This article was downloaded by: [Texas A&M University Libraries]On: 28 March 2014, At: 08:24Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number:1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street,London W1T 3JH, UK

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Are schools ready for Joshua?Dimensions of African-American culture amongstudents identified ashaving behavioral/emotionaldisordersGwendolyn Webb-JohnsonPublished online: 25 Nov 2010.

To cite this article: Gwendolyn Webb-Johnson (2002) Are schools ready for Joshua?Dimensions of African-American culture among students identified as havingbehavioral/emotional disorders, International Journal of Qualitative Studies inEducation, 15:6, 653-671, DOI: 10.1080/0951839022000014367

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Are schools ready for Joshua? Dimensions ofAfrican-American culture among studentsidenti®ed as having behavioral/emotionaldisorders

GWENDOLYN WEBB-JOHNSONThe University of Texas at Austin

African-American learners often achieve limited academic success in classrooms designed forlearners demonstrating challenging behaviors. Self-contained settings are often void of cultu-rally responsive pedagogy. This qualitative study examined the demonstrated behavior ofAfrican-American youth in a small urban elementary school setting. Field notes, observations,and interviews were analyzed to examine the demonstration and a� rmation of expressiveindividualism, one of the nine dimensions of African-American culture. Coping strategieswere also examined. African-American learners often displayed culturally socialized behaviorsthat were not a� rmed by classroom teachers in academically engaging manners. Their cultu-rally sanctioned modes of expressive individualism were asserted through dissembling, gameplaying, and de®ant coping strategies. As a result of these demonstrated behaviors, studentswere seldom academically engaged beyond working quietly with a focus on behavioralcompliance.

Scenario

Are we ready for Joshua? He is a 10-year old African-American male child. He is vervistic.Constant activity might be his middle name. Teachers wonder if he is hyperactive. He was born to asingle, teenaged mother and a father who moves in and out of employment. He is also a member of anextended family. He has lived with a grandmother, his mother, an uncle, several cousins, and is oftencared for by aunts, a grandfather, great aunts and second cousins. Is he a typical African-Americanmale child who will face failure in our public schools? Status quo paradigms will predict thatJoshua has much working against him. His family’s low income level might lead some to believethat a correlation of such factors might predict special education needs. However, new paradigms,based on the integrity and strength inherent in the background and experiences of Joshua, indicatethat ``brilliant’’ is Joshua’s middle name. This new paradigm embraces his critical thinking andastute observations about life. For example, when Joshua was three, his mother gave him a coughsyrup called ``Father John’s.’’ It is a very thick and cod liver-oil tasting liquid. As Joshua tastedthe medicine, he looked at the cough syrup box decorated with a picture of Father John. This picturehighlighted a European-American male dressed in a 1930s suit, sporting a waxed mustache. Joshualooked back at his mother. He said, ``Mommy, don’t they have some Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. orMalcolm X medicine? Cause it’s got to taste better than this!’’ Now at age ten, he wonders why hiscomputer teacher always sits behind a desk during instruction. He also wonders why every time heasks a question, his teacher tells him to calm down or take a trip to the principal’s o� ce. Will wesend Joshua to a middle school classroom that will target the so-called needed improvement of his

QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION, 2002, VOL. 15, NO. 6, 653±671

International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education ISSN 0951±8398 print/ISSN 1366±5898 online # 200? Taylor & Francis Ltdhttp://www.tandf.co.uk/journals

DOI: 10.1080/0951839022000014367

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social skills, while trying to compensate for his supposedly ``impoverished’’ background, therebydemanding that he learn to ``®t’’ into the existing monocultural school system? Or will we sendJoshua to a classroom that will embrace his integrity with relational learning and challengingexperiences that include stories and concepts highlighting the contributions of his forefathers andmothers? At the same time will we welcome his cultural motifs and patterns of interactions as part ofa dynamic multicultural society? Are schools ready for Joshua?

Introduction

Academic instruction in classrooms across the United States is sometimes oversha-dowed by the need to meet the behavioral, emotional, and speci®c learning needs ofyouth. Educators and society are challenged constantly to meet the intellectual, per-sonal, and social needs of students who are quickly approaching adolescence andadulthood. Our challenge in meeting the needs of the diverse children and youth ingeneral and special education settings is monumental. This challenge is even morepervasive in settings for children and youth who demonstrate behavioral/emotionaldisorders (BED) and/or those placed at risk of developing or demonstrating BED, asevinced in both current educational and popular literature. As a nation, the U.S. isdoing a poor job of meeting the educational needs of ``all’’ children, especially thosechildren who are poor, of color, and live in urban areas, and demonstrate behavioralchallenges. African-American youth are placed at even greater risk because of theirdisproportionate representation in BED settings (U.S. Department of Education,2002, Meyer & Patton, 2001, Neal, McCray, & Webb-Johnson, 2001, Oswald,Couthino, Best, & Singh, 1999). As a result, paradigms of ``status quo’’ in educationalresearch and practice will require signi®cant transformation if we intend to developmore e� ective educational interventions for ``all’’ children and youth.

When behavior is perceived as problematic, it is viewed as even more challengingwhen it is demonstrated by African-American children and youth. Teachers often donot know how to respond to behavioral tenets that are di� erent from the socializednorm of public school settings. For example, many African-American male childrenare referred for special education because their behavioral manifestations are per-ceived as abnormal (Harry & Anderson, 1999). African-American males are believedto be too active, and frequently are referred for BED and attention de®cit withhyperactivity (ADD/ADHD) services, when in fact they may be demonstrating adimension of African-American culture called ``verve.’’ Verve is the propensity towardhigh levels of activity (Boykin, 1983). Children who are vervistic are socialized to beactive and dynamic learners (Boykin & Bailey, 2001; Webb-Johnson, 1999). Theirhome and community environments a� rm and encourage movement, exploration,inquiry, and sometimes challenge. For example, many African-American familiescommonly refer to a young male child as ``a real boy’’ as he runs through thehouse, takes household or play items apart, asks persistent questions, and asks whyhe might not be allowed to continue engaging in a forbidden activity. Teachers andother service providers unfamiliar with the activity levels of African-American youthoften misinterpret such behavior as problematic. They lack knowledge and under-standing in how to access the strengths of these youth. While such behavior is notfound among ``all’’ African-American youth, there are consistent patterns of socializedvervistic behaviors among this population that schools perceive as problematic.Evidence of this phenomenon is clearly demonstrated in the high rates of discipline

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referrals, suspensions, referral, and BED placement patterns experienced by African-American males (Harry & Anderson, 1999; Townsend, 2000).

The purpose of this study was to identify some patterns of cultural competenciesand coping mechanisms demonstrated by African-American youth in classrooms forstudents who have been identi®ed as presenting BED challenges. The ultimate goalwas to assess student actions, interactions, and coping schema to better inform thepedagogical knowledge base in teacher development. If teachers have culturally basedinformation and knowledge about African-American youth, they will be better pre-pared to develop and implement more positive programming that will foster African-American students’ self-knowledge, self-esteem, self-ideal, and academic and socialskill performance within the context of the school setting.

Review of literature

Research indicates that the quality of educational life is at risk for African-Americanyouth. According to the 22nd Annual Report to Congress (U.S. Department ofEducation, 2001) special education services for students with disabilities have grownsteadily since the passing of Public Law 94-142 in 1975. Dunn’s (1968) warning thatculturally diverse populations were dominating special education settings has becomethe norm. Presently European-American school-aged youth comprise 65.68% of pub-lic school students. African-American youth represent 17%, while Hispanic-Americanyouth represent 12.71% of all public school students. Asian-American students repre-sent 3.72%, while Native American youth represent 1.04% (U.S. Department ofEducation, O� ce of Civil Rights, 1997). The male to female ratio of each group israther comparable, while approximately half of each group is male and female. Thepatterns in BED settings, however, demonstrate very di� erent trends by group andgender. Although European-Americans comprise 65.53% of those youth identi®edand receiving services in BED settings, African-Americans represent 26.4%,Hispanic-Americans represent 7.8%, Asian Americans represent 0.85% of this popu-lation, and Native Americans represent 1.29%. The majority of these children andyouth are male. Nationally, an overrepresentation of European-American , Hispanic-American, and Asian-Americans in BED settings does not exist.

There is however, a signi®cant rate of overrepresentation among African-American youth in BED settings. According to the Chinn and Hughes (1987) com-position formula, no more than 10% of any given student population should berepresented in special education populations. Because slightly more than 10% of allschool-aged children demonstrate disabilities that require special education services(U.S. Department of Education, 2001), a speci®c population should not exceed a 10%representation (‡ or ¡) of their group if we adhere to the standard pattern of place-ment normalization established throughout our society. As a result, if African-Americans represent 17% of the school-aged population, they should not exceed apercentage of 18.7% of any category of special education. They, however, represent26.4% of all youth identi®ed for BED services. The majority of these children andyouth are male.

The overrepresentation of African-Americans nationally, in rates of suspensionand the use of corporal punishment, also exists. Approximately 50.31% of youthwho are suspended from school are European-American, while 33.38% are African-American, and 13.12% are Hispanic-American. Hispanic-Americans are quickly

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approaching disproportionate status in this category. While 53.63% of those youthwho receive corporal punishment in schools are European-American, 37.98% areAfrican-American, and 6.9% are Hispanic-American (Townsend, 2000).

The problem of providing successful school experiences for African-Americanyouth requires collaborative e� orts from all persons and agencies that place valuein the education of these youth. Addressing their overrepresentation in special educa-tion placement, suspension, and corporal punishment will require qualitative andquantitative research and treatment models that impact the educational, ecological,and personal environmental frameworks in which African-American youth interact(Boykin, 2000a, 2000b; Dill & Boykin, 2000; DuBois, 1903; Gay, 2000; Woodson,1933).

Spencer, Brookins, and Allen (1985) asserted that the study of African-Americanchild development was multidisciplinary. They believed that the collaboration ofmany ®elds was necessary to develop frameworks that would adequately addressthe unique needs of African-American children. Researchers (Boykin, 1983, 2000a;Dill & Boykin, 2000; Spencer et al., 1985; Woodson, 1933) have also advocated forecological approaches in education intervention because the realities of everyday lifeappear to impact upon the academic success of some African-American children.

These researchers have asserted that a dynamic approach, where all parties parti-cipate in the acceptance of responsibility, is necessary to promote educational successamong African-American youth. As a result, they advocated for a change in theresearch treatment of African-American children. A change in how African-American children are treated in the literature is necessary to understand African-American ``life on its own terms’’ (Spencer et al., 1985). The continuing agendastresses the importance of examining African-American culture and its subcultures.``While social scientists have been slow to recognize and explore the reality of adistinctive African-American culture, more detailed study of African-American cul-ture is required particularly as it relates to the values and goals emphasized in thesocialization of children’’ (p. 306).

Conceptual framework

In preparation for this ®eld-based inquiry, Boykin’s (1983) nine dimensions ofAfrican-American cultural life were examined (see Table 1). These dimensions wereused as a conceptual framework to guide the study.

The interactions of African-Americans have often been stereotyped to represent acaricature of persons who, for example, (a) believe in voodoo and evil spirits, (b) canonly sing and dance well, (c) are too emotional, (d) will kill someone over a loved one,(e) do their own thing in a ``bad’’ way, (f) talk ugly and (g) are never on time for anyactivity. Such stereotypical perceptions are void of authentic cultural experiences ofAfrican-Americans based in the spirituality, harmony, movement, verve, a� ect, com-munalism, expressive individualism, oral tradition, and social time perspectives ofecological interactions (Boykin, 1983, 1986).

Boykin’s nine dimensions of culture highlight the essence of African-Americaninteractions. They are linked to cultural ethos originating in traditional WestAfrican culture and cultural patterns developed in the United States of America.Researchers contend that evidence of behavioral practices consistent with WestAfrican traditions do abound and are witnessed within present-day African-

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American family life. Such realities are believed to have signi®cant impact uponschool life (Boykin, 2000a; Boykin & Toms, 1985; Hilliard, 1991, 2001; Ladson-Billings, 2001b).

Boykin and Toms (1985) have indicated that African-American culture was notoverly socialized in the conventional teaching of its components. African-Americancultural socialization is not pragmatic; rather, it is believed to be culturally con-ditioned. ``The cultural motifs are passed on through a `tacit’ cultural process.Children pick up modes, sequences and styles of behavior through day-to-day encoun-ters with signi®cant others. These habitual forms are acquired through an unarticu-lated process’’ (p. 42). Studies have shown that some academic and social skillproblems experienced by African-American youth have to do with teacher perceptionsof the behavioral, language, and communication skills children bring to various set-tings (Brown, Palincsar, & Purcell, 1986; Neal, McCray, & Webb-Johnson, 2001).Researchers have also examined stress factors experienced among African-Americansthat are associated with the lack of academic success in schools (Murray & Fairchild,1989; Myers, 1989). Coping strategies that are characteristic of African-Americancultural experience are also observed in the classroom (Table 2). The present studyadapted this work by Boykin (1983, 1986) to build upon a conceptual framework toaddress the culture and coping strategies utilized by African-American youth in class-room settings.

There are African-American children who accept their special education label anddo the very best they can academically and behaviorally. There are also African-American children who learn to ``play the special education label game’’ and arepassed on from grade to grade. Such children learn various coping strategies.Finally, there are those children who are resistant to what they perceive as unfairtreatment as it relates to their school performance and their identity (personal com-munication, Dr. Ronald Rochon, February, 2001) or personhood. Many of thesechildren withdraw intellectually and emotionally from the learning environmentand remain in nonproductive special education settings inde®nitely. However, they

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Table 1. Dimensions of African-American cultural life

Dimension De®nition

Spirituality Approach to life vitalistic, nonmaterial forces in¯uence lifeHarmony Fate interrelated with other elements/schemes, humankind and nature

harmonically conjoinedMovement Emphasis on interweaving of movement, rhythm, percussion, music,

dance; central to psychological healthVerve Propensity for high levels of stimulation, energetic and lively actionA� ect Emphasis on emotion and feelings; sensitivity to emotional cues,

tendency to be emotionally expressiveCommunalism Commitment to social connectedness; social bonds and responsibility

transcend individual privilegesExpressive individualism Cultivation of distinctive personality and a proclivity for spontaneous,

genuine personal expressionOral tradition Preference for oral/aural modes of speaking and communication;

speaking and listening treated as performancesSocial time perspective Orientation in which time is treated as passing through social space;

recurring, personal and phenomenological1

1Adapted from Boykin (1983).

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often actively resist such pedagogy and demonstrate challenging behaviors thatfurther reduce their academic success.

Methodology

Guiding questions

The research questions used to guide the collection of ®eld-based data were as follows:

(1) What cultural dimensions do African-American learners identi®ed as BEDdemonstrate?

(2) What coping skills do African-American learners in BED classrooms demon-strate?

(3) How are African-American students academically engaged in a BED class-room?

Setting and participants

A small urban school district in the Midwest was chosen because of the large enroll-ment of African-American students in its general and special education program. Thisurban community served 15,762 students in its public schools. African-Americanscomprised approximately 21% of the general student population. According to thedistrict database, a total of 3,163 students received special education services. African-American youth represented 37.43% of the special education population, re¯ectingthe national trend of an overrepresentation of African-American youth in specialeducation placement. Slightly more than 4% of the students in this small urbanenvironment received services for youth with BED. While the school district providedBED services to 4.14% of its general school population, approximately 41% of those

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Table 2. Coping strategies ± passive and active

Passive:Mental colonization Accept existing lot; forego oppression’s existence, strive to ``out white’’

white people to get their fair share of ``piece of the pie’’Subservient `` Brown nosing’’ posture; promotes the ``rightness of the teacher’’ even

if it means ignoring the integrity of the African-American experienceSurvivalist One turns on own community; adopts ``dog eat dog’’ philosophy to

survive; passive resignation; acceptance of life as it is; welfare mentalityActive:Dissembling O� ers pretense to outside world; conceals true feelings; camou¯ages

subversive actsGame playing ``Get over’’ strategy; out-foxes the power broker; cunning, expedience,

and trickery used to gain stamp of approval to signify successDe®ance Defy system through aggressive techniques; against anything that

``whiteness’’ representsNationalist Embraces a distinct system of values to resist oppression; serves as

insulating functionEclectic Combination or mixture of coping styles

1

1Adapted from Boykin (1985, pp. 72±86).

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students were African-American, re¯ecting again the national trend of African-American overrepresentation in BED services.

Two classrooms in one elementary building were identi®ed for inclusion in thestudy. Thirteen observations over a 4-month period were conducted (2 school obser-vations, 4 observations in classroom A, 2 observations in classroom B, 3 observationson the playground, and 2 observations during the lunch period). Teacher interviewswere also conducted before and after each of the 6 classroom observations (for a totalof 12 interviews). The names of each teacher and all students have been changed toprotect the identity of participants in the study. The teacher of classroom A wascerti®ed to teach children presenting BED challenges. The teacher of classroom Bheld a bachelor’s degree, but was not certi®ed to teach. She was serving as a full-time substitute. Both teachers were African-American.

Twenty-three students classi®ed and receiving services for students with BEDparticipated in the study. Classroom A included 11 students (10 male and 1 female);7 of the students were African-American, while four were European-Americans .Classroom B included 12 students (11 males and l female); 7 of the students wereAfrican-American, while 5 were European-American. The participants ranged in agefrom 10 to 12 years. In these two classrooms, African-American youth made up 61%of the students, while European-Americans made up 39%.

Data collection and analysis

Through qualitative inquiry, the study addressed the responses to the school environ-ment of African-American youth identi®ed as demonstrating emotional/behavioralchallenges. Ethnographic research ®nds its roots in ancient history and in the ®eldof anthropology and sociology. It is the detailed observation of customs and behaviorsof people. The direct observation methodologies are ®eld based. The researcher ``tra-vels’’ in the location of the people to be studied. It is a holistic discipline that attemptsto discover and describe the shared values, interpersonal , and intergroup creation,acquisition, and use of objects in the environment (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998; Marshall& Rossman, 1995).

Through participant observation, the researcher examined school life at HiddenTreasure Elementary School with Ms. Aiming to Make a Di� erence and her studentsin Classroom A, and Ms. Learning As I Go and her students in Classroom B. Teacherswere interviewed to obtain information on their perceptions of student behavior andprogress. Interviews were tape-recorded and ®eld notes were also taken. Extensive®eld notes were taken during each observational period. Students and teachers wereobserved during academic class time, lunchtime and playground activities across the13 observational periods. The observation periods ranged from 2±3 hours with anaverage observation lasting 2 hours. The school and classrooms were visited andobserved at least bi-weekly over the 4-month period.

Data were analyzed to reveal patterns of behavioral interactions of studentsthroughout the school setting. Information was systematically organized to identifythose concepts and patterns that were unique to the BED settings. The research ofNichols (1976), Boykin (1983, 1986, 2000a), and Spencer et al. (1985) was used as abasis for identifying and addressing the cultural dimensions and coping strategiesdemonstrated by students involved in the study. While data analysis revealed inter-actions addressing each of the dimensions of African-American culture, this paper will

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highlight only the cultural dimensions of expressive individualism and the activecoping mechanisms demonstrated within the classroom context.

Expressive individualism is the cultivation of distinctive personality and proclivityfor spontaneous and genuine personal expression (Boykin, 1983). At least two themesemerged to highlight expressive individualism. Students demonstrated behaviors andmade statements to teachers that consistently challenged the authority of the teacher,while asserting their individual ideologies and beliefs. Students also demonstrated anautonomy that highlighted behavioral and verbal interactions that clearly di� eredfrom established classroom norms and expectations.

Findings

Hidden Treasure Elementary School

Hidden Treasure Elementary School was indeed a ``hidden’’ treasure. The structure,housing 334 elementary aged learners, was built in 1938. Some 20% of the students inthis two-story building were African-American, while 67% were European-American,and 13% were categorized as Hispanic or other. This red-brick building of highceilings and wide hallways was ®lled with excited and vervistic children on severalbrisk autumn mornings. The sun was shining brightly as students ®led into the vividlydecorated halls at 8:30 a.m. on at least one Monday morning. Student artwork andessays lined the walls as children eagerly waited outside classroom doors. After theresearcher checked into the o� ce, two special education classrooms were discoveredacross the hall from one another a noticeable distance from the vibrant activitywitnessed at the front of the building. The neighborhood had changed considerablyover the past 10 years in this small urban city. As the city had became more diverse,many resources had been reduced or withdrawn from schools like Hidden Treasure.Many teachers committed to continuing a tradition of academic excellence remainedat this growing and diverse school; however, they eagerly expressed their challenge inmaintaining the cherished tradition as their discipline referrals and special educationplacements for behavior problems continued to rise.

Ms. Aiming to Make a Di� erence (AMD) and Ms. Learning As I Go (LAG)

Two teachers serving youth identi®ed as BED enthusiastically agreed to participate inthis study. They shared their passion and frustration as a result of working with youthwho demonstrated challenging behaviors. While they were verbally committed topreparing students assigned to their respective classrooms to return to the generaleducation environment, they also shared their pessimistic views on the process necess-ary to facilitate that desire.

As a certi®ed BED teacher for 4 years, Ms. AMD believed that some of herstudents just did not care enough to get out of a self-contained setting. ``I knowthey have what it takes, but many of them just don’t want to do the work thatneeds to get done. It’s frustrating. I know they can do it, but they have to want todo it. You just can’t talk about it.’’ Ms. LAG, as a full-time substitute, had no trainingin general or special education, but was enjoying the students in her BED classroom.She believed she had much to learn and relied heavily on her experience as a mother

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as she worked with challenging behaviors. ``I don’t have a lot of problems with mystudents, but they are so far behind in their academics. We’re working on the basics.We try not to let behavior get in the way.’’ Ms. LAG and several other general andspecial educators at Hidden Treasure viewed Ms. AMD as an instructional leader.She was the only African-American teacher at the school certi®ed to teacher studentswith BED. As a result, many teachers sought her support in dealing with behavioralchallenges, especially when those behaviors were presented by African-Americanyouth. Ms. AMD was often overwhelmed by this responsibility. ``Believe it or not, Idon’t have all the answers to all these kids’ problems, but we keep trying to help andmake a di� erence.

Expressive Individualism

Challenging behaviors (game playing and de®ance): The students in the study spent agreat deal of time challenging the authority of the teacher, student teacher, andteacher assistant. The teacher, however, received most of the challenges. Thesechallenging behaviors can be viewed as student attempts to exercise their individualexpressionism. Over the course of four observations in Classroom A, I noted chal-lenging verbal behaviors on at least 53 occasions. The challenging behaviors of stu-dents, on all but two of the observed occasions, were precipitated by teacher actionsand reactions. It is interesting to note that while many challenging behaviors orstatements ®t under the category expressive individualism, they also ®t under thecategory of an active coping mechanism. Thus, as students demonstrated challen-ging behaviors, they also demonstrated active coping behaviors to ``save face,’’ toprotect, or to fortify their sense of belonging in their own unique ways. Boykin(1986) refers to such coping mechanisms as dissembling, game playing, de®ant, andnationalist.

Nichols (1976) surmised that the interactions of African-American youth wereoften grounded in the concept of ``member to member’’ encounters. The most valuedinteractions of the socialized culture are ``person to person.’’ He also noted that suchencounters were highlighted by a� ect and diunital (the ability to attend to more thanone concept at a time) frames of reference. Nichols asserted that African-Americanstudents judge and experience intimately the interactions that they have with others.As a result, African-American youth demonstrating behavior/emotional problemsmay react through the use of challenging behaviors that are also coping behaviorsbecause they are attempting to protect and survive the impact of the feelings they areexperiencing in response to classroom environments that might not positively embracetheir cultural frames of reference. While they may be perceived as emotionally orbehaviorally disordered, they are often quite ``normal,’’ and may resist teachers’perceptions and treatment of their behavior as ``problematic.’’ These students learnquickly how to avoid academic challenges, not because they are incapable, butbecause they see how easy it is to manipulate a classroom setting where they areoften disrespected and misunderstood (Larke, Webb-Johnson, Rochon & Anderson,1999).

For example, students in BED classrooms sometimes play with one another whenthey are expected to be academically engaged. Claude and Jerrod, two African-American students from Classroom A, were engaged in a cooperative spelling e� ortat the chalkboard during one of my observations. When the teacher’s attention was

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diverted by a call from the o� ce, they began to talk to one another. Upon ending herbrief conversation with someone in the o� ce, Ms. AMD attempted to reengage thestudents in their spelling task. She stated, ``We are going to ®nish spelling. If youcontinue to talk out, some of you will miss recess.’’ Claude and Jerrod continued totalk while at the chalkboard. Ms. AMD was then distracted by a stack of cards thatwere on the ¯oor at the front of the room. Looking up from the stack of cards, shecommented, ``Some one has a problem with cards on the ¯oor.’’ Jerrod left the boardand walked over to the table to the left of him and picked up the cards from the ¯oor.However, Ms. AMD made no comment about Jerrod either leaving the chalkboard orpicking up the cards. Jerrod then returned to the board and began to tussle playfullywith Claude. Ms. AMD. said, ``You both need to go back to your seats.’’

Both young men, laughing, continued to play and tussle with one another bypushing and holding on to one another as they laughed. Ms. AMD responded totheir behavior by saying, ``I guess I’ll have to count.’’ Immediately, Jerrod andClaude separated themselves and placed their right feet forward and their left onesslightly behind. They then crouched in a racing stance and rocked back and forth asthey waited for the count from Ms. AMD. ``4. . .3. . .2. . .1..’’ Both students rocked tothe beat of Ms. AMD’s count until she counted down to the number ``2.’’ They thenran quickly to their seats. They laughed as they seated themselves. Both Jerrod andClaude were seated by the time Ms. AMD reached the number 1. Ms. AMD stated,``When you settle down, we can go on.’’ Claude and Jerrod had successfully chal-lenged the teacher’s expectations for the spelling lesson through their expressive game-playing behavior, and they won. They had e� ectively avoided participating in theirround of the spelling drill. Not only did they not complete the academic assignment,they also continued to laugh once they were seated.

In response to their behavior Ms. AMD said, ``Let’s waste time. Jerrod and Claudemaybe you need some time.’’ Time was a 5-minute time-out from class activities fordisruptive behavior. Students were expected to put their heads down during this timeperiod. Accumulating at least two time-outs would earn a student a loss of recess time.During this process, Jerrod and Claude did not receive a time-out, they did notparticipate in the spelling exercise, and they did not lose any recess time. However,they were warned of potential consequences on six occasions.

Students also demonstrated challenging behavior in the form of de®ant copingbehavior. Students either refused to follow instructions or asserted their disagreementwith the action or reaction of adults by expressing a challenge with instructions.During another observation of the spelling period, Jerrod asked Claude a questionabout the assignment. They were told to complete time (5 minutes with their headsdown) for talking. Claude responded by saying, ``I ain’t ®nna take no time, make mesick. . .go’ be kissing they butt.’’ There was no response from Ms. AMD.

Jerrod: ``You always trying to tell somebody what to do.’’Ms. AMD: ``I guess I will have to call your mother.’’Jerrod: ``Call my mama, our phone don’t work.’’Claude: ``See, you don’t never say nothing to him.’’Ms. AMD: ``I am talking to both of you.’’

Neither student complied by putting his head down. They continued to work on theirspelling assignment.

In another example, the entire class was told that quiet time was being extendedbecause they had talked throughout the math lesson. During quiet time, students were

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expected to sit at their desks with their heads down. No talking was allowed. Claudeasked, ``Why don’t we get free time?’’ Ms. AMD ignored his question and all studentsput their heads on the desks. Almost 5 minutes into quiet time, Claude was accused ofviolating quiet time rules.

Ms. AMD: ``You talking Claude.’’Claude: ``I didn’t say nothing.’’Ms. AMD. ``I see your eyes.’’Claude: ``See what? You don’t see my eyes.’’

During this particular observational period, Claude engaged in challenging and de®-ant verbal behavior on six occasions. He was given ®ve warnings for these behaviorsand responded by frowning, licking his tongue out while Ms. AMD was not looking,and pushing his work materials across the ¯oor.

Students also challenged teacher behavior by making questioning or challengingstatements about teacher decisions. Several African-American students in Class A andone in Class B engaged in these challenging statements and behaviors. This dissem-bling behavior was observed 49 times over the observational periods. They assertede� orts to conceal their true feelings of disappointment by questioning the e� cacy ofdirections and threatening to demonstrate very inappropriate behaviors. Studentsasserting that the loss of privileges was unfair demonstrated feelings of disappointment.They also shared their disappointment by demonstrating anger and frustration withthe classroom process. The tone of voice used by students was often high in volume,intense, and expressive. Some responses to teacher reprimands or comments aboutstudent behavior follow:

Jerrod: ``You can’t call my house.’’``Ms. AMD is a wicked old witch.’’``We can’t sharpen our own pencils?’’

Jemy: ``Give me one, [a zero] and I’ll kill you.Claude: ``So, I better have some bonuses . . . I better get home on time.’’

``Well if I pee on myself . . . I’m not serving but three [minutes].’’``I better get home on time . . .. Give me one, (a zero) and I’ll killyou.’’ (said in a squeaky, high-pitched voice, mocking Jemy)

Latar: ``Can’t I just talk to myself?’’Maury: ``This desk smell like ®sh.’’Kevin: ``Ms. AMD. don’t know how to wipe nobody desk.’’Joe: ``Why more time?’’Dunn: ``Can we have our assignment now?’’Rael: ``I need a pencil.’’

It is also interesting to note that throughout the course of the classroom observationsMs. LAG in Class B only received one challenging statement from a student. It is alsoimportant to note that few of the challenges in either classroom were hostile in nature.Even though Jemy said he was going to kill Ms. AMD if he received a zero, it wasclear to the researcher that this was a response in frustration to a failed attempt on amath assignment. This assumption was further supported when Claude mocked Jemyby repeating the statement. His imitation of Jemy’s voice prompted laughter fromJemy and the other students in the class. Such comments were predominantlyattempts by students to assert their presence as they sought to understand and respondto the expectations and directives from the various authority ®gures. African-

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American youth engaged in challenging statements and behaviors more thanEuropean-American youth. In fact, of the 49 student-to-teacher challenges, onlyeight of them were made by European-American youth. European-American studentsdemonstrated a pattern of compliance with teacher directives.

On several occasions, the challenging statements became a verbal ``boxing match’’between the teacher and the student. Students involved in the bantering back andforth were again attempting to demonstrate their unique di� erences. In many situa-tions the bantering became a contest of wits. During one observational period,students had recently returned from Art class. During the transition, several studentsbegan to talk quietly:

Ms. AMD: ``It’s a shame we have to go to the chart. You take things too far.’’Jerrod: ``We didn’t go no where.’’Ms. AMD: ``It’s comments like that.’’Jerrod: ``I want Ms. C back.’’(Ms. C was the student teacher that had

recently completed her student teaching.)

Ms. AMD just smiled. Jerrod had challenged her statement and won. Ms. AMDacknowledged that win by also smiling. When asked about the verbal bantering ina subsequent interview, Ms. AMD acknowledged that students like Claude and Jerrodwere very skilled orators. ``They like to try and out talk me, and sometimes they win.But I tell them all the time that behavior like that will continue to keep them introuble. They try to be so smart. I do laugh at them sometimes though they are reallygood at getting me sometimes’’.

This type of challenge was also demonstrated by combining verbal and nonverbalactions. Following one lunch period, Claude returned from the restroom. Prior togoing, he had been involved in a challenging dialogue with Ms. AMD. Upon hisreturn, Mr. X (the African-American teaching assistant) left his desk to engage inthe following verbal and nonverbal dialogue with Claude. Mr. X walked pastClaude’s desk toward the back of the classroom.

Mr. X: ``Claude’’ (as he looked out of the classroom door).Claude: ``You can’t give me no marks dude.’’Mr. X: ``You need to be quiet.’’ (as Claude sat in his seat).

Claude began moving his shoulders in dance movements as he sat.

Claude: ``I ain’t talking, I’m moving.’’Mr. X: ``You talking Claude.’’Claude: ``No, I’m not, I’m moving.’’Mr. X: ``You talking Claude.’’

Claude then stopped moving and did not make another reply to Mr. X during thisexchange, Mr. X won. Claude complied by terminating his conversation. However,Claude seemed to get great pleasure from the interaction. Claude laughed andattempted to get Mr. X to engage in a ``high ®ve’’ with him. Claude raised hisright hand and attempted to strike his hand against Mr. X’s right hand. Mr. X,stopped and looked at Claude as Claude stylistically rotated his hand in a circularmotion noting that Mr. X had left him ``hanging.’’ Several students echoed in thebackground, ``Man, he left you hanging, He `dissed’ you man.’’ These studentslaughed for a few seconds and then resumed their assignments.

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A similar exchange took place between Claude and Mr. X a few minutes later.Claude began to write on several papers on his desk. He smiled as he attempted to getthe attention of LaWanda, an African-American female. He looked to the other side ofthe room where Mr. X was standing.

Claude: ``I’m not talking, I’m drawing.’’

Mr. X looked at Claude.

Claude: ``What else can I do?’’Mr. W: ``Put your head down.’’Claude: ``I’m not go’ put my head down.’’

He then stuck out his lip and frowned. When Mr. X looked away, Claude begansmiling and looking around the room. Claude won this round. He challenged thedirective to put his head down, but he also made a point of informing Mr. X that hehad not been caught talking. African-American students consistently demonstratedthis type of challenging behavior. Engagement in game playing (Boykin, 1986) isobserved and a� rmed in many African-American communities and families. Muchof this game playing is done through verbal bantering. This game of attempting to``out talk’’ another is probably best known through modes called talking and testifying(Smitherman, 1977).

Student autonomy: As a second theme of Expressive Individualism, student autonomywas also asserted during the observational periods. Student autonomy is de®ned asa student’s e� ort to express him/herself verbally and behaviorally in ways that aredi� erent from the established norm. Students were often creative and witty whilecoming very close to or actually violating class rules. Students from classrooms Aand B demonstrated autonomy in various ways. Jerrod (from classroom A) stoodand left the room on one occasion without any apparent directives from an adult.He returned promptly; however, he did not follow the established rules for whichother students were often held accountable. On at least seven occasions, Jerrod andLatar talked out without ®rst raising their hand or being recognized. On each ofthese occasions they smiled at one another because Ms. AMD had given them sev-eral warnings with a promise of ``more time’’. When Ms. AMD was asked whyJerrod and Latar did not receive a reprimand for talking without permission, sheshared that because they quickly returned to the assigned task, it did not seemnecessary.

After the challenging exchange between Claude and Mr. X (noted in the challen-ging behavior section), Claude busied himself with completing a puzzle of the UnitedStates. He appeared to become immersed in the meticulous activity of perfection, anddid not react to anything that was going on around him. This was in great contrastwith earlier observed behavior. In another example, he totally ignored Ms. AMD’sinstructions to work on his reading assignment. During the reading period, Jerrod,Maury, and Latar talked about playing basketball at recess as they worked on thereading assignment. They also had been instructed to work quietly and indepen-dently. As they discussed their plans to play basketball at recess in very low tones,Jerry (a European-American student) looked at Ms. AMD, presumably to await herreaction to the students’ talking behavior. Ms. AMD responded by setting the timerand signaling that they would have to spend additional time working in silence.

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Maury: ``Why do we get extra time?’’Ms. AMD: ``It’s not on you all, it’s on me.’’

She then began to eat her lunch. Claude worked on his puzzle for approximately 10more minutes and said nothing to anyone, even though at least four students demon-strated their dislike of receiving extra time. They talked out, moaned, and threatenedto leave the room. Students were expected to have their heads down. Only three of theeight students present complied as Ms. AMD ®nished her lunch with the timer ticking.Claude did not put his head down. He continued to work on his puzzle. Five studentsdid not respond with the expected heads down behavior. They received no reprimand.When asked why students were allowed to keep their heads up during the follow-upinterview, Ms. AMD shared that since they were reasonably quiet and she was just®nishing her lunch, she decided not to push it. ``But if we were involved in an aca-demic period, they know that they would have to serve the consequences for theirbehavior.

Students also demonstrated autonomy during math time. Rufus, an African-American student in Ms. LAG’s class, participated in a multiplication drill to practicehis 4 and 5 multiplication facts.

Ms. LAG: ``By Wednesday, I want you ready to do your 4s and 5s with nopauses.’’

Rufus: ``Now can I go up and do my 3’s?’’ (The rule was one turn perperson.)

Ms. LAG: ``I know you feel very con®dent.’’

She nodded her head ``yes’’ as he went back to the front of the class. He was very slowand deliberate, only stumbling on ``3 times 12’’. He answered 37 and then changedthe answer to 36. Ms. LAG followed this self-correction with, ``You’ve come a longway.’’ She followed this comment with a smile and Rufus went back to his seatsmiling. He looked very happy.

It was apparent that Rufus was functioning at a lower level in the area of math incomparison with his peers. Yet he made the decision to stand proudly reciting his 3s,while other students recited higher numbers. He risked ridicule from his peers becausehe violated the established rules for reciting multiplication tables. Several studentsvocalized how it was unfair for Rufus to be allowed to go back to the front of the class,when others had not had their turn. Rufus made a decision that was based on Rufus’sinterests, desires, and needs. Ms. LAG, and most of his peers, supported his particularneeds and desires at that time, even though it violated typical class protocol. WhenMs. LAG was asked about this incident she stated that her students understand thatsometimes it is acceptable to change procedures. Because the majority of the studentsdid not mind Rufus going back for another turn, she allowed it. She thought it wasimportant that students support one another, especially when a student might bestruggling with a particular math concept.

Student autonomy was also demonstrated as a result of some ecological correlates.Ms. LAG shared with the researcher that Je� (a European-American learner) wasexperiencing great di� culty in his home situation. As a result, he did not remain inschool for an entire day. Because he left daily at noon, he was allowed to eat lunchbefore his peers. Students in both classrooms ate lunch under the supervision of Ms.AMD and Ms. LAG. They ate in their classrooms. Je� was responsible for beingaware of the time, asking permission to go to the cafeteria and returning unsupervised.

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He then ate his lunch while the other students completed their academic tasks. It wasevident that the other students handled this situation with ease, although they oftenpersisted in behaving outside of the expected class norms. They made no negativecomments about the fact that Je� was allowed to eat earlier. However, on one occa-sion when the entire class was given some extra time to complete their assignmentsbefore the regular lunch period, three African-American students joined Je� at hisdesk. Je� ate his lunch and talked with his peers. Ms. LAG reminded them that theyshould be completing their assignments. They, however, continued to talk with Je� .When asked why this was permitted during a follow-up interview, Ms. LAG indi-cated, ``I really should have made sure that they completed their assignments, butsince they were talking so quietly, I decided to let it go.’’ During the observationalperiods, African-American students often engaged in the demonstration of autono-mous behaviors that asserted their persistence in pushing the boundaries of behavioralexpectations. Because the data did not indicate any clear pattern that might explainwhy they were allowed to push those boundaries on some occasions, while not beingallowed to on other occasions, I examined the interview data to explore di� erences inthe demeanor and teaching styles of Ms. AMD and Ms. LAG.

There were clearly pedagogical and attitudinal di� erences demonstrated by Ms.AMD and Ms. LAG. While Ms. LAG was not certi®ed to teach students demonstrat-ing BED, she consistently demonstrated a calmer demeanor during observations andinterviews than did Ms. AMD. She did not demonstrate or discuss frustration with thelearners she served. When both teachers were asked about their reactions to thisobservation, Ms. LAG attributed her classroom demeanor to her age (she was inher mid-forties) and experience with raising children, while Ms. AMD (in her mid-twenties) attributed her demeanor to a frustration with student behavior because shehad taught many of the same students for 3 years. Ms. LAG also shared that she didnot feel completely comfortable with the academic responsibilities of a classroom,especially when she had the responsibility of teaching so many di� erent subjects.

Ms. LAG. ``A lot of what we do is practice and drill, trying to get them readyto go into a regular classroom. They like practicing their multi-plication tables, but I am not as successful with reading. So many ofthem do not like to read.’’

Ms. AMD felt very comfortable with the academic responsibilities, but admitted shebecame frustrated because she seldom had the opportunity to teach. She believed thata great deal of her time was spent disciplining her students. During one interview shesaid,

Ms. AMD. ``I expect a lot out of them and they spend too much time playingand I get impatient with that behavior.’’

Discussion and implications for future research and practice

The array of patterns observed in this study provides important information for thedevelopment of curriculum and sta� development. Student participants demonstratedeach of the dimensions of African-American culture. The focus of this discussion,however, was on expressive individualism. African-American students also demon-

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strated the active coping strategies of dissembling, game playing, and de®ance. Theywere academically engaged in very limited and simplistic ways.

Analyses of these data o� er implications for future qualitative and empiricalresearch in embracing the strengths African-American youth bring with them tothe classroom. For example, ``opportunity to learn’’ research (Johnson, 1999;Stevens & Grymes 1993) examined the fact that educational equity among low-income and culturally diverse students has more to do with exposure to academicexpectations than it does with children merely doing poorly on standardized tests.Teachers do not systematically expose children of color to the academic skills they areexpected to demonstrate. In fact, Patton (2001) refers to such phenomenon as ABT(Ain’t Been Taught). Many students of color are simply not taught the knowledge andskills necessary to ensure their academic progress. This form of dispedagogia (Lerner,2000) is often present because teachers do not always have the array of choices necess-ary for implementing culturally responsive instructional and motivational practicesdesigned to meet unique learner needs, while establishing and maintaining high aca-demic and behavioral standards.

Field notes from the present study revealed that fewer ``behavioral’’ or disciplinarymeasures were used by teachers when students were academically engaged.Unfortunately, the academic engagement observed most in these two classroomsinvolved students working quietly and independently on assignments; such engage-ment was often one-dimensional. Students were expected to spell, but little time wasspent demonstrating the usefulness of this task. Students were expected to use theconcept greatest common factor, or to recite their multiplication facts, but littletime was devoted to facilitating experiences that highlighted the application ofthese skills. Even though the academic experiences were often one-dimensional ,students demonstrated a willingness to participate in the academic skills presentedwhen they were not dissembling, game playing, or de®ant. While this was moreevident in Class A, data also revealed that students in both classrooms spent moretime complying and reacting than they did engaging in academic challenges.

While all students engaged in the demonstration of dimensions of African-American culture, African-American students initiated and received more negativeattention as a result of these behaviors. In fact, when European-American studentsused these same strategies for attention, they were often ignored. African-Americanstudents were observed to use vervistic, relational, and communal learning styles;however, the focus on behavior lessened the frequency of these styles being demon-strated during academic engagement. African-American students often challenged thebehavior of teachers as an e� ort to express their individuality, a� ect, and propensityto avoid academic tasks through dissembling, game-playing, and de®ant behaviors.

The present study was limited by 11 observations and 12 interviews over a 4-month period, the systematic analysis of only one dimension of African-Americanculture, and references to active coping strategies. The data, however, have muchto o� er future teacher development and research. Because the academic situation forAfrican-American students ± especially in urban areas ± is worsening, more contextualfocus is necessary to aid in the development of a knowledge base grounded in theacademic needs of African-American youth. Teachers of African-American youth,especially in settings where behavior is the main concern, may pro®t from instruc-tional/delivery development that focuses on the use of culture as a framework forintervention. An extensive cultural knowledge base and speci®c instructional andmotivational strategies will aid in this process. Expressive Individualism can be

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used to design instruction that encourages African-American learners to seek positiveattention in the context of the school setting. Learner willingness to be academicallyengaged can also be used to facilitate an environment that seeks to develop higher-order cognitive skills and responsibility. Further analysis of the present data, alongwith analyses from the use of triangulation (i.e., examination of permanent recordsover time, interviewing students and observations in community settings) will o� eradditional information that will better inform and in¯uence the culturally responsiveinstructional and motivational practices of teachers who serve African-Americanyouth.

The analyses of these data were shared with Ms. AMD, and six European-American teachers of children in BED settings throughout the small urban schooldistrict (Ms. LAG went to another full-time substitute position in a general educationprogram). These teachers were then participants in a 6-week sta� development pro-gram designed to assist service providers in building their cultural knowledge base inthe dimensions of African-American culture. The researcher presented demonstrationlessons on the African-American Cowboy, African-American Inventors, and Heroesand Sheroes. These lessons shared an active format designed to academically engageAfrican-American students, and also demonstrated culturally responsive modes forembracing coping strategies that interfered with class activities. Teachers were sur-prised by the reduction in de®ant behaviors by ``all’’ students but most especiallyAfrican-American males during demonstration lessons. These teachers expressedappreciation for additional ideas and materials designed to assist them in meetingthe needs of African-American learners demonstrating behavioral challenges. It isimportant to note that both teachers involved in the present study were African-American. We can not assume that African-American teachers will automaticallyunderstand African-American learners who demonstrate behavioral challenges.

The ``Joshua’’ in many classrooms can’t wait for service providers to accidentallystumble upon e� ective and culturally relevant pedagogy to embrace his integrity andstrength as a learner. Research paradigms are obligated to continue to examine thecultural integrity of behaviors demonstrated by African-American youth. The Centerfor Research on the Education of Students Placed At Risk, at Howard University, hasconducted a series of descriptive and experimental studies exploring the culturaldimensions of African-American learners from low-income and urban environments.Their dynamic work is demonstrating the impact of culturally responsive pedagogy intalent development contexts (Boykin, 2000a, 2000b). The exploration into ``powerpedagogy’’ (Gay, 2000) and e� ective teacher preparation programs for diversestudent populations (Ladson-Billings, 2001a) is imperative in continuing this necess-ary work. Continued systematic qualitative and quantitative study, especially in spe-cial education settings, based on the cultural dimensions of African-American learners,will assist service providers in building pedagogical knowledge bases and improvingteacher practice in the delivery of e� ective curriculum and instruction across a varietyof settings. As a result, the potential of such research to assist in the reduction of theoverrepresentation of African-American learners in BED is signi®cant.

There is no need to wait in meeting the educational needs of African-Americanlearners in general and/or special education settings. The ®eld of education has theability to ready itself and reverse the trends toward school failure among African-American learners. However, as Hilliard (1991, 2001) has continually challenged the®eld of education, each of us must decide if we have the will to educate ``all’’ childrenand youth, especially African-Americans who demonstrate behavioral challenges.

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Gloria Ladson-Billings (2001a) recently completed a study highlighting a new gen-eration of teachers. Her qualitative study demonstrates that when teachers are pre-pared to e� ectively teach a diverse student population, they can become productive,re¯ective and e� ective educators.

The ``Joshua’’ in the opening scenario is the potential standard for ``all’’ African-American youth. Joshua could be the next Dr. Ben Carson (a leading pediatricneurosurgeon who is also African-American), given a power pedagogy that embraceshis strengths before condemning his perceived and/or real behavioral challenges.Joshua should not have to wait for classrooms to become ready for him. Proactiveresearch and practice paradigms can and must meet his unique, worthy and dynamicneeds.

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Boykin, A. W. (2000a). Talent development, cultural deep structure, and school reform: Implications forAfrican-American immersion initiatives. In D. Pollard & C. Ajirotutu (Eds), African-centered schoolingin theory and practice (pp. 143±161).

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Watkins, J. H. Lewis, & V. Chou (Eds.), Race and education: The roles of history and society in educatingAfrican-American students (pp. 1±36). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

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& V. Chou (Eds.), Race and education: The roles of history and society in educating African-American students(pp. 73±88). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

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