Illustrations of St John’s Book of Revelation in Slavonice

4. Slavonice, house No. 517, overall view of the “lutheran meeting house“ room with mural paintings of St John’s Book of Revelation, artist unknown, 1568 (?).

21

Urban culture has been long established as a field of study. Recently, how-ever, it has especially flourished as new approaches entered the field.1 In the Czech academic milieu, most research concerning the late Middle Ages and the early modern era focused on royal cities, led by the city of Prague and other important residence towns, where the emphasis was on the nobility as the owners of the town and as the main cultural agents. However, in small nobility-owned towns, the burghers also acted as patrons and producers of art. In my dissertation, I focus on works of art that originated in the milieu of these small, peripheral towns in the dominion of the Lords of Hradec in the 16th century. The topic offers various avenues for research, including art patronage of the burghers, differences and similarities between aristocratic and urban culture, confessional aspects of art in a multi-confessional society, relationships of burghers and artists active in the towns towards places out-side the dominion, and, more generally, the relationship of late Gothic and renaissance styles in the first half of the 16th century. In this paper, I present a comprehensive analysis of an artwork, which art historians have unjustly ignored and largely undervalued based on formal analyses of its stylistic as-pects. It is only in the context of the themes mentioned above that its impor-tance comes fully to light.

Illustrations of St John’s Book of Revelation in Slavonice

Zdeňka Míchalová

22 Zdeňka Míchalová

The Town of Slavonice around 1550

Slavonice was owned by the Lords of Hradec from the end of 13th century until 1604. The political importance of this small town was always minor – it never became a residence town, unlike, for example, the town of Telč. Nevertheless, the social and economic situ-ation in Slavonice in the course of the 16th century allowed burghers to build impressive houses with sgraffito-covered façades and inte-riors decorated with murals.

The economic importance of the town increased in 1550 when the dominion was divided into two parts between brothers Joachim and Zacharias of Hradec. Slavonice, owned by Zacharias, then became (along with the residence town of Telč) one of the pillars of the dominion economy and a center of the local market. New privileges and liberties– for example, the escheat – further enhanced the economic growth of the town.

In the first half of the 16th century, Leopold Estreicher, a master builder, came to the town and became a citizen of Slavonice. Estreicher and his coworkers were active in Southwest Moravia and neighboring parts of Lower Austria in the 1540s and the 1550s.2 Their masterpieces are preserved mainly in

5. Slavonice, house No. 517, arrangement of the paintings on the eastern wall.

23Illustrations of St John’s Book of Revelation in Slavonice

Slavonice and in Telč, where Zacharias of Hradec employed the Estreicher workshop in the first phase of the renaissance rebuilding of his residence. The stylistic aspects of Leopold Estereicher’s architectural and sculptural elements are commonly described as “Mischstil”.3 The style and form of portals, windows and other stone parts of buildings are derived from renaissance graphic patterns which the master builder and the stonecutters (educated in late Gothic tradition) transformed in their own particular way. Another important element specific to Estreicher’s architectural style is his use of diamond vaults with complicated star-shaped patterns.

Rich guild masters and artisans in Slavonice, who represented the elite of the town population, provided Estreicher with further projects. For the most ambitious patrons, he designed houses with diamond vaulting in the ground floor rooms, which were partly accessible to the public (for example, as stores), or he used the diamond vaults in stairway halls, the main areas of circulation in the buildings.

It is very difficult to ascertain the identity of these patrons of not only Estericher, but also other artists (such as painters, sgraffito makers and stonecutters), because the 16th century archival sources of Slavonice are rather fragmentary, and because the beginning of the early modern era displays a general lack of ego-documents related to townspeople. Testaments are the only type of historical evidence useful for this kind of research. A testament

6. Slavonice, house No. 517, arrangement of the paintings on the southern wall.


is a standard document the compulsory parts of which include the name of the deceased, the statement about his/her illness, as well as clear mind and functional memory during the process of signing the testament, the names of witnesses, and a list of debts and property. The witnesses are usually members of the town council, representing the most important, wealthy, and trustworthy people. The list of property is an important source of information about household culture and religious life in the town.

In the second half of the 16th century, the religious situation was rather complicated in Moravia. The power of the Olomouc bishops was limited to their own territories, royal cities and dominions of Catholic nobility. There were no royal statutes regulating religious issues and it could be said that Moravian noblemen enjoyed great freedom in the question of the denomination of their estates.4

The religious situation in the dominion of the Lords of Hradec in the second half of the 16th century presents a field of study in itself. Over the course of the 16th century, the family of the Lords of Hradec had always been Catholic and loyal to the Habsburgs,

7. Slavonice, house No. 517, arrangement of the paintings on the western wall.


but there were other denominations (such as Utrakvists, Baptists, Brethen and Lutherans) active in their dominion as well.

While there are many devises and donations to monasteries, churches and processions in the Slavonice citizens’ testaments in the first half of the 16th century (which is typical of Catholic society), the opposite is the case in the second half of the century: traces of catholic piety in the testaments are rather sporadic.5 At the same time, the number of ordinances promoting Catholicism in the town increased. Following the principle cuius regio, eius religio and the duties resulting from his church-patronage, Zacharias of Hradec tried to establish a catholic priest in Slavonice but it appears that most of the German-speaking townspeople turned to Lutheranism. This turn is also apparent in the works of art preserved in the town. Since the archival sources are so fragmentary, the artworks connected with the Lutheran burghers present an important historical resource. The murals in house No. 517 are some of the most important Lutheran monuments in the dominion of the Lords of Hradec. They represent an interesting example of an artwork which originated in a small, nobility-owned town, but whose importance reaches beyond the town borders. Even though the artistic quality of the paintings is not outstanding, they constitute an important part of the fragmentary art

8. Slavonice, house No. 517, overall view of the western wall, the last ten chapters of St John’s Book of Revelation, artist unknown, 1568 (?).


of the Czech Reformation; they present a uniquely complex decoration of a secular space belonging to a burgher. These murals are by no means solitary, because at least two other houses with “reformation paintings” have been preserved in Slavonice.

Murals in House No. 517

House No. 517 in Slavonice is one of the well-preserved monuments of urban architecture in the town. The house, built around 1550, is considered to be the work of master builder Leopold Estreicher and his workshop even though the characteristic feature – diamond vault – is not used here. It is the granite elements (such as the characteristically designed columns on the ground-

9. Slavonice, house No. 517, southern wall, mural painting no. 11: The Beast from the Bottomless Pit.

10. Slavonice, house No. 517, southern wall, mural painting no. 10: St John Devours the Book.


floor) that show it to be the work of Estreicher’s local workshop. The front façade is covered with a sgraffito cycle completed in 1555 consisting of two biblical scenes and a group of planetary gods based on woodcuts by Virgil Solis.6

In the front part of the first floor is a large, almost square room, decorated with 21 paintings depicting the Revelation. The painters most likely used the fresco-secco technique. The murals are unique due to the extent of their preservation, but their current condition is not very good. At the beginning of the 20th century, the room was used as a storerage for various tools and as a granary. In 1904, the local priest and museum director Theodor Deimel reported the condition of the wall paintings to the K. K. Zentral Kommision für Denkmalpflege in Vienna and tried to restore the paintings himself by washing the walls with warm water ”in order to recover the colors”.7 In 1930, sculptor and conservator Antonín Zeithammer and painter Josef Linhart carried out the first “professional” restoration. However, they both specialized mainly in outdoor plasters and thus their intervention in the interior was not entirely appropriate. The dusty environment, mechanical damage, and the unprofessional attempt at restoration account for the current state of the paintings, most details of which are not visible anymore. One of the Viennese conservationists went so far as to say that The Revelation in Slavonice documented “the steep decline” of Bohemian and Moravian art in the second half of the 16th century, and so it was not necessary to address the condition of the murals, aside from perhaps taking some photographs.8

The condition of the wall paintings and the history of the attempts at their restoration are very important for several reasons. Firstly, it is very complicated (if not impossible) to deal with the stylistic aspects of these paintings. From this perspective, they were classified as vernacular.9 However, this classification, caused partly by the factors mentioned above, does not allow for a proper understanding of the meaning and importance of the paintings. The meaning can be fully explored only in the context of the religious and social circumstances. The importance of this monument in the history of Czech art is obvious: there are no parallel murals of identical iconography


and comparable range in any other sacral or profane space. Secondly, it is not possible to rely on the date (1568) inscribed on the reveal of the left window because this part was restored in 1930, and the older description of the paintings reports only the middle numbers of the date as legible. We are sure that the paintings were executed in the 1560s but the exact date of 1568 could be an invention of the conservators.

The murals cover three of the room's walls. The trompe l’oeil arcade carries twenty-one framed picture fields. Between the arcade and the images of the Revelation there is a narrow band with fragments of inscriptions referring to the chapters of Revelation. The source of these quotations is the same as the source of the graphic patterns: Biblische Figuren illustrated by Virgil Solis and published in 1560 in Frankfurt am Main by Sigmund Feyerabend.10 The use of the graphic patterns and the relationship between the images and the text will be discussed in the later sections of the present paper; the full version of the inscriptions will be provided in the footnotes. Some remains of the paintings are also preserved in the windows arches: depicted on the left arch is the coat of arms belonging to the noblemen of Hradec, in the middle arch the coat of arms of the Rozmital noblemen, and on the third arch a small fragment of an unknown coat of arms.

The story of St John’s Revelation begins in the north-east corner of the eastern wall, continues around the room, and ends on the north-west corner of the western wall. On the southern wall there are only two images between the three windows. The northern wall is covered with monochromatic wainscoting. At first sight it may seem that every image represents one chapter of St John’s Revelation because the number of images corresponds with the number of chapters in Revelation, but this is not quite the case. The first image represents the first chapter containing The Vision of the Seven Candlesticks (Revelation 1, 13–16).11 Chapters two and three, in which St John recounts his vision to the seven churches of Asia, are skipped. The second image merges chapters four and five: St John the Evangelist, Four Living Creatures and the Twenty Four Elders in Heaven surround The Lamb Taking the Book from Him Who Sits on the Throne (Revelation 5, 1–12).12 The third,


fourth and fifth image illustrate the sixth chapter: The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse (Revelation 6, 1–8),13 The Distribution of White Garments to the Martyrs (Revelation 6, 9–11)14 and The Opening of the sixth Seal, when the sun became black, the moon became like blood and the stars fell down to the Earth (Revelation 6, 11–17).15 The sixth image relates to the seventh chapter with The Four Angels Staying the Winds (Revelation 7, 1–3).16 The last three images on the eastern wall represent chapters eight and nine: The Seven Angels with the Trumpets – The Fourth Trumpet Call: an Angel Cries “Woe, Woe, Woe” (Revelation 8, 13),17 The Fifth Trumpet Call: a Plague of Locusts (Revelation 9, 1–5)18 and The Sixth Trumpet Call: Angels Kill a Third of Mankind (Revelation 9, 13–20).19

The story continues on the southern wall where St John devours the Book (Revelation 10, 1–9) in the tenth picture.20 The eleventh image with The Beast from the Bottomless Pit (Revelation 11, 1–7)21 indicates the confessional

11. Slavonice, house No. 517, eastern wall, mural painting no. 8: The Plague of Locusts.

12. The Plague of Locusts, by Virgil Solis, Biblische Figuren, Frankfurt am Main, 1560.


orientation of the whole iconographic program. The beast is wearing the papal tiara on its head, which assures the viewer of the anti-Catholic meaning of the paintings.

On the western wall there are illustrations of the last ten chapters of the Revelation: The Apocalyptic Woman and the Seven-headed Dragon (Revelation 12, 1–4),22 The Adoration of the Beast with Ten Horns and Seven Heads (Revelation 13, 1–18),23 The Adoration of the Lamb on Mount Zion (Revelation 14, 1–13),24 Angels Wielding Sickles and Pressing Grapes (Revelation 14, 14–20),25 Angels Pour Out the Seven Bowls of God’s Wrath on the Earth (Revelation 16, 1–16),26 The Whore of Babylon (Revelation 17, 1–18),27 The Fall of Babylon (Revelation, 18, 1–24),28 The Devil is Thrown into the Lake of Fire and Sulfur (Revelation, 19, 17–21),29 The Angel Throws Satan into the Abyss (Revelation 20, 1–6)30 and The Angel Shows St John the New Jerusalem (Revelation 21, 6–27).31 The nineteenth and twentieth

13. Slavonice, house No. 517, western wall, picture no. 13: The Adoration of the Beast with Ten Horns and Seven Heads.

14. The Adoration of the Beast with Ten Horns and Seven Heads, by Virgil Solis, Biblische Figuren, Frankfurt am Main 1560.


images are partly damaged by the chimney added in the second half of the 20th century.32

The tradition of illustrating St John’s Revelation is very old, especially in book culture. The first “golden era” of the Apocalypse and its pictorial appendix took place in the 13th century when manuscript commentaries to the Revelation enjoyed great popularity. The second “golden era” came with the expansion of the printed and illustrated renaissance Bibles at the end of the 15th century and the first half of the 16th century. These two eras are formally and chronologically linked by 15th century block books. 33

In 1498, Albrecht Dürer created a set of fifteen woodcuts illustrating the Apocalypse. With the self-publication of these woodcuts he established a new canon of Apocalypse imagery.34 However, in the context of reformation art, the Apocalypse woodcuts by Lucas Cranach the elder (partly based on Dürer’s) prove to be more interesting. The Apocalypse by Lucas Cranach consists of twenty-one illustrations published in 1521 in Wittenberg along with Martin Luther’s translation of the New Testament. The importance of the Apocalypse in the era of reformation lies in the identification of the pope as Antichrist. This strategy had already been used much earlier, for example, in the work of French mystic Joachim de Fiore at the beginning of the 13th century; in the 16th century, the idea came back to life. After Martin Luther branded the pope as Antichtist and identified Rome as Babylon, the city of sin, the Revelation and its illustrations became one of the weapons in the battle between the Protestant and Catholic churches.35 The motif of Satan with the papal tiara is well-known from Hans Holbein’s illustrations of the Bible, published in 1523 in Basel, Luther's Bible published in 1534 in Wittenberg (with woodcuts made by master MS),36 and also from many other publications illustrated by other “small masters” (Kleinmeister) such as, for example, Virgil Solis.

Jarmila Krčálová discovered the set of graphic sheets that served as the template for the Revelation in Slavonice. She suggested that the painter was inspired partly by Holbein’s Apocalypse published together with the New Testament in Basel in 1523; however, the main sources of inspiration were,


according to Krčálová, the above-mentioned Biblische Figuren. Whether there were two sources or only one, it is difficult to determine. In our opinion, Virgil Solis’ illustrations served as the only model because the formal similarity is quite clear and the inscription fragments in the murals and the short texts accompanying illustrations in Biblische Figuren are identical.

Scholarly work dealing with the relationship between the image and the text in general focuses on the relationship between the literary source and its illustration.37 But in this case, we should also look at the inscriptions added to the pictures. They are summaries and descriptions rather than biblical quotations. Yet, one of the basic characteristics of Lutheran art is its close interconnection with biblical text.38 The function of the room might explain this paradox. Traditionally, the room is called “the Lutheran meeting house.” This term appears in the 19th century sources in which Viennese conservationists called the room “Heidentempel”; however, in earlier periods there is no mention of this term. This traditional term is based on the town's religious situation in the second half of the 16th century when Slavonice was the center of Lutheran belief in an otherwise mostly Catholic dominion. The Lutheran iconography does not necessarily mean that the room was a “sacral space” in any way. It is more probable that the room served as a guild chamber where religious iconography was a common phenomenon.39 The inscriptions on the Apocalypse paintings might confirm this thesis because in a sacral space such as a chapel or a meeting house one would expect a dogmatic use of biblical text and exact quotations from the Bible, which was a widespread practice in Lutheran churches. The possibility that the guild chamber was turned into a meeting-house at a certain point can be neither confirmed nor disproved. The Revelation in Slavonice, then, represents one of the many Apocalypse-artworks more or less related to Dürer’s conception, which can be found especially in book illustrations but also in more monumental forms such as in murals in Athos monasteries.40 It seems, however, that Slavonice’s mural is the only one of this type situated in a secular space. Last but not least, it is necessary to discuss the patron of these paintings. According to historian Theodor Deimel, Benedict Laber, a tanner, owned the house in the 1560s.41


There is practically no documentation on Laber and his family in the archival sources, so his house is the main source of information about his religious thinking and social position. The only certain fact is that Laber was Lutheran; he was probably a guild-master and possibly a member of the town council. What motivated him to commission such artwork in the formal space of his house? The answer probably lies in the historical circumstances. The presence of coats of arms in the room could be explained as indicative of loyalty to Zacharias of Hradec or it may simply be an expression of the townspeople’s identity and their connection to the dominion. On the other hand, Lutheran (or anti-Catholic) murals in the rest of the room might indicate some sort of controversy between the Catholic nobility and the Lutheran burghers. Without any further archive resources, however, we cannot gain a deeper understanding of the nature of this controversy (which most certainly could have been found in such a multi-confessional society).

Why did the patron opt for the depiction of the Apocalypse? What was his relationship towards the artist (who is completely unknown as well)? Who was the intended audience for the paintings and what was their function? What impact (if any) the painting had in the town? These and many other questions remain unanswered.

1 The review of the research of the past twenty years is to be presented in XXX. Volume of Documenta Pragensia (in print).

2 Milada Radová – Oldřich Rada, Mistr Leopold Estreicher a jeho slavonická stavební dílna, Umění XVII, 1970, pp. 358 – 382.

3 Hellmut Lorenz, Spätgotik und Renaissance in Mitteleuropa – „ein Stil zwischen den Stilen“?, in: Evelin Wetter (ed.), Die Länder der Böhmischen Krone und ihre Nachbarn zur Zeit der Jagiellonenkönige (1471–1526). Kunst – Kultur – Geschichte, Ostfildern 2004, p. 35–46. For region of South Moravia see Petr Čehovský, Bauplastik im nördlichen Niederösterreich und in Südmähren in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts. Eine Kunst, die in drei verschiedenen Stilen ausgeführt werden konnte, Österreichische Zeitschrift für Kunst und Denkmalpflege LXII, 2008, pp. 21-38.

4 Petr Vorel, Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české. VII. 1526–1618, Praha – Litomyšl 2005, pp. 256–257.


5 Státní okresní archiv [State District Archive] Jindřichův Hradec, Archiv města Slavonice [Slavonice Town Archive], boxboard 3, sign. 254 II/Bb, collection “Testaments of Slavonice burghers, 1423–1688”.

6 Jana Waisserová, Figurální sgrafito 16. a 17. století ve Slavonicích (M.A. thesis), The Department of Art History, Palacky University, Olomouc 2002, p. 82.

7 Národní památkový ústav, ú.o.p. v Brně [National Heritage Institute archive in Brno], boxboard Slavonice, sign. P 164/17.

8 Ibidem.9 Jarmila Krčálová, Renesanční nástěnná malba na panství pánů z Hradce a Rožmberka (PhD.

thesis), Praha 1964, pp. 414–422.10 Krčálová (see note 9).11 “Johannes sahe einen unter sieben leuchtern der hett sieben Sterne an der rechten hand ein

schwerd um mund ein angesicht als die Sonn.“12 “XXIIII altesten umb den thron, mit eim regenbogen, sieben ampeln, unnd vier geflügelten

thieren umbgeben. Der auff dem stul saß hei ein versiegelt büch, welchs ein Lam von ihm nimpt.“

13 “Der Engel gibt dem reitenden ein schwerdt. Einer hat tein bogen, einer ein waage inn der hand. Den folget todt und helle nach.“

14 “Den seelen der erwürgten umb des wort Gottes willen, under den Altar, werden geben weisse kleid.“

15 “Erdbidem, schwarze Sonn, blütige Mond, fallende stern, Un die gewaltigen verbergen sich in berge und selfen klüsste.“

16 “Die knecht Gottes vor der straasse der Engel gezeychnet. Ein grosse schaar mit palmen, preissen den auff dem stul mit dem Lam.“

17 “Ein Engel posaunet. Sonn, Mond und Sterne versinstert. Weh Weh Weh wird ober die Erd geschriben.“

18 “Ein Engel posaunet, stern vom himmel eröffnet den brunen des abgrunds, darauß ein rauch gieng, und hewschreckten quelenten die menschen.“

19 “Ein Engel posaunet. Engel todten die menschen. Rensiger zeug, deren roß hetten löwen kopf, schwentz wie schlagen.“

20 “Engel mit dem wolckten und regenbogen umbgeben, des füß wie pfeiler auff dem meer un land. Das auffgethan Büch ward von seiner hand gessen.“

21 “Die zween zeugen Gottes vom thier erwürgt, liegen unbegraben, endlich im wolckten zu himmel uffgefürt, Darauf folget erdbidem und einfall.“

22 “Die siebenkopffig Trach scheußt wasser nach dem weib, deren knäblin wird zum himmel auffgenommen. Engel streiten widern Trachen.“

23 “Das siebenkopffig thier lästert Gott und pei niget die heiligen wird von Menschen angebätet.“24 “Das Lam auff dem Berg mit viel tausenten. Harppfen spil unnd singen im himmel. Engel

schreit: Babylon ist gefallen.“ 25 “Ein getronter in wolcken sitzend, schicket hepen auff erden. Engel schneiden weinreden unnd

keltern.“


26 “Sieben schallen des zorns Gottes auszgeschütt ins meer, flüß, brunnen, sonnen, luft uff des stul des thieres, so die konig der erden vergisst. Babylon und die Menschen geplagt.“

27 “Das weib off dem thier sitzend, mit dem gülden becher, des grewels in der hand wird angebatet von Königen und volcktern den erden.“

28 “Der fall der grossen hürn Babylon. Das klagen der König und kauffleut auff erden.“29 “Das weiß heer im himel. Der engel berüsst die vogel zueffen der könig und reysigen fleisch.

Das thier und falsh prophet werden in fewrigen pfül geworfen.“30 “Der Engel mit dem schlüssel zum abgrund beschleußt den Satan und Teufel, die alt schlange,

darain an einer ketten gebunden.“31 In the release that I have used the last pages are missing.32 The chimney is also covered with murals and the decoration tries to imitate the rest of

the murals in the room. 33 Gertrud Bing, Apokalypse Block-Books and Their Manuskript Models, Journal of the

Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, vol. 1, 1942, no. 5, pp. 143–144.34 For further information about relationship between Crachach’s and Dürer’s Apocalypse

see: Peter Martin, Luther und die Bilder zur Apocalypse. Die Ikonographie der Illustrationen zur Offenbarung des Johannes in der Lutherbibel 1522 bis 1546, Hamburg 1983.

35 Craig Harbison, The Last Judgement in Sixteenth Century Morthern Europe. A Study of the Relation between Art and the Reformation, New York – London 1976. – Karel Chytil, Antikrist v naukách a umění středověku a husitské obrazné antithese, Praha 1918. – For catholic point of view see: Ondřej Jakubec, „Těchto časův má Antichrist předchůdce své.“ Apokalyptika a konfesionalita v literatuře a výtvarném umění českých zemí kolem roku 1600, Opuscula Historiae Artium LIII, 2009, no. 1–2, pp. 23–39.

36 Peter Martin, Martin Luther und die Apokalypse. Die Ikonographie der Illustrationen zur Offenbarung des Johannes in der Lutherbibel 1522 bis 1546, Hamburg 1983, pp. 176–177.

37 Meyer Schapiro, Words and Pictures. On the Litteral and the Symbolic in the Illustration of the Text, Mouton 1973. – Heinz Herbert Mann, Wörter und Texte. Vier Studien zum Verhältnis von Sprache bildender Kunst, München 1999.

38 Carl C. Christensen, Art and the Reformation in Germany, Athens – Detroit 1979. – Joseph Leo Koerner, The Reformation of the Image, London – Chicago 2004.

39 In Germany is preserved a decoration of weawer guild chamber from Augsburg which was transfered to Bayerisches National Museum in Munich. For further information see: Monika Meine-Schave, Die Augsburger Weberstube im Bayerischen Nationalmuseum, Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst XLVI, 1995, pp. 25–80.

40 Paul Huber, Apokalypse. Bilderzyklen zur Johanes-Offenbarung in Trier, auf dem Athos und von Caillaud d’Angers, Düsseldorf 1989. – Ludwig Heinrich Heydenreich, Der Apokalypsen-Zyklus im Athosgebiet und seine Beziehungen zur deutschen Bibelillustration der Reformation, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte VIII, 1939, vol. 1–2, pp. 1–40.

41 Theodor Deimel, Häusergeschichte von Zlabings (1576–1934), Zlabingser Nachrichten, no. 1–52, Zlabings 1934.

Illustrations of St John’s Book of Revelation in Slavonice

Documents

Transcript of Illustrations of St John’s Book of Revelation in Slavonice