authors. While these
universities are all small or medium in size, they are quite heterogeneous with respect
to most other features: only 3 are private, 7 have been founded after 1960, most are
specialized in a few disciplines, although four are quite diversified; they are all
localized in regions where several other universities are present, although not all of
them have a direct competitor in the same city. The ability of a university to grow
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rapidly is likely to depend on a range of factors and their complex interactions (such
as the size of the pool of potential users, the university’s geographic localization, its
offer in terms of range and prestige of courses and disciplines), so that successful
universities can enjoy different sources of competitive advantage.
Diversity in terms of mixes of disciplines offered
It has often been suggested that increased competition for enrolments among
institutions will foster greater diversity in terms of disciplines offered and modalities
of course delivery, as universities look for market niches in their competition for
students. However, it has also been pointed out that competition for enrolments can
lead universities to adopt risk-averse behaviour by imitating their most successful
competitors, following the short-term dynamics of student demand and hence
focusing on more popular subjects (Dima, 2004). An analysis of Italian universities
between 2000/01 and 2006/2007 (Rossi, 2009a, on which part of the analysis
presented in this section is based), has highlighted that the second effect has
prevailed.
The growth in enrolments that has characterized the Italian university system in the
last few decades has taken place differently in different disciplines. In the academic
year 2004/2005, 60% of Italian students were enrolled in only 5 of the 14 broad
groups of disciplines offered (13.3% were enrolled in law, 12.4% in economics and
statistics, 11.7% in sociology and political science, 11.7% in engineering, and 9.3% in
literature studies). While the number of students enrolled in scientific disciplines has
not decreased over the last 30 years, the share of enrolments in those subjects has
diminished, as many more students have chosen the arts & humanities and social
sciences (Carfagna, 2006).
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The analysis of the dynamics of diversity with respect to the disciplines offered by
Italian universities has been performed through several indexes measuring
specialization, diversification and differentiation in terms of curricula, summarized in
Table 2.
(Table 2 about here)
Due to data availability, the analysis refers to a relatively short period of time (the
academic years between 2000/01 and 2006/07) characterized, however, by marked
changes in the structure of the educational offer. It must be noted that, while
according to ministerial guidelines, each bachelor degree curriculum must belong to
one of 42 possible categories and each master degree curriculum must belong to one
of 104 possible categories, in order to compute the indexes presented above both
bachelor and master degree categories have been aggregated into 14 disciplines (listed
in Table 3 below). In turn, these disciplines have sometimes been aggregated into 4
groups: natural & technical sciences, medical sciences, social sciences, arts &
humanities. The reason for such aggregation is that the purpose of the analysis is to
investigate trends in the offer of disciplines on the part of institutions, rather than the
dynamics of the educational offer within each discipline.
At the beginning of the period, the system was characterized by marked diversity
between universities in terms of their specializations. The application of a divisive
clustering technique (Kaufman and Rousseeuw, 1995) to the normalized
specialization indexes constructed using the data on bachelor degree curricula offered
in the year 2000/01 returns 4 well defined clusters (the divisive coefficient is 0.71),
characterized as follows:
• the first cluster includes 36 universities that are specialized in nine or more
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fields; this group comprises the largest and oldest universities in the country,
including Rome’s three main public universities, and the universities of
Milano, Torino, Bologna, Bari, Genova;
• the second cluster includes a set of 13 smaller universities which are
specialized in between five and ten fields;
• the third cluster includes 14 universities that present positive specializations in
medicine and/or engineering and architecture, and/or law and economics and
statistics; this group includes all the technical universities (“politecnici”), three
universities specialized in medicine, and a few other small universities;
• the final cluster includes 10 universities that are strongly specialized in the
social sciences and/or the humanities, many of them private and recently
created.
While the system was quite diverse in terms of specializations in 2000/01, it is
interesting to explore what happened in the following period, which has been
characterized, as mentioned previously, by the introduction of a two-level
qualification system and by concession of greater autonomy to universities in terms of
their ability to organize new curricula. Although the period after 2000/01 has seen a
doubling in the number of curricula offered, the analysis performed at a higher level
of aggregation (14 disciplines) shows in fact that the range of disciplines taught on
average within each university has narrowed.
Between 2000/01 and 2006/07, Italian universities have consistently displayed over-
specialization in the social sciences and arts and humanities. This pattern is present
both for bachelor and master degree curricula: in the latter case, after a two or three
year period of instability following the formal introduction of master degrees, the
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normalized specialization indexes have stabilized to values that are close to those
found in the former case (Rossi. 2009a). As shown in Table 3, private universities are,
on average, under-specialized in the hard sciences and medicine (the cells highlighted
in grey indicate relative over-specialization): rather than complementing the mix of
disciplines offered by public universities, they further contribute to the over-
specialization of the Italian university system in the arts & humanities and in the
social sciences. This finding is in line with analyses of other university systems,
which have shown that most private institutions tend to focus on popular subject areas
with low investment costs, in order to maximise short-term profits, leaving the
provision of costly or more risky activities to the public education system (Dima,
2004; Teixeira and Amaral, 2001).
(Table 3 about here)
The dynamics of the diversification index, computed for each institution using data on
bachelor degree curricula, show that, in the course of the period 2000/01-2006/07,
those universities that displayed higher values of the index at the beginning of the
period reduced their diversification, while those that displayed lower values of the
index at the beginning of the period increased it. This is shown in Table 4, where
universities are classified according to their size (universities are divided into large,
medium-large, medium and small according to the quartiles of the distribution of the
number of enrolled students in 2005/06), ownership (State and non-State) and market
(universities are divided into regional, trans-regional and national according to
whether their students come mainly from the same region, from neighbouring regions,
or from regions elsewhere in the country). Large and medium-large, public and
regional universities, which were more diversified at the beginning of the period, have
become less diversified, while small, private and national universities, which were
22
less diversified at the beginning of the period, have remained so. Therefore,
universities in the system have on average reduced their diversification.
(Table 4 about here)
Finally, the analysis of the differentiation index also confirms that the extent of
diversity present in the system from the point of view of the mix of disciplines offered
by university institutions has decreased. As can be seen from Table 5 (where the
indexes are computing using bachelor degree curricula, but similar patterns can be
found using master degree curricula), private, small and medium-small universities
present higher differentiation (higher distance from the “average university”)
throughout the period, but such differentiation is decreasing. State, large and medium-
large universities present lower differentiation throughout the period, but such
differentiation is stable or increasing. The convergence in the differentiation indexes
indicates that universities have increased their similarity in terms of the mix of
disciplines they offer.
(Table 5 about here)
Universities face contrasting pressures for specialization (for example, in order to find
specific market niches) and for diversification (for example, in order to capture a
wider range of student preferences). The present analysis indicates that in recent years
the overall diversity present in the system has decreased, since universities have
tended to specialize in the same direction. On average, universities have increased
their specialization in the more popular social sciences and arts & humanities, as
Table 6, which reports the variations over time in the average normalized
specialization indexes, shows.
(Table 6 about here)
23
There is some evidence that, in the same period, variety has increased in terms of
modes of course delivery: the offer of online and evening courses has expanded, even
in the absence of public support for this kind of initiatives (Conferenza dei Rettori
delle Università Italiane, 2006). This is consistent with international studies that have
highlighted how newer institutions, often private, have contributed to innovations in
course delivery modes and have been successful in accommodating a more diverse set
of students than their more established public counterparts.
Diversity in terms of mission orientation
Several studies have suggested that the introduction of more competitive mechanisms
for the allocation of funds, especially of research funds, have led to increasing
polarization between universities (Geuna, 1999; Thomas, 2001; Krause, 2007), with
some universities becoming increasingly research-oriented and others relying on
teaching, and often on third mission activities, as a way to compensate for their lack
of success in obtaining research funds. Besides the role of funding mechanisms that
lead to concentration of resources in a few institutions (Huisman, Horta and Heitor,
2008; Ljungberg, Johansson and McKelvey, 2006), the literature suggests that
increasing polarization is fostered by government policies aimed at bolstering the
development of research universities, and by the increasingly diffused practice of
ranking universities according to the quality of their research and education activities
(Scott, 2004; Geuna, 1999).
To find out whether the Italian system has become increasingly polarized, a cluster
analysis exercise has been performed at two different points in time, 2000 and 2004,
allowing us to categorize Italian universities on the basis of their orientation towards
teaching and research. While data availability issues force us to focus on a relatively
short period, these years have been chosen in order to capture at least in part the
24
effects of the reform which has introduced the two-level qualification system.
Universities have been quite independent in their choice of how to react to the reform,
and this should be reflected in their different behaviours. The clustering exercise has
been performed using the following variables:
• the ratio between research grants obtained and the academic staff of the
institution (GRANTSTAFF). Since in the Italian system all academics
(researchers, associate and full professors) are supposed to perform both
research and teaching activities, the variable “number of academics” used to
construct this ratio includes all academic positions;
• the ratio between the number of PhD students and the total number of students
enrolled in undergraduate courses (PHDUNDERGRAD). The definition of
undergraduate courses here includes both bachelor and master degree curricula
since both have very little, if any, research content;
• the ratio between the number of bachelor and master curricula and the academic
staff of the institution (CURRSTAFF). Again, the variable “number of
academics” used to construct this ratio includes all academic positions.
The first two variables are positively associated to research orientation, as they
indicate, respectively, the institution’s ability to procure competitively allocated funds
for research and the importance that the institution attributes to the training of young
researchers. In order to measure research orientation, indicators of research
productivity based on research outputs, such as the number of publications, would
have been more appropriate. However, complete data on the publications of Italian
universities are not available for two separate years during the period in question.
Although research grants are an input measure, it has been shown empirically that an
25
institution’s ability to procure research grants is positively related to its orientation
towards research (Ljungberg, Johansson and McKelvey, 2006; Rossi, 2009b). The
amounts of research grants per academic staff therefore can be thought to capture at
least partially the research orientation of an institution. Finally, the last variable is
positively associated with orientation to teaching, since more curricula per academic
staff indicate that greater demands are placed on his or her time in terms of number or
variety of courses to teach.
The divisive clustering algorithm (Kaufman and Rousseeuw, 1995) is applied twice,
once to the values of these three variables in 2000 and once to the values in 2004. In
both cases, the number of clusters is found by cutting the dendrogram at the same
height (h = 02).
For 2000, 3 significant clusters (divisive coefficient 0.965) are found: one (cluster I)
includes most universities in the sample (86%); another (II) includes a smaller set of
institutions (12.5%); the last (III) includes a single observation. The institutions in
cluster I are more research-oriented than those in cluster II, having, on average, higher
research grants per academic staff, more PhD students per enrolled student and a
lower number of curricula per academic staff, as shown in the Table 7. The outlier
institution in cluster III has much higher values of all three variables. The research-
oriented institutions in cluster I are on average older, larger (both in terms of
academic staff and of enrolled students) and more diversified than the more teaching-
oriented institutions in cluster I. Research-oriented universities also have a much
higher amount of R&D revenue per academic staff. Teaching-oriented institutions
tend to be younger, smaller, less diversified (in particular, they are relatively over-
specialized in the arts & humanities) and to attract a greater share of students from
their own region. There are not strong differences across clusters in terms of
26
ownership.
(Table 7 about here)
When the cluster algorithm is applied to the values of the same set of variables in the
year 2004, it returns 7 significant clusters (divisive coefficient 0.938). Of these, two
(clusters I and III) comprise universities that display comparatively greater orientation
towards research, with high amount of research grants per researcher, many PhD
students per undergraduate and (particularly cluster III) low number of curricula per
researcher. One cluster (II) comprises universities that are more oriented to teaching:
low amount of research grants per researcher, few PhD students per undergraduate
and a relatively high number of curricula per researcher. Three clusters (IV, V and
VI) present intermediate features between the more research-oriented and the more
teaching oriented-clusters. Finally cluster VII includes the same outlier institution
which was previously included in cluster III. Table 8 summarizes some features of the
institutions in each cluster: for simplicity, the 7 clusters have been aggregated into
three groups (research-oriented, intermediate and teaching-oriented universities).
(Table 8 about here)
Research-oriented universities are older and larger (both in terms of academic staff
and of enrolled students), and have higher R&D revenue per academic staff, than
teaching oriented-ones. There are no differences in terms of diversification, while
teaching-oriented institutions are all public. Intermediate institutions generally display
values of these variables that are intermediate between those of the institutions in the
other two groups.
In order to understand the extent to which the system has increased its polarization
between teaching-oriented and research-oriented institutions, we explore how
27
institutions have moved across clusters over time. The large cluster of 62 institutions
that in 2000 were more research-oriented has split between the research-oriented (28
universities), intermediate (30) and teaching-oriented (4) clusters, while also the small
set of teaching-oriented universities (9) has split between research-oriented (2),
intermediate (5) and teaching-oriented (2) clusters.
The research-oriented institutions that have remained so over time, are generally
older, larger, more diversified and predominantly public; in 2000, they had much
higher R&D revenues per academic staff. The research-oriented institutions that have
moved towards the intermediate and teaching-oriented clusters, instead, tend to be
younger and smaller than the former, with a higher share of students coming from the
same region; in 2000, they were able to charge, on average, higher tuition fees per
student, and had a higher share of tuition fees as a percentage of total revenue. The
institutions that have moved from the teaching-oriented cluster in 2000 to the
research-oriented ones are quite young, small, over-specialized in the technical &
natural sciences and in the social sciences. The teaching-oriented institutions that
have remained so over time, in 2000 had lower R&D revenues per academic staff but
were charging higher tuition fees per student.
Given that the share of institutions that have moved from research to teaching
orientation (34) is greater than the number of those that have moved in the opposite
direction (7), these figures lend some support to the view expressed by Bonaccorsi
(2007) who argued that one of the effects of the rapid adoption in Italy of the Bologna
scheme was a refocusing of universities on undergraduate teaching. However, this
kind of analysis should be performed over a longer time span to see whether the
patterns identified here prove to be persistent.
It is not possible to infer, from the limited time period to which the analysis refers, if
28
such differentiation is a consequence of the more competitive allocation of research
funds, introduced in 1997 but referring only to a share of the total research funding, or
whether it has been especially fostered by the introduction of a two-level qualification
system in 2000, which was used as an opportunity to redesign the whole educational
supply, or both. One possible explanation is that in a context of increased competition
for funds and with increased decisional autonomy, universities have been “playing to
their strengths” emphasizing their teaching or research orientation according to their
relative performance in these areas. Figure 4 provides some support for this claim,
showing that many of the institutions that have moved from being research-oriented
to being teaching-oriented had the ability, in 2000, to charge higher tuition fees per
student but were less successful in procuring R&D revenues; while the contrary
applied to those universities that have remained more oriented towards research.
(Figure 4 about here)
Conclusions
The introduction of measures that have increased competition among institutions and
the autonomy of universities from the central government has had different effects on
the extent of diversity present in the system, according to the institutional features
with respect to which diversity is measured. We have chosen to focus on three aspects
– size, specialization and mission-orientation – although many more could be
investigated.
(1) The analysis of the size distribution of universities, over a long time span, shows
that the process of massification has affected all institutions in the system. The
expansion in the number of students has mainly been addressed through an increase in
the number of higher education institutions. It is not possible to identify high growth
29
institutions on the basis of common structural features, indicating that the sources of
universities’ success in attracting students are many and complex.
The analysis of the institutions’ specializations, performed over the period 2000/01-
2006/07, shows that disciplinary specializations have tended to converge, while
modalities of course delivery have increased. While greater diversity in modalities of
course delivery facilitates access to higher education, and this process has taken place
without the need for specific policies, there is no general guarantee that increased
competition per se will foster diversity in the disciplines offered. If the expansion of
the educational offer is entirely left to the “market dynamics” of competition, the risk
is a refocusing of the system on the disciplines for which demand is higher, as
universities seek to maximize enrolments (given that their allocations depend
crucially on the amount of students that they are able to attract), but which are not
necessarily reflecting the competences that are mostly needed in the social and
economic system (Rossi, 2009a). In the period considered, Italian universities appear
to have increased their specialization in the social sciences and arts & humanities, at
the expense of the technical & natural sciences. This suggests that competitive funds
allocation mechanisms could have strong effects on the offer of disciplines on the part
of universities, and therefore they should be carefully constructed; in particular, they
should be sophisticated enough to incentivize universities to offer courses and
promote enrolments also in promising and important fields which may not be highly
demanded from students.
The analysis also shows, albeit with reference to a short time span (2000-2004), that
increased differentiation has taken place in terms of mission orientation, since the
cluster of universities that in 2000 were more-research oriented have divided into
different groups. A smaller share of universities have maintained their research-
30
orientation, while a larger share have turned more heavily towards teaching. This
finding is consistent with analyses carried out using data from the UK (Geuna, 1999;
Taylor, 2003), Sweden (Ljungberg, Johansson and McKelvey, 2006) and Australia
(Valadkhani, and Worthington, 2006), where it has been argued that increased
competition for funds among universities and the tendency of research funds to
concentrate in a few prestigious research institutions have increased the universities’
polarization along the teaching-research dimension, inducing those universities that
display weaker research performance to become more teaching-oriented. Our data
suggest that a similar process may be taking place in Italy, although the analysis
should be carried out over a longer time span.
Increased diversity in mission orientation could be considered as a positive
development if it is believed that more diverse institutions are better able to satisfy a
wider range of student needs and to accommodate into higher education a greater
variety of students with different abilities and aspirations. However, it could also be
considered problematic if it is believed that high quality research is necessary for the
delivery of good quality university education (Neumann, 1996; Leisyte, Enders and
De Boer, 2008).
While this study has focused only on a small set of institutional features for which
different measures of diversity have been computed, the analysis suggests some
general implications.
Increased competition for students and research funds between university institutions
has different effects on different characteristics of the system. In order to investigate
the effects of policies and trends on diversity in higher education systems, it is
important to specify which aspect of the system the concept of diversity is applied to,
31
and to study it separately from other aspects.
Higher education systems face pressures for diversification as well as very strong
pressures for homogeneization. As argued by Huisman, Horta and Heitor (2008),
while the competitive allocation of research funds promotes diversification in
mission-orientation, processes of imitation among institutions are also present,
especially with respect to other features of universities. Diversity cannot always be
assumed to result spontaneously by assigning to universities more decisional
autonomy and by infusing more competition in the system. Therefore, if diversity
with respect to certain aspects of higher education is considered desirable, specific
policies in order to encourage it are often required.
32
Acknowledgements
This research has been supported by a doctoral grant from MIUR. I wish to thank
Cristiano Antonelli, Aldo Geuna and Allison Wylde for helpful comments and
suggestions. I am also grateful to three anonymous referees whose comments have
greatly helped me to improve the article. Any errors are my own.
33
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Figure 1. State and non-State universities active in Italy since 1850
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
1001850
1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
1950
1960
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years
cum
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of univ
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Non-State
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43
Figure 2. Average yearly growth rates of Italian universities between 1965 and 2000
0.0%
5.0%
10.0%
15.0%
20.0%
25.0%
30.0%
35.0%
40.0%
<5000 500 - 10000 10000 - 25000 25000 - 50000 >50000
n. students 1965
ave
rag
e y
ea
rly g
row
th r
ate
19
65
-20
05
44
Figure 3. Relationship between age and size of universities (2005/06)
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
160000
1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000
foundation year
n. stu
dents
(2005/0
6)
Non-State universities
State universities
45
Figure 4. Universities’ relative performance and mission-orientation
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
R&D revenue per academic staff (2000)
Tuitio
n fees p
er
stu
de
nt (2
000)
Teaching-oriented
From teaching to research-oriented
Research-oriented
From research to teaching-oriented
46
Table 1. Processes promoting or hampering diversity in higher education systems
Nature of systemic diversity:
Processes promoting diversity Processes hampering diversity
Internal organization • Increased autonomy of public universities
• Attempt of universities to make best use of their local human and other resources
• More freedom of private institutions to define their internal structure and rules
• Increasing convergence of managerial regimes and organisational cultures
• Homogeneity of the academic profession; power of academics to defend their own norms and values
• In Europe, weak role of President; tradition of shared governance in the Academic Senate
Funding structure • Existence of separate funding sources in different regions or for different disciplines
• Freedom of universities to set their own tuition fees
• Inequality in the access and capabilities for private funding
• A large share of government funding is still assigned on a per capita basis and with political criteria
• Limited freedom of universities to set student fees
Mixes of disciplines offered
• Competition, leading institutions to seek market niches
• Homogenizing forces of the nation state and of emerging supranational structures, especially in Europe (for example the Bologna process)
• Competition, leading institutions to imitate the offer of more successful competitors
• Competition leading institutions to focus on popular subjects
Quality of research and education (hierarchical stratification)
• Mechanisms of resource allocations based on research productivity and quality, leading to concentration of resources and “Matthew effect”; for example, the Research Assessment Exercise in the UK
• Government policies aimed at bolstering the development of an explicit category of research universities (based on the American pattern)
• Rankings of universities produced by newspapers, or groups of institutions ‘approved’ by professional bodies
• Lack of mechanisms promoting vertical differentiation (absence of institutionalized mechanisms for comparison; shared political culture in favour of the principle “all universities are equal”; legal value of degrees)
• Constraints to financial autonomy, limited mobility of positions (mainly internal careers and limited mobility; disciplinary and/or clanistic academic control over admissions and career progression)
Mission orientation • Public policies allowing universities to be active in different core areas, but with very different degrees of intensity
• Massification of higher education and financial constraints, which force universities to rethink the priorities of their core functions
• Introduction of separate contracts between universities and the State regarding teaching and research
• Lack of mechanisms promoting horizontal differentiation alongside the research dimension: uniform contracts between universities and the State regarding teaching and research; impossibility to differentiate job descriptions for academic staff.
* This table builds upon Bonaccorsi (2006), Bonaccorsi and Daraio (2007, 2008), De Fraja and Iossa (2002), Dewatripont, Thys-Clemens and Wilkin (2002), Gautier and Wauthy (2007), Geiger (1996), Geuna (1999), Huisman, Horta and Heitor (2008), Leisyte, Enders, and De Boer (2008), Rhoades (1990), Riesman (1956), Rossi (2009a), Scott (2004), Thomas (2001), Van Vught (1996), Walckiers (2008).
47
Table 2. Indexes measuring specialization, diversification and differentiation
Index Formula Explanation Range of values
Specialization
index Sji = (xji / Xj ) / (xi / X )
measures the extent to which a
university specializes in each
discipline, relative to the average
specialization all of universities
in the system
Positive values. It can be transformed into a
normalized specialization index which takes
values between –1 and +1 and is symmetric
around zero: a positive [negative] value indicates
that university j is relatively over [under]-
specialized in discipline i.
Diversification
index Vj = 1/ (∑i (xji / Xj)2)
measures the scope of the range
of disciplines offered by a
university
Between 1 and n, where n is the total number of
disciplines present in the system. A low value
implies that the university is specialized in a
smaller number of disciplines, a higher value
implies that the university is more diversified. It
can be normalized to take values between 0 and
1.
Differentiation
index Dj =∑i (xji/Xj - xi/X)2
measures the extent to which the
mix of disciplines offered by an
institution is close to the mix of
disciplines offered, on average,
in the system.
Between 0 to 1, with zero indicating minimum
differentiation from the average and 1 indicating
maximum differentiation. The standard deviation
of this index captures the extent of diversity in the
system, with high standard deviation indicating
high diversity.
For all indexes: xj i is the number of curricula in discipline i offered by university j, Xj is the total number of curricula offered by
university j, xi is the number of curricula in discipline i offered by all universities, and X is the total number of curricula offered by
all universities.
48
Table 3. Specializations of State and non-State universities
type of university: State type of university: Non-State
Bachelor degrees Master degrees* Bachelor degrees Master degrees
Mathematics -0.0513 -0.0296 -0.3975 0.0538
Physics -0.0777 -0.0489 -0.7758 -0.8403
Chemistry -0.0932 -0.0620 -1.0000 -1.0000
Natural sciences -0.0412 -0.0308 -1.0000 -1.0000
Biology -0.0252 -0.0346 -0.4229 -0.5479
Medicine -0.0608 0.1647 -0.1738 -0.8477
Agriculture -0.0337 0.0412 -0.4737 -0.6902
Architecture 0.1588 0.1045 -1.0000 -1.0000
Engineering 0.0767 0.0080 -0.5979 -0.1185
Arts and literature 0.1019 0.0220 0.0702 -0.1069
Other humanities -0.0975 -0.1760 0.0874 0.0444
Law 0.0133 0.0815 0.3782 0.2691
Economics and statistics -0.0204 -0.0554 0.3752 0.4443 Political and social
sciences -0.0016 -0.0190 0.3891 0.2356
* The normalized specialization indexes are computed using 2001-2007 averages, except for those relating to master degrees which use 2002-2007 averages.
49
Table 4. Diversification of Italian universities in terms of disciplines offered
Type of university 2000-01 2006-07
Size
Small 0.1208 0.1442
Medium 0.3199 0.3196
Medium-large 0.4742 0.3999
Large 0.5706 0.4438
Ownership State 0.4141 0.3600
Non-State 0.1483 0.1717
Market
National 0.3471 0.3079
Trans-regional 0.3610 0.3041
Regional 0.3868 0.3482
50
Table 5. Differentiation of Italian universities in terms of disciplines offered
Type of university: 2000-01 2006-07
Size
Small 0.4465 0.3882
Medium 0.2078 0.1795
Medium-large 0.1074 0.1286
Large 0.0862 0.1124
Ownership State 0.1729 0.1727
Non-State 0.3783 0.3178
Market
National 0.3972 0.3558
Trans-regional 0.1705 0.1708
Regional 0.1757 0.1671
51
Table 6. Specialization of Italian universities in terms of disciplines offered
Natural & technical sciences Medical sciences Social sciences Arts & humanities
Bachelor degrees 2002 -0.0775 -0.0670 0.0861 0.0162 2007 -0.0732 -0.0902 0.1073 0.0327
difference 0.0043 -0.0232 0.0212 0.0165 Master degrees
2002 -0.0505 -0.0037 -0.0506 -0.2619 2007 -0.0631 0.0003 0.0825 -0.0544
difference -0.0126 0.0041 0.1330 0.2075
52
Table 7. Descriptive statistics of the clusters obtained for the year 2000
cluster I
(“research-oriented”) II
(“teaching-oriented”) III
(“outlier”) nr. observations 62 9 1
% observations 86.10% 12.50% 1.40%
GRANTSTAFF 0.0734 0.0424 0.5882
PHDUNDERGRAD 0.0134 0.0037 0.3016
CURRSTAFF 0.0522 0.122 0.2941
AGE 245.55 34.78 16.00
Total acad permanent staff 797.13 96.78 17.00
Total enrolled students 25854.39 6735.56 63.00
% State 82.00% 89.00% 100.00%
% students from the region 0.76 0.81 0.41
Diversification index (bachelor degree curricula) 6.23 3.84 1.00
R&D revenue per academic staff 16.92 1.60 0.14
53
Table 8. Descriptive statistics of the clusters obtained for the year 2004
cluster I & III
(“research-oriented”) IV, V & VI
(“intermediate”) II
(“teaching-oriented”) VII
(“outlier”) nr. observations 30 35 6 1
% observations 41.67% 48.61% 8.33% 1.39%
GRANTSTAFF 0.13 0.08 0.04 0.44
PHDUNDERGRAD 0.02 0.03 0.01 0.08
CURRSTAFF 0.05 0.06 0.07 0.11
AGE 263.19 213.88 177.00 16.00 Total acad permanent
staff 1151.13 595.96 216.00 32.00
Total enrolled students 36429.76 18094.08 11181.83 341.00
% State 0.96 0.77 100.00% 100.00% % students from the
region 0.78 0.75 64.73% 49.15%
Diversification index (bachelor degree
curricula) 5.85 5.60 5.90 2.25
R&D revenue per academic staff 10.27 9.84 12.73 8.59