HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES .

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOlJSE 35927 Usher, Mr. Paul Townsend, merit a thorough investigation.

He suggests, as the site for the needed fourth metropolitan jet airport, the shoals area of Long Island Sound near Bridgeport. An area of several thousand acres could be filled in, as the water is very shallow in the area.

This would be in connection with a Sound bridge or tunnel between a spot somewhere near Bridgeport and a spot somewhere near Port Jefferson. I believe that the problems of jet noise would be almost nonexistent, as no homes or factories could be built anywhere nearby.

It seems to me that the ultimate decision should be a Federal one and that the costs of a survey of the practicality of such construction and its probable costs should be a Federal expense. There are Federal agencies equipped and financed to do this preliminary work.

I intend to take proper Congressional action and, at the same time, to call on Governor Rockefeller and Governor Dempsey of Connecticut for their cooperation.

If this idea proves to be feasible, then this multi-million dollar, sixteen year search for a fourth site could be ended. I might add that the construction time would not be greater than that for creating a vast airport on land. The result would combine solutions for transportation problems of Long Island in a unique and economical manner.

THE FABULOUS FOURTH SPEAKS OUT

The results of my 1967 Opinion Poll are now a part of the Congressional Record and other Congressmen are reading them with interest. Your opinions on Vietnam were especially illuminating.

You voted overwhelmingly to mount a strategically sound effort for military victory, rather than to continue the present course. Only a handful wanted to withdraw as soon as possible and relatively few want to hold key positions and negotiate a settlement.

The question of expanding trade with countries which supply North Vietnam brought a resounding "No." The inclusion of Red China in the United Nations was spurned.

Large majorities favored Federal sharing of funds wlth states; tax credits for parents with childrep. in college; ending farm price supports and by far the largest majority favored a truth-in-lending bill. That figured out to 93% to 5%, with 2% undecided.

President Johnson's request for a surcharge on income taxes was snowed under, as I believe it should be.

Anyone wishing a complete copy of the results have only to write me and request them.

Photo oaption: Safety First: Congressman Wydler examines new high visibility colors of Long Island Railroad gates with Frank Aikman, Jr., President of the Long Island Railroad. This material was installed as a test on Congressman Wydler's recommendation. Wydler is sponsoring legislation to have this done across the country.

THERE IS SAFETY IN MODERNIZATION

One Of my recent proposals, which was incorporated into a bill in Congress, was that

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . TUESDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1967

The House met at 12 o'clock noon. The Chaplain, Rev. Edward G. Latch,

D.D., otf ered the following prayer:

With Goel all things are possible.Mark 10: 27.

· O God, our Father, the light of the

railroad crossing gates and warning signs at grade crossings be painted some high visibility color, one especially visible by automol>ile headlights.

Thousands of peoJ?le die annually at these crossings, now prot.ected by black and white signs and gates which go back to the horseand-buggy era. More thousands are crippled and the property loss is tremendous.

Not all of these accidents oan be avoided by painting the gates, but I believe they can be reduced.

The Long Island Railroad cooperated in a demonstration of the worth of the colored. gates, and such cooperation is heartily appreciat.ed. The National Association of Railroads is also working with me on this idea.

Photo caption: Levittown's Division A Senior Class Leaders ~iscuss youth problems with Congressman Wydler. Jerome Zeldis, Michael Swarts and Brian Keenan presented a sheaf of new ideas.

FEDERAL COURTS COMING TO LONG ISLAND

Nassau and Suffolk counties have long needed Federal Court facilities nearby. The long trek to downtown Brooklyn, where parking facilities are at a premium, is not to be tolerated much longer.

At the request of Bar Associations in both counties and as the result of my own experience as a member of the Federal Courts Committee of the Nassau County Bar Association, I introduced a bill calling for a Federal Court for the island. The bill puts in concrete form proposals I made seven years ago, before I was elected to Congress.

Preparations are now being made for Federal Courts to sit on the Island. It will be a happy day for litigants, for witnesses and for attorneys when it finally comes to pass, and I am doing all I can to hurry that dat.e. Happily, once again, our Fabulous Fourth Congressional District, in the heart of Long Island, will be the location of the new facilities. HOW YOU CAN SUPPORT OUR BOYS IN VIETNAM

Veterans' posts and other organizations, and even some individuals, have expressed interest in "adopting" a military unit in Vietnam.

This has been done in many places. For instance, the City of Birmingham has adopted an entire division That's a tremendous undertaking, far out of the reach of small groups. But there are smaller units, such as companies and platoons. My office has complete instructions, which I will be happy to mail to anyone.

This is called a "guidelines" sheet. The individual should specify the size of the unit he desires to adopt. A Platoon, which is a portion of a Company, is just about the right size for a local organization. You will correspond with the Commander of a unit not already adopted, being given the correct mailing address. The Commander might even suggest the type gift his nien most desire.

Just a line to me at my Washington office will bring you Guidelines.

WYDLER OFFERS FREE VIETNAM MAPS

Anyone who is interested in receiving a free map of Vietnam has merely to write me and request it. These free maps were printed by

true-hearted and the life of the wholehearted, strong in Thy strength we greet the coming of another day. May the hours be radiant with Thy presence and the minutes reflect the glory of Thy love. In everything we do and say may we be mindful of Thy spirit, eager to do Thy will, and ready to serve our countcy with all our hearts.

Make us great enough to face these hours with courage, good enough to live through these days with confidence, and

the government as a result of a resolution passed by Congress. They are up-to-date and complete.

Photo caption: Oceanography in New York State: During a break at the Governor's Conference on Oceanography in New York State, Governor Rockefeller and Congressman Wydler confer. Listening in is John C. Baiardi Vice Chancellor, Long Island University and leader in fight to make Long Island leader in oceanography.

Photo caption: A Great Combination: Congressman John W. Wydler welcomes the Grumman Aircraft Corporation to the Fabulous Fourth Congressional District. Shown above with the Congressman are E. Clinton Towl, President, and Llewellyn Evans, Chairman of the Board of Grumman, at new plant on Stewart Avenue which was recently opened to build the aft part of the new F-lllA.

Photo caption: Who Writes Their Congressman? Everybody! Washington staff members Miss Gloria Pershing and Miss Bette Hoppel bid good morning at the start of an average day.

LEGISLATIVE BOX SCORE

Some bills I have sponsored H. Con. Res. 79 to Establish a Congressional

Ethics Committee. H.R. 4079 Federal Tax-Sharing Act. To pro

vide appropriations for sharing of Federal taxes with States and their political subdivisions out of funds derived from a cutback in projected new expansion of grantin-aid programs and as a substitute for portions of existing grant-in-aid expenditures.

H.R. 4693 Human Investment Act. To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 to allow a credit against income tax to employers for the expenses of providing job training programs.

Some bills I have voted "yes" on H.R. 421 Prohibits travel in interstate or

foreign commerce, or use of such facilities, for the purpose of inciting riot or other civil disturbances; fixes penalties of up to 5 years in jail, up to $10,000 fine, or both.

H.R. 10480 Fixes penalty of 1 year and $1,000 fine for desecration of the American flag.

H.R 7819 Strengthens and extends through June 30, 1969, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act; authorizes $3.5 billion for aid to local school agencies in low-income and federally-impacted areas, to overseas dependents and to schools for Indian children; provides aid to State education departments to improve their methods and broadens authority over innovative programs.

S. 20 Establishes a National Water Commission to make a full study of national policy, problems and programs related to water resources.

H.R. 10226 Provides free mailing privileges for members of Armed Forces in Vietnam.

Some bills I have voted "no" on H.R. 10867 Raises permanent limit on na

tional debt, by $22 billion to $358 billion for 1 year to June 30, 1968, thereafter permitted to raise by $7 billion to $365 billion, but must revert to $358 billion each June 30 (end of fiscal year) .

generous enough to share our faith that in these trying times we fail not man nor Thee. Not for ourselves alone may our prayer

be; Lift Thou Thy world, O God, closer to

_ Thee. Cleanse it from guilt ·and wrong; teach

it salvation's song, Till earth, as heaven, fulfill Thy holy will.

Amen.

35928 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December ·12, 1967

THE JOURNAL

The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and approved.

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE

A message from the Senate by Mr. Arrington, one of its clerks, announced that the Senate had passed without amendment a bill of ·the House of the fallowing title:

H.R. 8376. An a~t to provide that the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York shall be held at Brooklyn, N.Y., and Mineola. N.Y.

The message also announced that the Senate had passed with amendments in which the concurrence of the House is requested, bills of the House of the following titles:

H.R. 1411. An act to amend title 39, United States Code, with respect to use of the mails to obtain money or property under false representations, and for other purposes; and

H.R. 10864. An act to author!~ the Secretary of Agriculture to convey certain lands in Saline County, Ark., to the Dierks F'orests, Inc., and. for other purposes.

The message also announced that the Senate had passed a bill of the following title, in which the concurrence of the House is requested:

S. 1843 An act to establish rlgh ts for individuals in their relations with Indian tribes; to direct the Secretary of the Interior to recommend to the Congress a model code governing the administration of justice by courts of Indian offenses on Indian reservations; to protect the constitutional rights of certain individuals; and for other purposes.

IS NOT ANYONE ON OUR SIDE?

Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Florida?

There was no objection. Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, Stokely Car

michael is back. I am told that he received quite a noisy welcome from the kook element. As far as I can determine, the Department of Justice did not join in the welcome but did not do much about the fact. that he has preached insurrection and the overthrow of the American Government through the Communist press all over the world. True, his pa~port has been taken from him. That mild restraint does not stop his activities against our country. When I insisted to the Department of Justice that more adequate steps be taken, I was told his activities were under investiga-

- tion. This seems an extremely poor method with which to deal with a troublemaker of his caliber. The Department of Justice has had ample time to investigate Mr. Carmichael's machinations. Their weasel-wording gives small comfort to the American people about the Department's intentions for dealing with insurrectionists or re~olutionists.

It is beginning to appear that there are some in the Department of Justice

who are obstructing the proper discharge of its responsibilities. It is time to get rid of them and of any others who simply are trying to a void doing their duty. They may be doing as much harm to the American ideal as the Carmichaels.

While this comparative indifference to the workings of Communists by the Department of Justice was being broadcast to the world, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled unconstitutional the law which was intended to bar Communists from working in defense plants. In other words, the very people who are seeking to destroy the American system of government and the American way of life are being authorized to do as much damage as they possibly can, even in the defense plants of the Nation.

This incomprehensible attitude on the part of the Supreme Court fits into the pattern which it has established in previous ultraliberal rulings. It is tragic to realize that these rulings have obstructed police action, freed criminals, and encouraged anarchists. They have placed obstruction after obstruction in the way of those who believe in America and who are seeking to def end its institutions. These rulings are irresponsible ; they are not based on any reasoning which takes into account the future of the Nation. The efforts of Congress to curb the activities of Communists have been reversed time after time. I wonder how long the Nation and its Congress will tolerate this situation. It is probable that a thousand bills have been introduced to correct these problems and are now before the Congress. But no action has been taken and none is scheduled. I doubt that any situation before the Congress is more serious or that any action is needed more.

MISS EULALIA HOTZ-25 YEARS IN PUBLIC SERVICE

Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Illinois?

There was no objection. Mr. PRICE of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, it

was my pleasure· on Saturday night, December 9, to attend a dinner at the Mineral Springs Hotel in Alton, Ill., in observance of the 25th anniversary of Miss Eulalia Hotz as county clerk of Madison County, Ill.

Miss Hotz is the only woman elected to county om.ce in Madison County history. But it was not because of this precedent that she was being honored by the capacity gathering of over 1,100 persons. It was because of her record-which also is precedent establishing in the manner of conduct and service to the people for all public om.cials to follow.

Serving in the omce since 1942, she is the third member of her immediate family to hold the post. Her father served as county clerk from 1922 until his death in 1932. He was followed by his son, Norbert, who retired in 1942. Well trained

as a deputy for several years Miss Hotz then sought election and after a successful campaign, she began her 25 years of service in December of 1942.

Miss Hotz' record has been outstanding in the service she has rendered and the. innovations she has made in the operations of her om.ce to increase its efficiency and effectiveness. Her efforts have brought statewide recognition. At the testimonial dinner she was presented with a plaque of recognition by the auditor of public accounts of the State of Illinois, Michael J. Howlett, which read:

Since the organization of the I111nois County Audit Advisory Board in 1963, Miss Hotz has served fai thfuly and well as a member.

In his remarks at the dinner, State Auditor Howlett said:

Although she has been recognized many times for her work against ~ncer and heart disease, and has served as president of the Illinois Association of County Officials, her contribution to better auditing of local government is not the least of her many accomplishments.

Highest commendations came to "Uke," as everyone knows her, from Gov. Otto Kerner; from Secretary of State Paul Powell, who came from Springfield to participate in the anniversary observance; from State Senators Paul Simons, Bill Lyons, and Dan Dougherty; State Representatives Sam Vadalabene and Leland Kennedy; and many of the civic · organizaitons of Illinois and Madison County.

From my personal acquaintance with "Uke" for over 30 years I can say no tribute to anyone was ever more deserved. It was an impressive affair and must have given Miss Hotz a feeling of satisfaction in knowing that her 25 years of public service is so deeply appreciated.

STOKELY CARMICHAEL

Mr. HANLEY. Mr. Speaker, I ask tinanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. rs there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York?

There was no objection. Mr. HANLEY. Mr. Speaker, today's

news reports indicate that Mr. Stokely Carmichael has returned to the United States after a protracted visit to many foreign nations, including North Vietnam, Cuba and several of the Iron Curtain countries.

Mr. Carmichael takes pains to proclaim the legitimacy of the Communist cause and the merits of the Communist system.

He speaks of the freedom of the people in the Communist nations, yet it must be remembered that he was a guest in those police states enjoying the privileges of the elite. I submit that the vast majority of citizenry in the "workers' paradises" have not felt more than a ripple of freedom in the whole tide of revolution.

I submit that Mr. Carmichael, either through naivete or through intellectual dishonesty, betrays the cause of those

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE .35929

he claims ta lead. · He castigates the system in' this country, -yet the fact that he struts around with impunity · belies his arguments. He publicly admires the policies of the police states, yet, as an individual citizen of any one of those states, he would be either dead or in jail if he so much as criticized theil'" system or leade·rship.

Literally dozens of my constituents have written me thoughtful letters about Mr. Carmichael's highly publicized world peace tour. They have wondered aloud how the likes of.Mr. Carmichael can flout the immigration laws, attempt to underi:nine the international commitments of this Nation and still stand outside the pale of the law. Unfortunately, adequate statutory controls over such situations are lacking. Only this morning Acting Secretary of State Katzenbach called upon ·Congress to provide the necessary legislative tools. I endorse that move heartily.

I do not know, nor have I ever met Mr. Carmichael. And so I am not in a position to comment on the man :Personally. I am, however, familiar with the bombastic pronouncements he. makes periodically. His cries for revolution, his open denunciations of America, his public love affair with Castro and Ho Chi Minh apparently do not bear culpability in the strictly legal sense, but they go far beyond the bounds of proper dissent. They bear the unmistakable stamp of a warped perspective.

CARMICHAEL GUILTY OF SEDITION?

Ml'. DORN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend my remarks.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from South Carolina? ·

The·re was no objection. Mr. DORN~ Mr. Speaker. Stokely Car

michael has toured the world for 5 months and according to reports has advocated the overthrow of the U.S. Government. Mr. Carmichael has called for the defeat of our .Armed Forces in South Vietnam. He was wined and dined and otherwise entertained by Communist leaders in Hanoi. He thus openly encouraged the Communist invader of South Vietnam. His conduct is without parallel in the history ·of our country. He went from one Communist country to another -including Castro's Cuba lambasting the United States and our fighting forces in South Vietnam. There is n-0 way to tell at this time how many American lives he will cost this Nation by his worldwide campaign to encourage the Communist forces of terror and aggression.

We must administer the law in this country fairly and impartially. We as a people and as. a nation ai:e dedicated to equal justiceunderthe law.

At a time when crime, lawlessness, and disor~er are on the increase, the Federal Government must be diligent in enforcing the laws of the land~ I urge the A.ttor·n;ey General to enforce our sedition laws,

laws against treason, laws against aiding the enemy, and laws against advocating violent overthrow of our Governmentall of which may apply to Mr. Carmichael. I believe · the Attorney General now has the tools at ·hand to deal with this situation-. If not, the Congres8 should be notified and we will pass. the necessary legislation.

ms-AN EXAMPLE OF THE ARROGANCE OF POWER

Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the HouSe for 1 minute. and to revise and ex,tend my remarks.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Missouri?

There was no objection. Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, today the

Johnson administration added another dimension to the "credibility gap.'~ Acting through the Internal Revenue Service, as published in today's Federal Register, the President has decided, without any new congressional authorization; to impose a tax on the advertising income of hundreds of nonprofit organizations including the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts of America, civic organizations such as the Kiwanis Club, the Lions Club, professional · organizations like the American Bar Association, the American Medical Association. and publications .Published by labor organizations, and similar groups.

This action can only be described as an exercise in the arrogation of power. It will cause a severe financial drain on the organizations which. taken together, comprise the very cultural heritage of our Nation, voluntary and self-policing training organizations; which in their efforts to improve the quality of American life do more for America. than all the Federal poverty programs combined, and do so at no expense to the taxpayer.

The IRS action is a pure and simple money grab, for no one can honestly believe that publications like Boys Life magazine pose, even remotely, a competitive threat to Life~ or Look, or Newsweek.. or Time, or any other publication whose market is not confined to members of a single organization.

It will raise precious little revenue, but it will certainly restrict the ability of the Boy Scouts of America from enriching the lives of young men and preparing them to better serve in positions of leadership in tomorrow•s world.

Does President Johnson and the IRS now propose that the Boy Scouts, or any of the more than 600 organizations that seek to improve the quality of American life, go hat in hand to the poverty pro- · gram to seek a. handout to replace the funds that will now be siphoned into the Fed.eral Treasury?' · I submit that this action is without a:ny legislative basis, and I implo-re the House Committee on Ways and Means to schedule hearings at- the earliest possible moment when Congress reconvenes next month, and allow the people~s representatives to .be. heard, on a. matter of vital importance to thoae. we represent..

BuLL ELEPHANTS Mr. LAIRD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unani

mous consent -to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request . of the gentleman from Wisconsin?

There was no objection. Mr. LAIRD. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of

my fellow Republican Congressmen I wish to pay tribute to. a fine organization on Capitol Hill called the Bull Elephants. The Bulls are a club comprised of male assistants to Republican Members of Congress. They meet about once a month to hear distinguished speakers discuss issues of importance. An additional purpose of the meetings is to promote fellowship among the various Republican offices. Besides meetings, the Bulls have sponsbred projects such as one this summer where wounded veterans of the Vietnam war were their guests at an -allday picnic barbecue. Within a week the chairman of the Bun ·Elephants·, Robert Bradford-POFF of Virginia-will present a check to the Salvation Army which represents voluntary donation by the members. These projects and programs reflect the good judgment and purpose of the Bull Elephants.

Speakers who have addressed the club range from President Eisenhower to Jim Lemon, manager of the Washington Senators baseball team. Other guest speakers have been Govs. John Love, of Colorado; Winthrop Rockefeller, of Arkansas; and Ted Agnew, of Maryland; Senator Ev DIRKSEN, my colleagues Representatives JERRY FORD and BOB WILSON, as well as Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Dr. Walter Judd, and Barry Goldwater. I have had the pleasure of addressing them too.

All Republican Members join .with me in saying "Thanks and a job well done" to the o:fficers and members of the Bull Elephants. They are chairman:- Robert Bradford-POFF, of Virginia; Patrick J. Breheny--Gaoss, of Iowa, treasurer; Don Deuster-McCLORY, of Illinois, secretary. Board members:. George Berg--KING, of New· York; Don· Zahn-BETTS, of Ohio; Carl Wallace-LAIRD, of Wisconsin; Rady Johnson-MARTIN, of Nebraska; Tom Lankford-minority; · Jerry Rey'1'.10lds-CLAU$EN, of California, and Hal Eberl-CORBETT, of Pennsylvania.

STOKELY CARMICHAEL Mr. MINSHALL. Mr: Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to address- the House :for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include ext:mneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Ohio?

There was no objection. Mr. MINSHALL. Mr. Speaker, like

many of .my colleagues, I am becoming increasingly alarmed and amazed at the failure of the Department of· Justice to do anything about Stokely Carmichael. Accordingly, I have sent a telegram today to our· Attomey General and a copy to the White House. The telegram reads as follows:

35930 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 Stokely Carmichael has just received a

hero's welcome in New York after a worldwide tour in which he hobnobbed with our Nation's enemies in Havana and Hanoi. Carmichael spewed hatred and advocated the violent overthrow of our Government not only in this country but in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe. Where was the Justice Department yesterday when he returned? He is clearly in violation of laws already on our books applicable to sedition, advocating overthrow of the Government, and activities affecting our Armed Forces. When I demanded the arrest of this traitor on July 28 you advised me that you were "looking into" his activities. What more evidence do you need to make an arrest? Why do you refuse to carry out your duties as Attorney General to uphold and support the Constitution of the United States?

STOKELY CARMICHAEL

Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Alabama?

There was no objection. Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.

Speaker, the State Department yesterday asked Congress to impose criminal penalties on persons who violate passport regulations in traveling to countries on the Department's restricted list. This action was obviously taken because of the concern of the citizens of this country for the most recent actions of one Stokely Carmichael.

This is a welcome action. But where was the State Department when Members of Congress made the same proposal months ago? My bill to do this exact same thing is H.R. 12315, introduced August 14, 1967. Has the State Department just now discovered that there is no authority to punish people today for traveling to an area which is restricted; that there is no authority to punish passport violators of the Stokely Carmichael type.

Let us act now to enact this legislation. There is no reason why it could not be done in a few hours time. It is needed. There is full justification for it. We should have passed it long ago. I welcome the State Department's support for the proposal. But the support is long overdue.

PERMISSION FOR COMMITTEE ON VETERANS' AFFAIRS TO HAVE UNTIL MIDNIGHT TONIGHT TO FILE REPORT ON H.R. 12555

Mr. ALBERT. Mr. S~eaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Veterans' Affairs may have until midnight tonight to :file a report on H.R. 12555, to amend title 18, United States Code, to liberalize the provisions relating to payment of pensions, and for other purposes.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Oklahoma?

There was no objection.

CREATION OF NEW DIVISION FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS

Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to take from the Speaker's desk the bill (H.R. 8338) to create a new division for the western district of Texas, and for otheT purpo·ses, with Senate amendments thereto, and concur in the Senate amendments.

The Clerk read the title of the bill. The Clerk read the Senate amend

ments, as follows: Page 2, line 7, strike out "Midland.'" and

insert: "Midland. Court may be held, in the discretion of the court, in Odessa, when courtroom facilities are made available at no expense to the Government.' "

Page 2, after line 7, insert: " ( 4) by deleting the word 'six' in the first

sentence of subsection {d) and inserting in lieu thereof the word 'seven'.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Texas?

Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, if I understood the gentleman from Texas correctly, he has checked this with the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. McCULLOCH], the ranking minority member of the committee, and other members of the Judiciary Committee?

Mr. BROOKS. That is correct. Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, will the gen

tleman yield? Mr. ARENDS. I yield to the gentleman

from Missouri. Mr. HALL. Will the gentleman from

Texas advise us as to whether there are any extraneous amendments from the other body that were added to this bill, or if anything that was added involves cost to the taxpayers, is nongermane, o·r if there is any difference whatsoever in the bill from the torm in which it was when it left the House?

Mr. BROOKS. All amendments are germane. It will not cost one additional cent to the U.S. Government, as the amendment clearly states.

Mr. HALL. If the gentleman will yield further, what amendments were added?

Mr. BROOKS. They added one amendment which, as stated by the Clerk, reads as follows:

Midland. Oourt may be held, in the discretion of the court, in Odessa, when courtroom facilities are made available at no expense to the Government.

This is about 20 miles from the authorized place to hold court.

Mr. HALL. I thank the gentleman. I know the area well and appreciate the motivation.

Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, further reserving the right to object, do we have the assurance that it is not envisaged at this time or in the future that the propased legislation will require an expenditure on the part of the taxpayers to build a brand new Federal court building with all the trappings that go with it?

Mr. BROOKS. There is no contemplation that the amendment will cost the taxpayers a thing at this time.


There was no objection. The Senate amendments were con

curred in. A motion to reconsider was laid on the

table.

SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS, 1968

Mr. MAHON, from the Committee on Appropriations, reported the bill <H.R. 14397) making supplemental appropriations for the year ending June 30, 1968, and for other purposes <Rept. No. 1037), which was ref erred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed.

UNIFORMED SERVICES PAY ACf OF 1967-CONFERENCE REPORT

Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I call up the conference report on the bill <H.R. 13510) to increase the basic pay for members of the uniformed services, and for other purposes, and ask unanimous consent that the statement of the managers on the part of the House be read in lieu of the report.

The Clerk read the title of the bill. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to

the request of the gentleman from South Carolina?

There was no objection. The Clerk read the statement. The conference report and statement

a.re as follows:

CONFERENCE REPORT (H. REPT. No. 1017) The committee of conference on the dis

agreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 13510) to increase the basic pay for members of the uniformed services, and for other purposes, having met after full and free conference, have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendments of the Senate numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14; and agree to the same.

Amendment numbered 5: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 5, and agree to the same with an amendment as follows: On page 2 of the Senate engrossed amendments, line 12, strike out "September 30" and insert the following: "October l"; and the Senate agree to the same.

Amendment numbered 15: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 15, and agree to the same with an amendment as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be stricken out by the Senate amendment insert the following:

"SEC. 10. Chapter 7 of title 37, United States Code, is amended:

" ( 1) By inserting the following new section: " '4lla. Travel and transportation allow

ances: travel performed in connection with convalescent leave

" ' (a) Under uniform regulations prescribed by the Secretaries concerned, a member of 1 uniformed service is entitled to travel and transportation allowances for travel from his place of medical treatment in the continental United States to a place selected by him and approved by the Secre-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE 35931 tary concerned, and return,. when the Secretary concer.ned determines tha.i t;tie member is traveling in connection with authorized leave for convale::cence from illness. or injury incurred while the member was eligible for the receipt of hostile fire pa! under section 310 of this titie.

.. '(b) The allowances prescribed under this section may not be at rates more than the rates authorized under section 4Q4 (d) ( 1) of this title. A utho.rized travel under this section is performed in a duty status.'

" ( 2) By inserting the following new item in the analysis: "'411a. Travel and transportation allow

ances: travel performed in connection with convalescent leave.'"

And the Senate agree to the same. L . MENDEL RIVERS, PHILIP J. PHU.BIN, F. E. HEBERT, MELVIN PRICE, L . ARENDS, ALVIN E. O'KONSKI,

W. BRAY, Managers on the Part of the House.

RICHARD B. RUSSELL,

JOHN c. STENNIS, STUART SYMINGTON~ HENRY M. JACKSON, MARGARE'l'. CHASE SMITH, STROM THURMOND,

Managers on the Part of the Senate.

STATEMENT·

The managers on the part of the Hbuse at the conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Hou::es on the amendments o! the Senate to the bill (H.R. 13510) to inCTease the basic pay for members of the Uniform.ed Services and for other purposes, submit the following statement in explanation of the effect of the action agreed upon by the conferees and recommended in the accompanying conference report:

The House, on Octo-ber 26, 1~7, passed H.R. 13510 and referred it to the Senate for action.

The Senate, on November 29, 1967, passed H.R. 13510 with 15 amendments. Included in the 15 numbered amendments made by the Senate were 10 amendments which simply etrected technical, clerical, clarifying, or conforming changes. These amendments, numbered 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14, were accepted by the House conferees.

The remaining 5 Senate amendments~ numbered 1. 3, 5, 8, and 15, involved substantive changes to the House-passed bill.

The action of the conferees in respect to these substantive differences in the House and Senate actions is as follows:

Amendment No. 1: The House-passed bill authorized continuation pay for physicians and dentists payable in equal, yearly installments.

The Senate amendment- would permit. continuation payments to be paid in "annual or semi-annuaI" installments ..

The House confereeet therefore receded from their position and accepted the Senate Ianguage.

Amendment No. 3: Under the House-passed bill authorizing continuation pay for physicians and dentists, there was no statutory requirement for an annual report to the Congress.

The Senate amendment adds a new subsection which requires an annual written report on the operation of this special pay program to the Committees on Armed Services of the Senate and House of Representatives.

The House conferees receded from their position and therefore accepted the Sena.te. language.

Amendment No. 5: The House-passed ·bill included a refinement in the :rormula :for adjusting retired pay on the basis of changes in the Consumer Price Index. This change was

recommended by the Department of Defense and was. adopted. by the House without change.

Subsequent ta the House adoption of this language in the biU, the Department of Defense advised the Senate that additional language in the nature of a savings- eiause was necessary in this pro.vif'tion of the bill ta avoid a posi:ible inequity.

The Department advised the Senate Armed Services Committee that: "We have found that a combination of the recent upward movement of the CPI, the transition to the proposed method of adjustment r just described, and the timing of the baste- pay raise now under consideraticrm has the almost certain p.ossibility of creating a new inequity.

"This amendment. will insure that those retbing after the effective date of this bill and before the next pay increase will receive as much 1.n retired pay as comparable members retiring before the effective date of this bill ...

The Department of. Defense further advises that it estimated additional costs of this savings clause in Fiscal Year 1968 will be ap.proximately $98,000; In Fiscal Year 1969', $72',000. with a declining eost in subsequent years.

The Senate adopted tlle language requested by the Department of Defense and approved by the Bureau of the Budget and incorporated as amendment number 5 to the House-passed bill.

The House conferees receded from their position and accepted the Senate amendment, With a technical amendment.

Amendment No. 8: The House-passed bUl, in Section 5, included language which would have authorized persons retired prior to October l, 1949, fo:r age or length of service to carry their years of inactive service as the equivalent of full-time active duty in computing their retired pay to the same extent as though they had been l"etired on or after October 1, 1949, and before June 1, 1958.

The Senate deleted Section 5 in its entirety since it was of the view that Section S, if enacte~ would reverse one of the basic. changes adopted by the Congress as part of the Career Compensation Act of 1949, with respect to- the matter of recognizing inactive reserve time for retirement purposes.

The Department, of Defense had also advised the Senate Armed Services. Committee that it was opposed to enactment of Section 5 of the House-passed bill.

The Senate conferees were adamant in their position and the House conferees therefore reluctantly receded from their position and accepted the Senate amendment.

Amendment No. 15: Section 10 of the House-passed bfil incorporated a House Floor amendment which provided that service personnel returning to the United States upon completion of a tour of duty in an area in whi.ch they had been entitled to the receipt o! hostile fire pay, would then be entitled to transportation at the expense of the United States to their home and thence to their new duty station.

This provision of the House-passed bill would, if enacte~ result in increased annual transportation costs to the Federal government of approximately $41,000,000.

The. Department of Defense opposed Section 10 of the House-passed bill.

The Senate concurred in the Department of Defense view on Section 10 of" the Housepassed bill and, therefore, by Amendment No. 15, struck Section 10 in its entirety.

The Senate conferees, in support of their position. pointed out that the provisions of Section 10 as written would inevitably have an adverse- effect on. the present successful program, recently approved by Congress, under which men who extend their Vietnam tour for six months are provided with a 30-day round trip to the United States at government expense. In view of the adamant

po.sition of the Senate conferees. on. this provision, the House conferees agreed to recede from their position. with a substitute ame"nd- . ment.

The substitute amendment, accepted by the Senate conferees in lieu of Amendment No.. :rs, wm provide an entitlement for travel and transportation allowances for those service members authorized convalescent leave provided that such convalescent leave resulted from illness or injur~ incurred while the member was performing duty which made him eligible for the receipt of hostile fire pay.

The new language agreed to by the conferees therefore provides that under uniform regulations prescribed by the Secretary concerned, ai member of a uniformed service is entitled to travel and transportation allowances for travel from his place of m .edical treatment in continental United States, to a place selected by h!m and approved by the Secretary concerned, and return, when the Secreta.ry concerned determines that the member is traveling in connection with authorized leave for convalescence from illness or injury incurred while the member was eligible for the receipt of hostile fire pay.

On t-he basis of information available to the conferees. it is estimated that implementation of this new provision of law will result in annual costs of approximately $2.7 million.

The Senate conferees therefore receded from their Amendment No. 15 and accepted the substitute amendment recommended by the House conferees.

L. MENDEL RIVERS, PHILIP J. PHU.BIN, F. E. HEBERT, MELVIN PRICE, L. ARENDS, ALVIN E. O'KONSKI, w. BRAY~

Managers on the Part of the Hou.se.

Mr. RIVERS (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the statement be dispensed with.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from South Carolina?

Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker. reserving the right to object, I assume that the gentleman is going to take some time to explain this?

Mr. RIVERS. Certainly. Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw

my reservation of objection. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to

the request of the gentleman from South Carolina?

There was no objection. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from

South Carolina.. is recognized for 1 hour. Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield my

self such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, on Friday, December 8.

1967, the House conferees on H.R. 13510, the uniformed services pay bill for 1967, met with their Senate contemporaries and reached agreement on the differences which existed between the House and Senate on this very important and timely legislative proposal.

The results of the conference and the · resolution of these differences have been outlined in detail in the statement of managers printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of December 8, 1967, as House Report No. 1017.

The uniformed services pay bill as drafted by your Committee on Armed Services and approved by you on October 26, 1967, was given a complete endorsement by the other body with the ex-

35932 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967

ception of two substantive provisions in the bill.

I will refer to these two differences and explain the action taken by the conferees.

The first major difference in the House and Senate versions of H.R. 13510 related to language which would have authorized persons retired prior to October 1, 1949, for reasons other than physical disability, the right to recompute their pay entitlements on the basis of the provisions of the Career Compensation Act of 1949.

The effect of the House action would have been to substantially increase the retired pay of this relatively small group of retired military personnel. However, the Senate conferees refused to accept this change since they were of the unanimous view that any action by the Congress to provide this group of retired personnel with a revision in their retired pay entitlement would automatically trigger demands from other retired military personnel for similar action.

As a consequence of the Senate conferees views on this matter, the House conferees reluctantly receded and accepted the deletion of section 5 from the House-passed bill.

The second and final major substantive change effected by the Senate, related to the language which appeared in section 10 of the House-passed bill.

As Members of the House will recall, this language was added by the House as a floor amendment. That language provided that service personnel returning to the United States upon completion of a tour of duty in an area in which they had been entitled to receive hostile fire pay, would then be entitled to transportation at the expense of the United States to their home and thence to their new duty station.

This provision, if enacted, would have resulted in an annual increase in transportation costs of approximately $41 million.

This provision was strongly opposed by the Department of Defense for a variety of reasons, and the Senate, therefore, deleted it from the bill in its entirety.

Despite the efforts of your House conferees to restore this amendment in its entirety, we were unsuccessful. Therefore, a compromise was finally achieved when your House conferees recommended a substitute amendment.

The substitute amendment, accepted by the Senate conferees, will provide an entitlement for travel and transportation allowances for those service members authorized convalescent leave pr.ovided that such convalescent leave resulted from illness or injury incurred while the member -was performing duty which made .him eligible for the receipt of hostile fire pay,

Stated very simply, those military personnel who, while serving in a so-called combat area, receive either injury or suffer illness which necessitates their return to the United States and subsequent medical treatment, will during such period of medical treatment, and when they are physically able to enjoy convalescent leave, be given transporta-

tion from the medical facility to their homes and back to the medical facility.

I am sure that every member of this body agrees that we can do no less for these dedicated service personnel.

The cost of this substitute amendment is nominal and should not exceed more than $2.7 million annually. It will, of course, happily, no longer apply when we no longer have our military personnel serving in a combat area.

The Senate conferees had no objection whatsoever to this compromise amehdment and, therefore, the House-Senate differences were amicably resolved.

All of the conferees were most anxious to resolve the relatively minor differences that existed in this bill since we were mindful of the significance that this bill will have on the morale of our military personnel.

The conferees, and particularly your House conferees, were anxious that this bill and its benefits be signed by the President and enacted into law in time to provide our military families with a genuine Christmas bonus from a grateful nation.

The increased pay provided by this bill is retroactive to October 1. Therefore, every member of the uniformed services will, in addition to receiving future increases in his basic pay rates, will also receive a Christmas bonus reflecting these increases for the 3-month period of October, November, and December of this year.

You and I know that our service families are certainly not overpaid. This bonus, particularly at this time of the year, will, therefore, be welcome indeed.

I want every military member to know that his Committee on Armed Services and his Congress, is determined to provide him with a level of compensation which will enable him and his family to enjoy a standard of living equal to that of his civilian contemporaries.

As you know, incorporated in this bill, H.R. 13510, is a provision which insures that our service personnel will receive future pay increases comparable to that provided their Federal civilian contemporaries.

The Pentagon was opposed to language inserted by your Committee on Armed Services in this bill which guarantees service personnel automatic pay increases when their classified civil service contemporaries receive salary adjustments. The Pentagon, in opposing this provision, says that it will recommend necessary increases for military personnel in the very near future. Perhaps the Pentagon will, on this occasion, perform. However, if it fails to "deliver" on its promises, the Congress will not. This is guaranteed by the provisions of this bill.

Since Federal classified employees are now scheduled to receive an additional pay increase on July 1, 1968, and July 1, 1969, approximating an estimated 4.4 percent in 1968 and approximately 7.4 percent in 1969, comparable increases will automatically go to our service personnel. These increases in service pay over the next 2 years should, therefore, amount to approximately 16.3 percent, representing a total pay increase for our service families of more than $2.7 billion.

We can do no less for our dedicated

military personnel than we are doing for our civil service employees. This bill makes crystal clear this policy of the Congress. Let every service family be assured from this day on that a grateful Congress is aware of their indispensable contribution toward insuring our future survival.

I therefore urge unanimous approval of this conference report.

I might add at this point, that the floor amendment which raised the issue of transportation for servicemen returning from Vietnam was one offered by the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. SMITH]. We are therefore indebted to Mr. SMITH for providing the conferees with an opportunity to work out in conference, the reasonable compromise solution which I have just explained.

Mr. Speaker, I am glad to yield to the gentleman from Iowa at this time.

Mr. SMITH of Iowa. Mr. Speaker, I am sorry that the Senate reduced the scope of the amendment which I had offered in the House which provided a trip home for the servicemen and which with the cooperation of the chairman, Mr. RIVERS, became a part of the House bill. Especially during the first years, 2 years, our servicemen are greatly underpaid. They receive no adjustment and moving allowance and do not even receive travel expenses to go home at least once per year. Most business, Job Corps enrollees, Peace Corps members, and many others who are sent away from their home to work or train are provided travel home at least once per year but not our servicemen.

With one out of 400 Americans in Vietnam, surely the other 399 should at least pay for a trip home from the point of debarkation for the returning veteran from combat areas. That was all the amendment I offered in the House provided but the Senate cut that to exclude all except those convalescing disabilities incurred in service.

I hope the committee will hold hearings and pass the bill or a bill similar to the one I introduced several months ago which will at least provide one trip per year during the first 2 years of service. That is the least we should do for these men, most of whom are suffering both financially and otherwise compared to the 99 percent who are not in service.

With the cooperation of the chairman of the committee, the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. RIVERS], the amendment was included in the House bill and without that I assume there would not have been any travel provision in the bill. I hope this is a prelude to full consideration of the issue and I am thankful for the support of the gentleman from South Carolina whose powerful influence will most likely result in passage of a bill.

Mr. RIVERS. I understand the gentleman's views on this matter and certainly will keep them in mind.

The Department of Defense did not favor the bill we wrote. The Department would have preferred limiting the bill to the first stage increase of 4.5 percent and advised that future increases were the subject.of continued "study."

Our committee has come to realize that when the Department of Defense says

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35933 that something is "under study" it means no decision, so we did not accept this "under study" gimmick and we wrote our own bill along lines which will insure that our service personnel will receive pay increases that parallel those provided classified and civil service employees.

There is now before the Department of Defense a compensative study and report from a committe headed by Admiral Hubbell, which takes in the whole spectrum of pay and allowances, BAQ, subsistence and other items of service compensation. This report is supposed to come over to Congress some time in the near future. It is hoped that will be next year. At that time we will have ample opportunity to discuss it along with possible additional changes to transportation allowances for service personnel.

We do owe the gentleman from Iowa a debt of appreciation and gratitude for his insistence, for his help and for his suggestion in this area.

Mr. SMITH of Iowa. Again I want to thank the gentleman from South Carolina. I must in passing mention again that only one out of 400 Americans is in Vietnam. It seems to me the least we can do for the boys in Vietnam is to pay for their cost of travel.

Mr. RIVERS. I thank the gentleman. Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, will the

gentleman yield? Mr. RIVERS. l yield to the gentleman

from Iowa. Mr. GROSS. Am I correct in assuming

that the conference report carries a two-stage increase, in addition to the first increase, which is retroac.tive to October l?

Mr. RIVERS. That is correct. Mr. GROSS. Then there is an increase

in 1968? Mr. RIVERS. One in 1968 and the

other in 1969. Mr. GROSS. And one in 1969? Mr. RIVERS. That is correct. Would the gentleman want me to am

plify on that? That is roughly a total cumulative 16.3-percent basic pay increase in all these incremental stages for the military personnel.

Mr. GROSS. But there is no Presidential Commission to fix pay for the military thereafter?

Mr. RIVERS. No, there is no Presidential Commission in this. This will be the law. These will automatically occur.

Mr. GROSS. I am pleased to know there is no Presidential Commission to fix the pay of the military. As the distinguished gentleman is aware, I was absolutely opposed to the Presidential Commission to recommend salaries for Members of Congress and others.

Mr. RIVERS. I should like to say something else. Will the gentleman listen?

Mr. GROSS. Yes. Mr. RIVERS. The last time this bill

was presented the present speaker misunderstood the gentleman. I may have said something that was not timely. I do not want to say it today, because the gentleman has been a great help to our eommitteee. I want to thank him for his · help today and in the many days past. His discussions have always been helpful to us, and I am very grateful for them.

Mr. GROSS. I appreciate the gentleman's statement very much, and assure him of the high regard I have for him. Perhaps I should say to him, however, that as with the original pay increase authorization bill, I will be compelled to vote against this conference report because I could not support the two-stage forward pricing, if I may put it that way, in the pay bill for the civilian employees of the Federal Government, and I cannot support the forward pricing or pay increases projected into the uncertain future of the next 2 years. To be consistent I must vote against this bill. As with civilian employees I would have voted for one pay increase for the military, retroactive to last October 1.

Mr. RIVERS. There is no Member of this House of Representatives who is more dedicated to his opinion than the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. GRossl. I never questioned any vote that the gentleman cast. I know he comes to these decisions after deep study. He has my affection, respect, and deep gratitude.

Now, Mr. Speaker, I want to yield to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. ARENDS].

Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for yielding to me.

I want to commend the gentleman from South Carolina, the chairman of the committee, for his diligence and continuing work in this business of providing additional pay to the men in the service. It has been something that he has worked on so hard and for such a long, long time. Those of us on the committee have been pleased to help and cooperate with him in what we think is well deserved attention to those in the military who mean so much to each and every one of us.

Again, Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman for his action and agree with him heartily that we should adopt this conference report today.

Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished minority whip and the ranking minority member on our committee, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. ARENDS], for that statement. His knowledge, attention, sympathy, and undertanding of the problems of the military over long years of service make my job an easy one. His cooperation is a part of this, and I thank him for it.

Now, Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from New York ·[Mr. PIRNIE], one of the ranking members of our committee.

Mr. PffiNIE. Mr. Speaker, I want to say to the gentleman in the well that it is a very interesting reaction to the person who moves among servicemen and finds them so appreciative of the leadership that you have given our committee in looking out for their interests and considering their problems, and particularly in evaluating the responsibilities of their career decisions which they have to make. We know that they in the service have families to consider and problems of living, housing, and education. They feel that under your leadership our committee has been responsive to their needs. I believe in the long run we are best serving the interests of our Nation by so doing. I wish to express

my pleasure at being associated with your efforts in this regard and in following your leadership.

Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished gentleman. May I say that there is no more dedicated Member than the gentleman from New York [Mr. PIRNIE]. He happens to be one of the great authorities on military justice. Indeed, through his efforts down at Charlottesville, Va., there was established a school of military ju~tice. His knowledge and assistance along with that of other Members have been most helpful.

Mr. Speaker, I want to say this for every member of our great committee, the largest legislative committee in the House--we have a dedicated committee, Mr. Speaker. The needs of the men in uniform are their first responsibility and get ~heir first attention. It is easy to preside when we have men of this makeup, this dedication, and this motivation, working for the good of the country and for the good of the men who are keeping us free.

Mr. Speaker, I also want to say this: On yesterday I was not here late in the afternoon because I went tip to New York to attend a dinner sponsored by the Freedom Foundation and the Medal of Honor Association for the Medal of Honor win..: ners of this country. There were over 30 of these Congressional Medal of Honor winners at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel last night. There was an overflow crowd · of Americans from all walks of life who attended this dinner. One of them was from the Joint Chiefs of ·staff. General Lemnitzer flew in from Brussels, one of the leading members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Army's last five-star general was there, Gen. Omar Bradley. Others were these of equal importance. However, the 30 Medal of Honor winners were there ranging from a four-star general in the Marine Corps to a three-star admiral in the Navy, also living and on active duty, as well as other officers, and one of the most recent holders of the medal, a boy 17 years old, a sergeant and a Medal of Honor winner.

Mr. Speaker, never have I been more inspired in my life than when I looked into the eyes of these men who had helped to save my country. Here I am, Mr. Speaker, representing this great body of Congress presenting to you and to my colleagues only a small token of our appreciation for what they have done.

Mr. Speaker, never, never, have I seen such patriotism, such dedication, or such enthusiasm.

However, Mr. Speaker, I was saddened too as I looked down the street and saw one Stokely Carmichael land, landing in this great country of the United States of America, thereby -reflecting upon the service of these men as a result of the statements which he has made abroad.

Mr. Speaker, all these men ask-all these men ask-is the opportunity to serve, the opportunity to fight for America.

I saw that lovely young lady who sings with Bob Hope, the young lady who has been there five times in Vietnam, pour out her heart with patriotic songs for the GI.

35934 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 She eame back and wrote a- heart

rending letter on behalf of a young soldier, which began "Although I know I shall die before you get this letter and the contents thereof".

The attitude and dedication of our service personnel represents something that just makes my heart melt with tears, it should be an inspiration to all of us-and should make us say, "What can we do for our country?"

But, Mr. Speaker, more than all of these things, there are today in Vietnam over 500,000 of our boys. There is also in Europe a large number of service personnel-made up of Navy, Air Force, and Army personnel. I have recently visited these troops. I want to tell you this occurrence: On Thanksgiving Day I went to Berlin and had dinner with two companies of the 6th Infantry Regiment. I had to eat one-half meal with each group, although I had never had t~o Thanksgiving dinners; however, I enjoyed it. But, Mr. Speaker, it was an inspiration as I went from one company to the other and had a Thanksgiving dinner, to see the feelings- in the eyes of the boys, the boys of this country. I observed a patrol of these boys along the Berlin wall-of course, it is no longer a wall; it is an electrical fence with a "no man's land" beyond it, where no living man can walk.

Mr. Speaker, I came back with an inspiration which I cannot express to you, the Members of the House of Representatives.

I was not satisfied then. I went up to the area of Holy Loch, Scotland, to see our Polaris submarines which we have stationed there. I ate with those bqys. This, too, was an inspiration.

Right now, Mr. 8Peaker, in fact, in Southeast Asia I have a subcommittee of the full Committee on House Armed Services, an interim committee, which will file a report and which report I snall present to 'the House at a later date. They have not returned as yet. However, this special committee is headed by the distinguished gentleman from Virginia [Mr. HARDY].

But, Mr. Speaker, I want to say that we cannot do enough for these boys. They are not asking, as the late great distinguished General MacArthur saidthey are not questioning from dripping dawn to drizzling dusk the stench of the jungle, the filth and the horrors of the foxholes; they are fighting the vermin of the jungles, fighting the serpents of the jungles, fighting the animals of the trees, the insects, the pestilence, the plague, the malaria, as well as other diseases along with fighting the enemy; they are doing this only for an opportunity to serve America, and to see the experience through which these men have gone and are now going, nothing makes my heart burn or bleed more for them. ·

Mr. Speaker, this' is the least I can do. I am constantly reminded-and I hope

the Members of the House do not mind my repetition of that prayer that was sent to me just the other day from an unknown author-and I do not know who sent it-but it went like this:

Oh, God, as I go· my uncaring way, help. me to remember that somewhere up there a young man died !or me today.

So long as there be war, if there must be war, I must ask and I must answer,

Am I worth dying for?

Mr. Speaker, we may not be worth dying for, but they are not questioning; they ask only to serve you and me.

Mr. Speaker, this report of your conf e.rees from your Committee on Armed Services, doing your work and carrying out your orders, is the least we can do, with great humility and with great pride.

Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I present this conference report to you and the entire membership of the House and ask for its early, immediate and unanimous approval.

The SPEAKER pro tempore <Mr. HOLIFIELD). The gentleman from South Carolina has consumed 18 minutes.

Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time.

Mr. Speaker, I move the previous ques-tion. on the conference report.

The previous question was ordered. The conference report was agreed to. A motion to reconsider was laid on the

table.

NAVAL VESSEL LOANS Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I call up

the conference report on the bill <H.R. 6167) to authorize the extension of certain naval vessel loans now in existence and a new loan, and for other purposes, and ask unanimous consent that the statement of the managers on the part of the House be read in lieu of the report.

The Clerk read the title of the bill. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there

objection to the request of the gentleman from South Carolina?

There was no objection. The Clerk read the statement. The conference report ·and statement

are as follows :


agreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 6167) to authorize the extension of certain naval vessel loans now in existence and a new loan, and for other purposes, having met, after full and free conference, have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate to the text of the bill and agree to the same with an amendment as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the Senate amendment insert the following:

"That, notwithstanding section 7307 of title 10, United States Code, or any other law, the President may extend on such terms and under such conditions as he deems appropriate the loan of ships, previously authorized as indicated, as follows: ( 1) Argentina, three destroyers (Act of July 18, 1958 (72 Stat. 376)); (2) Brazll, two destroyers and two submarines (Act of July 18, 1958 (72 Stat. 376)); (3) Chile, two submarines and two destroyers (Act of July 18, 1958 (72 Stat. 376)); (4) Colombia, one destroyer (Act of July 18, 1958 (72 Stat. 376)); (5) Federal Republic of Germany, one destroyer (Act of August 5, 1953 (67 Stat. 363), as amended by Act of August 3, 1956

(70 Stat. 967)); (6j Greece; one submarine (Act of August 5, 1953 (67 Stat. 363), as amended by Act of August 3, 1956 (70 Stat. 967)), two destroyers (Act of October 4, 1961 (75 Stat. 815) ); ·(7) Korea, two destroyer escorts (Act of August 5, 1953 (67 Stat. 363), as amended), one destroyer and one destroyer escort (Act of October 4, 1961 (75 Stat. 815)); (8) Portugal, two destroyer escorts (Act of August 5, 1953 (67 Stat. 363) as amended by Act of August 3, 1956 (70 Stat. 967)) ; (9) Spain, two destroyers (Act of August 5, 1953 (67 Stat. 363), as amended by Act of August 3, 1956 (70 Stat. 967)); (10) Peru, one destroyer (Act of July 18, 1958 (72 Stat. 376)).

"SEC. 2. Notwithstanding section 7307 of title 10, United States Code, or any other provision of law, the President may lend two destroyers to the Government of Korea and one destroyer to the Republic of China, in addition to any ships previously authorized to be loaned to these nations, with or without reimbursement and on such terms and under such conditions as the President may deem appropriate. All expenses involved in the activation, rehabilitation, and outfitting (including repairs, alterations, and logistic support) of ships transferred under this section shall be charged to funds programmed for the recipient government as grant military assistance, or as reimbursable, under the provisions of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, or successor legislation. The authority of the President to lend naval vessels under this section shall terminate on December 31, 1969.

"SEC. 3. All new loans and loan extensions executed under this. Act shall be for periods not exceeding five years, but the President may in his discretion extend such loans for an additional 'period of not more than five years. Any agreement for a new loan or for the extension of a loan executed under this Act shall be made subject to the condition that the agreement may be terminated by the President if he finds that the armed forces of the borrowing country have engaged, at any time after the date of such agreement, in acts of warfare against any country which is a party to a mutual defense treaty ratified by the United States. Any agreement for a new loan or for the extension of a loan executed pursuant to this Act shall be subject to the condition that the agreement shall be immediately terminated upon a finding made by the President that the country with which such agreement was made has seized any United States fishing vessel on account of its fishing activities in international waters, except that such condition shall not be applicable in any case governed by international agreement to which the United States is a party. All loans and loan extensions shall be made on the condition that they may be terminated at an earlier date if necessitated by the defense requirements of the United States.

"f?Ec. 4. No loan may be made or extended under this Act unless the Secretary of Defense, after consultation with the Joint Chiefs of Stafi', determines that such loan or extension is in the best interest of the United States. The Secretary of Defense shall keep the Congress currently advised of all loans made or extended under this Act.

"SEC. 5. The President may promulgate such rules and regulations as he deems necessary to carry out the provisions of this Act."

And the Senate agree to the same. That the House recede from its diSagree

ment to the amendment of the Senate to the title of the Ho~ bill and agree to the same with an amendment as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the amendment of the Senate to the title of the bill, insert the following: "An Act to authorize the extension of certain naval vessel

I >

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35935 loans now in existence and new loans, and for other purposel3."

And the Senate agree to the same. L. MENDEL RIVERS, F. EDw. HEBERT, MELVIN PRICE,

• 0. C. FISHER,

LESLIE ARENDS, ALVIN E. O'KONSKI, BOB WILSON,

Managers on the Part of the House.

RICHARD B. RUSSELL, JOHN C. STENNIS, STUART SYMINGTON, HENRY JACKSON, MARGARET CHASE SMITH, STROM THURMOND,


STATEMENT

The managers on the part of the House at the conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 6167) to authorize the extension of certain naval vessel loans now in existence and a new loan, and for other purposes, submit the following statement in explanation of the effect of the action agreed upon by the conferees and recommended in the accompanying conference report:

BACKGROUND

House action The House passed legislation during this

session of the Congress authorizing the extension of existing loans of naval vessels to friendly foreign nations. During the consideration of this legislation the Committee added three new loans: one destroyer for the Republic of China and two destroyers for the Government of Korea. The House accepted the three new loans.

Senate action The Senate Armed Services Committee, in

its consideration of this legislation, eliminated the three new loans referred to above.

The bill was then referred to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. That Committee further amended the bill as indicated below.

The bill on the Floor of the Senate was still further amended in one respect, also as indicated below.

AMENDMENTS

As indicated above the Senate Armed Services Committee amended the legislation by eliminating the new loans to the Government of Korea and. the Republic of China. The Senate passed the bill in this fashion. After extended discussion the conferees agreed that these new loans should be included in the legislation.

The Senate recedes. This ship loan legislation, as presented to

the Congress, would have permitted an original loan period of five years with discretion in the President to extend the loans for an additional period of five years. The Foreign Relations Committee modified this portion of the bill to restrict the loans to a single five year period. - After dfscussion the conferees agreed that the two five year periods should· be included in the bill.

Th.e Senate recedes. The Senate Floor amendment to the legis

lation reads as follows: "Any.agreement for the extension of a loan

executed under the first section of this Act shall be made subject to the condition that the agreement may be terminated by the President if he finds that the armed forces of the borrowing country have engaged at any time after the date of such agreement, in acts of warfare against any country which is a party to a mutual defense treaty ratified by the United States."

The conferees agreed that this language should be included in the legislation. This

language was slightly modified in view of the reinsertion of the three new loans.

The House recedes. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee

further amended the bill by the insertion of the following language:

"Any agreement for the extension of a loan executed pursuant to the first section of this Act shall be subject to the condition that the agreement will be immediately terminated upon a finding made by the President that the country with which such agreement was made has seized any United States fishing vessel on account of its fishing activities in international waters, except that such condition shall not be applicable in any case governed by international agreement to which the United States is a party."

This matter has been the subject of extended discussion in the Congress for some years and it was agreed by the conferees that this language should be included in the legislation. This language was slightly modified in view of the reinsertion of the three new loans.

The House recedes. Apprc;priate provision was made in the

language agreed upon by the conferees to insure that the Secretary of Defense keeps the Congress currently advised of any transfer or other disposition pursuant to this legislation.

The title was changed in view of the in-clusion of new loans.

L. MENDEL RIVERS, F. EDW. HEBERT, MELVIN PRICE, 0. C. F'IsHER, LESLm ARENDS, ALVIN E. O'KONSKI, BOB WILSON,


Mr. RIVERS (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the further reading of the statement of the managers on the part of the House be dispensed with. ·

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from South Carolina?

There was no objection. Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield my

self such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, earlier in the session the

House passed legislation authorizing the extension of existing loans of naval vessels to friendly foreign nations. You will recall that the House has passed many such bills over the years.

During its consideration of this legislation, the House committee amended the legislation to authorize three new loans: one destroyer to the Republic of China and two destroyers to the Government of Korea.

The House supported the committee action and passed the legislation with these three new loans.

Nothing need be said to support these additions by the committee and later by the House; we all know of the firm friendship of the Republic of China and the large and capable military force that is stationed on the island of Formosa. This force has provided, and will continue to provide, a stability in that part of the world that could · be achieved in no other way.

With respect to Korea, we find the picture very much the same. There are some 50,000 Koreans :fighting alongside our own forces in Vietnam today. Korea, too, is our firm and s.talwart friend. Both countries have a real need for these ships and will use them effectively.

The Senate Armed Services Committee in its consideration of this legislation amended it to eliminate the three new loans.

In somewhat unusual fashion, the Senate committee, after its consideration of the legislation, referred it to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. That committee further amended the bill, and when the bill was considered on the floor of the Senate, still another amendment was adopted.

CONFERENCE

On last Friday, your conferees and the Senate confere.es met and agreed as follows:

First, the Senate agreed that the three new loans to the Republic of China and Korea should be included in the bill.

Second, where the House had permitted not only an original 5-year loan period but also gave the President discretion to make a further extension of an additional 5 years, the Senate cut this period to only the original 5 years. The conferees agreed that th~ House version should be accepted and it now will be two 5-year periods.

Third, the Senate inserted language in the bill which provided that a loan may be terminated by the President if he finds that the armed forces of the borrowing country have engaged, at any time after the loan is made, in acts of warfare against any country which is a party to a mutual defense treaty ratified by the United States. This was accepted by the House conferees. I think this is a sound provision.

Last, the Senaie amended the bill to provide that any loan agreement will be immediately terminated upon a :finding by the President that the country with which such an agreement was made has seized a U.S. fishing vessel on account of its fishing activities in international waters. As you will recall, this has been the subject of discussion on the floor of the House on many occasions in the past. The House conferees accepted this language and I feel that it is a very valuable addition to the bill.

I would like to say a further word about this. Not only is this amendment a valuable addition to the bill as a protective device to our fishing fleet, it is a manif es ta ti on of the importance to all Americans of their sovereignty as a nation and their dignity as a people. These fishing boats have been harassed in a most unreasonable and, in my opinion, illegal fashion. So long as I am a Member of Congress, I will oppose this harassment; I will oppose the arbitrary extension of national waters to the unreasonable and unrealistic ex~nt that this has been done by some South American countries.

Mr. Speaker, those are the results of the conference and I say with a real sense of gratification that the House came out ·of the conference in very fine fashion indeed.

Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. RIVERS. I yield to the gentleman. Mr. FINDLEY. I compliment the gen

tleman for bringing this report to the House.

359-36 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967

. I have a question which relates to news in the New York Times today. The story that I read reported that NATO is considering the establishment of a destroyer force which would operate in peacetime and be under a rotating command system. I think this is a very prQmising proposal. I wonder if this conference report and the bill that it deals with may help to make possible this joint destroyer force. It does provide for naval vessels, I believe, to Greece and Turkey; does it not, as well as to Portugal, of a size that r.ould be involved in this force? Is the gentleman acquainted with that propcsal?

Mr. RIVERS. The gentleman is. speaking of the multilateral force?

Mr. FINDLEY. Yes. Mr. RIVERS. There were three de

stroyers to begin with. I would like to know more about it.

They do have the capability to do this. But I do think it should be a NATO force. That is what NATO is for. We should not have to do all these things.

But I do not want this to be implemented to the point where it might extend into the Mediterranean and affect our 6th Fleet. You must remember that our 6th Fleet is a very large task force. If it is planned to implement it into the Mediterranean, I would like to have a look-see first. But so far as the three destroyers are concerned, I can really at this point find nothing wrong with it from what I know. But true to form, nobody ever discussed this with me-true to form, as I say.

Mr. FINDLEY. As I understand the proposal, it involves only destroyers and not warships of bigger class. One of its hopeful aspects was the possibility that this destroyer unit of a multinational character might have assignments in the Mediterranean and thus be an effective counter to Soviet influence in that area.

Mr. RIVERS. Last September I visited a NATO inspection base in Norway at a place that is the highest point that you can get to in Norway. They are quite disturbed, up beyond the Arctic Circle. They are quite disturbed about their proximity to the Soviet border. Should any breakthrough come, a destroyer group could be very helpful. This is a possibility. I do not know enough about it to be really for or against it. From what I have read, I feel that I would be fo'r it.

Mr. FINDLEY. I know from past experience that the distinguished chairman of the· Armed Services Committee is very keenly interested in Spain having a part in NATO. I just wondered if he has anything promising in that connection to report.

Mr. RIVERS. 'l:hat is very coincidental, I was just coming to that subject. I want you to understand this, and if any member of the press or a representative of the international crowd hears this statement, I want them to put thi.s in their media if they think it is worthy to be put in.

We might as well get-this point in our heads right now: · NATO is a group of nations designed to save Western Europe, and hence America. NATO has been cut in half, and

we might just as well recognize it. The north has .been cut from the south and the south has been cut from the north. The north can hardly get to the south and the south can hardly get to the north. We have a temporary agreement for overflights over France. France can stop those any time. The only reason they are not doing so, along with other silly things, is that De Gaulle has no early warning system, and the only early warning system to which he has access is the early warning system of NATO. He has no early warning defense. So he is staying in there because that system is helpful to himself.

He can lead France anywhere he wants to. That is his business. But when he leads them over my dead body and the bodies of 60,000 of my contemporaries in two world wars, then that comes under the heading of my business.

NATO has been cut in half. NATO is not as effective as you think it might be when we do not have all the parts properly put together. We need Spain in NATO. We have Portugal sitting out there in the Atlantic Ocean on the side of Spain, a member of NATO, but Spain is not in NATO. The only army on earth that ever beat the Communists on the field of battle was the Army of Spain, dedicated to opposition to communism.

We have Col. Houari Boumedienne, the Algerian avowed Communist, who is being loaded to the teeth by Communist Russia with implements of war of every kind. They are right across the straits from Spain. We have Portugal, Greece, Turkey, and Italy. We cannot get to them until we get Spain in NATO.

As I say, NATO is not as effective as you might want it to be, and, indeed, you may see the beginning of the end of NATO if the people in the Low Countries and Great Britain continue to keep Spain out of NATO.

Our country should exercise more of its power. It should be insistent that Spain come into NATO, because unless Spain comes into NATO we may see the end of it in our time. We need Spain in NATO, and to keep Spain out is not only ridiculous but it could also be suicidal. We have an investment in Spain of about a billion dollars. We have about $400 million in equipment in Spain. It is the only place where we can operate with our submarines. But there is no NATO Ihission there. If we land one plane there on a NATO missioh, Spain can say, "Get out." That is how simple it is.

In addition to that, we have A.C. & W. sites in Spain and other large bases in Spain. Spain is vital to America. Yet, some of these people are sitting in the Low Countries, keeping them out, because they do not like one Francisco Franco. I would rather trust him than one Charles de Gaulle any day in the week. I say this· to people everywhere in the world, that we had better take Spain in if she wants to come in. Spain is a great friend of our country-of America-and we had better keep that friendship. . Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.

Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr, RIVERS. I yield to the gentleman

from Alabama.

Mr. EDWARDS of ·Alabama-. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

I want to congratulate the chairman of the committee and the conferees for accepting the amendment having to do with the taking of fishing vessels in South American countries. It has been reported here on more than one occasion that frequently the South American countries have sent out the vessels we loaned to those countries, to take in our own fishing 'Vessels and slap heavy fines on them.

I certainly hope the administration will · enforce this provision. I think it is a good provision. Certainly we ought not to be lending our military vessels to those countries that are going to take our fishing vessels out of international waters.

Again I commend the conferees for accepting this Senate amendment.

Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.

I have no definite information that our own ships have been used in this mission, because I do not have any information on it. But it is very significant that this amendment did not originate in our committee. It did not originate in the Senate Armed Services Committee. It did originate in the Foreign Relations Committee. This is a significant development, because hlstorically the State Department has not been helping us on this. Whenever we got help from the Foreign Relations Committee, I accept it forthwith.

Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I think this is the most encouraging sign.

Mr. RIVERS. This is an unexpected windfall, and I am very glad to accept it.

Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? .

Mr. RIVERS. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, I hope I misunderstood what the gentleman said a few minutes ago. Did I understand correctly that the gentleman, the distinguished chairman of the Armed Services Committee, was not consulted in advance in regard to the destroyer proposal within NATO?

Mr. RIVERS. No. · The gentleman did not misunderstand me. This is par for the course. The gentleman did not ~isunderstand me.

Mr. FINDLEY. That is, to me, Mr. Speaker, shocking news that the legislative leader in military affairs in the United States would not have any advance information about a proposal as sweeping as this one is. But I say that not to be critical of the proposal, because I · consider it a hopeful one.

I do not see how the Executive can hope to have the right relationship with the Congress if it treats the distinguished chairman of the Armed Services Com-mittee in this manner. ·

Mr. RIVERS. I do not know whether I should be notified yet at this point, because NATO is a 15-nation outfit, and this may be in the early stages, so I cannot get angry about this. But we have been overlooked on other occasions. Maybe things will be better for the future, because somebody said one time:

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35937 As long as the light holds out to burn,

there is time for the violent sun to return.

Things may be better with DOD one of these days. Just wait and see.

Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield further?

Mr. RIVERS. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman was a delegate to the recent conference of the North Atlantic Assembly. I had the privilege of being a delegate at that time myself. . Mr.- RIVERS. Let me say this to the

gentleman. I am glad he said that. I and the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. BATES], the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. ARENDS], and the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. HAYS], our distinguished chairman to the NATO conference, attended. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. HAYS] is a very effective and very popular and very capable man. But every member of our committee worked hard. Also the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] and the gentleman from Illinois lMr. FINDLEY] attended. I forget all who attended. But nobody puts in more time than the gentleman from Illinois. He is very popular. Our proposals to NATO are now bearing fruit, and I want to congratulate the gentleman, who made some very strong speeches and got very favorable reception. After the gentleman left, I stayed there a day or so longer, and I heard comments on the magnificent address the gentleman from Illinois made. It was very helpful and very- effective for his country.

Mr. FINDLEY. I thank the gentleman. I did want to ask if the gentleman had

any reaction from the German delegates about ' the impact which the Nonproliferation Treaty might have on NATO. I gathered from some conversations I had that if we persist in driving ahead over the heads of the Germans, against what seems to be their own interest, to insist upon a treaty against the proliferation of nuclear weapons, it may have an adverse influence on the alliance.

I realize that this is not a subject of the conference report, but it is of great importance to Western Europe.

Mr. RIVERS. I hope that nonprolif eration does not mean keeping the Germans from getting nuclear energy, because any time they want it they can pay for it, like De Gaulle did.

I do not like these new words like "proliferation" and all the other crazy concoctions which come out of the mouths of people who do not understand.

If proliferation means that, they are not kidding Germany.

Mr. FINDLEY. Germans seem to interpret the proposed treaty as being directed action against them.

Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. RIVERS. I yield to the gentleman from California.

Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr .. Speaker, I .rise today in support of the conference report on H.R. 6167, which, authorizes the extension of certain U.S. naval vessel loans to a number of countries~

A significant amendment to this blll was made in the Senate and agreed to by

CXIII--2263-Part 26

the House conferees, of which I served as a member. The amendment would direct the President to reclaim vessels the United States has loaned to other nations if these are used to harass or seize our fishing boats on the high seas. '

This provision is particularly aimed at several Latin American countries which have used former U.S. NaVY vessels on loan to them in the seizure of AmeriGan tuna boats off their coasts. During our Armed Services Committee hearings on this bill, I asked the NaVY to supply us information on the number of former U.S. NaVY· vessels that have been used in the seizure of American tuna boats off South America in the past 5 years. The Navy's report showed that a U.S. minesweeper on loan to Peru has been used to seize three American tuna boats between 1962 and 1965, and that a fleet tug and a high-speed transport on loan to the Ecuadorian Navy have been involved in the seiure of five American fishing vessels between January and August of this year.

Now, the reclaiming of loan vessels from countries that seize our fishing boats in international water.; is not a permanent solution to the longstanding dispute over our rights to fish in waters inside of 200 miles off South America. However, this amendment will have the value of prodding the administration into action for a permanent solution and in showing off ending nations that we mean business in maintaining our rights to sail the high seas without interference.

I urge my colleagues to vote for the conference report on this legislation.

I commend my chairman for his leadership on this.

Mr. RIVERS. I thank the gentleman for his kind reference to me.

As the gentleman understands, only combatant ships are transferred by act of Congress. A YMS, a minesweeper, would not be transferred by legislation.

As the gentleman says, no ship which we give to these people-I do not care what its type or class may be-should.be used to harass our fishing fleet on the high seas.

Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, will the g~ntleman yield?

Mr. RIVERS. I am delighted to yield to my colleague.

Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, I want to indicate my wholehearted support of the remarks which the chairman of the committee has made with respect to the ship loan bill.

Testimony presented to our committee this year and over the past several years has indicated that the friendly foreign nations who are the recipients of these loans perform a function that we ourselves woald have to perform if it were not for the policy of lending ships in the fashion exemplified by this bill.

. The ships are old ones and they come from the reserve fleet. It is highly unlikely that we would ever take them out of mothballs for our own use and I can think of no better use for them than placing them in the hands of friends to perform antisubmarin~ patrols and other similar activities which, as I say, we would have to do ourselves if our friends were not doing it for us ..

In the case ·of China and Korea, there · are additional requirements for these ships. Korea, for example, is subject to constant penetration by North Korean patrol boats and the lending of ships to them is merely an extension of our existing military policy with respect to this country. · As the chairman has said, the Re

public of China is our good friend and from what I have heard, run these loaned ships in a highly efficient and effective fashiQ;l. - We did verYowell in the conference in

deed-the Senate amendments that we did accept actually in each instance improved the bill.

So, I will repeat that I fully support the remarks that the chairman has made and I urge that this conference report be accepted.

Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from California?

There was no objection. Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, we have

before us today th~ conference report on H.R. 6167 which authorizes the extension of several existing loans of naval vessels and the loan of three additional vessels.

When this bill was before the House on October 4 this year I voted against it. The bill has returned from conference in essentially the same form in which it left the. House, and consequently I am still opposed to it.

Why am I opposed to the loan of these ships?

I am opposed because I do not think this loan is the highest and. best use of American resources. I am opposed because I do not believe that the borrowing countries should be spending their dearly limited resources on the operation -0f obsolete navies instead of desperately necessary social programs. I am opposed because I believe that these ships may be misused to further -inhance the power and prestige of military forces in countries beset with difficulties in maintaining democratic rule. I am opposed because I do not believe that the United States should, at this time be providing military assistance to the military junta that is now ruling Greece and has repressed many of the most basic rights of its citizens.

Mr. Speaker, this loan is not the best use of our resources because frequently the loan of vessels is also accompanied by the extension of United States military assistance to defray part of all of the costs of operating and maintaining these vessels. These countries are all relatively poor countries with loss gross national products and per capita incomes. They are struggling to raise the living standards of their people. Our contribution should mainly be in the form of economic aid, not military assistance. As Secretary McNamara said at Montreal and as many of us have realized for years, security ultimately lies ·not in military might but in the abolition of ppverty, starvation, and deprivation.

Mr. SCHWEIKER. Mr. Speaker, I ask

35938 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 nnanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania?

There was no objection. Mr. SCHWEIKER. Mr. Speaker, I rise

in support of the conference report on H.R. 6167, which would extend existing loans of naval vessels to friendly nations and make three new ship loans.

The House last considered this legislation on October 2. In thj. meantime it has become clear that al~ng with the various loans we are making and renewing with this legislation, we must provide for the future naval security of the State of Israel.

The Elath, one of the two destroyers· in the Israel NavY, was sunk October 21 in the Mediterranean Sea off Port Said. Egyptian forces used an up-to-date Soviet missile fired from a guided-missile PI' boat.

This left the fledgling Israel Navy with only one destroyer in its fleet. Furthermore, it gave concrete foundation to reports that since the 6-day war last June the Soviet Union has been rearming Egypt with massive quantities of weapons, both conventional and sophisticated.

Five days after the sinking of the Elath, I introduced H.R. 13719, which would authorize the loan of a destroyer to the Israel Navy. I would hope tha:t through this measure, this Nation could prepare itself to come to Israel's assistance should Israel require an emergency loan of a destroyer to replace the Elath.

Unfortnnately my bill authorizing the loan of a destroyer to Israel came too late to be incorporated with the other ship loans in H.R. 6167. I hope my bill can receive prompt action by this body early in the next session.

Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Washington?

There was no objection. Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, I support

this conference report on H.R. 6167 and especially so because of the fact that the committee of conference adopted the Senate provision which provided that any naval vessel loan agreement shall be immediately terminated if the President of the United States finds a country with such an agreement has seized any U.S. :fishing vessel on account of its fishing activities in international waters.

I had urged the distinguished chairman of the House Committee on Armed Services to accept this Senate provision and I wish to say that I am gratified with the action of the House conferees.

Now I hope the Latin American countries will sit down and iron out our differences over seizure of American :fishing vessels fishing outside the 12-mile limit.

Mr. RIVERS. Mr. Speaker, I move the previous question on the conference report.

The previous question was ordered. The conference 'report was agreed to. A motion to reconsider was laid on the

table.

UNITED STATES-MEXICAN RELATIONS-LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES The SPEAKER. Without objection, the

Clerk will read a letter received by the Speaker from the President of the United States.

There was no objection. The Clerk read as follows:

THE WHITE HOUSE, Washington, D.C., December 6, 1967.

Hon. JOHN McCORMACK, Speaker of the House, U.S. House of Representatives.

DEAR JOHN: On the third anniversary of his administration-December 1-Mexican President Diaz Ordaz held a press conference in which he was asked to comment on the present state of United States-Mexican relations. This is how he replied:

Our relations, I believe, are at their best. I do not say they cannot be improved because everything that is human can be perfected: we can and should, as members of the government and peoples of both countries, make greater and lasting efforts to improve our relations. They are at present, however, exceedingly cordial and based fundamentally on an absolute reciprocity of respect and show of friendship and truth. I believe that deceit has no ethical justification even between enemies, but between friends it is unpardonable. Th~ language of friends is the language of truth.

I have had the opportunity to speak to President Johnson on various problems, and I can tell you that I have always had magnificent results telling him the truth. While I am on this point, let me pay homage to a country which among its virtues knows how to listen to, not just to tolerate, the truth. It listens to it attentively, meditates on the truth which is presented to them and acts accordingly. You and I were witness to the way in which the Congress of the United States listened to our modest words of truth, not simply tolerating what we had to say, but giving cordial attention to what was said by outward signs of their assent. In this respect, Congress simply reftects one of the traditional virtues of the American people: that of knowing how to tell and how to listen to the truth.

I bring these words of tribute to the U.S. Congress and the American people to your attention, thinking that you might want to bring them to the attention of your colleagues in the House of Representatives. '

Sin9erely, LYNDONB. JOHNSON.

CALL OF THE HOUSE Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I make the

point of order that a quorum is not present.

The SPEAKER. Evidently a quorum is not present.

Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I move a call of the House.

A call of the House was ordered. The Clerk called the roll, and the fol

lowing Members failed to answer to their names: ·

Abbitt Annunzio Aspinall Bates Battin Bell Bolling Broomfield

[Roll No. 434]

Button Carter Cell er Cowger Davis, Ga. Dickinson Diggs DUlski

Dwyer Erlenborn Ford, Gerald R. Fountain Green, Oreg. Halleck Hardy Harrison

Harsha Multer Heckler, Mass. Pepper Herlong Poage King, N.Y. Pool Kuykendall Purcell Lukens Resnick Martin Rosenthal Mathias, Md. St. Onge

Scott Snyder Stratton Watson Williams, Miss. Willis

The SPEAKER. On this rollcall, 386 Members have answered to their names, a quorum.

By nnanimous consent, further proceedings under the call were dispensed with.

SUBSTITUTION OF CONFEREE ON H.R. 7819, THE ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION AMENDMENTS OF 1967

Mr. PERKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask nnanimous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. HOLLAND] be relieved from further duties on the conference committee on H.R. 7819, to strengthen and improve programs of assistance for elementary and secondary education by extending authority for allocation of fnnds to be used for education of Indian children and children in overseas dependents schools of the Department of Defense, by extending and amending the National Teacher Corps program, by · providing assistance for comprehnsive educational planning, and by improving programs of education for the handicapped; to improve authority for assistance to schools in federally impacted areas and areas suffering a major disaster; and. for other purposes.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Kentucky?

There was no objection. The SPEAKER. The Chair appoints

the gentleman from Michigan CMr. O'HARA] as a conferee, and the Clerk will notify the Senate.

SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS, 1968

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to an order of the House on December 6, 1967, I move.that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill (H.R. 14397) making supplemental appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1968, and for other purposes; and pending that motion, Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that general debate be limited to not to exceed 2 hours, the time to be equally divided and controlled by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bow] and myself.


There was no objection. The SPEAKER. The question is on the

motion offered by the gentleman from Texas.

The motion was agreed to. IN THE COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE

Accordingly the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill H.R. 14397, with Mr. O'HARA of Michigan in the chair.

The Clerk read the title of the bill.

December 12, -1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35939 By unanimous consent, the first read

ing of the bill was dispensed with. The CHAIRMAN. Under the unani

mous-consent agreement, the gentleman from Texas [Mr. MAHON] will be recognized for 1 hour, and the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. BowJ will be recognized for 1 l;lour.

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes.

SUMMARY OF THE BILL

Mr. Chairman, this is the 17th appropriation bill to be considered by the House of Representatives during this first session of the 90th Congress.

This is not, in the usual sense, a final supplemental appropriation bill. Some 99.9 percent of the bill is for regular annual recurring purposes-the annual budgets, rather than supplementary items. No supplemental requests were sent by the President for consideration in the closing days of the Congress. This is a unique and very unusual circumstance.

This bill contains funds in the amount of $1,679,436,500, almost all of it in response to requests in the President's January budget. The bill before us is nearly 21 percent, or $441,348,500 below those budget estimates. The largest item, of course, is $1,612,500,000 for the antipoverty program. The appropriation for this program, generally speaking, would have been provided many months ago, except for the fact that there was no authorization bill and it was not possible to put the appropriation for the antipoverty program in the regular LaborHEW appropriation bill earlier in the year: HOUSE REDUCTIONS IN APPROPRIATIONS FOR THE

SESSION

I believe it noteworthy here, as we approach the end of the session, to say that we have reduced appropriations below the President's budget estimates to a greater extent than at any time in more than a decade. So far the House during this session, has reduced the budget estimates by some $6.2 billion, including this bill. For the ft.seal year 1968 bills only, the House will have reduced appropria .. tions by just over $6 billion.

It would be well to point out again that Congress is going to appropriate less for this fiscal year than for the last fiscal year, probably in the total sum of a billion dollars-perhaps a little over-depending upon the final decisions on the two bills which have not yet been finalized.

With the roughly $6 billion which apparently we will cut the appropriation bills, in the regular bills, and with the $3 billion additional cut in obligational authority which was approved in the House yesterday, a total of about $9 billion in obligational authority has been stricken by the House from the President's budget during this session. This would indicate that the House is interested in reducing the deficit and reducing the amount of money which the Treasury must go to the market to borrow in order to carry on the functions of Government.

I believe this bill now before us is a penditures in the legislative branch ·we step in the right direction. struck out funds available for the con

?ressional student intern program, which IS_ the summer program for interns. We did not include the legislative branch yesterday in the 2-percent reduction in personnel and in the 10-percent reduction in programs in connection witn the reduction proposals in House Joint Resolution 888, because there was no feasible way to do it. There is no budget officer in the House or the Senate who has the authority or th~ opportunity to reduce funds available to a Member for the running of his office or to reduce funds to the chairman for the running of a committee. There was no practical way to make these reductions, so we have eliminated funds totaling ..several millions of dollars which normally would have been appropriated.

ACTIONS PROPOSED IN THE BILL

If Members will look at the committee report they will find that there are several chapters. One involves independent offices; the Appalachia program. The gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Evrns] is the chairman of that subcommittee. ·

Then we have the Interior chapter; the Office of Saline Water is involved there. There is also an item for the Public Land Law Review Commission. The chairman of that subcommittee, as you know is the gentlewoman from Washington [Mrs. HANSEN].

Then we have the Office of Economic Opportunity. This is in chapter III of the bill. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. FLoonJ, is the chairman of that subcommittee. This chapter contains for the Office of Economic Opportunity the same amount as was appropriated last year in the original appropriation bill for the antipoverty program· that is, $1,612,500,000. '

And may I add at this point, so that the record will be crystal clear, Mr. Speaker, that we anticipate that the Congress would look with disfavor upon any supplemental request for · the antipoverty program. Whatever is finally appropriated in this bill is the amount that is to cover the entire fiscal year 1968. It is to be expected that the amount appropriated in th1s bill will be apportionedas in fact the antideficiency law requires-in such manner over the year as to avoid any need for a supplemental request.

The Committee on Appropriations also took a position on the matter. I include the following excerpt from the committee report:

The bill includes $1,612,500,000, the exact amount of the original appropriation for fiscal year 1967 and a reduction of $447,-500,000 below the budget estimates for 1968. The total appropriation for fiscal year 1967 shown in the following table includes $75,-000,000, which was a supplemental appropriation for certain summer programs. No request was made for such summer programs in the budget estimates for fiscal year 1968. The Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity testified that the appropriation finally enacted in the accompanying bill will be the amount that the Office will plan its programs within for the full year; in other words, he does not anticipate asking for a supplemental appropriation for 1968. The Committee is in complete agreement with this approach. It definitely is not the 'intention of the Committee to supplement this appropriation at a later date.

Let all responsible officials take due note of these remarks.

In the legislative branch, which is chapter IV, there was a request pending for considerably more than the House Committee on Appropriations approved.~ There were about $82 million involved in. 1_968 and future years, including $7 milhon for the proposed improvement of the Longworth Building for which an initial $500,000 was sought. A new library building, costing s.ome $75 million-with

· $2.8 million requested in this bill for plan&-was considered. However, all of these items were laid aside at this time. .

Members will also be interested. in knowing that in an effort to reduce ex-

As I said, in a further effort to save some funds, we have eliminated funds for the student summer intern program in Congress. This comes to about $300 000. Earlier in the year, when we had' the re_gular legislative bill before us, we eliminated the Office of the Coordinator of Information. It is not often that an office or an agency is eliminated but earlier in the year we did elimina~ the Office of the Coordinator in an effort to bring spending more into line at a time of great fiscal urgency.

Mr. Chairman, I believe that is all that it is necessary for me to say at this time. Various members of the Committee on Appropriations are present and we would be glad to discuss any aspects of the bill which may be of interest to the Members.

Mr. KUPFERMAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. MAHON. I yield to the gentleman. Mr. KUPFERMAN.Are you saying that

you have eliminated the payment for the summer intern program?

Mr. MAHON. The gentleman is correct.

Mr. KUPFERMAN. I cannot possibly understand how you can take a position like that. I think this is one of the best programs we have ever had for the good of the country and for the training of young people. I myself have already com .. mitted myself for a young man or young woman from my district who will prepare for this work.

I think a good many young peopl~ rely on this and we should not strike this program.

The CHAffiMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired.

Mr. MAH<?N. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 additional minute.

Mr. Chairman, we are involved in a wa:. We are borrowing money with which to finance the operations of the Government. The dollar is being challenged in various areas of the world. It was thought that these economies on housekeeping items of the House of Representatives could be justified. The intern program is a good program. My interns have been wonderful. I am going to try to squeeze out of my regular clerical allowance, funds w~th whic]?. to employ some young man or young woman for the summer. But, after all, we in Congress when calling upon the various agencies


of the various departments of the Government as well as the people at home to sacrifice, and those people facing a tax increase which will probably come next year, I think we can show to the country

that we, too, are tightening our own belts a bit.

Mr. Chairman, under leave to extend, I include a summary of the totals of the appropriation bills of the session:

COMPARATIVE SUMMARY OF APPROPRIATION BILL TOTALS, 90TH CONG., lST SESS., AS OF DEC. 12, 1967

[Does not include any "back door" type. appropriat.io~s, or perma.nent appropriatio~s _1 un~er previous legislation. Does include indefinite appropriations earned m annual appropriation bills)

All figures are rounded amounts

Bills for fiscal 1967 Bills for fiscal 1968 Bills for the session

A. House actions: 1. Budget requests for "appropriations" con-

$14, 411, 000, 000 2 3 4 $133, 04~ 000, 000 4 $147, 451, 000, 000 14, 238, 000, 000 2 3 126, 94 ' 000, 000 141, 183, 000, 000

sidered _____ --- ___ --- -- ____ -- ______ • __ 2. Amounts in 17 bills passed by House ______ _

3. Change from corresponding budget requests. -173, 000, 000 4 -6, 095, 000, 000 4 -6, 268, 000, 000

B. Senate actions: 14, 533, 000, 000 2 3 131, 153, 000, 000 145, 686, 000, 000

14, 457' 000, 000 2 3 128, 937' 000, 000 143, 394, 000, 000 1. Bu~N:~e~~~~~~~~-f~~-~·~~~r~~~~~~~~~~·-~~~~

· 2. Amounts in 16 bills passed by Senate. ____ _

- 76, 000, 000 -2, 216, 000, 000 -2, 292, 000, 000

+219, 000, 000 +3, 672, 000, 000 +3, 891, 000, 000

3. Change from corresponding budget requests. 4. Compared with House amounts in these 16

bills ________ - -_ -- ________ -_ - - - - - - -- - - -

C. Final actions:

14, 533, 000, 000 2 3 127, 334, 000, 000 141, 867, 000, 000 14, 394, 000, 000 2 8 122, 759, 000, 000 137, 153, 000, 009

1. Budget requests for "appropriations" con-sidered .. __ -- __________________ -- ____ _

2. Amounts approved in 15 bills enacted _____ _

3. Comparison with corresponding budget re-quests _______ -- -- -- -- ______ - - -- - - - - - - . -139, 000, 000 -4, 575, 000, 000 -4, 714, 000, OOi

1 Permanent appropriations were tentatively estimated in January budget at about $15,212,066,000 for fiscal year 1968. 2 Includes advance funding for fiscal 1969 for urban renewal and mass transit grants (budget, $980,000,000; House bill, $925,000,-

000; Senate bill, $955,000,000; enacted, $925,000,000) and for grants-in-aid for airports (budget, $75,000,000; House bill, $65,000,000; Senate bill, $75,000,000; enacted, $70,000,000).

a And participation sales authorizations as follows: Total authorizations requested in budget, $4,300,000,000; total in House bills, $1 946 000 000; total in Senate bills, $4,085,000,000; total enacted, $4,250,000,000.

• Excludes $138,182,000 budget estimates not considered in any appropriation bill. •

Note: Table prepared Dec. 12, 1967, in the House Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. MAcGREGOR. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield for a question?

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Texas has expired.

Mr. BOW. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. MACGREGOR. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. BOW. I yield to the gentleman from Minnesota.

Mr. MACGREGOR. I thank the distinguished ranking member of the minority of the Committee on Appropriations.

I should like to say to the chairman of the full committee, the distinguished gentleman from Texas [Mr. MAHON], that I subscribe wholeheartedly to his views with reference to the intern program. However, I have just one question in mind: I plan to provide out of my regular staff allowance funds to pay one or two interns next summer. But if that carries me over the maximum number of permissible employees, am I correct in thinking that I cannot hire any interns, even though I plan to pay for them out of my regular clerk-hire allowance?

Mr. BOW. I might say to the distinguished gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. MACGREGOR] that he is correct. There is a limitation as to the number of employees each Member of Congress can have on his staff. If you have not exceeded that number of employees, you can then hire interns from your present allowance.

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. BOW. Of course I yield to the distinguished chairman of the full committee.

Mr. MAHON. Of course, if there is a problem of paramount significance on this question, then, undoubtedly the matter will be presented to the Committee on House Administration for resolution.

Mr. MACGREGOR. Mr. Chairman, will the gentieman yield?

Mr. BOW. I yield to the gentleman from Minnesota.

Mr. MACGREGOR. Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to hear the gentleman from Texas say that, and I hope there will be an opportunity for all of us to hire interns and still save money as recommended here by the Appropriations Committee, but be able to make provision for the employment of interns within the regular monetary allowances which are prescribed for Members of the House.

Mr. BOW. That is a matter, as the chairman stated, for consideration of the Committee on House Administration. If they allow it, you can do it. You can hire from your regular allowance, but not from the funds as provided for under House Resolution 416.

Mr. MACGREGOR. I thank the gentleman from Ohio very much. In my opinion that represents a needed clarification of the situation in which we find ourselves. ~ Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. BOW. I am delighted to yield to the distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. GOODELL].

Mr. GOODELL. I would like for the record to indicate and reflect the fact that it is my understanding it would also cut out the funds for planning which would enable us to move forward on the 1st of January 1969, with the

renovation and expansion of Members' offices from two rooms to three rooms in the Longworth Building; is that correct?

Mr. BOW. That is correct. And, I may say to the gentleman from New York that this matter will be considered again by the Committee on Appropriations in January or February of next year.

However, permit me to say to the gentleman that the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. ANDREWS], and I am sure the distinguished gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. LANGEN], will discuss that further. But, when we begin talking about the amount that is involved in that program one has to stop and take a good look at it.

I understand that there was also a suggestion that we build ~a tunnel from the Longworth Building over to the Congressional Hotel. There is no reason to expend large sums to remodel the Congressional Hotel for only 2 years' use. Based upon the present :fiscal situation I feel that the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. ANDREWS] and the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. LANGEN] are absolutely correct in what they have done.

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. ANDREWS] said this morning that there have been so many tunnels under that street over there now, he just wonders how it holds up. I wish to say at this time that I agree with the gentleman completely. I think that the bill as presented represents a great job. However, my understanding is that any Member in the Longworth Building who needs a third office will be able to get one.

However, in my honest opinion, we have to make the point that the Congress of the United States has to go along with the rest of the Government under the resolution which was adopted by the House yesterday.

The Congress itself, as the distinguished gentleman from Texas has pointed out, over the last 2 years has made very substantial reductions in its own spending.

This is one way in which we can go along with what we did yesterday in having the Congress reduce spending.

Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Chairman, I want to make the RECORD clear that I am not objecting to saving money, and saving money in this instance, but I believe the Members ought to know specifically what the cuts are that are being made.

I would say to the gentleman it is also important that they understand that under the limitation of space that we have here in the House of Representatives it is very unlikely that very many Members of the Longworth Building will have an extra room. We are at the moment, in the renovation of the Cannon Building, reduced to eight annexes available to Members. This is done on the basis of seniority, and this makes for a far less number of Members who can have a third room. This is a sacrifice that I believe perhaps should be made under the circumstances, and the Members should understand that the improvements have been taken out because we face a :fiscal crisis here, and they will continue to use the Longworth Building and get along with two rooms for a longer

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35941 period than otherwise would have been the case.

Mr. LANGEN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. BOW. I will be glad to yield to the gentleman.

Mr. LANGEN. In explanation of the matter of rooms, as far as the Longworth Building is concerned, I believe it should be known by this House that the procedure that has been recommended by the committee will actually provide more room than it would under the remodeling plan as requested. Just as soon as the second half of the Cannon Building is completed, which will be next summer some time, they will move some 75 Members out of the Longworth Building into the Cannon Building, and this will make 75 suites available in addition to what is there now. However, if you start the second part of the remodeling program as proposed, take half of the offices out of the Longworth Building and the Members will be hampered for space for a much longer time than by following this course.

Let me just add one other thing, it has already been painted ::mt, in view of the budgetary situation, this seems to be a likely expenditure that could be delayed at least for this time.

It is my opinion that the two major building requests ought not to have been c~nsidered in the supplemental to begin with, because it does involve a very intricate remodeling plan not only in the Longworth Building, but also the Congressional Hotel, creating new ·suites all through the hotel. This ought to have a more detailed consideration than we could give it in this very limited time. I think it wouia serve the best interests of the House and the country to not approve these building projects at this time.

Mr. BOW. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlemen.

I shall not take much more time on t~ese preliminaries because the ranking members of the subcommittees involved will handle their portions of the bill. Th~y have done a magnificent job, the chaumen and the ranking minority members, in handling this appropriation bill.

This is one of the last appropriation tills we will have in this session. I hope it is the last one we will have.

But I should like to take this opportunity to express to the majority the appreciation of the minority for the courtesies that have been extended to us. My distinguished chairman, the gentleman from Texas, has been most cooperative, and has given the minority members full opportunity to work with the majority.

I believe that in the Committee on Appropriations there has been cooperation· between the two parties to try to do what we believe is f o·r the best interests of our Nation. I do want to take this last op..; portunity on this last appropriation bill to pay tribute to the gentleman from Texas, the chairmen of the several subcommittees, and also to say that I believe that the minority members have cooperated to the fullest extent. As the ranking minority member, I appreciate what the minority members have done to support me this session.

Mr. Chairman, I have no further requests for time from this side.

Mr. WillTTEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Evms].

Mr. EVINS of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, as the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, the gentleman from Texas [Mr. MAHON], and the ranking minority member, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bowl, have said this is a supplemental appropriation bill: and the last one for this year. There are five titles in the pending bill, or, rather, five chapters in the bill.

The Subcommittee on Independent Offices was concerned with title I, one section of the bill; namely, the Appalachian Regional Commission.

The reason appropriations for this agency were not considered earlier is the fact that legislation was only recently reenacted for a 2-year period and was signed into law on October 11, last.

The highway portion of Appalachia was for a· 6-year period and the funds for that portion of the program have already been appropriated and included in the Department of Commerce appropriation bill.

The programs of the Appalachian Regional Development Commission are funded in three separate items.

Funds for the highway portion-the budget recommended $100,000,000-we have previously approved and appropriated $70,000,000 for this purpose.

The reason we could consider this earlier was that the highway portions of the program were authorized for 6 years, whereas the nonhighway programs were authorized for 2 years and had to be reenacted.

Appalachian Regional Development Commission's activities cover 13 States 397 counties-24 new counties wer~ added by recent amendments. Some 19,000,000 people live in Appalachia or Appalachian States. The overall budget requests total $164,985,000. The committee has cut $40,278,500 from the overall budget requests. We are providing $124,-706,500 for the Appalachian highway and other development programs. As the highway funds have previously been appropriated, we are considering only two items: First, administrative expenses of the Commission, and second, funds for the d~velopment programs including education, health, water pollution, supplemental grants for regional development, and other activities of the Commission.

For the Commission, the budget recommended $785,000. The committee has apl?roved and recommended $706,500. This is a cut of $78,500-a 10-percent cut.

Last year the Congress appropriated $1,100,000 for this purpose so we have made some economies.

Under the law, the Congress provided the full funding for the Commission for the first 2 years.

This is the first year that the States are required to pay 50 percent of the administrative costs of the technical staff. The Federal Government shares in 50 percent of the cost of the Commission's staff, and pays all the expense of the staff of the Federal Cochairman.

In the continuing resolution passed yesterday, we provided for 2-percent and 10-percent cuts in administrative costs and programs.

Here we have provided 10-percent cuts in both administrative and program operations.

Concerning the nonhighway programs-programs of education, health, water pollution, regional development, supplemental grants for public facilities and forestry, among others-the budget recommended $64,200,000. The committee has approved $54,000,000-a cut and reduction of $10,200,000 for development programs.

I want to mention two items in this connection.

The first is an item recommended by the budget for $1,200,000 for mine area restoration in the Department of Interior budget. This was denied earlier before passage of authorization to extend the program.

The second item of $3,000,000 was considered in the public works appropriations bill for sewage treatment facilities. This amount was approved for this purpose-but for the entire Nation-not for the Appalachian region.

In summary, Mr. Speaker, the committee earlier had cut and reduced the highway program by 30 percent.

In the pending bill, the nonhighway programs were cut by 17 percent, and funds for the administrative expenses of the Commission were reduced by 10 percent. Overall this represents a 25-percent cut.

However, the funds appropriated represent a lump-sum appropriation and the Commission and Governors of the Appalachian States may transfer and apply the funds to programs which they accord the highest priority and need.

Mr. JONAS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. EVINS of Tennessee. I yield to the gentleman.

Mr. JONAS. While the gentleman is on that point, I think that it would interest the Members to know and the RECORD should show that while these are substantial cuts that in most of these programs they do have large carryover funds that they have not been able to commit heretofore.

Mr. EVINS of Tennessee. There are some, I will say to my friend. Now the program is well underway and they are ready to move forward. It has taken a period of time for the initial planning and to develop coordination with the Governors of the several States.

The President's National Advisory Commission on Rural Poverty recently made recommendations that unquestionably will have a substantial impact on the formation of future national policy and programs in Appalachia, which has the Nation's greatest concentration of the rural paor.

The Commission in its report diclosed that 14 million rural Americans are living in poverty.

The Commission justifiably described this as a national disgrace.

The report by the Commission pointed out that-

35942 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE December_ 12,. 1967 .

In our cities one .in every eight persons is poor.

In our suburban areas one of every 15 persons is poor.

But that in our rural areas one of everyfour persons is classified as poor.

Thirty percent of the Nation's total population lives in rural America-and 40 percent of this rural population is considered and classified as being poor, according to the Commission study and re part.

The committee considered a budget of $35 million for the supplemental grantsin-aid program. This program enables States, local governments, and other applicants to take advantage of existing Federal grant-in-aid programs. This phase of the Appalachian program is devoted primarily to educational and health programs.

The committee considered a recommendation of $3,000,000 for demonstration health projects.

This program includes grants for the planning, construction and operation of multicounty health facilities.

Seven States have multicounty projects planned or underway under this program.

The maximum Federal contribution for construction under this · program is 80 percent--100 percent of the first 2 years of operation and 50 percent of operational costs thereafter.

The budget recommended $3,000,000 which the committee considered for the land stabilization program.

This: program authorizes the Secretary of Agriculture to enter into contracts of up to 10 years with landholders for conservation practices.

The maximum Federal contribution for this program is 80. percent.

The committee considered a budget recommendation of $4,600,00() for the mine area restoration program.

This program includes the reclamation and rehabilitation of land affected by waste piles and fire extinguishment projects.

The committee considered $1 million for the Appalachian low-cost housing program to provide technical assistance grants and advances for the develoPment of low-cost housing projection under section 221 of the National Housing Act.

This new program was authorized by recent amendments to the act. This money operates as a revolving fund.

The committee considered $2 million for the Appalachian water resource survey.

This survey is a comprehensive plan for development and utilization of water resources in the Appalachian region and is being prepared by the U.S. Corps of Engineers.

The committee considered $12,000,000 for the vocational education facilities program-! or the construction and equipping of vocational education facilities. These funds are used almost exclusively for constructi-0n.

The committee considered $2MO,OOO for sewage treatment facilitie~for construction of sewage treatment plants. These funds are in additJ.on to fWlds allocated to the States in the basic nation-

wide sewage treatment program under Public Law 660.

The purpose of the Appalachian development program is to ·build upon the many Federal, State, and local efforts to provide the Appalachian region with the means of developing a self-sufficient and self-sustaining economy.

The purpose of this program is to provide the spadework for growth and progr€ss; to open the way for our great free enterprise system to provide jobs and opportunities for our people.

This program supplements existing Federal programS' by providing for more activity, by redirecting existing efforts, and by providing the me.ans of making them more effective.

I want to point out also that this program is dillerent from the traditional pattern of Federal grant-in-aid programs in that--

Major responsibility is given to the Governors of the participating States in the planning and carrying out of the program. The Appalachian program vests

true. The committea intended only to eliminate the funding of ·the program from the contingent fund of the House of Representatives from which it is now funded. It wanted to effect economy by cutting out the use of that fund for this purpose.

However, the committee never intende:d to control the use of clerk hire . funds which are used by Members of . Congress for the payment of staff salaries. The committee never contemplated that a Member could not use a part of the money made available to him for clerk hire, for the purpose of employing a summer intern. House Resolution 416 provides· in part as follows:

Resolved, That, notwithstanding any other provi:cion of law, each Member of the House of Representatives and the Resident Commissioner from Puerto Rico are authorized to hire for two and one-ha.If months during the period June 1 to August 31, inclusive, each year, one additi.ohal employee to be known. as a student congressional intei:n.

the basic responsibility for project and The resolution also says this: program decisions with the Governors. Such allowance to such intern shall be in

A great degree of interstate coopera- addition to all allowances and personnel tion is being achieved through the made available to each Member or the Comframework of the Appalachian program. · mfasioner under other provisions or law. Allocations of funds appropriated are be- The effect of the action of the coming accomplished by agreements among mittee was to eliminate the extra moneGovernors. Allocation formulas have been tary allowances for the intern program. developed and plans are being coordi- It did not eliminate the authorization nated. for the employment of a summer intern-

The third innovation in the program an extra person-in addition to the perconcept is the manner of carrying out sonnel made available to each Member the program. Each State develops its own under law. inves~ent a~. ~evelopm~t plan, and In my opinion, therefore, Mr. Chair-establlshes prion~es for P!OJects. man, the provision in the bill must be

The Appala~hian r~gional develop- interpreted not to prohibit absolutely ment program is attackmg the basic and the use of all House of Representative elemen~al pro~lems. that affect the Ap- funds for the payment of a salary to a. palachian regi~n-problems of ~ccess, summer intern. but only to eliminate the la~k. of education, lack of pubh~ fa- use of the contingent funds of the House cili~~s, lack of ~adequate vocational which are now used for the purpose. trammg, and ho;ismg, among. others. Members may still use their regular

The. Appalachian program is designed clerk hire appropriation for the purpose. and ~rected to meet these probl~ms-:--to All that is being done in this bill is proallev1ate rura~ i;><>verty by providmg Jobs hibiting the use of funds from the conand opportunities for the people. of Ap- tingent fund of the House of Representapalach1a, and to develop the region and tives for this purpose. But r would say its economy. . . . that. as I read this resolution, if the gen-Althoug~ thlS program lS m its early tleman from Minnesota wanted to hire a

stages. this P_rogram has demo?strated summer intern and pay that summer inalready that it can make a maJor con-- tern out of his al1owances for his staff he ttibution toward the ~olution of these could do so. ' problems and the meetmg of these chal- Mr. MACGREGOR. Mr. Chairman, will lenges. . . the gentleman yield? ~r. WHITTEN. Mr. Chairman, I ~iel.d Mr. YATES. I yield to the gentleman

2 mmutes to the gentleman from Illmois from Minnesota.. · [Mr. YATES]. . . Mr. MACGREGOR. Mr. Chairman, does

M:· YATES. Mr. Chairman, the dis- the gentleman mean that I could do so, CU;Ssion between the gentleman from even if by so hiring I would exceed the MinnesQta [Mr. MA~GREGOR] and the number of staff assistants I am regularly gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bow] on entitled to? the section dealing with summer interns, · makes clear that there must be a further Mr· YATES. As I understand the rules explanation of the intention of the com- of the House. n,?W, a:i promulga~ed by the mittee in its drafting of that section. House Admirus~ration Cmrumttee, the

It would appear from first reading gent~eman is entitled to ~ave 11 n;iembe~s that the committee intended an abso- on his ~taff. As.I read this resolut1~n, this lute prohibition of the use of any funds authorizes the gentleman to appomt one of the House of Representatives to im- extra person for 2% months during that plement or to finance the summer in- period, to be paid no longer out of the tern program. That interpretation funds which were allocated for the purwould indicate that the committee had pose previously, but the gentleman may in mind a determination to repeal House pay that person now out of his regular Resolution 416, but certainly this is not staff allowances.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35943 Mr. MACGREGOR. I thank the gen

tleman from Illinois. Mr. MAHON. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2

minutes to the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. LONG].

Mr. LONG of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I would like to say a few words in opposition to the deletion of the intern program. I find interns serve a very useful purpose. The program has been helpful to young people, has given persons of modest means opportunities to serve on the staff of a Congressman and to observe at first hand the functioning of our leading democratic institution. The interns have helped Congressmen get a tremendous volume of work done during the summer, when many of the regular staff are on vacation.

This intern program has helped to arouse among young people an interest in their Government, to say nothing of helping the young people go to college.

Furthermore, I think the House abandoning this program would be abandoning an important and glamorous program to the Senate. One of the Senators in my State has 17 summer interns. Increasingly, we all know, the Senate has become the glamour body that is capturing the minds of the young people. I am not sure we ought to be fostering this trend by this type of action.

Furthermore, it used to be that we could get free summer interns. I have had as high as seven people working in my office for nothing. Since we have started to pay them, and now the Senate is running its very elaborate program, it has become impossible to get young people as interns to work free. This provision means the abandonment of what to me has become one of the most valuable programs we have had to offer young people.

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Rhode Island [Mr. TIERNAN].

Mr. TIERNAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection t.o the request of the gentleman from Rhode Island?

There was no objection. Mr. TIERNAN. Mr. Chairman, I was

disappointed by the action taken by the House Committee on Appropriations to eliminate funds for the summer internship program. My office has participated in the program and I have been extremely impressed with its results.

There were two student in.terns in my office last summer. Not only were they of great assistance to me and my staff, but they made it clear to me that this opportunity turned out to be an unf orgettable experience. Both young men have returned to their· communities better informed on the functions of Congress and more enlightened as to the role of the legislative branch.

It seems to me that this action gives the appearance of the House of Representatives turning its back on the youth of America. At a time when we are · attempting to bridge the "generation gap," this action is both nearsighted and backward. The youth of today have in-

quisitive minds, a healthy sign of the times. The least we can do is to assist them in appreciating and understanding the problems we face as legislators and also to give them an opportunity to be involved on the periphery of Government.

I urge the House to reconsider its action when we reconvene in January. Let us not close our doors--our mindsour hearts-on the most valuable asset we have.

Mr. JONAS. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. LANGEN]. · Mr. LANGEN. Mr. Chairman, I ask

unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Minnesota?

There was no objection. Mr. LANGEN. Mr. Chairman, your

committee has done its best to limit the requests for additional moneys in the legislative requests to comply with the difficult budget situation. It is proper that the legislative branch should give the same concern to its expenses as we have suggested to the rest of the departments of Government. It is for this reason that we did not approve more than $10 million of expenditures that are not essential at this time. We ought to set an example of prudence for all of Government to follow: The continuing deficits and threat of inflation must be dealt with, or even more serious problems will develop for taxpayers and consumers. The national debt grows and interest rates are going up, so I hope the House will sustain the recommendations of the committee in the interest of economy.

Mr. JONAS. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. McCLORY].

Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent t.o extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Illinois?

The:r:e was no objection. Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Chairman, my

experience with the congressional summer intern program has been most gratifying. The college students from my congressional district who have served in my office during the past 3 years have contributed valuably to the work product. Their attendance at committee hearings, their research on a variety of legislative subjects, their attention to innumerable details and their observations based upon their experiences are among the benefits which I have noted.

In addition, it is my feeling that the intimate contact with the lawmaking process and related work of the Congress has been of inestimable benefit to the student interns and to the entire academic community.

I fear that the careless selection of some interns and the injudicious and irresponsible behavior of some publicityseeking beneficiaries of the college intern program are responsible for the decision to bar interns during the 1968 summer vacation period.

The long-range value of the congressional intern program should be evident to all. It is shortsighted and pennywise economy to eliminate the program.

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Washington [Mrs. HANSEN], chairman of the Interior and Insular Affairs Appropriations Subcommittee.

Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this poinrt in the RECORD.

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentlewoman from Washington?

There was no objection. Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. Mr.

Chairman, chapter II of this bill contains two items for the Department of Interior and related agencies. Ten million dollars is provided for salaries and expenses for the Office of Saline Water, and $2,200,000 is provided for salaries and expenses for the Public Land Law Review Commission.

The President's 1968 budget estimate included $20,982,000 for the saline water program. However, at the time of the committee's consideration for the 1968 fiscal year appropriation bill, current authorization for this activity existed in the amount of only $7,500,000. Because of the immediate need for additional funding in fiscal year 1968, the total amount of the existing authorization was appropriated. Subsequently, the additional authorization was enacted into law on June 24, 1967, Public Law 90-30.

The $7 ,500,000 appropriated under Public Law 90-28, along with the $10 million recommended in this bill would provide total funding for this appropriation item in fiscal year 1968 of $17,500,-000. This combined total is $10 million less than the $27,500,000 available in fiscal year 1967, and $3,482,000 below the $20,982,000 requested in the President's 1968 budget estimate last January.

The saline water program was initiated in fiscal year 1953. Since that time, research efforts have continued in the quest for a practical and economical means of water desalinization. It would appear that considerable progress has been made during this period. In the early stages of the program, the cost of water provided through the desalinization process was $5 per thousand gallons. Witnesses testifying before the committee a few days ago stated that this cost has now been reduced to 22 cents per thousand gallons. The committee is informed that technical ability is now available for a plant with production of 150 million gallons of water a day by this process, and the technical feasibility for a plant producing 1 billion gallons of water per day is imminent.

Mr. CONTE. Will the gentlewoman yield?

Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. I am glad to yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts.

Mr. CONTE. Mr. Chairman, I had intended to offer an amendment which would prevent the use of the appropriation for the Office of Saline Water for paying salaries or expenses for any foreign travel or other activity outside the


United States, except in connection with ,activities of the U.S. Government such as the desalting plant at the Naval Base at Guantanamo. Information came to my attention only yesterday to the effect that personnel of the Office of Saline Water have m.ade many trips to foreign countries offering their services as consultants f-Or building salt water conversion plants. Unfortunately I received this information after the Interior Department Appropriations Subcommittee had completed its hearings last week on the appropriation requested for the balance of fisc.al 1968 for the Office of Saline Water. Thus it was too late to obtain adequate information on the extent of such overseas activitY by OSW personnel. On page 647 of the printed appropriations hearings I note that Chairman HANSEN inquired as to what percentage of the funds of the Office of Sa.tine Water is spent in the international :field. She was told that about 2 percent of their personnel budget is spent annually for this purpose. None of the discussion between Mr. Savage of OSW and Chairman HANSEN brought forth the fact that. the Office of Saline Water has for . the past several months been serving ,as. an adviser for the procurement of a salt water conversion plant for the Government of Saudi Arabia. Mr. Savage was not asked the direct question, but he surely volunteered no information on this relationship during the general interrogation about OSW's international activities.

I think the House of Representatives is entitled to know just what the Office of Saline Water is up to. This morriing, during our full Appropriations Committee meeting, I consulted Mrs. HANSEN and Congressman REIFEL about this matter and they both kindly agreed to obtain any information about OSW's activities that I might ask for. I intend to take advantage of this offer and to- ask Mrs. HANSEN, as chairman of the Interior Appropriations Subcommittee, to inquire further into this matter and to let the House know what she :finds.

I do no care to get into the merits of specific problems but I am told that the Office of Saline Water insisted that all bids on a plant for the Governnient of Saudi Arabia be confined to a multistage flash evaporator plant which was designed by or for the Office of Saline Water. I have seeri a number of references in the press to the fact that several pri .. vately owned American companies have greater techical knowledge in the design and construction of multistage flash evaporator plants than has the Office of Saline Water or any other Government agency. If that information is correct I am curious to know why the Office of Saline Water has taken this restrictive attitude. And I am especially curious to know why the Office of Saline Water accepted the role of agent for a foreign government in the :first place. When foreign governments or foreign industrial concerns procure heavy mechanical or electrical - equipment under the U.S. Agency for International Development program they frequently employ qualified private consultants to-advise them and assist them.to procure equipment that is modern, reliable, and economical. -I . do

not understand why the Office of Saline Water as5umes the role that is normally filled by privately owned architect-.engineer concerns.

The :first appropriation for the activities of the Office of Saline Water was for the :fiscal year 1953. According to a table inserted in the hearings last week, OSW has received a total of $121,640,0-00 for their programs. They have spent vast amounts of money, either directly or under contracts with industries, universities, research laboratories, · and others, researching and developing almost every conceivable facet of the technology of water conversion; yet I understand they have never designed or built a water conversion plant which has been successful by economic standards.

The only community in the United States today that relies on desalted water for its daily needs is Key West, Fla. The desalting plant that this community now uses was designed and built by a private American company. The Office of Saline Water had nothing to do with it. The Key West plant works dependably and economically and furnishes ample proof that U.S. industry is fully qualified to do whatever needs to be done in the :field of salt water conversion.

I notice that at page 655 of the hearings be.fore the Interior Appropriations Subcommittee, Mr. savage, of the O:ffice of Saline Water, let Congressman REIFEL assume tha~ this program. not private industry, had reduced the cost of converting salt water to fresh from $5 per thousand gallons to 22 cents per thousand gallons. I would appreciate having an explanation from the Office of Saline Water as to woo brought the cost of desalting down to 22 cents per thousand gallons. Can private industry build a plant witoout any subsidy to produce fresh water from salt water for 22 cents per thousand gallons? Is private industry able and quali:fied to do the prototype work the Office of Saline Water is conducting for the Metropclitan Water District project in Los Angeles, Calif.? The hearings last week mentioned studies by the Office of Saline Water for a desalting plant in Israel. If private industry can do this work, why is the Office of Saline Water spending Government funds for this purpose?

If there is any justi:fieation for overseas activity of this type by the Office of Saline Water, it seems to me its funds should be budgeted under the foreign aid program where it can be subjected to the review o-f the Foreign Affairs Committee and of the Foreign Aid Appropriations Subcommittee. I do not believe we can let agencies of the Government conduct their own foreign aid activity. The administration has had many reviews and reorg·anizations to prevent foreign aid from being furnished from all over the Government. Congress hascreated and insisted that foreign aid be conducted by the Agency for International Development. I would like to be informed why the foreign activities of the Office of Saline Water should not be made to conform to this philosophy.

Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. As you are probably aware,. the authorizing legislation of the saline water program does

provide for the interchange of information on saline water research between the United ·states and foreign countries. However, there is no legislative authority that specifically provides for the active participation o-f saline water officials in the actual award of construction contracts for foreign plants.

Officials of the saline water program, of course, may consult and advise with officials of foreign governments, and give various technical advice on the requirements of any proposed plant. However, I can say that to date, no construction of foreign plants has been funded by any appropriations to the saline water program. The country building the plant is required to furnish its own construction funds and is responsible for the selection of the contractor for the construction of the plant. As I have previously mentioned, officials of the saline water program do give technical advice on the preliminary plans and designs for the plants.

The committee will be glad to cooi>el'ate wi,th the gentleman in securing whatever additional information he des.ires on the activities of the saline water program.

If the gentleman will ref er to our hearings on the annual 196.8 appropriation he will :find that the foreign activities of the saline water program are described rather thoroughly.

Mr. CONTE. I thank the gentlewoman. Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. Jror ac

tivities of the Public Land Law Review Commission the bill provides-$2,200,000.

The original budget estimate for :fiscal year 1968 provided no funds for necessary studies to be performed under contract because offi.cials of the commission at that time did not have sufficient experience to estimate with any degree of accuracy the cost of the studies to be undertaken, nor w~ program planning for- this purpose sufficiently complete. Since that time the necessary information has been developed.

H.R. 12121 .. which was cleared for submission to the President on December 6, 1967, extends the life of the commission until December 31, 19'10, and increases the amount authorized to be appropriated by $3,390,000.

In the opinion of the committee, this is a most impcrtant activity. especially when one considers the fact that the recommendations of this commission will be applicable to 740,695,844 acres' of Federal land or about one-third of the total acreage in the United States. The importance of this activity is further enhanced when consideration is given to the fact that the major receipts from these public lands during :fiscal year 1966 amounted to $632,000,000.

The $860,000 appropriated under Public Law 90-28, along with the $2,200,000 recommended in this bill, will provide a total appropriation of $3,060,000 for this activity in :fiscal year 1968. This amount is $1,153,000 above the 1967 appropriation of $907,000· and is $2,200,000 above the 1968 budget estimate- of $860,000.

In recommending this appropriation, the committee was mmdfu! of the tremendous _ task facing the commission in its review of an our national laws per-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ·35945 taining to public . lands; -and recognized Edw~rds, La. Leggett the need for various contract studies to Eilberg Lloyd be initiated as soon as possible so that the . ~=~~eman ~c~g~~~ commission will have adequate time to Evans, Colo. McCulloch review the reports emanating from these Evins, Tenn. McDade studies in making its recommendations Fallon McDonald, Farbstein Mich. prior to December 31, 1970, of the revi- Fascell McEwen sions and changes that should be made Feighan McFall in our public lands statutes. Findley Macdonald,

Fino Mass. I earnestly recommend the approval of Flood MacGregor

these two items by the House. . Foley ' Machen

The CHAIRMAN. There being no fur- ~~!~i~ghuysen ~:R~~rd ther requests for time, the Clerk will Friedel Mathias, Calif. read. Fulton, Pa. Matsunaga

The Clerk read the bill. Fulton, Tenn. May

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Chairiiian', I move g~~~::1s ~!!:: that the Committee do now rise and re- Gardner Meskill port the bill back to the House with the Garmatz Michel recommendation that the bill do pass. Giaimo Miller, Calif.

The motion was agreed to. gm~e~s ~m~r, Ohio Accordingly, the Committee rose; and Gonzalez Minish

the Speaker having resumed the chair, Goodell Mink Mr. O'HARA of Michigan, Chairman of the Goodling Minshall Gray Monagan Committee of the Whole House on the Green, Pa. Moore State of the Union, reported that that Grifilths Moorhead Committee, having had under considera.- Grover Morgan Gude Morris, N. Mex. tion the bill (H.R. 14397) making sup- Halpern Morse, Mass. plemental appropriations for the fiscal Hamilton Morton year ending June 30, 1968, and for other Hammer- Mosher

schmidt Moss purposes, had directed him to report the Hanley Murphy, m. bill back to the House with the recom- Hanna Murphy, N.Y. mendation that the bill do pass. Hansen, Wash. Myers

Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, I move the Harvey Natcher Hathaway Nedzi previous question on the bill to final pas- Hawkins Nelsen sage. Hechler, W. Va. Nix

The previous question was ordered. Helstoski O'Hara, Ill. Hicks O'Hara, Mich.

The SPEAKER. The question is on the Holifield O'Konski engrossment and third reading of the bill. Holland Olsen

The bill was ordered to be engrossed Horton O'Neill, Mass. and read a third time, and was read the :~a.rd ~!~i~~er third time. Hunt Pelly

The SPEAKER. The question is on the !chord Pepper f th bill Irwin Perkins

passage 0 e · Jacobs Pettis The question was taken; and the Jarman Philbin

Speaker announced that the ayes ap- Joelson Pickle peared to have it. Johnson, Pa. Pike

Jonas Pirnie Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I object to the Jones, Ala. Poff

vote on the ground that a quorum is not Jones, Mo. Pollock present and make the point of order that Karsten Price, m.

i t Karth Pryor a quorum S not presen · Kastenm.eier Pucinski

The SPEAKER. Evidently a quorum is Kazen Quie not present. Kee Quillen

Keith Railsback The Doorkeeper will close the doors, Kelly Randall the. Sergeant at Arms will notify absent · King, Calif. Rees Members, and the Clerk will call the roll. , Kirwan Reid, m.

The question was taken; and there ~u~~::'!! ~!tf~r·Y· were-yeas 305, nays 79, answered "pres- Kyl Reinecke ent" 1, not voting 47, as follows: Kyros Reuss

Laird Rhodes, Ariz.

Adair Adams Addabbo Albert Anderson, Ill. Andrews,

N.Dak. Arends Ashley Ayres Baring Barrett Battin Belcher Berry Betts Biester Bingham Blanton Blatnik Boggs Boland Bolton Bow Brade mas Brasco

{Roll No. 435] Landrum Rhodes, Pa. YEAS--305 Langen Riegle

Bray Brock Brooks Brotzman Brown, Calif. Brown, Mich. Brown, Ohio Burke, Fla. Burke, Mass. Burton, Calif. Burton, Utah Bush Byrne, Pa. Byrnes, Wis. Cabell Cahill Carey Casey Cell er Clark Clausen,

DonH. Cleveland. Cohelan Collier Conable

Conte Conyers Corbett Corman Culver Cunningham Daddario Daniels Davis, Ga. Dawson de la Garza Delaney Dellen back Dent Diggs Dingell Donohue Dorn Dow Downing Dul ski Duncan Dwyer Eckhardt Edmondson Edwards, Calif.

Abernethy Andrews, Ala. Ashbrook Ashmore Bennett Bevill Blackburn Brinkley Broyhill, Va. Buchanan Burleson Cederberg Chamberlain Clancy Clawson, Del Colmer Cramer Curtis Davis, Wis.

.Denney Devine Dole Dowdy Edwards, Ala.

NAYS-79 Everett Fisher Flynt Fuqua. Gathings Gettys Gross Gubser Gurney Hagan Haley Hall Hansen, Idaho Hays Henderson Hungate Hutchinson Jones, N.C. Kleppe Kornegay Latta Lennon Lipscomb Long, La.

Roberts Robison Rodino Rogers, Colo. Ronan Rooney, N.Y. Rooney, Pa. Rostenkowski Roth Roudebush Roush Roybal Rumsfeld Ruppe Ryan St Germain Sandman Saylor Scheuer Schnee belt Schweiker Schwengel Shipley Shriver Sikes Sisk Skubitz Slack Smith, Iowa Smith,N.Y. Smith, Okla. Springer Stai!ord Staggers Stanton Steed Steiger, Ariz. Steiger, Wis. Stephens Stubblefield Sulllvan Taft Talcott Teague, Tex. Tenzer Thompson, N.J. Tiernan Tunney Udall Ullman Van Deerlin VanderJagt Vanik Vigorito Waldie Walker Wampler Watkins Watts Whalen Whalley White Widnall Williams, Pa. Wilson, Bob Wilson, ·

CharlesH. Wolff Wright Wyatt Wydler Wylie Wyman Yates Young Zablocki Zwach

McClory McClure

·McMillan Marsh Mize Montgomery Nichols O'Neal, Ga. Passman Pool Price, Tex. Rarick Rivers Rogers, Fla. Satterfield Schade berg Scher le Selden Smith, Calif. Stuckey Taylor Teague, Calif. Thompson, Ga. Thomson, Wis.

Tuck Utt Whitener

Whitten Wiggins Winn

Zion

ANSWERED "PRESENT"-1 Waggonner

NOT VOTING-47 Abbitt Ford, Martin Anderson, William D. Mathias, Md.

Tenn. Fountain Multer Annunzio Green, Oreg. Patman Aspinall Halleck Poage Bates Hardy Purcell Bell Harrison Resnick Bolling Harsha Rosenthal Broomfield Hebert St. Onge Broyhill, N.C. .Heckler, Mass. Scott Button Herlong Snyder Carter Hosmer Stratton Cowger Johnson, Calif. Watson Derwinski King, N.Y. Williams, Miss. Dickinson Kuykendall Willis Erl en born Lukens Ford, Gerald R. Madde~

So the bill was passed. The Clerk announced

pairs: On this vote:

the following

Mr. Gerald R. Ford for, with Mr. Waggon-ner against.

Mr. Harrison for, with Mr. Scott against. Mr. Annunzio for, with Mr. Martin against. Mr. St. Onge for, with Mr. Hebert against. Mr. Johnson of California for, with Mr.

Fountain against. Mr. Aspinall for, with Mr. Abbitt against. Mr. Bates for, with Mr . . Kuykencfall

against. Mr .. Hosmer for, with Mr. Cowger against. Mr. King of New York for, with Mr. Snyder

against. Mr. Carter for, with Mr. Dickinson against. Mr. Broomfield for, with Mr. Watson

against.

Until further notice: Mr. Madden with Mr. Halleck. Mr. Resnick with Mr. Mathias of Maryland. Mrs. Green of Oregon with Mrs. Heckler

of Massachusetts. Mr. Anderson of Tennessee with Mr. Bell. Mr. Willis with Mr. Derwinski. Mr. Multer with Mr. Erlenborn. Mr. Stratton with Mr. Button. Mr. Rosenthal with Mr. Broyhill of North

Carolina~

Mr. Hardy with Mr. Lukens. Mr. Herlong with Mr. William D. Ford. Mr. Patman with Mr. Harsha. Mr. Purcell with Mr. Williams of Missis

sippi. .

Mr. HUNGATE, Mr. DOLE, Mr. PRICE of Texas, and Mr. McCLURE changed their votes from "yea" to "nay."

Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, I have a live pair with the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. GERALD R. FORD]. If he had been present he would have voted "yea." I voted "nay." I withdraw my vote and vote "present."

The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

The doors were opened. A motion to reconsider was laid on the

table.

REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO CALL PRIVATE AND CONSENT CALENDARS AND FOR THE SPEAKER TO RECOGNIZE MEMBERS UNDER THE SUSPENSION OF THE RULES PROCEDURE ON FRIDAY NEXT Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan

imous consent that it may be in order to call the Private and Consent Calendars and for the Speaker to recognize Mem-


bers under the suspension of the rules procedure on Friday next.


Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, would the majority leader please explain this just a little bit further?

Mr. ALBERT. If the gentleman will yield, I should be delighted to.

Mr. HALL. I am glad to yield to the gentleman.

Mr. ALBERT. First, may I say that up to now we have only three bills on the Consent Calendar and 10 on the Private Calendar.

Mr. HALL. Plus the ones, Mr. Speaker, that have been carried over, of course, which would ordinarily repeat if any day were given for the call of the calendar?

Mr. ALBERT. Of course, the bills would have to be passed by unanimous consent, as the gentleman knows.

As to a suspension of the rules, may I advise the gentleman that the Speaker would not recognize any Member to call up a bill under a suspension of the rules procedure without consulting with the Republican leadership.

Mr. LAffiD. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield at that point?

Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman from Missouri has the floor. ·

Mr. HALL. I do not yield at this moment, Mr. Speaker.

Continuing to reserve the right to object, would the distinguished majority leader please advise the Members of the House if it is his intention, according to the rules of the House, to fix ·a date certain, under which suspensions may be brought up in the remaining 6 days of the Congress.

Mr. ALBERT. It is very difficult to do that, and we would have to pass the adjournment resolution in advance. We do not have the idea of doing that at this stage.

We would like to get these matters out. To be frank, I cannot bind anyone on what suspensions may be requested, but the only one I know anything about at the present time is on the bill relating to veterans' pensions.

Mr. HALL. Is it not true, I ask the majority leader, as to these individual bills, since there are so few, that they could be brought' up either under that rule as far as suspensions are concerned, or the Private and Consent Calendar bills by individual unanimous-consent requests?

Mr. ALBERT. Well, I suppose they could, but this is a much better way to do it. May I say that a distinguished Member on this side of the aisle asked that we make the request as far as the Private Calendar is concerned.

Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. LAIRD].

Mr. LAIRD. I thank the gentleman for yielding. It is my understanding that on the suspension request only those suspensions that have been cleared on both sides of the aisle will be called up for suspension, and not just consultation, but they will be cleared on both sides.

Mr. ALBERT. That is my understanding.

Mr. HALL. The majority leader already said that.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. GROSS].

Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, is it not possible to divide this request? It is my understanding that the gentleman was asking for permission to consider the Consent and Private Calendars and suspensions on Friday.

Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is correct.

Mr. GROSS. Is it not possible to divide this request? I would be constrained to object to unlimited suspensions without knowing the bills.

Mr. ALBERT. There will not be unlimited suspensions. Any suspension that is put down will be put down in advance and will be cleared with the minority.

Mr. GROSS. Of course, if the gentleman will yield further, this advance notice-

Mr. ALBERT. I have all of the confidence in the world in the minority leader, and I am sure that the gentleman has an equal amount of confidence.

Mr. GROSS. The gentleman is speaking of advance notice on these bills. We just completed action on a supplemental appropriation bill. I could not get a copy of that bill this morning as late as 9: 30. I could not get a copy of the report on the bill. I understand the hearings were not released until this morning. It is impossible to deal with an appropriation bill involvihg some $2 billion without far more knowledge of what you are doing. That is almost no advance notice on a bill of such magnitude.

Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, in the present form of the unanimous consent request, I object.

REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO CALL PRIVATE AND CONSENT CALENDARS ON FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15

appropriation bill just pa.sSed all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.



PERMISSION TO FILE CONFERENCE REPORT ON S. 2171 UNTIL MIDNIGHT TONIGHT

Mr. TUCK. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the conferees on the bill S. 2171, amendment of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, have until midnight tonight to file a conference report for printing under the rule.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Virginia?


INCOME TAX TREATMENT OF CERTAIN DISTRIBUTIONS PURSUANT TO BANK HOLDING COMPANY ACT OF 1956-CONFERENCE REPORT

Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, I oall up the conference report on the bill <H.R. 4765) relating to the income tax treatment of certain distributions pursuant to the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, as amended, and ask unanimous consent that the statement of the managers on the part of the House be read in lieu of the report.

The Clerk read the title of the bill. The SPEAKER pro tempore <Mr.

ALBERT). Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Arkansas?

There was no objection. The Clerk read the statement. The oonf erence report and statement

are as follows:


agreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the blll (H.R.

Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I ask 476.5) relating to the income tax treatment unanimous consent that it may be in of certain distributions pursuant to the order on Friday next to call the Private · Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, as and Consent Calendars. · amended, having met, after full and free con-

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to , ference, have agreed to recommend and do the request of the gentleman from recommend to their respective Houses as Okl h ? follows: That the House recede from its

a oma · disagreement to the amendment of the Sen-. Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I object. ate to the text of the blll and agree to the

PERMISSION TO CONSIDER VETERANS BILL <H.R. 12555) UNDER SUSPENSION OF THE RULES ON · FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15

Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that it may be in order on Friday next for the Speaker to recognize the gentleman from Texas [Mr. TEAGUE], to call the veterans bill

· (H.R. 12555) under suspension of the rules.


There was no objectio~.

same with an amendment as follows: Restore the matter proposed to be stricken

out, omit the matter proposed to be inserted, and on page 3 of the House engrossed blll, after line 6, insert the following:

"The amendment made by this section shall apply with respect to distributions made after the date of the enactment of this Act in taxable years ending after such date.

"SEC. 2. (a) Section 46(b) of . the Internal RevC'-:iue Code of 1954 (relating to carryback and carryover of unused investment credits) is amended by striking out paragraph (3) (relating to effect of net operating loss carryback).

"(b) Section 6411(a) of such Code (relating to application for tentative carryback adjustment) is amended by inserting after 'within a period of 12 months from the end

• of such taxable year' in the second sentence GENERAL LEA VE TO EXTEND the following: ' (or, with respect to any por-

tion of an investment credit carryback from Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unani- a _taxable year attributable to a net operat

mous consent that on the supplemental ing loss carryback from a subsequent taxable

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35947 year, within a period of 12 months from the end of such subsequent taxable year) '. -

"(c) Section 6501(j) of such Code (relating to limitatio;ns on assessment in the case of investment credit carrybacks) is amended by inserting before the period at the end thereof the following: ', or, with respect to any portion of an investment credit carryback from a taxable year attributable to a net operating loss carryback from a subsequ_ent taxable_ year, at any time before the expiration of the period within which a deficiency for such subsequent taxable year may be assessed'.

"(d) Section 651l(d) (4) (A) of such Code (relating to special period of limitation on refunds with respect to investment credit carry backs) is amended by inserting after 'which results in such carryback' in the first sentence thu following: '(or, with respect to any portion of an investment credit carryback from a taxable year attributable to a net operating loss carryback from a subsequ~nt taxable year, the period shall be that perioct which ends with the expiration of the 15th day of the 40th month, or 39th month, in the case of a corporation, following the end of such subsequent taxable year)'.

"(e) Section 6601(e) (2) of suet. Code (relating to interest on underpayments, etc.) is amended by inserting before the period at tbe end thereof the following: ', or with respect to any portion of an invest~ent credit carryback from a taxable year attributable to a net operating loss carryback from a subsequent taxable year, such increase shall not affect the computation of interest under this section for the period ending with the last day of such subsequent taxable year•.

"(f) Section 661l(f) (2) of such Code (relating to interest on overpayments) is amended by inserting before the perioct at the end thereof the following: ', or, with respect to any portion of an investment credit carryback from a taxable year attributable to a net operating loss carryback from a subsequent talcable year, such overpayment shall be deemed not to have been made prior to the close of such subsequent taxable year'.

"(g) The amendments made by this section shall apply with respect to investment credit carrybacks attributable to net operating loss carrybacks from taxable years ending after July 31, 1967.

"SEC. 3. (a) Section 172(b) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 (relating to net operating los8 carrybacks and carryovers) is amended-

"(l) by striking out 'subparagraph (D)' in paragraph (1) (A) (i) and inserting in lieu thereof 'subparagraphs (D) and (E) ';

"(2) by striking out 'subparagraphs (C) and (D)' in paragraph (1) (B) and inserting in lieu thereof 'subparagraphs (C), (D), and (E) •;

"(3} by adding at the end of paragraph (1) the following new subparagraph:

"'(E) In the case of a taxpayer which is a. domestic corporation qualifying under paragraph (3) (E), a net opera.ting loss for any taxable year ending after December 31, 1966, and prior to January 1, 1969, shall be a net operating loss carryback to each of the 5 taxable years preceding the taxable year of such loss and shall be a net operating loss carryover to each of the 3 taxable years following the taxable year of such loss.'; and

"(4) by adding at the end of paragraph ( 3) the following new subparagraphs:

"'(E) Paragraph (1) (E) shall apply only if-

" '(i) the amount of the taxpayer's net operating loss for the taxable year exceeds the sum of the taxable income (computed as provided in paragraph (2)) for each of the 3 preceding taxable yeaxs of the taxpayer,

"'(ii) the amount of the taxpayer's net operating loss for the taxable year, increased by the amount of the taxpayer's net operating loss for the preceding taxable year or

decreased by the amount of the taxpayer's taxable income for such-preceding year, exceeds 15 percent of the sum of the money and other property (in an a.mount equal to its adjusted basis for determining gain) of the taxpayer, determined as of the close of the taxable year of such loss without regard to any refund or credit of any overpayment of tax to which the taxpayer may be entitled under paragraph ( 1) (E),

"'(iii) the aggregate unadjusted basis of property described in section 1231(b) (1) (without regard to any holding period therein provided), the basis for which was determined under section 1012, which was acquired by the taxpayer during the period beginning with the first day of its fifth taxable year preceding the taxable year of such loss and ending with tlie last day of the taxable year of such loss, equals or exceeds the aggregate adjusted basis of property o! such description of the taxpayer on, and determined as of, the fimt day of the fifth preceding taxable year, and ·

"'(1v) the taxpayer derived 50 percent or more of its gross receipts (other than gross receipts derived from the conduct of a lending or finance business), for the taxable year of such loss and for each of its 5 preceding taxable years, from the manufacture and p;-oduction of units within the same single class of products, and 3 or fewer United States persons (including as one person an atfiliated group as defined in section 1504(a)) other than the taxpayer manufactured anq produced in the United States, in the calendar year ending in or With the taxable year of such loss, 85 percent or more of the total number of all units within such class of products manufactured and produced in the United States in such calendar year.

"'(F) For purposes of subparagraph (E) (iv)-

" '(i) the term "class of products" means any of the categories designated and numbered as a "class of products" in the 1963 Census of Manufactures compiled and published by the Secretary of Commerce under title 13 of the United States Code, and

" '(ti) information compiled or published by the Secretary of Commerce, as part of or in connection with the Statistical Abstract of the United States or the census of manufactures, regarding the number of units of a class of products manufactured and produced in th_e United States during a calendar year, or, if such information should not be available, information so compiled or published regarding the number of such units shipped or sold by such manufacturers during a calendar year, shall constitute prim a facie evidence of the total number of all units of such class of products manufactured and produced in the United States in such calendar year.'

"(b) No interest shall be paid or allowed with respect to any overpayment of tax resulting from the application of the amendments made by subsection (a) for any periOd prior to the date of the enactment of this Act.

"(c) The amendments made by subsection (a) shall apply with respect to net operating losses sustained in taxable years ending after December 31, 1966.

"SEC. 4. (a) Section 815(f) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 (relating to definition of distribution) is amended-

" ( 1) by striking out 'or' at the end of paragraph (2);

"(2) by striking out the period at the end of paragraph (3) and inserting in lieu thereof'; or'; and

" ( 3) by inserting after paragraph ( 3) the following new paragraph:

" • ( 4) any distribution after December 31, 1966, of the stock of a cont:olled corporation to which section 355 applies, if such distribution is made to a corporation which immediately after the distribution is in control

(within the meaning of section 368(c)) of both the distributing corporation a.nd such controlled corporation and if such controlled corporation is a life insurance company of which the distributing corporation has been in control at all tilnes since December 31, 1957.'

" ( b) ( 1) The next to last sentence of section 815(f) is amended-

"(A) by striking out 'Paragraph (3) shall not' and inserting in lieu thereof 'Neither paragraph (3) nor paragraph (4) shall'; and

"(B) by striking out 'subparagraph (B) of such paragraph' and inserting in lieu thereof 'paragraph (3) (B) '.

"(2) The last sentence of section 815(f) is amended by striking out 'paragraph (3) also' and inserting in lieu thereof 'paragraphs (3) and (4) also'.

"(c) The amendments made by this section shall apply to taxable years beginning after December 31, 1966."

And the Senate agree to the same. That the House recede from its disagree

ment to the amendment of the Senate to the title of the bill and agree to the same.

W.D.MILLS, CECIL R. KING, HALE BOGGS, FRANK M. KARSTEN, A. SYDNEY HERLONG, Jr., JOHN W. BYRNES, JAMES B. UTT, JACKSON E. BETTS,

Managers on the Part of the House. RUSSELL LoNG, GEORGE SMATHERS, CLINTO;:q P. ANDERSON, VANCE HARTKE, EvERETT M. DmKSE1',


STATEMENT The managers on the part of the House

at the conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the blll (H.R. 4765) relating to the income tax treatment of certain-distributions pursuant to the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, as amended, submit the following statement in explanation of the effect of the action agreed upon by the conferees and recommended in the accompanying conference report:

The bill as passed by the House related to the income tax treatment of certain distributions pursuant to the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, as amended in 1966. The Senate amendment to the text of the bill strikes out all after the enacting clause and inserts new text in which the first sec~ tion is a substitute for the bill as· passed ·by the House and the remaining sections contain provisions not included in the. bill as passed by the House.

BANK HOLDING COMPANY DISTRmUTIONS The bill as passed by the House amended

the provisions of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 which relate to distributions pursuant t6 the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956 to provide rules for the application of these provisions in the case of any com,pany which becomes a bank holding company as a result of the 1966 amendments to the Bank Holding Company Act. In substance, the rules provide tax treatment with respect to distributions required by the 1966 amendments similar to that which was applied with respect to distributions required by the original enactment of the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, except that the taxfree treatment ls provided only if the dis- · tributions made in kind are made on a pro rata basis - to all shareholders. The effect is to provide (in general) that no gain or loss is recognized to any shareholder on a distribution required by the Bank Holding Company Act, and that the basis of the property received and of the stock with respect to which 1t 1s cUstrtbuted is to be de-

35948 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 termined by allocating between such propP.rty and such stock the adjusted basis of such stock.

Under the Senate amendment, different rules would apply. In the case of individuals, capital gain would be recognized to the extent that the fair market value of the distributed divested stock exceeds the basis of the shareholder's stock in the bank holding company. Where the distribution of divested stock by a bank holding company is to a corporate shareholder, the Senate amendment also contained special rules applicable to the corporation and to its shareholders (where the divested stock is passed through the corporation to its shareholders), but only if the corporation elected to have the provisions of the Senate amendment apply.

Under the conference agreement, the provisions of the bill as passed the House are restored. These provisions are to apply to distributions made after the date of enactment of the bill in taxable years ending after such date.

MORTGAGE GUARANTY INSURANCE COMPANIES

The Senate amendment would have added a section to the bill (sec. 2 of the Senate amendment) containing provisions relating to the tax treatment of certain reserves for losses set up by mortgage guaranty insur-

. ance companies. The bill recommended in the accompany

ing conference report does not include these provisions. While the conferees on the part of the House did not agree to the provisions of the Senate amendment relative to the special deduction for mortgage guaranty insurance reserves, they, as well as the conferees on the part of the Senate, recognize the need for a permanent solution to the special reserve problem of these companies. UNFUNDED PENSION PLANS OF CERTAIN EDUCATIONAL AND OTHER TAX-EXEMPT ORGANIZATIONS

The Senate amendment would have added a section to the bill (sec. 3 of the Senate amendment) containing provisions relating to the tax treatment of unfunded pension plans of certain educational and other taxexempt organizations. The proposed section 3 of the blll would also have amended section 403(b) (2) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 to revise the methods of computing the 20-percent-exclusion allowance in the case of retirement benefits for emplflyees of certain tax-exempt organizations.

The blll recommended hi the accompanying conference report does not include these provisions. INVESTMENT CREDIT CARRYBACKS RESULTING

FROM NET OPERATING LOSS CARRYBACKS

Present law (sec. 46(b) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954) provides, in general, that an unused investment credit may be carried back 3 taxable years and then forward 7 taxable years to the extent it is not used in any of the earlier years to which it may be carried. However, if the unused investment credit arises by reason of a net operating loss carryback, present law (sec. 46(b) (3) of the 1954 code) provides that the unused investment credit may be carried forward only.

Section 4 of the bill, as passed by the Senate, strikes out this restriction so that an unused investment credit arising by reason of a net operating loss carryback will be subject to the 3-year carryback and 7-year oarryforward rule. This section also makes necessary technical changes in other provisions of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954. These amendments apply with respect to investment credit carrybacks attributable to net operating loss carrybacks from taxable years ending after July 31, 1967.

Under the conference agreement, this section is retained as section 2 of the blll.

FIVE-YEAR CARRYBACK OF NET OPERATING LOSSES SUSTAINED BY CERTAIN DOMESTIC CORPORATIONS

Under prefient law (sec. 172(b) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954) a net opera.ting loss sustained for any taxable year shall, in general, be carried back 3 taxable years and forward 5 taxable years, to tL.e extent it ls not used in computing the net operating loss deduction for any earlier taxable year.

Section 6 of the bill as passed by the Senate amends this section of the code to provide that in the case of a domestic corporation which meets certain qualifications set forth in new subparagraphs (E) and (F) of section 172(b) (3) of the code as added by the Senate amendl,llent, a net operating loss for any taxable year ending after 1966 and before 1969, shall be carried back 5 taxable years and forward 3 taxable years. The amendments made by this section apply with respect to net operating losses sustained in taxable years ending after December 31, 1966, but no interest shall be paid or allowed with respect to any overpayment of tax resulting from the application of such amendments for any period before the date of enactment of the bill.

Under the conference agreement, this section is retained as section 3 of the· blll.

The conferees on the part of the House agreed to the provisions of the Senate amendment relating to the application of a fiveyear net operating loss carryback in the limited cases providetl under •the amendment since this will aid competition. The form of the relief which was in conference prevented the conferees on the part of the House from considering a broader version of the amendment. Nevertheless they, as well as the conferees on the part of the Senate, believe it would be appropriate in the future to consider the broadening of the types of cases to which the five-year net operating loss carryback is available. DISTRIBUTION OF STOCK OF A CONTROLLED LIFE

INSURANCE COMPANY IN A TAX FREE REORGANIZATION

Under present law (sec. 815 of the Internal Revenue Code of 19_54), distributions by a life insurance company to its shareholders may result in an increase in the taxable income of the distributing company for the taxable year of the distribution (the so-called phase III tax). Section 815(f) of the code defines the term "distribution" for purposes of applying this provision.

Section 5 of the bill as passed. by the Senate amends this definition so that a distribution (made after 1966) of stock of a controlled corporation to which section 355 of the code applies will not be treated as a distribution (for purposes of the phase III tax), if (1) such distribution ls made to another corporation which immediately after the distribution is in control of both the distributing corporation and the controlled corporation, and (2) the controlled corporation is a life insurance company of which the distributing corporation has been in control at all times since December 31, 1957. This amendment applies to taxable years beginning after 1966.

Under the con:terence agreement, this sec-tion ls retained as section 4 of the blll.

w. D. MILLS,

CECIL R. KING,

HALE BOGGS, FRANK M. KARSTEN, A. SYDNEY HERLONG, Jr.,

JOHN W. BYRNES,

JAMES B. UTT, JACKSON E. BETTS,


Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 10 minutes.

Mr. Speaker, when the House passed H.R. 4765 its only provision provided for certain tax-free distributions in the case

of bank holding oompanies. The Senate, however, added five other tax provisions to the bill and also revised the tax treatment the House-passed bill would have provided for the bank holding companies.

The bill as agreed to by the conferees restores the House version of the bank holding company provision and accepts three of the five other provisions added by the Senate.

RANK HOLDING COMPANY PROVISION

The members will recall that under the Bank Holding Company Act a bank holding company is generally not permitted to hold both banking and nonbanking interests. Under the original act passed in 1956 there were certain exceptions to this rule, but in 1966 further amendments were made requiring further distributions. The 1966 amendments a:ff ected primarily the Financial General Corp.

In 1956 special tax provisions were enacted which permitted a bank holding company at that time required to distribute either its banking or nonbanking assets to do so without tax consequences. The House version of this bill provides essentially the same treatment for those required to make distributions required as a result of the 1966 amendments. Although no gain or loss is recognized in the case of these distributions, the shareholders are to allocate their cost or other basis for the underlying stock between the stock received in the distribution and the underlying stock retained in proportion to the fair market value of each. This gives assurance that if the shareholder disposes of either the stock received or the underlying stock he will have a capital gain if there has been appreciation in its value.

MORTGAGE GUARANTY :JNSURANCE

The conferees on the part of the House did not agree to a Senate amendment relating to the special deduction for mortgage guaranty insurance reserves. The amendment adopted by the Senate covered only 1 year and it was not within the scope of the conference to extend the amendment to cover future years. However, the conferees generally recognized the need for a permanent solution for the reserve deduction of these companies. Moreover, it appeared that the amendment dealing with this problem as reported by the Senate Finance Committee would provide an appropriate solution to this problem. Accordingly, Mr. CURTIS and I have introduced bills substantially the same as the amendment reported out by the Senate Finance Committee. I hope at an appropriate time that it will be possible to pass legislation of this type. INVESTMENT CREDIT CARRYBACK RESULTING FROM

NET OPERATING LOSS CARRYBACKS

One of the three amendments added by the Senate which the House conferees accepted alters the manner in which the investment credit carryback operates.

Under present law if a taxpayer earns an investment credit but has no tax in that year, he generally may carry back the credit to one of the three prior years in which he had income and owed a tax. However, the investment credit carryback under present law is not available if an investment credit for a particular

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35949 year is claimed and then subsequently a net operating loss carryback to that year eliminates his income and therefore his tax. In such a case only a carryforward of the investment credit is available-no carryback.

The Senate amendment to which the HousP, conferees agreed repeals this special limitation on the availability of the investment credit carryback and as a result the investment credit can be carried back for up to three years where a net operating loss carryback comes into operation in the same manner as where the credit cannot initially be used in the year it was earned. This amendment applies with respect to the investment credit carrybacks attributable to net operating loss carrybacks from years ending after July 31, 1967.

The House conferees found this provision acceptable because as we studied the problem it appeared to us that this in reality does no ·more than correct a defect in the initial investment credit law. It gives assurance that the investment credit carryback will be equally available whether or not it initially arose by reason of the operation of a net operating loss carryback.

CARRYOVERS OF NET OPERATING LOSSES

A second Senate provision accepted by the House conferees relates to the carryback and carryforward of net operating losses.

Under present law, corporations generally may carry losses back 3 years and then, if any loss still remains, carry the remainder forward for up to 5 years. The Senate adopted a provision reversing these carryover periods in specific situations; that is, in special cases it provided a 5-year net operating loss carryback and a 3-year net operating loss carryforward.

Four conditions are set forth which must be met for the 5-year carryback to be available. First, the taxpayer's loss for the year in question must exceed his income for the 3 prior years. Second, this loss for the current year and immediately preceding year must exceed 15 percent of all of the corporation's funds and assets. Third, the cost of the business property acquired during the 5-year period ending with the loss year in question must be greater than the cost of the business property owned by the taxpayer at the beginning of that period. Fourth, the taxpayer must derive 50 percent or more of its receipts from the manufacture of a single class of products and three or fewer U.S. persons, other than the taxpayer, must manufacture in the United States more than 85 percent of all of the products in question in the loss year.

This amendment was adopted by the Senate to help the competitive position of the American Motors Corp."; probably this is the only taxpayer in the country to which this amendment in its present form will apply.

The conferees concluded that although this amendment obviously has very narrow application, it is in the public interest for us to do what we can to see that the range of competition is not narrowed in the automobile industry. The House conferees would have been pleased if they had had the opportunity to consider a

broader provision in this context. However, this was not the case. The conferees on the part of the House, as well as those on the part of the Senate, recognize that it may be desirable to broaden the availability of a 5-year carryback, and 1n the statement of managers you will find a statement to the effect that the conferees believe that it would be desirable in the future to consider other types of cases to which it might be appropriate to extend a 5-year carryback. Some have argued, for example, that this might be appropriate where the losses arose as a result of an effort to expand export business. The tax committees will be glad to consider such possible legislation at an appropriate time.

SPINOFF OF LIFE INSURANCE COMPANIES

The third Senate amendment relates to a spinoff by a life insurance company of the stock of a subsidiary life insurance company without the imposition of the so-called phase III tax imposed by present law.

Present law provides a current tax on the investment income of a life insurance company plus half of the remaining net gains from operations. The remaining net gains from operations are placed in a "policyholders surplus account." Whenever a distribution is made out of this account to the shareholders, the socalled phase III tax on life insurance companies applies. Included in the distributions which may give rise to this tax are distributions of stock of a subsidiary in a spinoff. The principal reason for this is that the stock of the subsidiary may have been acquired since this tax was first imposed by the 1959 act. However, a subsidiary acquired before the effective date of the 1959 act obviously was acquired with earnings not subject to this tax in the first place ..

For the reason I have just given to you, in the past specific exceptions have been made in the case of certain distributions of stock where the stock was acquired before the 1959 act. For example, under one of these exceptions spinoff of the stock of a casualty and fire insurance company under certain conditions does not result in any phase III tax.

This provision, which the House conferees accepted, provides that a spino:tr by a life insurance company in which it distributes the stock of another life insurance company is not to result in a phase m taJiJ if the distributing corporation at all times since 1957 owned 80 percent or more of the stock being spun off. The amendment also provides that to the extent contributions to capital were made after 1957 they are to be subject to the phase m tax on the spinoff distribution. This amendment applies to distributions made in 1967 and subsequent years.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. CURTIS].

Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, I have a very unpleasant duty to perform. I have not signed this conference report. This again, in my judgment, is a clear violation of the Constitution.

These amendments that the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means

has been talking about are nongermane amendments.

Again we have this situation where at the tail end of a session of the Congress very technical tax concession matters involving millions of dollars are placed on a specific tax bill concerned with entirely different matters that passed the House much earlier this year. The bill itself was handled in the Senate in an orderly way. It could have been referred back with amendments germane to the subject matter and then if it was necessary to have a conference, this could have been done.

Last year we had a similar situation. In this instance it was the Foreign Investment Tax Act whfoh was passed by the House with proper study and consideration by your Committee on Ways and Means and was then sent over to the other body and then brought back at the tail end of the session with blatantly nongermane amendments tacked onto it. I well remember that it was late at night. The conference bill included one of the most poorly conceived and drafted measures I think I have ever seen since I have been in the Congress on a subject matter that was of vital importance to everyone and involving millions of dollars, namely, this method of financing political campaign contributions, a measure that no one on the Committee on Ways and Means or anyone else in the House had had an opportunity of exercising any judgment.

We did not insist on the prerogatives of the House, which I say are embodied in the Constitution that revenue measures must originate in the House.

I think sometime the House of Representatives-the leaders of the House of Representatives, the Speaker, the majority leader and I would say from my side of the aisle, the minority leader and the chairman and the ranking members of the committees must stand by these orderly procedures. It should not have to be each time just another member of the committee who has to stand in the well of the House, as I have done so often in the past, to make these points that are so obvious. When I talk to my colleagues privately they concede it and say, "Oh, yes, that is right."-But for some reason or other there are certain people who have to be accommodated so they act contrariwise.

The bill that is before us, relating to certain tax treatment of operations under the Bank Holding Company Act, in my judgment, is a good bill. Notably, the Senate receded on its amendment. That legislation should be passed.

There may be merit in the three nongermane amendments which have been tacked on. Indeed there is in one of the two nongermane amendments, which were rejected by the Congress, relating to the Mortgage Guaranty Insurance Company problems which I think has merit. In conference I said to my colleagues from the Senate that I would be very pleased to introduce a bill-and I would be happy if anyone of the majority party would join me-to accomplish this purp0se. The Ways and Means Committee could then meet to consider the bill. We could pass it up and it could

35950 CONGRESSIONAL · RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1-967

come out before this body. We could urge that it be accepted, and it probably would be by unanimous consent. It could go over to the other body and be passed.

I said, "That is the orderly procedure." It is not that the House Members are trying to interfere with moving forward to correct inequities in the tax laws. Quite the contrary. We would be very pleased to introduce these measures. Yesterday the gentleman from Arkansas Emd I cosponsored a bill to accomplish these purposes.

The chairman of the committee has commented on the three amendments that we accepted. But I hope the membership of the House will take the conference report and read the brief description of the three amendments that were accepted. One thing you will conclude when you read them is that they are highly technical amendments and very complicated.

I want to say this. I try to do my homework in the area of the Internal Revenue Cc.de. I think I understand these specific nongermane amendments but I am not sure I do. I can tell you that the Ways and Means Committee never studied these matters at all. No bills were introduced in the House. The Ways and Means Committee has not done its work ln this area. If the chairman of the committee says he knows what is in them, he possibly does. But the 25 members of the Ways and Means Committee do not. The only ones in the House who have had any opportunity of zeroing in on this question are your conferees, of which I am one. But I do not believe that we have that amount of knowledge on the subject that we are in a position to bypass orderly legislative process to be certain. I have seen some very poor legislation come out in this fashion. All your Hot~se conferees know about these matters is what we heard behind closed doors in a very brief-less than 1-hour sessionfrom the Senate conferees.

I do not know whether the Senate did their homework in this area. It is hard to judge. But judging by some of th~ amendments that they place on bills, they are not even well drafted in some instances.

I was pleased that the chairman of the committee mentioned the name of the only company that is benefited in amendment No. 4 that we accepted, one of the nongermane amendment--the American Motors Co. I think I am probably sympathetic to their problem. But when I find that the American Motors Co. lobbyists go over to . the other body and get in touch with some Senators to introduce their legislation, which is contrary to the Constitution, I ask, Why do they not come over to the House side? I did not know about the American Motors matter until about 2 weeks ago, when one of the lobbyists came in to talk to me about it.

I said to him then, "Why do you not follow orderly procedure? If there ls nothing wrong with this."-And I do not believe there is; do not misunderstand me, I do not think there is anything wrong with this, other than the fact that this is bad procedure-this kind of pro-

cedure does breed corruption. Believe .me, I think it is very important that the Congress of the United States starts exercising some self-discipline and undertanding. It is this kind of improper procedure that tends to cause the people to lose confidence in what we are doing here in the Congress.

The Chairman of the committee has pointed out that the form of relief which was in conference prevented the conferees on the part of the House from considering a broader version of the amendment. That simply means we could start writing general law that needs to be written instead of just for the American Motors Co. The failure to follow orderly procedure prevents this from being done.

Let me tell you the argument used: That American Motors is going to go broke, that it has had bad management, and now new management has come in.

The other big automobile companies say, "We think it is pretty important that this smaller company be kept in business; otherwise, we are in trouble on antitrust legislation." Do the Members see the depths of the issues involved here? This should not be handled in this kind of fashion, with the Senate doing what they did in developing an obviously inadequate kind of amendment.

l\1:y chairman knows there are only about five or six members of the Ways and Means Committee who have even looked at this, and our staff has not had a chance to do this. There have been no public hearings on this.

All we are going to have is a recess, in fact, over Christmas. It would be well if the House would vote down this whole mess before us and have this brought before us in an orderly. fashion where your Committee on Ways and Meansnot just the few of us privileged to be conferees-can advise you we have studied the matter and can explain in detail what the facts are and our recommenda.tiom; on legislation based upon these facts.

Nothing is going to happen in a period of a mere 30 days. Let us see if we can. proceed in an orderly fashion-in a proper legislative fashion.

My final remarks are these. I am not going to be making many more of these kinds of speeches, but I am saying this to my House colleagues. The Constitution vests in our body. which is closest to the people, the sole authority to originate revenue matters. This gives us our strength.

This kind of procedure-and as I have argued before, coupled with the closed rule under which the Ways and Means Committee brings out bills permits no one to- amend them. We have to accept our bills from the Ways and Means Committee, and vote them-up 'Jr down. As a Member of the Ways and Means Committee, I do not want that kind of responsibility, frankly. I want my colleagues in the House to be able to exercise their judgment. If we deprive a body of the power to amend, we deprive the body of the power to legislate. This is fundamentally so.

Mr. Mll..LS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. CURTIS. I yield to the -chairman of the Ways and Means Committee.

Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, I read in the paper the other day where my good friend made a decision, and I know he did it because he thought it was in his own best interest and in the interest of the people he represents and in the belief that he can win. Does the gentleman mean to suggest that I can never cons:der in conference a Curtis amendment, if one should be adopted in the other body?

Mr. CURTIS. I hope he cannot, and I hope I have the integrity not to change my position wherever I might operate from.

I feel this is so important and I plead with my chairman-for whom I have a great admiration, and he knows this-to make a fight on this point. It is basic. When we go over to the other body with revenue measures which have been passed here under a closed rule, and then permit the other body to put on nongermane amendments, in effect we are robbing all of our colleagues in the House of the opportunity of putting those kinds of amendments in themselves. ·

I can talk a little bit politically, if Members want me to. This renders the House a weaker body. This is one reason our colleagues in the other body can get certain things from people back in their communities that House Members cannot. If the · people in American Motors know that this body is no place to go, but they should go to the other body to introduce revenue measures; knowing also they are going to bypass public hearings and a full discussion by the Ways and Means Committee, as I say, we, in effect, weaken ourselves. I want to see this House strengthened, and it · badly needs strengthening.

Mr. HUNGATE. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. CURTIS. I yield to the gentleman. from Missouri.

Mr. HUNGATE. Mr. Speaker, I believe it has been reported in the press that the amount of or· the value of this amendment on American Motors, if we might call it that, is $20 million. Do the conferees agree, or does the gentleman think it is that figure?

Mr. CURTIS. I do not know the figure. It is in the millions. It is enough for them to say that if .this does not pass, eventually they will go broke. So I would say probably it is near that amount.

Mr. MILLS. Considering the entire change, it is an approximation of $22 million, but that is not the most compelling factor. The loss in competition, if we let this company go down, and the ultimate loss in revenue resulting from such an event were considered by the conferees to be most imPortant.

Mr. CURTIS. Let me say this. These are arguments. As I say, I am inclined to· think that these would appeal to me, but I do not think that I, nor the chairman, nor the small group of conferees, behind ciosed doors, have the wisdom or knowledge to make these judgments without some public hearings and without hearing from some other people who are also knowledgeable of the subject.

These things are too vital: It is to stem

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35951 the deterioration of the legislative process I am pleading for here in the well.

None of these amendments-and I should have stressed this-have any emergency aspects about them. There is nothing that a delay of a month or so will make any difference.

These measures could have been brought up in the correct way, why they were not I do not know.

Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, one of the provisions of this bill incorporates the terms of the bill (H.R. 12218) which I introduced in the House earlier this session.

The amendment contained in the present bill would provide American Motors with a 5-year-loss carryback and 3-yearloss carryforward, instead of the 3-yearcarryback and 5-year carryforward allowable under present law, so that it may carry its recent losses back against the income of earlier profit years and thus receive a speedy tax refund when it is most needed.

This amendment will involve no ultimate added cost or loss to Federal tax revenues. If American Motors is successful, it will pay more taxes in the future because it will not be able to carry forward its present operating losses for more than 3 years. If American Motors is not successful, it is more than likely that another company will acquire it and use the American Motors losses for its own benefit, and thereby reduce the taxes that the acquiring company would ordinarily have to pay.

I might mention that Congress has already approved the principal of _ the 5-year operating loss carryback in the Trade Expansion Act.

Although American Motors is now clearly beginning to recapture a larger share of the automobile market, it is faced with a stringent working capital squeeze and badly needs tax relief which this amendment will provide.

With the relief requested, there is no doubt but that American Motors will continue as a highly important factor in the economy of the State of Wisconsin and that of the Nation as a whole. It is of prime importance that this corporation be maintained as a healthy competitive force in the automotive industry.

American Motors is an established significant automobile producer in the already heavily concentrated domestic automobile industry, in which the Big Three have about 97 percent of domestic passenger car production. This amendment will enable American Motors to continue to broaden its competitive e:fiect--an element greatly needed in that industry.

American Motors has been a significant factor in the U.S. automotive export trade, at a rate far in excess of its relative size in the industry. Its share of automotive units exported, excluding Canada, rose from 11 to 18 percent during the past 5 years. It has contributed more than $150,000,000 to a favorable national balance of trade over that period-something most important to our Nation.

Over the 5 preceding years, American Motors has paid over $400,000,000 in income, excise, and payroll taxes to the

Federal Government. Moreover, its operations over that span have generated Federal, State, and local tax payments, collected from the corporation and its employees, dealers, suppliers, and subcontractors, which are estimated to average $295,000,000 a year.

It has also been estimated that over the same 5 years the company's operations have generated annual average retail sales of $1.4 billion a year, total payroll and related employee benefits of $784 million a year, as well as providing jobs for 100,000 people.

During its 1966 fiscal year alone, American Motors paid approximately $230,-000,000 in wages, salaries and related benefits to its own employees. The company continues to be one of the largest employers in Wisconsin and one of major significance nationwide.

American Motors is not as heavily economically integrated as its competitors. Consequently, it purchases the larger part of the components of its cars from independent producers and suppliers throughout the country. For the 1966 fiscal year, 69 percent of the American Motors sales dollar went for such purchases. This is a greater percentage than that of any automobile manufacturer. What would hurt American Motors would also hurt these independent producers and suppliers.

American Motors has more than 2,300 dealers and distributors, employing roughly 35,000 people, located throughout the Nation. The investment of these dealers in their facilities is estimated to exceed $250,000,000. Much of this investment would be lost if American Motors does not succeed.

Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to compliment the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. CURTIS] for once again courageously raising his voice to def end the established legislative process and the basic principles of our Constitution.

Frankly I agree with the basic intent of the contents of this conference report and the legislation contained therein and would normally cast an affirmative vote, if and I stress if, the regular legislative procedure had been followed.

As Mr. CURTIS so ably suggests the prerogatives of the House and its ability to initiate tax and revenue legislation must be preserved and protected. This is particularly true when one considers the potential for circumvention of the House Ways and Means Committee because of the Senate's ability to avoid the germaneness question.

Unless the regular legislative process is strictly adhered to, the Senate could be initiating tax legislation at wilt" and the net result would be a weakening of the House of Representatives position as a full partner in the legislative process and set the stage for further incidents of legislative manipulation. Certainly, the Constitution we were sworn to uphold, would be abridged or circumvented. Therefore, in good conscience, I must cast my vote in opposition to the adoption of the conference report.

Mr. HUNGATE. Mr. Speaker, I cannot support this conference report. I am embarrassed that this body found it possible to allow only $10 million for better

housing for the poor under the rent supplement program. But now suggests allowing $20 million for American Motors Corp. Two dollars for American Motors for every $1 for the poor is not the greatest slogan we could have.

Mr. VANIK. Mr. Speaker, I oppose the conference report on H.R. 4765.

It seems to me that it is fiscally irresponsible to take funds from the deficit-ridden Federal Treasury to "bail out" a financially distressed private corporation.

GENERAL LEAVE

Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that those Members desiring to do so may revise and extend their remarks on the conference report.

The SPEA,KER pro tempore (Mr. ALBERT). Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Arkansas?

There was no objection. Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, I move the

previous question on the conference report.

The previous question was ordered. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The

question is on the conference report. The question was taken; and the

Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it.

Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.

The Doorkeeper will close the doors, the Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members, and the Clerk will call the roll.

The question was taken; and there were-yeas 274, nays 104, answered "present" 1, not voting 53, as follows: -

[Roll No. 436)

Abernethy Adair Adams Addabbo Albert Anderson,

Tenn. Andrews, Ala. Andrews,

N.Dak. Arends Ashmore Ayres Baring Barrett Battin Berry Betts Bevill Bingham Blanton Blatnik Boggs Boland Bolton Brade mas Brinkley Brock Brooks Brown, Calif. Brown, Ohio Broyhill, Va. Burleson Burton, Utah Bush Byrne, Pa. Byrnes, Wis. C'aoeu Carey Casey Cederberg Clancy -Clark Clawson, Del Cohelan

YEAS-274 Conable Fulton, Pa. Conyers Fulton, Tenn. Corbett Fuqua Corman Galifl.anakis Cramer Gallagher Culver Gardner Ounningham Garmatz Daddario Gathings Daniels Gettys Davis, Ga. Giaimo Davis, Wis. Gibbons Dawson Gilbert Delaney Gonzalez Denney Goodell Dent Green, Pa.. Derwinski Griffiths Devine Gubser Diggs Hagan Dingell Haley Dole Halpern Donohue Hamilton Dorn Hammer-Dow schmidt Dowdy Hanley Downing Hanna Eckhardt Harvey Edmondson Hathaway Edwards, Ala. Hays Edwards, Calif. Henderson Edwards, La. Holland Eil berg Howard Esch Irwin Evans, Colo. Jacobs Everett Jarman Evins, Tenn. Johnson, Callf. Fallon Jones, Ala. Farbstein Jones, Mo. Fa.seen Jones, N.C. Fino Karsten Fisher Karth Flood Kastenmeier Flynt Kazen Fraser Kee Frelinghuysen Keith Friedel Kelly

35952 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 King, Calif. Nichols Schnee bell

Schweiker Schwengel Selden Shriver Sikes

Kirwan Nix Kleppe O'Hara., m. Kluczynskl O'Konski Kornegay O'Neal, Ga.. Kupferma.n O'Neill, Mass. Kyros Passman Sisk

Skub'itz Slack

Laird Patman Landrum Patten Langen Pepper Smith, Calif.

Smith, Iowa. Springer Stafford Staggers

Latta Perkins Leggett Pettis Lipscomb Philbin Lloyd Pickle Long, La.. Pike Steed

Steiger, Wis. Stephens Stubblefield Sullivan

Long, Md. Pirnie McCarthy Poff

· McClory Pool McCulloch Price, ID. McDonald, Pryor Taft

Mich. Pucinski Taylor McFall Quie Teague, Calif.

Teague, Tex. Tenzer Thompson, Ga. Thompson, N .J. Thomson, Wis. Tuck

McMillan Quillen Macdonald, Railsback

Mass. Rees Machen Reid, Ill. Mahon Reifel Mailliard Reinecke Marsh Reuss Tunney Mathias, Calif. Rhodes, Pa.. Udall Matsunaga. R iegle Utt Mesk111 Rivers Waggonner

Waldie Miller, Calif. Roberts Miller, Ohio Robison Walker

Wampler Mills Rodino· Monagan Rogers, Fla.. Watts

Whalen Whalley

Montgomery Ronan Moore Rooney, N.Y. Moorhead Rooney, Pa. White

Whitener Whitten Wilson, Bob Wright

Morgan Rostenkowski Morris, N. Mex. Roth Morton Roudebush Moss Roush Murphy, lll. Ruppe Wyatt

Wydler Murphy, N.Y. St Germain Wylie Myers Sandman Young Zablocki

Na tcher Saylor Nelsen Schade berg

Anderson, lll. Ashbrook Ashley Bennett Bi ester Blackburn Bow Brasco Bra.y Brotzman Brown, Mich. Buchanan Burke, Fla.. Burke, Mass. Burton, Calif. Ca.hill Chamberlain Clausen.

DonH. C'levela.nd Collier Colmer Conte Curtis Dellen back Dul ski Duncan Eshleman Feighan Findley Foley Ford,

WilllamD. Goodling Gross Grover

NAYS-104 Gude Pollock Gurney Price, Tex. Hall Randall Hansen, Idaho Rarick Hechler, w. Va.. Reid, N.Y. Helstoski Rhodes, Ariz. Hicks Rogers, Colo. Holifield Roybal Horton Rumsfeld Hull Ryan Hungate Scherle Hunt Scheuer Hutchinson Shipley Ichord Smith, N.Y. Joelson Smith, Okla. Johnson, Pa. Stanton Jonas Steiger, AriZ. Kyl Talcott Lennon Tiernan McClure Van Deerlin McDade Vander Ja.gt McEwen Vanik MacGregor Vigorito May Watkins Mayne Widnall. Meeds Wiggins Michel Williams, Pa.. Minish Wilson, Mink Charles H. Minshall Winn Mize Wolff Morse, Mass. Wyman Mosher Yates Nedzl Zion Olsen Zwach Ottinger

ANSWERED "PRESENT"-1

Abbitt Annunzio Aspinall Bates Belcher Bell Boll1ng Broomfield Broyhill, N.C. Button Carter Celler Cowger de la Garza. Dickinson

Pelly

NOT VOTING-53 · Dwyer Hosmer Erlenborn King, N.Y. Ford, Gerald R. Kuykendall Fountain Lukens Gray Madden Green, Oreg. Martin Halleck Mathias, Md. Hansen, Wash. Multer Hardy O'Hara, Mich. Harrison Poage Harsha Purcell Hawkins Resnick Hebert Rosenthal Heckler, Mass. Satterfield Herlong St. Onge

Scott Stuckey Willlams, Miss. Snyder Ullman Willis Stratton Watson

So the conference report was agreed. to.

The Clerk announced the following pairs:

Mr. Hebert with Mr. Gerald R. Ford. Mr. Herlong with Mr. Halleck. Mr. Hardy with Mr. Bates. Mr. Fountain with Mr. Broomfield. Mr. Abbitt with Mr. Dickinson. Mr. Aspinall with Mr. Erlenborn. Mr. Celler with Mr. Bell. Mr. Multer with Mr. King of New York. Mr. Madden with Mr. Harrison. Mr. Willis with Mr. Broyhill of North Caro-

lina. Mr. Purcell with Mr. Kuykendall. Mr. Rosenthal with Mr. Harsha. Mr. St. Onge with Mr. Carter. Mr. Annunzio with Mr. Lukens. M r . Stratton with Mrs. Heckler of Massa

chusett.s. Mrs. Hansen of Washington with Mr.

Martin. Mr. Resnick with Mr. Oowger. Mr. Gray with Mr. Hosmer. Mr. O'Hara of Michigan with Mr. Mathtas-

of Maryland. Mr. Stuckey with Mr. Scott. Mr. Satterfield with Mr. Wat.son. Mr. de la Garza with Mr. Snyder. Mr. Hawkins with Mr. Button. Mrs. Green of Oregon with Mrs. Dwyer. Mr. Ullman with Mr. Belcher.

Messrs. BURTON of California, HOLIFIELD, SCHEUER, FOLEY, ROYBAL, CHARLES H. WILSON, WILLIAM D. FORD, ASHLEY, OTTINGER, SHIPLEY, JOELSON, OLSEN, FINDLEY, !CHORD, BURKE of Massachusetts, HELSTOSKI, and MINISH changed their votes from "yea" to "nay."

Mr. GOODELL changed his vote from "nay" to "yea."


The doors were opened. A motion to reconsider was laid on

the table.

FURTHER MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE

A further message from the Senate by Mr. Arrington, one of its clerks, announced that the Senate agrees to the amendment of the House to the amendment of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 7977) entitled "An act to adjust certain postage rates, to adjust the rates of basic compensation for certain officers and employees in the Federal Government, and to regulate the mailing of pandering advertisements, and for other purposes."

The message also announced that the Senate insists upon its amendments to the bill (H.R. 7819) entitled "An act to strengthen and improve programs of assistance for elementary and secondary education by extending euthcrity for allocation of funds to be used for education of Indian children and children in overseas dependents schools of the Department of Defense, by extending and amending the National Teacher Corps program, by providing assistance for comprehensive educational planning, and by improving programs of education for the handicapped; to improve authority for assistance to schools in federally

impacted areas and areas suffering a major disaster; and for other purposes," disagreed to by the House; agrees to the conference asked .by the . House on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses thereon, and appoints Mr. MORSE, Mr .. YARBOROUGE, Mr. CLARK, Mr. RANDOLPH, Mr. KENNEDY of New York, Mr. WrLLIAMS of New Jersey, Mr. PROUTY, Mr. JAVITS, Mr. DOMINICK, and Mr. MURPHY to be the conferees on the part of the Senate.

PERMISSION TO CALL PRIVATE AND CONSENT CALENDARS ON THURSDAY NEXT Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that it may be in order to call the Private and Consent Calendars on Thursday next, the call of the Private Calendar to stop at No. 345 and of the Consent Calendar to stop at No. 127.


Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, reserving tlie right to object, I had hoped that these· requests would be divided, one for the Consent Calendar and c,ne for the Private Calendar, as presented in colloquy on the floor of the House a while ago.

Since they are not, Mr. Speaker, may I ask the distinguished majority leader if that involves only the two additional bills now listed on the Consent Calendar?

Mr. ALBERT. There are three bills on the Consent Calendar and a number on the Private Calendar.

Mr. HALL. I thank the gentleman for his response.

Mr. Speaker, since our former colloquy and inasmuch as I now have the bills in hand in addition to those which have previously been put on without prejudice, I would like to ask the distinguished majority leader if he is herewith revising his statement that there will be 17 additional new bills instead of 10 as stated in his previous unanimous-consent request?

Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is correct, because I was incorrect in my statement before.

Mr. HALL. I wonder if the gentleman realizes that the reports have not yet been filed on the last seven of those bills according to the Document Room when I checked less than 15 minutes ago; that is, on Calendars Nos. 329 through 333.

Mr. ALBERT. If the· gentleman will yield, I was not aware of that. · Mr. HALL. Is there any way that the distinguished majority .leader can assure those of us who do do our "homework" in advance, and review these before they come up for unanimous consent requests, whether such reports will be filed and will be available to the Members prior to consideration on the floor?

Mr. ALBERT. It is my understanding. that they will be available tomorrow. As the gentleman knows, Members have the right to object to or to ask to put over any bill the report on which is not ready. Tomorrow I think they will all be ready and available.

Mr. HALL. There are certainly some deserving bills, but it is not the desire of the membership or certainly of this Member from Missouri, to let the flood-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35953

gates open and a great rush of final private bills or Consent Calendar bllls come through here by unanimous consent in the waning days of this session of C<>ngress. I therefore shall take such action if the requisite basis for prudent legislating is not available.

Mr. ALBERT. Of course, the request is very restricted.

Mr. HALL. I appreciate the gentleman's request. Of course, the corollary is also true. Any of them, if they are deserving, can come up at any time by a unanimous-consent request. Is that not correct?

Mr. ALBERT. That is correct, but the orderly way to do it is give all Members of the House advance notice to put them on the Private Calendar.

Mr. HALL. I submit that the orderly way is not ~ways the logical way. If those bills and the reports are not available, there would be considerable question as to the orderliness of the procedure when we are . asking each Member to waive his right to object.

Mr. Speaker,-! withdraw my reservation of objection.


Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, is it possible to know what matters will be on the Consent Calendar? I ask the distinguished majority leader if the Consent Calendar will be limited to these three blllss. 1477, s. 974, and s~ 1722.

Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is correct. The request is limited to those.

Mr. RYAN .. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.



PROHIBITION ON USE OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS AS LOTTERY AGENCIES-CONFERENCE REPORT Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I call up

the conference report on the bill <H.R. 10595) to prohibit certain banks and savings and loan associations from fostering or participating in gambling activities, and ask unanimous consent that the statement of the managers on the part of the House be read in lieu of the report.

-The Clerk read the title of the bill. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to

the request of the gentleman from Texas?

There was no objection. The Clerk read the statement. The conference report and statement

are as follows:


agreeing votes of the t~o Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 10595) to prohibit certain banks and savings and loan associations from fostering or participating in gambling activities having met, after full and free conference, have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That the Hbuse recede from its disagreement to the amendments of the senate num-

CXIII--2264-Part 26

bered. 1, 4, 5, 8, 9, 12, 13, and 16; and agree to the same.

Amendment numbered 2: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 2, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted. by the Senate amendment insert the following: "selling, redeeming, or collecting"; and the Senate agree to the same.

Amendment numbered 3: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 3, and agree to the same with -an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the Senate amendment 'insert the following:

"(d) Nothing contained in this section prohibits a national bank from accepting deposits or cashing or otherwise handling checks or other negotiable instruments, or performing other laWful banking services for a State operating a lottery, or for an omcer or employee of that State who is charged with the administration of the lottery."

And the Senate agree to the same. Amendment numbered 6: That the House

recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 6, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the Senate amendment, insert the following: "selling, redeeming, or collecting"; and the senate agree to the same.

Amendment numbered 7: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 7, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted by the Senate amendment insert the following:

"(d) Nothing contained in this section prohibits a State member bank from accepting deposits or cashing or otherwise handling checks or other negotiable instruments, or performing other laWful banking services for a State operating a lottery, or for an omcer or employee of that State who is charged with the administration of the lottery."


.recede from its disagreement to the amend~ ,ment of the Senate numbered 10, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be 1nserted by the Senate amendment insert the following: "selling, redeeming, or collecting"; and the Senate agree to the same.

Amendment numbered. 11: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate .numbered 11, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted .by the Senate amendment insert the following: · "(d) Nothing contained in this section prohibits a State nonmember insured bank from accepting deposits or ca.shin~ or otherwise handling checks or other negotiable instruments, or performing other laWful banking services for a state operating a lottery, or for an officer or employee of that State who is charged. with the administration of the lottery."


recede from tis disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 14, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In lieu of the matter proposed to be inserted. by the Senate amendment insert the following: "selling, redeeming, or collecting"; and the Senate agree to the same.

Amendment numbered 15: That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered. 15, and agree to the same with an amendment, as follows: In Heu of the matter proposed to be inserted.

by the Senate amendment insert the following:

"(d) Nothing contained in this section prohibits_ an insured institution from accepting funds from, or performing any laWful services for, a State operating a lottery, or an officer or employee of that State who is charged. with the administration of the .:ottery.''

And the senate agree to the same. WRIGHT PATMAN, ABE MULTER, LEONOR K. SULLIVAN, HENRY S. REUSS, THOMAS L. AsHLEY, WILLIAM B . WmNALL, FLORENCE P. DWYER,

Managers on the Part of the House. JOHN SPARKMAN, WILLIAM PROXMIRE, EDMUND S. MUSKIE, WALLACE F. BENNETT, BOURKE HICKENLOOPER,


STATEMENT

· The managers on the part of the House at the conference on the cUsagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 10595) to prohibit certain banks and savings and loan associations from fostering or participating in gam..: bling activities, submit the following statement in explanation of the effect of the action: agreed upon by the conferees and recommended in the accompanying conference report:

The House bill prohibited national banks, State member banks, State nonmember insured banks, and insured savings and loan associations from selling, keeping any recordS or books for the State lottery or its agents or from redeeming, collecting, keepiD.g any books or records with respect to or otherwise handling in any way lottery tickets or transactions associated with lottery tickets. Under the amendment.a agreed to by the conferees, the prohibition against bookkeep~ ing and recordkeeping was deleted, and a provision was added to make clear the intention not to prohibit the acceptance of deposits and the performance of other lawful banking services.

No inference is to be drawn of any legisla,,. tive intention to grant banks or othe+ :financial institutions any authority which they would not possess in the absence of this legislation. As there are cases currently pending in the courts in which the legal power or national banks to engage in certain activities is at issue, neither -the report filed herewith nor this statement is to be construed as evidence of .any legislative intention to expres~ approval or disapproval of the legality of any practice or activity carried. on by financial institutions, other than that which is specifical'ly prohibited under this legislation.

WRIGHT PATMAN, ABE MULTER, LEONOR K. SULLIVAN, HENRY S. REUSS, THOMAS L. AsHLEY, WILLIAM B. WmNALL, FLORENCE P. DWYER,


Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I do not want to take up a great deal of time on the conference report of H.R. 10595, since Members of the House, by a vast majority, have already indicated their approval of this legislation. However. I would like to take a few minut.es to review the legislation and to discuss the e1Iect of the conference report.

Basically, H.R. 10595 would prohibit all federally insured fhiancial inst~tu-


tions from participating in gambling activities generally and in lottery schemes more specifically. The legislation simply carries out 100 years of legislation and public policy that the U.S. Government should not engage in or use its name in any type of gambling promotion.

Perhaps the best summary of this legislation was contained in an editorial published in the Stamford, Conn., Advocate. The editorial reported the purpose of H.R. 10595 was to "get banks out of the bookie business." · H.R. 10595 was introduced because of

a potentially dangerous threat to financial institutions which grew out of the adoption by New York State of a Staterun lottery. In setting up the lottery, officials of New York State authorized banks and other financial institutions to sell lottery tickets on the banking premises. As payment for this service, the financial institutions would receive a commission currently 5 percent, on each ticket sold. One of the many reasons for selecting banks, witnesses appearing before the Banking and Currency Committee testified, was that by using banks as sales outlet, "a certain amount of respectability would be lent to the lottery."

In view of the sordid history of both illegal and legalized gambling, it was not felt that banks or other financial institutions should be a party to the lottery. In addition, many smaller banks in New York State which were oppased to the lottery and did not want to become sales agents, were forced into selling tickets in order to maintain a competitive basis with the State's larger banks that were selling lottery tickets. Thus, H.R. 10595 would not only protect financial institutions from engaging in questionable banking practices, but will also help smaller banks in New York State maintain a competitive Position in the banking market.

H.R. 10595 was passed by the House on July 13 by 271-to-11 vote. The overwhelming vote in favor of this legislation-70 percent-clearly indicates the sentiment of this body. The Senate passed the measure by an even greater majority, thus going on ·record that like the House, the Senate would not turn its back on 100 years of public policy against gambling.

As passed by the House, H.R. 10595 would prohibit all federally insured financial institutions from selling lottery tickets, performing bookkeeping or recordkeeping services for the lotteries, distributing and collecting lottery tickets to vendors and from paying prizes to lottery winners.

The Senate version of H.R. 10595 removed many of the prohibitions of the House version, but still retained the prohibition against insured financial institutions selling lottery tickets. The prohibition dealing with redeeming, collecting, bookkeeping, and record activities was deleted from the House bill by the Senate. In addition, the Senate b111 specifically authorized insured :financial institutions to distribute lottery tickets to duly authorized sales agents; to receive from the sales agents the proceeds of their sales for subsequent transfer to the

State lottery and to pay off the winners of State lotteries.

When the conference committee met, the House conferees were successful in retaining all but one of the provisions of the House bill in the measure that was adopted by the conference. Under the b111 as reported from the conference, all insured financial institutions will be prohibited from selling lottery tickets, collecting and distributing the tickets, warehousing the tickets, and from directly paying the winners of the lotteries. All of these provisions were contained in the House bill. The conferees did agree to accept one provision from the Senate bill, that the insured financial institutions, where authorized by law, may perform bookkeeping and' record service for au-thorized State lotteries. ·

It should also be made clear that nothing in the legislation prohibits financial institutions from performing normal and traditional banking services for State lotteries such as paying and receiving deposits. In short, the bank may perform any service for the State lottery that it normally performs for any other customer.

In order to avoid confusion, it should be painted out that there is a difference between paying lottery prizes to winners and maintaining a checking account for the State lottery from which winners' checks are made payable. There is nothing in the legislation that would prevent a State lottery from operating a checking account in a commercial bank and to draw checks made payable to lottery winners on that account. However, the legislation does prohibit banks from acting as an agent of the lottery in making direct payments to winners. That is, lucky ticketholders could not go directly to a bank and present their winning tickets in return for a prize.

The bill agreed to by the conferees prohibits insured financial institutions from performing warehousing services for State lotteries or from acting as distribution centers. The State lotteries could avail themselves of the safety deposit services of the bank, since that would be a normal banking service, but this service could not be expanded to include the warehousing of tickets or lottery records nor could bank personnel engage in any type of distribution operation on behalf of the lottery. It should be made clear at this point that the conferee's agreement to insert language in the bill that allows financial institutions to perform normal banking services for the lotteries in no way is to be interpreted as granting any authority to the bank-lottery relationship that is not specifically contained in banking law.

For instance, at the present time there are several suits in the courts challenging the authority of national banks to provide data processing services for bank customers outside of the normal bankcustomer relationship. While the agreed upon bill permits banks to provide record and bookkeeping services for lotteries, 1.t is done so wf.th the full knowledge that if such services are declared illegal by the courts, H.R. 10595 cannot be used by the banks as a basis for the exemption from the courts ruling. Nor can the granting of recordkeeping privileges in connection

with State lotteries be construed as a recognition that such services are legal and normal banking functions for other than lottery customers.

Mr. Speaker, the Senate has already adopted the conference repart and has made part of its record the statement of the managers on the Dart of the House. The only action that remains before this bill can go to the President for signature is the adoption by the House of this conference re part. I strongly urge the House to take that action at this time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. WrnNALL] for the purposes of debate.

Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the minority, I would just like to say we agreed in conference to what has been stated by our distinguished chairman, the gentleman from Texas [Mr. PATMAN]. There was a dissenting vote by the gentleman from New York [Mr. FINO] who would like to speak on this with respect to his dissent.

Mr. Speaker, we have a very strong sentiment within the committee that banks should not be indulging in the lottery business in any way or form either by the sale of tickets or by the distribution of tickets.

The bill as it has finally been adjusted in conference provides that banks just perform normal banking services of taking in deposits and paying out from those deposits in accordance with normal banking practices.

At this time, Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York [Mr. FINO].

Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, I listened with great interest to the statement made by the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency, the gentleman from Texas [Mr. PATMAN]. I was fascinated by his statement that the purpose of the legislation is to prohibit banks from engaging in, and I quote"gall1bling activities."

The chairman knows full well that the banks in New York State that are selling lottery tickets are not-and I repeatare not engaged in "gambling activities." They are merely acting as sales agents of the State government as a legal and proper revenue raising device. ·

Mr. Speaker, I hope that the Members of the House of Representatives realize that this bill is a deliberate attempt to legislate morality.

This bill is nothing more than a dodge to accomplish two PUrPoses and two objectives: First, as I indicated, it is a deliberate attempt to cripple the New York State lottery; second, it is a vehicle to cast doubt on the integrity of our banking system in the State of New York. In the guise of regulating American banks, this legislation strikes at a legal State revenue device which was approved by two separate.. New York State legislatures and overwhelmingly approved and endorsed by the people of the State of New York on a referendum vote.

What we are doing here today with_ this bill is to make our American banking system a vehicle for interference with legitimate State activities. A desire to legislate morality should not be allowed to warp a dual banking system by sub-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35955 jecting State-chartered banks to a variety of Federal legislation which has nothing to do with safeguarding bank deposits or preventing unsound banking practices.

I ask the gentlemen and the ladies of this House, How can selling legal lottery tickets affect a bank's soundness? How can it affect its deposits?

At the present time the New York banks are simply serving as lottery ticket agents for a fee, just as they serve as stock trans! er agents for a fee. These banks cannot underwrite the lottery any more than they can underwrite securities. The sale of lottery tickets has no more to do with the safety of bank deposits, has no more to do with banking practices than serving as stock transfer agents for a bank client.

This bill represents no more and no less than a Federal interference with a proper and legal function of our State government.

As I indicated earlier, we in the State of New York submitted this proposition to the people. Two separate legislatures · had their say. In their wisdom they felt that this was a good revenue-raising device, and they in turn had to, under our Constitution, submit it to the people of the State of New York, and the people in their wisdom and in their good judgment approved it. So I urge the Members of the House to reject this conference report.

Mr. WYLIE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD.


There was no objection. Mr. WYLIE. Mr. Speaker, by their

votes on H.R. 10595, Members of the House now have the opportunity to contribute to a continuation of the integrity of all banks insured by the Federal Government.

We will do this as we vote for a bill which prohibits any such bank from becoming associated in any way with a lottery.

Specifically; we wm prevent banks insured by the Federal Government from becoming sales centers for tickets in lotteries now conducted in New Hampshire and New York and proposed in other States.

Reports from both States now having lotteries reveal that incomes from that source have been most disappointing in the intended objectives of raising funds for schools and other public purposes. This has made the sponsors all the more eager to involve banks more directly in the lottery procedure.

Mr. Speaker, over many years banks have been symbols of integrity, encouraging thrift and honesty. To ·involve them now in sales for gambling enterprises will serve to undermine virtues as much needed today as in the times of our fathers and grandfathers. It seems unthinkable that we would now vote to have in our banks stations, often adjacent and competing, one for encouragement of savings, the other to promote gambling.

Eagerness of lottery sponsors to associate more banks with their faltering enterprises glves all the greater evidence that we should save financial institutions from that association, lest they also fal-

ter from an unnatural and unconscion- relationships with financial institutions able relationship. · whicb. do not at all cli1Ier from the relation

In the ·great advances of medical ships which those institutions have with many respectable, law-abiding businesses and

science as revealed in recent transplants individuals. of human organs, the greatest danger lies For example, the sweepstakes Commission in the possibility, even probab111ty, that maintains a checking account in a commerthe host body will reject the transplant cial bank. It leases safe deposit facilities. It and that both host and transplant will has contracted for time on automatic data die. processing equipment.

I suggest that the same danger lies in These relationships with financial institu-tions are clearly within the right of an agency

the proposal before us under H.R. 10595. of a State of the United States. Nevertheless, This is not to suggest that our banks are it is my belief that each of them would be unhealthy, but in a time of infiation and prohibited by the enactment of R.R. 10595. "tight" money their responsibility to I would hope that the Subcommittee on maintain financial health is all the Financial Institutions would find it possible greater. · to amend R.R. 10595 so that State agencies

t would be permitted to continue making nor-By proposing to introduce in O a ma.l use of financial institutions, regardless

healthy bank an unhealthy transplant of · the particular responsibilities of those from the world of gambling, we surely agencies. (Senate hearings on R.R. 10595, invite the process of rejection which, as page 21.) in the transplant within the human body, coMMITl'EE AMENDMENTS

may bring tragic consequences. In recommending this legislation, the com-Mr. Speaker, I propose that our respon- mittee approved amendments which permit

sibility in Congress is to maintain the federally insured banks and savings and loan health of our banks, not to use them in associations to engage 1n record.keeping acresuscitation for unhealthy lotteries. tivities and to perform other custodial func-

tions on behalf of the State lottery. Such Mr. ASHLEY. Mr. Speaker, the House institutions would be forbidden to sell lottery

bill made it unlawful for any insured tickets directly to the public or to a.dvertise bank or savings and loan association to or promote the lottery, but they could per"deal in" lottery tickets or related bets or form other services such as record.keeping, to "keep any record of the existence or data processing, as wen as the acceptance or

. the proceeds of the lottery ticket sales for identity of any participant or winner, as delivery, payment, or transfer to the State. such, in a lottery," and it defined "deal Banks would also be permitted to distribute in" as including, among other things, lottery tickets to duly authorized sales agents "keeping any books or records with re- · of the State and could make payment to the spect to, or otherwise handling in any winners in such lotteries. Since these are way." The House bill did not, however, common bank services which are already percontain any references to, or prohibitions formed for other bank customers, the comor restrictions on, the performance of mittee does not believe it feasible or prac-

tical to prohibit banks from performing data processing or activities which might these same services on behalf of a State be the subject of data processing, other lottery. However, the direct sale of lottery than in connection with lotteries. tickets to the general pubUc ls not incident

The Senate amendment eliminated all to the business of banking and would be the phrases quoted above-except "deal prohibited. by the bill. (Senate Report No. in"'-so that the prohibited practice of 727• page 5) I do feel that the blll reported out by the dealing in lottery tickets would include committee 1s a clear improvement over the only "making, taking, buying, or selling.'' bill as it was received from the House. The In addition, the Senate amendment committee amendments, adopted with no opadded specific provisions to the effect position, make it clear that the committee that "Nothing contained in this section does not intend to interfere with such funcshall prohibit" insured banks or savings tions of financial institutions-safe-keeping and loan associations from distributing and distribution, data processing, maintaln-

ts ing demand deposits, etc., which they may lottery tickets to authorized sales agen • wish to perform for state-operated lotteries receiving proceeds of sales from such on the same basis as may be done for other agents, or distributing prizes. customers.

The legislative history of the bill in The committee must be commended for the Senate makes it clear that the Senate these realistic and necessary Improvements. amendments were intended to permit (Senate Report No. 727, page 21) banks in New Hampshire to continue to The conference revised the definitiQn distribute tickets and collect the proof "deal in" to include "selling, redeemceeds, and to continue to keep records ing, or collecting.'' In addition, the conand perform data processing services, for f erence deleted the Senate provisions the New Hampshire Sweepstakes Com- which made it clear that the Senate bill mission. These amendments limited the would not prohibit the distribution of effect of the bill to a prohibition on the lottery tickets to authorized sales agents, sale of lottery tickets, and on advertising receiving sales proceeds from agents, or or publicizing the existence of lotteries distributing prizes. Instead the conferor the identity of winners. ence inserted provisions to the effect

Under unanimous consent I insert in that: the RECORD at this point excerpts from Nothing contained in this section prohibits the Senate hearings on H.R. 10595 and a ... bank from accepting deposits or from Senate Report No. 727 which make cashing or otherwise handling checks or this clear: other negotiable instruments, or performing

The state of New Hampshire has estab- other lawful banking services for a State lished a special state agency, the New Hamp- operating a lottery. shire Sweepstakes Commission, tor the pur- The House bill would clearly have propose of managing a lo~tery to be conducted hibited insured banks and savings and for the benefit of elementary and secondary loan associations from performing bookeducation in New Hampshire. In obedience to its respons1b111ties under state law, the keeping, data processing, and similar Commission has entered into a number of services for lotteries. The Senate amend-

359S6 CONGRESSIONAL RE~ORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 ments deleted these prohlbitions, and the collf erence biil now before the Hoiise contains nothing whatever which authorizes or permits banks or savings ~nd loan associations to perform data processing services for State lotteries, and nothing whatever which prohibits banks or savings and lo~n associations from performing data processing services for State lotteries, or for anyone else.

in other words, the conference version of the bill is completely silent and neutral with respect to data processing, and the existing law on the subject would not be affected in any respect by the Senate version of the bill.

The last two paragraphs of the statement of the managers on the part of the House make this very clear:

Under the amendments agreed to by the conferees, the prohibition against bookkeeping and recordkeeping was deleted, and a provision was added to make clear the intention not to prohibit the acceptance of deposits and the performance of other lawful banking services.

No inference is to be drawn of any legislative intention to grant banks or other financial institutions any authority which they would not possess in the absence· of this legislation. As there are cases currently pending in the courts in which the legal power o! national banks to engage in certain activities is at issue, neither the report filed herewith nor this statement is to be construed as evidence of any legislative intention to express approval or disapproval of the legality of any practice or activity carried on by financial institutions, other than that which is specifically prohibi.ted under this legislation.

The deletion by the Senate of the prohibition in the House bill against the performance by banks of data processing services in connection with lotteries is not, of course, in itself a grant of authority to perform such services. Such authority must be found _elsewhere in the statutes, primarily in the National B~nk Act in the case of national banks and in the State banking codes in the case of State banks. It is appropriate, however, to point out that the prohibition would have been unnecessary and meaningless unless there was authority elsewhere, and tlie .deletion of the prohibition would likewise have been ineffective and meaningless unless there was authority else..: where.

Mr. MURPHY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the conference report on H.R. 10595, a bill to prohibit certain banks from selling lottery tickets. As a sponsor of this bill I am ha.Pi>y to note that the Senate has already approved the conference report, and I am hopeful that the House will approve it today so it can be sent · to the President before the end of the year. ·

Basically, this bill recognizes the principle that gambling is not a proper activity for thrift institutions. It does not violate the right of States to operate a lottery, it merely prohibits the sale of tickets for such a lottery by certain banks.

In my own State of New York it is charged that if enacted, this bill would destroy the lottery by eliminating the major source of ticket outlets. This is nothing more than a smokeScreen., how:ever, because there ar~ many PoSSible ticket outlets not being used. Just recently, the State tried a few new outlets

in an effort to increase sales, and the State tax commissioner, Joseph Murphy, will soon recommend a number of additional outlets. The point is that the lottery can operate without banks, and I might mention that I have yet to hear a New Yorker complain that he could not find a ticket outlet when he wanted to buy a lottery ticket.

The fact is that the lottery is not failing because of a shortage of ticket outlets or a bill that has not yet become law, but because it is a sucker bet that will never attract the volume of participants originally expected. If it were a matter of increasing sales a few million, the answer might well be to increase outlets and advertising. But the lottery is earning only one-fifth of the expected volume; even if ticket outlets were placed on every street comer, in every bank, bar, hotel, and store in town, sales could not be increased by five times.

There is more to the failure of the New York state lottery, however, than the problem of ticket outlets or a lottery bill. The lottery was designed to finance education in New York state; the education budget was planned on the assumption that a certain volume of tickets woU!ci be sold-approximately 360 million a year. The public discussion to date has concentriated on the problem of lottery sales and has ignored the real problem of how education is to· be fin~nced.

The only response we get from the Governor's office is that steps are being taken to increase ticket sales, but this is obviously not the answer. The answer is for Governor Rockefeller to come forward with· a sound plan to finance education in New York State. It will be a difficult task for the Govel'I}or; he will have to admit that he cannot finance education with proceeds from a Stateoperated gambling operation. But if he continues to procrastinate, if he continues to shirk his responsibllity to off er a sound plan to finance education, th.e New York schools will be unable to operate. I would hope that the Governor thinks as much of education as he does of the lottery; ~he would spend as much tirile on the former as he has on the latter the State of New York would be much better off.

GENERAL LEA VE TO EXTEND REMARKS

Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members desiring to do so may extend their remarks in the RECORD today or within 5 days on this bill.

The SPEAKER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

There was no objection. Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no

further requests for time. Does the gentleman have any further requests for time?

Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. ·Speaker, I have no further requests for time.

Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move the previous question on the conference report.

The previous question was ordered. ·The SPEAKER. The question is on

the conference report. The question was : taken; - and . the

Speaker announced that the ayes appeared to have it.

Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and ·make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

The SPEAKER. Evidently a quorum is not present.

The Doorkeeper will close the doors, the Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members, and the Clerk will call the roll.

The question was taken; and there were-yeas 289, nays 74, answered "present" 1, not voting 68, as follows:

[J:?,oll No. 437] YEAS-289

Abernethy Fraser Matsunaga Adams Frelinghuysen Mayne Albert Friedel Meeds Andrews, Ala. Fulton, Tenn. Meskill Andrews, Fuqua. Miller, Calif.

N. Dak. Galiflanakls Miller, Ohio Arends Gallagher Mills Ashley Gardner Minish Ashmore Garmatz Mink Ayres Gathings Minshall Barrett Gettys Mize Battin Gibbons Monagan Bennett Gonzalez Montgomery Berry Goodell Moore Betts Green, Pa.. Moorhead Bevill Grifilths Morgan Blatnik Gude Mottis, N. Mex. Boggs Gurney Morse, Mass. Boland Hagan Moss Bolton Haley Murphy, DI. Bradema.s Hamilton M\.U'phy, N.Y. Brinkley Hammer- Natcher Brock schmidt Nedzi Brooks Hanley Nichols Brotzman Hanna. Nix Brown, Calif. Hansen, Idaho O'Hara, DI. Brown, Ohio Hansen, Wash. O'Konski Broyhill, Va.. · Harvey Olsen Buchanan Hathaway O'Nea.l, Ga. Burke, Mass. Hays Ottinger Burleson Helstoski Passman Burton, Calif. Henderson Patman Burton, Utah Hicks Patten Bush Holifield Pepper Byrne, Pa. Holland Perkins Qabell Horton · Pettis Casey Howard Philbin Chamberlain Hull Pickle Clark Hungate Poff Cleveland Hunt Pollock Cohelan Hutchinson Pool Collier Ichord Price, Ill. Colmer Irwin Price, Tex. Conable Jacobs Pryor Conte Jarman Pucinski Conyers Joelson Quie Corman Johnson, Calif. Quillen Cramer Johnson, Pa.. Randall Culver Jonas Ra.rick Cunningham Jones, Ala. Rees Curtis Jones, Mo. ·Reuss Daddario Jones, N.C. Rhodes, Ariz. Daniels Karsten Rhodes, Pa. Davis, Ga. Karth Riegle Dawson Kastenmeier Roberts de la Garza. Kazen Rodino Dellenback Kee Rogers, Colo. Dent Keith Rogers, Fla. Diggs Kelly Ronan Dingell King, Calif. Rooney, N.Y. Dole Kleppe Rooney, Pa.. Donohue Kluczynski Rostenkowski Dorn Kornegay Roth Dow Kyl Roudebush Dowdy Kyros Roush Downing Landrum Roybal Dulski Langen . Rumsfeld Duncan Latta Ruppe Edmondson L!'lnnon St Germain Edwards, Ala. Long, Md. Schwengel Edwards, Cali!. McC'arthy Selden Edwards, La.. McClory Shipley Ellberg McClure · Shriver Esch . McCulloch Sikes Evans, Colo. McDade Skubltz Everett McFall Slack Evins, Tenn. McMillan Smith, Iowa. Fascell Macdonald, Smith, Okla.. Feighan Mass. Springer Findley MacGregor Stafford Fisher Machen St~ggers Flood Madden Stanton Flynt Mahon Steed _ Poley Mailliard Steiger, Wis. Pord, Marsh Stephens

William D. Mathias, Calif. Stubblefield

December · 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL -RECORD - HOUSE 35957 Sullivan Vanik Taylor Vigorito Thompson, Ga. Waggonner Thompson, N.J. Waldie Thomson, Wis. Walker Tiernan Wampler Tuck Watts Tunney Whalen Ullman Whalley Utt White Van Deerlln Whitener Vander Jagt Whitten

NAYS-74

Widnall Wilson, Bob Winn Wol:ff Wyatt Wylie Yates Young Zablocki Zion Zwach

Addabbo Farbstein Pirnie Ashbrook Fino Railsback Baring Fulton, Pa. Reid, DI. Biester Giaimo Reid, N.Y. Bingham Gilbert Reifel Blackburn Goodllng Robison Bow Gross Ryan Bra.sco Grover Sandman Brown, Mich. Gubser Scherle Burke, Fla. Hall Scheuer Byrnes, Wis. Halpern Schneebeli Cahill Hechler, W. Va. Schweiker Carey Kupferman Smith, Calif. Cederberg Laird Smith, N .Y. C'lancy Leggett Steiger, Ariz. Clausen, Lipscomb Taft

Don H. Lloyd Teague, Calif. Clawson, Del McDonald, Tenzer Corbett Mich. Watkins Davis, Wis. McEwen Wiggins Delaney May Williams, Pa. Denney Michel Wright Derwinski Mosher Wydler Devine Myers Wyman Eckhardt O'Neill, Mass. Eshleman Pike

ANSWERED "PRESENT"-1 Pelly

NOT VOTING-68 Abbitt Fountain Adair Gray Anderson, DI. Green, Oreg. Anderson, Halleck

Tenn. - Hardy Annunzio . Harrison Aspinall Harsha Bates Hawkins Belcher Hebert Bell Heckler, Mass. Blanton Herlong Bolling Hosmer Bray King, N.Y. Broomfield Kirwan Broyhill, N.C. Kuykendall Button Long, La. Carter Lukens Cell er Martin Cowger Mathias, Md. Dickinson Morton Dwyer Multer Erlenborn Nelsen Fallon O'Hara, Mich. Ford, Gerald R. Poage

Purcell Reinecke Resnick Rivers Rosenthal St. Onge Satterfield Saylor Schade berg Scott Sisk Snyder Stratton Stuckey Talcott Teague, Tex. Udall Watson Williams, Miss. Willis Wilson,

Charles H.

So the conference report was agreed to.

The Clerk announced the following pairs:

Mr. Celler with Mr. Gerald R. For~. Mr. Hebert with Mr. Halleck. Mr. Herlong with Mr. Bates. Mr. Hardy with Mr. Broomfield. Mr. Fountain with Mr. Dickinson. Mr. Multer with Mr. Erlenborn. Mr. Abbitt with Mr. Bell. Mr. Aspinall with Mr. King of New York. Mr. Willis with Mr. Harrison. Mr. Purcell with Mr. Broyhill of North

Carolina. Mr. St. Onge with Mr. Kuykendall. Mr. Rosenthal with Mr. Harsha. Mr. Annunzio with Mr. Carter. Mr. Stratton with Mr. Lukens. Mr. Fallon with Mrs. Heckler of Massachu-

setts. Mr. Kirwan' With Mr. Martin. Mr. Resnick with Mr. Hawkins. Mr. Long. of Louisiana with Mr. Hosmer. Mr. Udall with Mr. Adair. Mr. Teague of Texas with Mr. Scott. Mr. Charles H. Wilson with Mr. Snyder. Mr. O'Hara of Michigan with Mrs. Dwyer. Mr. Button with Mr. Mathias of Maryland. Mr. Sisk with Mr. Morton. \

Mr. Gray with Mr. Reinecke. Mr. Rivers with Mr. Talcott. Mr. Cowger with Mr. Bray. Mr. Anderson of Tennessee with Mr. Nelsen. Mrs. Green of Oregon with Mr. Belcher. Mr. Satterfield with Mr. Anderson of Illi-

nois. Mr Stuckey with Mr. Saylor. Mr: Blanton with Mr. Schadeberg.

Mr. ECKHARDT and Mr. MICHEL changed their votes from "yea" to "nay."

Mr. GALLAGHER, Mr. HUNT, and Mr. ROUDEBUSH changed their votes from "nay" to "yea."


The doors were opened. A motion to reconsider was laid on the

table.

NOTE TO FOREIGN GOLD SPECULATORS: ONLY THE U.S. CONGRESS CAN RAISE THE PRICE OF GOLD, AND CONGRESS IS NOT ABOUT TO DO IT Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend my remarks.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Wisconsin?

There was no objection. Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, gold buying

is heavy on the London market again. Accompanying it is a well-authenticated rumor that Algeria has turned in $100 million for U.S. gold.

All this is as serious as it is ridiculous. Here we have the sheiks of the Middle East-some in white burnooses, some in white piping-egged on b~· President De Gaulle, endangering the free world's monetary system.

The gold raiders have had a relatively easy time of it. The U.S. monetary gold stock-the only stock available for exchange-is now down to something over $12 billion. Even were our international payments completely in balance, our stock would be vulnerable to huge drafts from outside the monetary system. We make it easy for the speculators by conveniently providing the~. with the London gold pool, and by guaranteeing them against loss by putting a floor under the price of gold.

If we go on like this, we invite a monetary panic. Worse, as we lose gold, we lessen the credibility of our commitment to supply gold to those foreign central banks and monetary authorities who have accumulated dollars, at least in part, because of our commitment. Foreign official dollar holdings are now around $15 billion; As our stock of monetary gold diminishes, our ability to validate this commitment made by three Presidents lessens.

The gold raiders are gambling on their hunch that the President will be induced in the future to raise the official price of gold, in an effort to increase U.S. reserves. I have confidence that the President means what he says when he says that we will not increase the price of gold.

But I have a word for the gold speculators. That word is this-even if he wanted to, the . Pr~sident of the United

States cannot increase the price of gold. Under section 5 of the Bretton Woods Agreement Act of 1945, only the Congress can do that. And this Congress is never going to increase the price of gold and thus reward the speculators for their attack on the dollar.

Mr. MILLS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. REUSS. I yield to the gentleman from Arkansas.

Mr. MILLS. I would like to join the gentleman from Wisconsin and associate myself with the statement he has just made.

Mr. REUSS. I thank the gentleman. Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, will the gen

tleman yield? Mr. REUSS. I yield to the gentleman

from Louisiana. Mr. BOGGS. I should like also to as

sociate myself with the gentleman's statement.

Mr. REUSS. I thank the gentleman. Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the

gentleman yield? Mr. REUSS. I yield to the distinguished

majority leader. Mr. ALBERT. I also wish to commend

the gentleman and associate myself with his remarks. · Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, there are a

variety of ways open to the free world to make sure that foreign gold speculators in the end will be left holding the bag.

One way is to "pedigree" gold-to keep the present $43 billion of gold now in the hands of central banks, and to provide that members of the International Monetary Fund will purchase or sell gold only from or to each other, and not from or to the private market. The price of gold on the outside market can then fluctuate up or down, probably down when some of the banks call their margin on present private gold hoarders, and when it is realized that speculators have to fear a decline in the price of gold below $35 an ounce. The speculators, now gloating over the "overhang" of dollars, should ponder the "overhang" of hoarded gold-many billions' worth that could come on the market once the $35 an ounce support price is abandoned.

Another way is to "dethrone'' gold. The United States could announce that all foreign monetary authorities holding dollars-which they have at least in part acquired as a result of the U.S. commitment to turn them into gold-have a set period of time in which to demand gold. This announcement should be accompanied by an announcement that the United States no longer agrees to buy gold at $35 an ounce, and will not make gold available for official dollar holdings to be acquired in the future. In all likelihood, only a small fraction of the roughly $15 billion in official dollar holdings would be presented for gold-because the future of the gold price would become extremely dubious, and because most foreign official dollar holdings are necessary either for current transactions or will be held because their holders have confi-dence in the dollar, and wish to take advantage of the interest rate that is payable on dollar holdings. The present parity values of the dollar would then be


supported, under International Monetary Fund rules, not by gold but by exchange operations, just as all other exchange rates are now maintained. If we maintain an economy aimed at full employ:. ment without inflation, there is no reason why the current exchange value of the dollar with other currencies cannot readily be maintained. If France, for example, thinks that the dollar should be devalued, let it press its position within the International Monetary Fund. I doubt very much that it would wish dollar devaluation, since this would simply cut down on American tourism into France, and on the sale of French wines and perfumes in this country. If the free world in the future wants to change its system from one of fixed exchange rates to one of flexible exchange rates, that is a question to be argued out in the future.

The point is that only Congress can increase the price of gold. Congress will never do so. And there are many ways open to the free world, particularly now that the foundations for special drawing rights as a supplement or substitute for gold have been laid out in the International Monetary Fund, to take the wind out of the sails of the gold speculators.

A SLOW BOAT FOR GOLD TO EUROPE

Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minut.e and to revise and extend my remarks. · The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Iowa?

There was no objection. Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I was in

trigued by the statement of the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. REussJ, joined in by most of the Democratic leaders of the House, concerning the gold flow out of this country.

Bless your hearts and souls, only last week this administration dumped $240

. million of gold in one shipment over in London to be cleared through the Bank of England to the so-called gold pool. This $240 million in bull1on and bars went over by U.S. military aircraft. They could not even w~it to put it on a boat and ship it over. Apparently the Johnson administration cannot operate fast enough to dump our gold in England. It has to pull out military planes to haul it over there.

The least this administration could do would be to pick a good slow boat over to the Bank of England and the gold pool.

THE ARROGATION OF POWER BY BOARDS AND AGENCIES

Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, for some

time I have been deeply concerned about the tendency of certain boards and

agencies to arrogate to themselves Powers of a lawmaking character which were neither conferred nor intended to be conferred by the Congress.

The presumption and arrogance of these boards and agencies is compounded to the point of insufferability when their officers blithely refuse to answer plain and simple questions from Members of Congress.

A classic example of a board which presumes to be a law unto itself and cavalierly disdains to answer an uncomplicated question by a Member of Congress is the Federal Reserve Board.

As a pointed example of this presumption of immunity from congressional desires and information requests, I am submitting for publication in the RECORD at this point an exchange of letters in which I have sought in vain to get a simple answer to a simple question.

My letter of September 15 to Will1am Mee. Martin, Jr., poses the question in plain language and expresses my deeply felt convictions on a matter of Policy.

The reply from J. L. Robertson, dated October 3, comments vaguely on the Policy but totally ignores my direct question.

On October 4, I wrote to Mr. Robertson and restated the question. As of to-. day, more than 2 months later, I have not even received an acknowledgment of my second letter, let alone an answer to the question which I asked first on September 15.

SEPTEMBER 15, 1967. Hon. Wn.LIAM McC. MARTIN, Jr., Chairman, Board of Governors, Federal .Re

serve System, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: Recently, in the lobby

of a Fort Worth hotel, I saw prominently displayed a sign which read as follows:

"Due to a Federal Reserve ruling, 'changed' checks and customer drafts will no longer be handled as checks by the Fort Worth area banks. Please use printed checks furnished by your bank."

Now, what I want to know ls: Whose idea was this? Did it come about because of Federal Reserve Board insistence, as the notice seems to indicate? Or was it done upon the initiative of the Fort Worth banks and acceded to by the Board?

In either case, it is an extremely shabby way to treat customers, i.e. citizens. The purpose of the Federal Reserve and its rules, unless I am mistaken, is not merely to serve and promote the convenience of banks and bankers, but primarlly to promote and serve the convenience of the general public.

Clearly this does not promote the convenience of the public. It has resulted on one occasion in personal embarrassment to me. There are others who have been similarly embarrassed. If the Federal Reserve ls engaged in a dellberat.e att.empt to regiment people in this manner and to rule out their use of check forms which have always been regarded as legal tender, then I for one want to go on record with the strongest possible protest. I do not like it one bit. I am convinced that the publlc-at least in my area where a man's word is still his bond and . mutual trust ls still a way of llfe--does not like it either. If you are fostering this kind of thing, you are tinkering with something pretty sacred in our mode of life, at least in my part of the country, and I emphatically disapprove of itl

Sincerely, JIM: WRIGHT.

BOARD OF GoVERNORS, FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM,

Washington, D.C., October 3, 1967. Hon. JIM WRIGHT, House of .Representatives, Washington, D.C.

DEAR Ma. WRIGHT: We have received your letter of September 15, 1967 and can readily appreciate your concern regarding the change in the Federal Reserve System's handling of checks that are not encoded for magnetic ink character recognition. Others have also been somewhat disturbed when first hearing of the change, and we welcome the opportunity of explaining what is actually involved.

As a matter of fact, the use of the magnetically encoded checks that banks furnish their customers is not mandatory, although I must say that it is highly desirable and we hope it wm become virtually universal. What the Federal Reserve System did was to specify that after September 1 of this year the Reserve Banks would collect nonencoded checks in a different way than they collect encoded checks. The Reserve Banks will st111 accept nonencoded items and process them as "noncash" items, collection of which will require more time because of the special handling involved-that is, the accounts of the banks that deposit the items with the Federal Reserve Banks will not be credited until the Reserve Banks receive payment from the banks on which the checks are drawn. In contrast, for magnetically encoded checks that qu~lify for high-speed processing, the Reserve Banks wm continue to give credit within at least two business days regardless of how long it takes to collect the checks.

The procedure that crune into operation September 1 affects only a small percentage of checks. Practically all checks are now encoded as a result of efforts made over the years on the part of the syst.em and various banking groups to reduce the number of nonencoded checks. Such inconvenience as does occur from the new procedure will affect primarily those collecting checks rather than than those writing checks. The banks collecting the checks will have to make arrangements for encoding the checks, wait longer to collect their funds, or refrain from using the Federal Reserve collection channels. About the only time that check writers will be inconvenienced wm be those rare instances in which the payees are reluctant to accept nonencoded checks.

As you pointed out in your letter, the Federal Reserve System is concerned-in all its operations-with serving the public. The revised :t>rocedure for check handling represents an effort to expedite and reduce the cost of processing the m111ions of checks received by the Reserve Banks each day. Substantial benefits to business and to the public generally are expected to result from it. The enclosed press release of August 5, 1966 describes the System's action in more detail.

I hope that our response wm clarify to your satisfaction the position of the Federal Reserve System in carrying out its check collection responsibiUties. If you have any further comments, w.e shall of course be glad to hear from you.

Sincerely, J. L. ROBERTSON.

OCTOBER 4, 1967. Mr. J. L. ROBERTSON, Office of the Vice Chairman, Board of Gov

ernors of the Federal Reserve System, Washington, D.C.

DEAR Ma. ROBERTSON: Your letter of October 3, responding to mine of September 15, ls very much appreciated, but it does not answer my basic question.

That question is whether or not the Federal Reserve System has offi.clally required, encouraged, or recommended the action on the part of hot.els and other public institutions in displaying signs and refusing to

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35959 honor counterchecks and other legally ne-gotiable instruments. ·

Your letter of October 3 leaves this question unanswered. It states that the use of magnetically encoded checks is "not mandatory," although you regard it as desirable and hope that it will become virtually universal. It is somewhat gratifying to be assured that the use of these encoded checks is "not mandatory" and that "the Reserve Banks will still accept" nonencoded checks. But I want to know whether you are requiring or encouraging public institutions and service institutions like hotels to make them mandatory at their cashiers' windows. The sign which I quoted verbatim to you in my letter of September 15 has this effect, and it credits the Federal Reserve System with having encouraged or required it.

You state in your letter of October 3 that your new procedure "affects only a small percentage of checks." If this is indeed the case, why is it thought sufficiently valuable to place the inconvenience upon the general public? And an inconvenience I assure you it is.

You state further that such inconvenience as occurs "will affect primarily those collecting checks rather than those writing checks." As it applies to a hotel or other public accommodation in its relations with .its customers and- clients, I assure you that it inconveniences both those offering and those refusing to accept legally negotiable checks. My concern is not over the internal mechanism of the Federal Reserve's relations with its customer and member banks, but with the disrupting influence which this requirement intrudes into the friendly and amicable relationships between those operating public accommodations and the public.

You state further that "about the only time that check writers will be inconvenienced wm be those rare instances in which t~e payees are reluctant to accept nonencoded checks."

Exactly so, except that the instances are not "rare." If you misunderstood the concern of my letter, it dealt specifically and exclusively with these -instances. My complaint is that people are _inconvenienced-the public is inconvenienced. That was the entire burden of my letter to you of September 15. The other comments you make in your letter do not address themselves .to this question.

The point is that people are inconvenienced by your new ruling. I think the Federal Reserve System exists to serve the public and you have inconvenienced the public if indeed you have required or encouraged this procedure of refusal on the part of our public accommodations to accept our checks.

Therefore, I do earnestly hope that you ·will reconsider it, if indeed it is the result of a Federal Reserve policy which your letter does not specifically acknowledge but which we must by implication concede.

Very sincerely yours, JIM WRIGHT.

ALGERIA CASHES IN ITS DOLLARS FOR GOLD

Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York?

There was no objection. Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, I was dis

tressed, as others were, but not very surprised to read in yesterday's New York Times that Algeria converted more than

· $100 million into gold last month. It is no secret that the Algerian economy is manipulated by French interests, and the

major role played by Algeria in the gold raid that followed in the wake of the British devaluation is further evidence that France is the primary force behind the attack on the American dollar.

I am particularly chagrined at the French-inspired Algerian role in the gold rush of 1967 because Algeria broke diplomatic relations with the United States more than 5 months ago. At that time Algeria indicated it wanted to maintain economic, commercial, and consular relations with the United States. This is tantamount to saying: Accept this affront but let us get all, from you, that we can.

And our Government said, OK. Well I say, it is not OK. I say it is not OK that a country that does not have diplomatic relations with the United States can freely accept French orders to raid our gold reserves and threaten our economy.

I call for an immediate halt of gold sales to Algeria and any other nation with which we do not have diplomatic relations.

Under leave to extend my remarks I wish to include in the RECORD the article I referred to from the New York Times -of December 11: LARGE GOLD SALE MADE TO ALGERIA-MORE

THAN $100 MILLION IN U.S. DOLLARS UNDERSTOOD To HAVE BEEN CONVERTED-FRENCH ROLE UNCLEAR-PARTLY TO CURB SPECULATORS, TREASURY'S NOVEMBER Loss SET RECORD, $425 MILLION

(By Edwin' L. Dale, Jr.) WASHINGTON, December 10.-Algeria, whose

links to France remain close, took a large amount of gold from the United States last month, reportedly more than $100-m111ion, it was reliably learned today. ·

The Treasury, following its customary practice of not disclosing transactions with individual foreign countries until an official report is made several months later, declined to confirm or deny the report. But its accuracy-though not to the precise amount of the Algerian conversion of dollars into gold has been established. '

When the Treasury disclosed a record gold loss of $475-million last Thursday, om.cials revealed that part of the loss reflected a conversion of dollars into gold by four foreign central banks, though they were not named. A big part of the loss stemmed from the United States share of gold sales on the London market by the seven nation gold pool to match speculation demand and hold the price down to $35 an ounce.

FRANCE CRUCIAL Assuming Algeria took a $100-million or

more, this would mean that the loss because of the operations of the pool was less than some had feared. It is not known how much the other three central banks took or which country they represented.

There is no direct evidence here that France induced the Algerian conversion of dollars into gold, thus heightening the United States gold loss. But France is, in the words of one o:flicial, "absolutely crucial to Algeria's existence as a viable economic entity."

For example, only France is a good market for Algeria's low-grade wine, which is in heavy surplus. Thus, French wishes would have a strong infiuence.

NEARLY $400 MILLION EXCESS _ Although French o~cials here deny that France is out to "attack the dollar'," the words of President Charles de Gaulle have left that distinct impression. Nearly three years ago France made the decision to con-

vert all dollars into gold except for a working balance of about $600 million.

A big question for the weeks ahead is what France will do with the nearly $400-million of "excess" dollars it took in during the monetary turbulence preceding and following the devaluation of the British pound. French officials here say that no decision has been made whether to convert these dollars into gold, which would further dramatize the United States gold loss.

Algeria no longer receives any United States aid and relations between the tw.o countries have been cool if not verging on the hostile. But, under the rules of the international monetary system, all non-Communist nations have the right to convert dollars they hold at the established United States Treasury price of $35 an ounce.

Although Algeria publishes almost no statistics, its total monetary reserves are estimated by United States officials at the substantial total of about $200-million. Thus, a conversion of the dollar portion of these reserves into gold in an amount of $100-·million or more would be well within Algeria's capacity.

There has been some talk in Paris that the French Government might try to induce all the French-speaking countries in Africa to convert any dollars they hold into gold. The total amount, however, is not believed to be large.

ASSAIL PAYMENTS GAP French officials have insisted that the

purpose of President de Gaulle's policy is not to "bring down" the dollar or force a devaluation but rather to exert pressure on the United States to eliminate the chronic deficit in its balance of international payments. This deficit, they claim, hurts European countries as much as the United States, and also creates a constant climate of monetary instability in the world.

It is true, French officials say, that France sees merit in an increase in the price of gold, from its present .level of $35 an ounce. But they argue that this should be done without any devaluation of the dollar in relation to other currencies.

The device would be a "uniform change in par values," which is permitted in the articles of agreement of the International Monetary Fund. The "gold content" of all currencies would be changed at the same time in the same amount. The gold price would go up, but exchange rates among currencies would remain the · same.

The United States unequivocally opposes such a move, in part because it would "cheat" countries that had held dollars instead of gold in their reserves, and in part because the main beneficiaries would be South Africa and the Soviet Union, the two chief goldmining countries.

KENYA INDEPENDENCE DAY

Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address .the House for 1 minute, to revise and · extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,

today, December 12, is Kenya Independence Day. A~ericans have .watched with pleasure and admiration Kenya's continuing internal progress and enhanced international - prestige in its fourth year of independence.

During the year, Kenya's wise . and responsive leadership has continued to inspire the cooperative efforts of the co:untry's diverse peoples in the task of


promoting economic development and strengthening Political democracy. Since Kenya's independence 4 years ago, the spirit of "Harambee'' or "Let's pull together" has been transformed from a ringing appeal to a concrete and visible reality throughout the land.

This fourth year of independence has witnessed such remarkable accomplishments in the sphere of Kenya's international relations as the successful negotiation of the Treaty of East African Economic Cooperation and the Arusha Agreement with the Republic of Somalia.

During a year when all too frequently forces of disunion and conflict have been tragically unleashed elsewhere in Africa and the world, it has indeed been encouraging to observe this firm progress which Kenya has mad.) in the :fields of economic cooperation and peaceful settlement of disputes with its ·neighbors. Through these and other achievements the role of the Republic of Kenya, under the wise and dynamic leadership of President Joino Kenyatta, has gained increased respect in the councils of African as well as world organizations.

I am happy, Mr. Speaker, to convey to the people of Kenya my sincere best wishes and hearty congratulations on the fourth anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Kenya. In doing so, I am sure that I speak for the many friends of Kenya here in the United States.

It is my good fortune to number among my personal friends President Kenyatta, who was held as a Political prisoner by the British when I :first visited Kenya; and Tom Nboya, who on my :first visit to his country, pointed out to me the land selected as a site for the Temple of Labor donated by American labor. Since that time, independence has come to Kenya, and the strides the new nation has made have delighted Kenya's friends all over the uni verse.

GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND

Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members who so desire may have 5 legislative days in which to pay tribute to a great country, the Republic of Kenya.



WHAT SHOULD BE DONE WITH STOKELY CARMICHAEL?

Mr. THOMPSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend my remarks.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Georgia?

There was no objection. Mr. THOMPSON of Georgia. Mr.

Speaker, from the press reports there seems to be a question in the minds of certain members of the executive branch of our Government as to what can be done with regard to Stokely Carmichael who, while maintaining residence in my district, has traveled over the entire country and world preaching hate and

violence against his country and urging persons to evade the draft. Stokely Carmicl1ael has just returned to this country after approximately 5 months abroad, during which time he called for the def eat of the United States by the Vietcong and North Vietnamese and made numerous despicable remarks concerning the country that has given him a home and many benefits.

Last May on the :floor of this Congress I called upan the Attorney General to enforce the law, specifically section 12A of the Selective Service Act, against all of those who have violated it. This includes Stokely Carmichael. The Attorney General sent a spokesman to the House Armed Services Committee who, in effect, stated that he had no intention of enforcing this law because he was afraid he might violate Mr. Carmichael's right of free speech.

Mr. Speaker, I am getting a little bit fed up with the executive branch of the Government refusing to enforce the laws now in the books and then suggesting new laws, as the state Department has suggested, with regard to additional penalties for people such as Stokely Carmichael, who violate their passport conditions.

Judging from past experiences, I have no reason to believe that 1f we pass 10 laws on this subject that the Attorney General w111 enforce them.

The cold, hard facts are simply that the Attorney General of the United States could have long ago brought enforcement actions against Stokely Carmichael had it have been his desire to do so. He is not serving the best interest of this country nor the Office of the Attorney General by his indecision and failure to take action when action is warranted, needed, and necessary to protect the interests of our people and country.

The time has come when officials in a position to take action realize that this country has a basic right to survive, and the right of free speech, though we must protect it, is not an absolute right but a right which must be construed in the light of valid laws and the basic unwritten cardinal right threaded throughout the fabric of the entire Constitutionthe right of the American people of the American Government to survive and protect itself from treacherous apostles preaching hate and violence and calling for the defeat of the country to whom they owe so much.

Mr. Speaker, if the Attorney General of the United States refuses to enforce the laws of the country as they should be, in order to protect the survival of our country, then he should resign and let someone be appainted in his place who is not afraid to stand up for their country and do their duty.

LEGAL AND MONETARY AFFAms SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS COMMITTEEACTIVITIES IN THE FIRST SESSION OF THE 90TH CONGRESS Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to

the request of the gentleman from Florida?

There was no objection. Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, as we ap

proach the end of the first session of the 90th Congress, I am pleased to submit a resume of the activities and accomplishments of the Legal and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee of the House Committee on Government Operations in this session.

The following Members were appointed by the Honorable WILLIAM L. DAWSON' chairman of the full committee, to the Legal and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee: CORNELIUS E. GALLAGHER, of New Jersey; JIM WRIGHT, of Texas; FERNAND J . ST GERMAIN, of Rhode Island; JACK EDWARDS, of Alabama; GUY VANDER JAGT, of Michigan; and WILLIAM 0. COWGER, of Kentucky. I was made chairman.

One of the committee's chief responsibilities is to examine and evaluate the efficiency and economy of the operations Of the executive branch departments and agencies. Among the departments and agencies whose efficiency and economy of operations the subcommittee is concerned with are the Treasury Department, Department of Justice, the Federal banking regulatory agencies, the U.S. Coast Guard, and the Securities and Exchange Commission. In my estimation, the subcommittee can take justifiable pride in the kinds of investigations they conducted during the year and in their results. Significant savings should inure to the benefit of the Government 1f the recommendations for improved efficiency and economy are implemented by the agencies.

During the year, 9 days of public hearings were held on studies that were being made by the subcommittee. Other studies were conducted which resulted in improved agency operations without the necessity of public hearings. Some of the most significant studies made during the year are discussed here:

THE FEDERAL EFFORT AGAINST ORGANIZED

CRIME

Although the Department of Justice and the Federal investigative agencies have directed assaults of varying intensity on organized crime and racketeering at one time or another since 1950, published reparts indicated that as late as the beginning of 1967 the Federal Government lack sufficient personnel and financial resources in the fight against organized crime. In fact, in establishing his Crime Commission, the President was obliged to say that despite best efforts the menace of organized crime continued to grow.

The Legal and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee has oversight jurisdiction over the two Federal departments that are in the forefront of the Government's efforts to combat organized crime, that is the Department of Justice. including the FBI; and the Treasury Department, particularly the Internal Revenue Service, and the Customs, Secret Service, and Narcotics Bureaus.

It seems essential for the subcommittee to get the record clearly before the American people and to see what more can be done to help the Federal Government better equip itself to deal with the prob-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35961 lem. Public hearings have been held, and ·others are planned. early in the second session, designed to determine the magnitude of the syndicated crime problem; the Federal Government's proper role in meeting the problem; its ability to carry out its responsibilities; whether its resources are being used to fullest advantage; the results being obtained; and whether-and how-its capabilities can be strengthened. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE'S HANDLING OF VET

ERANS' ADll.nNISTRATION MORTGAGE FORECLOS

URES

Although for about 20 years the Veterans' Administration itself, or through fee attorneys, handled the litigation involved in foreclosing on defaulted mortgages which VA held, the Department of Justice on June 22, 1964, gave VA only slightly over a week's notice that it was taking over the handling of such foreclosures as of July 1, 1964. Because of various objections raised by the VA the actual takeover was delayed until March 1, 1965.

Because of indications that delays in the handling of the litigation were proving costly to the Government, the subcommittee made a study, including public hearings, of the efficiency and economy of the Department's handling of the cases. Resulting therefrom was a report entitled "Department of Justice's Handling of Veterans' Administration Mortgage Foreclosures," House Report No. 536, 90th Congress, first session.

Among the findings made by the subcommittee was that before the takeover the Department did not have precise knowledge of the volume of foreclosure cases that might be involved in the takeover, nor the capability of the Department to handle them speedily. The Department had made no investigation of the problems that were likely to arise, nor had it consulted with the Bureau of the Budget before the takeover.

Many reasons accounted for delays in completing cases, including inadequate staff in some U.S. attorneys' offices to handle the extra caseloads, the duplication of procedures within VA and the Department under the Department's method of handling the cases, and the fact that the cases were concentrated primarily in a few Federal courts, whereas they had been much more speedily handled by VA in State courts. The net result according to the subcommittee was a loss to the taxpayers of some $800,000 on 2,890 foreclosure cases considered.

The report recommended means whereby the processing of the cases by the Department can be speeded up, thus reducing or eliminating the costly delays. It also recommends that before any function being performed by one agency of the Government is taken over by another, the Bureau of the Budget should first consider the proposal, with the objective of judicious planning and the elimination of wasteful situations. COAST GUARD EXAMINATION OF FOREIGN PASSEN

GER VESSELS-PROGRESS REPORT ON INCREASED

PASSENGER SAFETY

In 1966, following the SS Yarmouth Castle tragedy, 1n which 90 persons lost their lives on a pleasure cruise when that

vessel burned and sank, the subcommittee made an extensive study of the U.S. Coast Guard's role in assuring the safety of foreign passenger vessels, and the means of prohibiting vessels unsafe because of their combustib111ty from carrying passengers from U.S. shores. House RePort No. 1663, entitled "Coast G.uard Examination of Foreign Passenger Vessels," was issued following that study.

In the first session of the OOth Congress the subcommittee gave further attention to the problem of increased passenger ship safety, and the Coast Guard's role with respect thereto, following which House Report No. 829, entitled "Coast Guard Examination of Foreign Passenger Vessels--Progress Report on Increased Passenger Safety," was issued.

The report recites the marked improvements that have occurred for improving the fire safety standards of vessels and the providing of information to prospective passengers of safety standards applicable to foreign ships; it also makes recommendations for further efforts toward safety. SEARCH AND RESCUE OPERATIONS FOR U.S. PRI

VATE PILOTS MISSING IN FOREIGN AREAS

In an incident brought to the attention of the subcommittee, even though congressional intervention was made, it took 3 ¥2 days after an American private pilot was reported as missing on a ftight between Mexico and Nicaragua to get U.S. search and rescue efforts underway. The efforts that were made were conducted by the Coast Guard, an agency within the subcommittee's jurisdiction. Investigation developed that the basic reason for the delay in getting the search started was the lack of any overall Federal agency plan that was to apply when U.S. private pilots or aircraft were missing in foreign areas. In consequence, the State Department, Coast Guard, and Federal Aviation Administration officials to whom the missing pilot report was made, either did not know what to do, or had not received authority to conduct operations in the foreign areas involved.

Public hearings were held during which officials of the State Department, Coast Guard, the Air Force, and the FAA testified. The reasons for the failure to pre-

· pare a search-and-rescue plan were fully explored, as reported in the committee report which was issued, House Report No. 832, 90th Congress, 1st session, "Search and Rescue Operations for U.S. Private Pilots Missing in Foreign Areas."

The report recommended that the agencies involved develop the needed plan; that the State Department internally promulgate instructions for its duty officers on the procedures to be fol_lowed in the event of a similar emergency which requires clearances from foreign countries before U.S. search-and-rescue efforts may be made therein; and other procedures for insuring speed in searching for downed U.S. aircraft and private pilots in foreign areas.

OTHER STUDIES

Numerous studies were conducted by the subcommittee without public hearings being held or formal reports issued, which resulted in improved agency operations or substantial savings, or both.

A study was made of procedures and practices of the General Accounting Office in the handling of protestS made by bidders, against contracts, or the award of. contracts. The GAO recently published procedures which are aimed at providing every reasonable opportunity to bidders and contractors to make fair presentations of their positions regarding entitlement to contracts, which procedures should work out to the benefit not only to those parties but also to the Government.

A study has considered the manner and extent to which the interest equalization tax, which · was passed in aid of the Nation's balance-of-payments situation, has been enforced.

Additional studies have considered such subjects as the possib111ty of effecting savings through changes in the marketing of Government agency obligations; the compliance with Federal Reserve Board interest advertisement rules by banks in the introduction and advertising of new kinds of accounts; improving the recordkeeping procedures on returns for social security credits filed by self-employed persons; inquiry into Internal Revenue Service procedures in the settling of tax liab111ties for sums less than the amount of the tax obligations; inquiry into Federal Reserve policy with respect to loans to member banks at the "discount window"; inquiry into the adequacy of the enforcement of the Federal Firearms Act by the Treasury Department; various studies with respect to the Treasury's savings bond operations; and inquiry with respect to the Treasury's issuing and subsequently prohibiting licenses to organizations for the delivery of medical supplies to U.S. prisoners in North Vietnam; numerous other studies were also made, some of which are continuing into the second session of the 90th Congress.

GENERAL ACCOUNTING OFFICE REPORTS

At the beginning of the year the subcommittee had six GAO reports under review and study, and 13 more were received. Seventeen were closed after action taken by the subcommittee, or after it developed that no action was required. Two reports remain under review.

PRIOR ACTIVITIES OF CONTINUING INTEREST

In the 88th Congress, after subcommittee investigation, House Report No. 1146 was issued entitled "Crimes Against Banking Institutions." Because such crimes, such as bank robberies, have not decreased, the subcommittee maintains a continuing interest in the subject and in having the bank supervisory agencies take recommended action to have banks safeguard themselves against both external and internal crimes.

In the 88th Congress, House Report No. 1640, entitled "Judgment Collection Practices and Policies of the Department of Justice," made n~erous recommendations designed to improve the collecting of judgments by the Department of Justice. When · the investigation started at the end of fiscal year 1963 ·collections totaled only about $67 million in that year. Since that time collections have increased substantially so that the total for fiscal year 1966 was almost $100


million more than in fiscal year 1963. In the 4 years that the subcommittee has interested itself in improved collections about $350 million more has been collected than was being collected when the study began.

In the 89th Congress, House Report No. 1335, entitled "Federal Reserve System-Check Clearance Float," made recommendations for decreasing the float and the consequent open market operation problems of the Federal Reserve System. Because of steps taken by the System pursuant to the recommendations, there has been significant reduction in the float despite the fact that the number of check clearings have increased substantially.

In closing, I would like to say that the members of the subcommittee have devoted a great deal of time and effort and made valuable contributions to the subcommittee's work by reason of their training, experience, and interest. As chairman of the subcommittee I am most grateful.

PELLY URGES GAO INVESTIGATION OF DEFENSE DEPARTMENT DEAL

Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, and to revise and extend my remarks.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Washington?

There was no objection. Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, the U.S.

maritime industry, already beset with problems created by the lack of administration leadership and martime programs, now has been struck with a new and dubious action which further comPounds the plight into which this vital industry has been forced.

Commissioner of Customs Lester D. Johnson has confirmed a report that was given me that navigation laws were waived so that two German-built hydrofoil vessels could be imported into the United states. This was done at the request of the Secretary of Defense, who considered the move, "in the interest of national defense."

Mr. Speaker, 2 years ago the Grumman Aircraft Co. attempted to lease the U.S. Maritime Administration's research hydrofoil, the HS Denison, a vessel they built with Government funds, but this was contrary to the intent of the Merchant Marine Act of 1936, and it was halted. The announced purpose of the lease was for European demonstration use.

Now, Grumman has entered a joint venture with Blohm & Voss of Hamburg, Germany, the company which built the two hydrofoils allowed to be imported into the United States. The sum total of these moves has been that the German manufacturer has gained the hydrofoil know-how which Grumman gained at the expense of the U.S. taxpayer, and which is now being used in competition with our hydrofoil efforts; competition, I might add, that the Defense Secretary refers to as, "in the interest of national defense."

Mr. Speaker, there are two companies

in my own district which are privately owned builders in the hydrofoil field, and this is just one more example of the Johnson administration circumventing the will of Congress and the law to build American shtps foreign and avoid using American labor.

In the interest of protecting the American shipbuilding industry, I am urging the General Accounting Omce to fully investigate this waiver of the law by the Department of Defense and who engineered this deal.

Mr. Speaker, the law is specific th.at transportation of passengers and cargo between American ports is limited to American-built vessels. The Defense Department ruling in this case clearly circumvents the law.

These two hydrofoils are for domestic use in the San Francisco area.

WHY, MR. ATTORNEY GENERAL, IS STOKELY CARMICHAEL "ABOVE THE LAW"?

Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Speaker, the news

papers are full of stories about the return of Stokely Carmichael to the United States with much fanfare from black power groups, but a minimum of activity by the U.S. Department of Justice.

The Attorney General shows the courage of a bull-butterfly in meeting his responsibilities with characters of this nature.

The Justice Department lamely and almost apologetically lifted Carmichael's passport upon his arrival and permitted him to go on his merry way.

The very respected dean of the Notre Dame Law School, Joseph O'Meara, wrote an article appearing in the December 1967 issue of the American Bar Association Journal entitled, "No Man Is Above the Law."

Dean O'Meara very objectively and very ably points out that although the Department of Justice appears to believe that Carmichael, King and others have not violated the law that he disagrees and states specific reasons -why, citing decisions and opinions.

One particular statement by Dean O'Meara is as follows:

Like other malefactors, they should be prosecuted. And that goes for anyone elsewhite or black-who is urging young men to "become" conscientious objectors-a vicious absurdity, which is nothing less than urging them to become hypocrites and perjurers. These men should be prosecuted, I repeat, and there is no excuse for not doing so. As the record shows, I profoundly believe that no man should be discriminated against because of his color. I am equally convinced that no man should be protected by his color.

The following is the full text of Dean O'Meara's article:

No MAN Is ABOVE THE LAW

(NoTE.-ln this article, Dean O'Meara declares that Stokely Carmichael and. others

like him should be prosecuted. for counseling young men to refuse to bear arms in violation of two sections of the United. States Code. To support his contention he compares some of Carmichael's recent utterances with those for which the defendant was punished in the landmark case of Schenck v. United States.)

(By Joseph O'Meara, dean o! the Notre Dame Law School)

"No man is above the law and no man is below it" 1-this was Theodore Roosevelt's magnificent capsule statement of the rule of law which served as the theme for Law Day 1967. Far more eloquent, however, is John Courtney Murray's expression of the meaning, the intent and. the effect of the rule of law. "Western man", Father Murray says, "has sought in the idea of law a manifold redemption-from the arbitrary despotisms of uncontrolled power; from the threat or fact of injustice to his person and to his property; from dispossession of his human and his civil rights; from the degradation that ensues upon social inequalities destructive of his personal significance and worth ... from the disruption of life by the irrational forces of passion, caprice, and chance that militate against the 'life of expectab1Uty,' ..• that is guaranteed by the rule of law." 1.1

What would happen to these values, so highly prized by us, if Communist aggressors should carry the day? We are locked in mortal combat with them at this momentin Vietnam. There, in that hot and distant land, we are waging an escalating war, a war that is horrible and tragic as all wars always have been.a

Why are we fighting a war in that far-away corner of the earth? 4 First of all, because we have made commitments, which have been and are being relied on; because we are not and cannot afford to become welshers.

We are fighting thait war, moreover, to preserve the rule of law and the values it protects.

We are fighting that war, finally, as a matter of self-preservation. If we do not stop Communist aggression in Vietnam, where shall we stop it? After the Reds have engulfed or neutralized Indonesia? Over~ whelmed the Philippines? Reduced or isolated Japan? Established a beachhead in Australia? Or shall we wait untll they have landed in Central America or Mexico?

To stop the Communist aggressors now, · while they are stlll far from our own shores,

American men are dying in Vietnam; American women are losing their sons, husbands and sweethearts. At the same time there are many in this country who are fighting another and different war, a war against what is called our "involvement" in Vietnam. Some of these are motivated by strongly held moral principles. They are entitled to respect, and nothing I shall say is directed against them. To a considerable extent, however, I am persuaded that the objectors are either Com-

l 38 CONG. REC. 3 { 1903) . J MURRAY, WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS 155

(1960). 8 The legality of the war was afllrmed by

the House of Delegates of the American Bar Association in February of 1966. The resolution was published in the April, 1966, issue Of the JOURNAL (52 A.D.A.J. 392-393).

•Cf. columnist Roscoe Drummond as reported in The South Bend Tribune for September 14, 1967, at page 12: " ... The basic premise of the U.S. defense of South Vietnam was set out by President Eisenhower as early as 1953. It was that 1+: is vital to the national interest of the United States to arrest further Communist expansion-by-force in Asia following the Korean war. This was the position of the Eisenhower administration, of the Kennedy administration and 1s that of the Johnson administration."

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 35963 munists " or cowards, or they are persons of large good wm but little insight who have been euchred into being stooges,e or persons who are seeking some end of their own (ambition, revenge or whatever) at the expense of their country.

To be specific I am referring to Martin Luther King, Stokely Garmichael and others like them. Such persons are doing a disservice to the cause of civil rights by seeking to link the civil rights movement with their efforts to persuade young men to avoid military service.7 8 Like other malefactors, they should be prosecuted. And that goes for anyone else-white or black-who is urging young men to "become" conscientious objectors--a vicious absurdity, which is nothing less than urging them to become hypocrites and perjurers. These men should b.e prosecuted, I repeat, and there is no excuse for not doing so. As the record shows, I profoundly belleve that no man should be discriminated against because of his color. I am equally convinced that no man should be protected by his color.

What I have said ~y be denied indignantly. But the men I have named and others like them let the cat out of the bag. They give themselves away. For never once do they condemn the terrorist tactics of the North Vietnamese. Never once do they condemn Hanoi's rejection of all peace proposals, not only those put forward by the Administration but also those advanced by neutral powers, by the Secretary General of the United Nations and by the Vatican. Never once do they lament the suffering and death borne by our forces in Vietnam. These men weep only for the enemy.

Let them criticize, protest and condemn to their heart's content. To do so ls their privilege under the First Amendment. But let it be understood tha.t the Constitution gives no right to obstruct the war effort, as by attempting to persuade young men to refuse to bear arms for their country. Such attempts are a violation of two sections of the United States Code, namely, Title 18, Section 2388 and Title 50, Section 462, which provide as follows:

Title 18, Section 2388(a): "Whoever, when the United States is at

war, willfully causes or attempts to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States, or willfully obstructs the recruiting or enlistment service of the United States, to the injury of the service or the United States, or attempts to do so--

"Shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than twenty years, or both."

Title 50, Section 462(a): "Any member of the Selective Service Sys

tem or any other person . . . who knowingly counsels, aids, or abets another to refuse or evade registration or service in the armed forces or any of the requirements of this title ... shall, upon conviction in any district court of the United States of competent jurisdiction, be punished by imprisonment for not more than five years or a fine of not more than $10,000, or by both stfch fine and imprisonment."

6 Secretary of State Dean Rusk, commenting on "Vietnam Week", ts quoted by the New York Times for April 17, 1967, as saying: "I have no doubt at all that the Communist apparatus is very busy indeed in these operations all over the world and in our own country. I do not mean to say that all those who · have objections to the war in Vietnam are Communists. But the worldwide Communist movement is working very hard on this."

6 Many of them, unhappily, are teaching in our colleges and universities.

., s This ts the omcial position of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. See the New York Times for July 16, 1967, page 1, column 7.

Section 2388 is in full force and effect by virtue of Section 2391 of Title 18.• An examination of the relevant :materials discloses that the national emergency referred to in Section 2391 has not been tennin.a.ted.1•

But ts it true that these statutes, in fact, have been violated by Messrs. King and Carmichael and others like them? The Department of Justice appears to believe that no violation has occurred. To show that the department is mistaken, I shall take up, for now, only the case of Stokely Carmicha.el.

Consider some of Carmichael's recent utterances. Compare them with the language for which the defendants were convicted in Schenck v. United States u and United States v. Miller.a

To facilitate the comparison, I set out in Table I, side by side, the relevant language from Schenck (as described by Mr. Justice Holmes at page 51) and Miller, and one of Carmichael's incendiary olltbursts (as quoted in the Aprll 22, 1967 issue of The National Guardian, published by Weekly Guardian Associates, 197 East Fourth Street, New York City).

What is there about Carmichael's infl.amma tory statements that ls so different from the language for which Schenck and Miller were punished? Why ls Carmichael entitled to an Immunity that was denied to them? In point of fact, I submit that Carmichael's language is more violent, more provocative, more likely to inflame young men against conscription and to defy the draft than the statements made by Schenck and Miller.

In Schenck Mr. Justice Holmes, writing for the Court, which included Mr. Justice Brandeis, said that (page 52):

"The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fl.re in a theatre and causing a panic. It does not even protect a man from an injunction against uttering words that may have all the effect of force .... The question in every case ls whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree. When a nation is at war many things that might be said in time of peace are such a hindrance to its effort that their utterance will not be endured so long as men fight and that no Court could regard them as protected by any constitutional right."

In a per curiam opinion in Miller, the Court said (at page 172) that defendant's-

" ... constitutional objections have been met by the overwhelming weight of wellsettled and unanimous authority .... Congress in fulfillment of its constitutional duty has enacted this legislation to provide for the national security; that defendant disapproves the Congressional action and has frequently

· • "The provisions of section 2388 of this title, as amended and extended by section 1 (a) (29) of the Emergency Powers Continuation Act (66 Stat. 333), as further amended by Public Law 12, Eighty-third Congress, in addition to coming into full force and effect in time of war shall remain in full force and effect until six months after the termination of the national emergency proclaimed by the President on December 16, 1950 (Proc. 2912, 3 C. F. R., 1950 Supp., p. 71), or such earlier date as may be prescribed by concurrent resolution of the Congress, and acts which would give rise to legal consequences and penalties under section 2388 when performed during a state of war shall give rise to the same legal consequences and penalties when they are performed during the period above provided for. (Added June 30, 1953, ch. 175, § 6, 67 Stat. 134.) "

10 This ha.s been verlfted by the National Archives and Records Service in Washington.

u 249 U.S. 47 (1919). 12 233 F. 2d 171 (2d Cir.1956).

and vehemently stated her position on this and other matters of public importance lends no weight to the validity of her arguments, which are without legal merit. Like the conviction of her husband this day affirmed ... this is a sad case where self-delusion has carried defendant to the point where she apparently believes her own warped ideas of patriotism, interlarded with distressing racial, religious, and political biases, can justify her in the crudest of law violations."

Mr. Justice Holmes pointed out in Gitlow v. New York 13 (Brandeis concurring), as he had in Schenck, at page 52 that:

"The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree."

And in Schaefer v. United States,1' Mr. Justice Brandeis (Holmes concurring) quoted exactly the same language from Schenck which Holmes had quoted in Gitlow.

So the question is: What are the circumstances, that is to say, in what conditions did Carmichael speak, since it is essential to consider his fiery utterances in context. Stokely Carmichael is a firebrand, a militant, a violent character. He seems to breed riots; they follow in his train. This is understandable in view of the inflammatory nature of his speeches as reported on the radio and in the press. Thus in Louisville (according to the Courier-Journal for June 20, 1967, at page A-11) he proclaimed: "It's not a question of law and order. We have to build a revolution."

The South Bend Tribune of June 22, 1967 (page 17) carries the following UPI dispatch from Atlanta:

"Atlanta's racial troubles began Monday night following a speech by Carmichael in which he:

"Urged Negroes to join a 'revolution' against whites;

"Told the audience not to clap ... to save their energy for 'beating heads.' "

And, according to both ABC and CBS radio broadcasts on June 26, 1967, Carmichael, in Boston, suggested bombing stores owned by white merchants as a means of acquiring them for Negroes. An AP dispatch from the scene (according to The South Bend Tribune for June 26, 1967, at page 7) reads, in part, as follows:

"Stokely Carmichael led a march through the streets of Boston's heavlly Negro Roxbury section Sunday and told Negroes they must take control of the land and stoi:es in their areas.

"'We will control things in our communities by any means necessary,' he told a rally in Franklin Park.

"'If hunky {the white man) gets his store bombed out every Friday or Saturday,' Carmichael said, 'he's going to have to sell it to us.'

"He also told the crowd that the only way to stop 'racist aggression' by police 'is by armed resistance.' "

Finally, The South Bend Tribune for July 26, 1967, at page 9, carried the following AP dispatch from Havana:

"Stokely Carmichael says Negroes in American cities a.re going to wage a guerrilla 'fight to the death,' the Cuban news agency reported Tuesday as the U.S. black power leader arrived in Havana for a revolutionary conference.

"The Prensa Latina agency quoted the fiery 26-year-old Negro as saying: 'In Newark we applied war tactics of the guerrillas. We are preparing groups of urban guerrillas for our defense in the cities. The price of these rebellions is a high price that one must pay. This fight ls not going to be a simple street

1a 268 U.S. 652 (1~25). i .i 251 U.S. 466 (1920).

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967.

meeting. It 1s goi:µg to· be a fight to the death.'"

· If you have heard him on radio, you know that his language is so impassioned that he sometimes becomes almost incoherent. And he speaks to restless young Negroes, many, it not most, of draft age, who idolize him. The rAmarks I have quoted above from The National Guardian must be judged in this context. And their effectiveness, at least according to a column in the April 23, 1967, issue .of The Daily Worker . (page 9) is obvious:

"Led by Stokely Carmichael and marching behind the banner of the Black United Action Front, coordinating committee for the peace marchers in Harlem, the parade evoked sympathetic comments from many onlookers.

"Carmichael was besieged particularly by young Harlemites who eagerly shook his hand. A number asked for his autograph.

"THEME

"The theme of the marchers, 'Hell no; we won't go!' won the greatest response along the line of march, especially from draft-age youth. And it was evident from the determined expression on many faces that for many it was not just a march slogan.

"A rhythmic chant taken up repeatedly by the marchers seemed to express the mood of large numbers of onlookers.

"It was: " 'We'll fight in Mississippi, in Watts, in

Birmingham, in Harlem, but not in Vietnam.'"

If Schenck is followed, it is obvious, I supmit, that Stokely Carmichael is guilty of attempting to sabotage the draft and should be prosecuted without further delay. There are some, however, who suggest that the authority of Schenck was destroyed by Abrams v. United States,15 Schaefer v. United States,18

and Pierce v. United States 11 because Justices Holmes and Brandeis dissented in those cases.

They did not dissent, however, in Frohwerk v. United States IB or in Debs v. United States.UJ Like Schenck these were prosecutions under the Espionage Act of 1917. In Frohwer'k the defendants were found guilty on the basis of articles in a newspaper they published. In Debs the basis of the conviction was a speech the defendant had made. In both cases the convictions were affirmed by the Supreme Court and in both Mr. Justice Holmes wrote for a unanimous Court.

The authority of Schenck is supported, moreover, by GitZow v. New York 20 and Whitney v. California.n In Gitlow, Justices Holmes and Brandeis dissented, as in Abrams, Schaefer and Pierce. In Whitney the same Justices concurred in the Court's judgment, which affirmed a conviction under the Callfornia Criminal Syndicalism Act, this time in an opinion by Mr. Justice Brandeis. In both cases, however, they cited and relled on Schenck. Indeed, in Abrams Mr. Justice Holmes, speaking for Mr. Justice Brandeis as well as himself, affirmed his faith in Schenck.

Those who brush aside the Schenck case argue that the Universal M111tary Training and Service Act (Title 50, U.S.C. App. § 462 (a)) is violated only by attempting to persuade specific persons to evade their duty under that act. There are only a few judicial decisions involving Title 50, U.S.C. App. § 462(a), e.g., Gara v. United States 22 and United States v. Miller.23 Each involved the

15 250 U.S. 616 (1919). ie 251 U.S. 466 (1920). •1 252 U.S. 239 (1920). is 249 U.S. 204 (1919). 10 249 U.S. 211 (1919). 20 268 u .s. 652 ( 1925) . 21 274 U.S. 357 (1927). 22 178 F. 2d 38 (6th Cir. 1949), aff'd without

opinion, 340 U.S. 857 (1950), rehearing denied, 340 U.S. 893 (1950).

ll8 233 F. 2d 171 (2d Cir. 1956).

proscribed "counseling and aiding and abetting" in respect of specified individuals. But I find nothing in the opinion in el ther case suggesting the decision turned on that fact. In Gara the contrary is explicitly stated. This is demonstrated by the following excerpts from the opinion at pages 40-42. A letter written by the defendant to the United States Attorney in Toledo contained the following:

"Appellant also signed a pledge in 1948, stating, 'I shall in every way possible assist and support Non-registrants.' Evidence was presented to the effect that at a me.eting held in Reading, Pennsylvania on August 25, 1948, he advocated that men · of draft age refuse to register under the Selective Service Act of 1948, and later stated, 'In making this speech I intended to violate the Selective Service Act.' [Page 40.]

• • • • • "Here appellant admits that he agreed in

every way possible to assist and support nonreglstrants. At an open meeting he advocated refusal to register. His repeated letters state that he counseled men of draft age to refuse registration. Such actions, if carried out extensively, might well nullify the law. Appellant may attack the Selective Service Act of 1948 from every platform in America with impunity, but he cannot, under the guise of free speech, nullify it by disobedience to its express provisions" [pages 41-42].

I want no misunderstanding of my position. The record shows, as I said earlier in this paper, that • .. r profoundly believe that no man should be discriminated against because of his color. I am equally convinced that no man should be protected by his color." As I see it, Carmichael is being protected by his color. This immunity, tacitly granted for that reason to a demagogue who ls giving aid and comfort to the enemy, seems to me intolerable.

"No man is above the law and no man is below it"-no man is below the law and no man is above it.

TABLE I SCHENCK

In impassioned language it [i.e., a circular distributed by the accused] intimated that conscription was despotism in its worst form and a monstrous wrong against humanity in the interest of Wall Street's chosen few. It said "Do not submit to intimidation," but in form at least confined itself to peaceful measures such as a petition for the repeal of the act. The other and later printed side of the sheet was headed "Assert Your Rights." It stated reasons for alleging that any one violated the constitution when he refused to recognize "your right to assert your opposition to the draft,'' and went on "If you· do not assert and support your rights, you are helping to deny or disparage rights which it is the solemn duty of all citizens and residents of the United States to retain." It described the arguments on the other side as coming from cunning politicians and a mercenary capitalist press, and even silent consent to the conscription law as helping to support an infamous conspiracy. It denied the power to send our citizens away to foreign shores to shoot up the people of other lands, and added that words could not express the condemnation such cold-blooded ruthlessness deserves, &c., &c., winding up "You must do your share to maintain, support and uphold the rights' of the people of this country."

MILLER

Defendant, Lucille S. Miller, was convicted in July, 1955, on all eighteen counts of an indictment charging her with knowingly counseling nine named persons to refuse to comply with certain provisions of the Universal Military Training and Service Ac( in violation of 50 U.S.C. App. f 462(a):

CARMICHAEL

The Student Nonviolent _ Coordinating Committee took a stand against [the Vietnam] war in 1965 because it is a brutal and racist war. We took our stand because we oppose the drafting of young Afro-Americans to defend a so-called democracy which they do not find at home. We took that stand because this war forms part and parcel · of an American foreign policy which has repeatedly sought to impose the status quo, by force, on colored peoples struggling for liberation from tyranny and poverty. Only the white powers of the West will deny that this is a racist war. When the colored peoples of the world look at that war, they see just one thing. For tliem, the U.S. military in Vietnam represents international white supremacy.

• We have not only a right to speak out-

we have an obligation. We must be involved, we must fight racism in all its manifestations. There is another America, and it is an ugly one. It is an America whose basic policy at home and a.broad can only . be called genocide.

• • • • We must speak out more strongly against

the draft. Our position on the draft ls very simple: Hell no, we ain't going. The draft takes the enslaved black youth of this society and uses them to support enslavement abroad. The draft is white people sending black people to make war on yellow people in order to defend the land they stole from red people.1 ·

OUR POLICE MUST BE SUPPORTED Mr. BROYHffiL of Virginia. Mr.

Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, and to revise and extend my remarks.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection t.o the request of the gentleman from Virginia?

There was no objection. Mr. BROYHILL of Virginia. Mr.

Speaker, in recent days the wives of policemen have come to me with tears in their eyes and terror in their hearts because of the incidents of disrespect, disinterest, and distrust in official places for their husbands and the duties they are assigned t.o perform.

One wife and mother is fearful that her marriage will fail because her husband returns home from the streets of our model city each night after 15 and 18 hours of duty, angry and frustrated, unable to strike out at anyone but his family in his bitterness at what he has t.o endure on the streets and in the courts each day.

A general sessions court judge crudely and irrationally assails poUcemen in his courtroom for looking at the floor or the ceiling during sessions.

Antipoverty officials apologize for the criminals they employ and use their high offices and Federal funds to promote court actions against the Government that feeds them.

Our new officials appoint new study groups and lobby Congress for new laws, ignoring the basic statutes that will provide them with all the anticrime weapons needed if they will apply their power to enforcing them.

The first omcial action of our new

1 See also the ·New York Tlmes .fpr May 2, . 1967, at page 11, column 1. ·

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35965 Council is to lovingly comfort a local malcontent and put on a public display of demanding an investigation of our policemen.

They seem to be wildly anxious to listen to the same old complainers, exotic planners, and costly promoters of more study groups, more commissions, more blueprtnt makers of model cities.

In effect, we are getting excuses but no action.

What is needed is a public display of confidence in and support of our police forces-a step in effective leadership, totally lacking at this moment.

It is a step that has not been taken by the White House.

A step that has been neglected by the Attorney General of the United States.

A step that has been avoided by many courts in the city, and by contingent arms of the judicial at higher levels.

No one speaks out for the police except their tearful wives.

A policeman's duty is to the people. It is from the people that he obtains his authority. His uniform is a symbol of his opligation to law and order, an obligation that is basic for the survival of a decent society.

A policeman is trained to use his judgment, briefed in the intricacies of the law he is charged with enforcing. He is made adept in the use of the weapons provided to him by the people.

And he is put on the streets and alleys in the dark of night to keep secure a city and a society that so far is failing him in every respect except handing him the full . responsibility of making the streets and alleys safe. . Today he is the victim of an appalling travesty of justice.

He is a knight in purpose but in fact one strtpped of his armor.

He is denied the basic protection afforded other citizens, the presumption of innocence until proven guilty of wild and unsubstantiated charges repeatedly flung in his unprotected face ..

He is a victim of neglect and public indifference, a target of slander, abuse, and disrespect--and, in recent days, far too often the victim of crtminal guns and knives, more often than not used against him by practiced felons freed by lenient judges or left free to roam the streets by forgetful or neglectful prosecutors.

We are not in need of new laws; but of enforcement of existing ones.

We are not in dire straits over the capacity of existing forces, but of public support for those who are on the streets night and day.

We are not safe or secure, not because of the unwillingness of our policemen and their leaders, but because of public apathy and official eagerness to let them be condemned in order to please a raucous and inflammable segment of our population.

A felony repeater guns down a police~ man and· our city and its leaders are silent.

A hippie spits in the face of our law enforcers and the crackpots applaud.

A store is robbed by parolees, a fire set by convicted arsonists, while our prosecutors remain indifferent and other officials hurry to add another name to the long list of those they are bent on

rehabilitating, regardless of how many police lives it costs or how much destruction of public property ensues.

Justice is no longer delayed. It is indifferent.

Support for our police is no longer lacking. It has disappeared.

Public interest in rigid enforcement of the law is no longer apathetic, it is nonexistent.

And the major victims of this neglect are the very police we assign to maintain law and order, plus their wives and children, who bear the burden of the harassment and- disrespect .as much as the husbands and fathers on the receiving end of it.

The President cries out for a new crime bill, despite his proclivity for vetoing those already sent him.

Government officials hold court and forums, suspending police officers who in the performance of their duties angered or frustrated those caught in the act of committing a crime.

The fine print of judicial exercises in semantics is offered as a substitute for law and order.

Lawbreakers are paraded as public spokesmen. Criminals and crackpots are appointed to high-paying jobs as youth leaders and social planners.

I believe it is time to call in the police of Washington, D.C., and instruct them to enforce the law to the letter-those on the books today, not those on the back burner.

I believe it is time for our courts to enforce judicial restraint in coddling criminals or those justices continually responsible for it to be removed from the benches.

When these things are done and not until they are done will we have any semblance of a peaceful city; a city with safe streets; a city where police are respected and laws obeyed; a city that supports the efforts of its police and backs them with public expressions of endorsement when they are under attack.

Law and order cannot endure as a split personality. Justice cannot function unless it is a two-way street.

If this model city and this Nation must choose between spending tax dollars on enforcing existing laws or supporting those encouraged to break the laws, I believe it will select the former. Choose it must, and soon, or there will be no choice left.

Either we shed our indifference to police abuse and disrespect, renew our demands for speedy and lasting prosecution of those responsible for disorder, or we suffer from the disintegration of society.

The policeman on the street has made his choice. It is time for the residents in the livingrooms to raise their voices.

I have raised mine in the hope that others will follow. If they do not riots and breakdown of law and order, which · have historically proven a prelude to revolution, will inevitably follow.

H. H. H.'S "GREAT ADVENTURE" Mr. HARVEY. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to extend my re-

marks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Michigan?

There was no objection. Mr. HARVEY. Mr. Speaker, I know

that the Members were aroused several weeks ago when I spoke on the floor regarding a news article which reported Vice President HUBERT H. HUMPHREY as saying that he believed the Vietnam war would go down as America's "great adventure." The ·next day, November 1, 1967, the same newspaper, the Washington Daily News, printed an editorial entitled "H. H. H.'s 'Great Adventure.' "

In the interest of fairness and for the general information of those Members who showed an interest in these newspaper reports, I wish to report on related further developments at this time.

Vice President HUMPHREY, on November 21, 1967, wrote to me to state that he was the victim of an erroneous report. Mr. HUMPHREY pointed out that what he said was that the "great adventure" was one associated with nationbuilding and peaceful development around the world.

The full text of Vice President HUMPHREY'S letter follows:

THE VICE PREsmENT, Washington, November 21, 1967.

Hon. JAMES HARVEY, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. CONGRESSMAN: I have just read the November 6 copy of The Congressional Record ln which you ·made reference to my statement ln Vietnam concerning "America's great adventure."

I, too, read The Washington Dally News editorial and was deeply disturbed by it. In fact, I sent an immediate telegram to the Scripps-Howard Editor-in-Chief, pointing out that he was the Victim of an erroneous report.

What I did say, in my remarks at the American Embassy in Saigon, was that the United States' "great adventure" was the adventure of nation-building and peaceful development around the world. At no time did I use the phrase "great adventure" in reference to the Vietnam war it.self. That war is costly, burdensome, necessary-anything but an adventur.e.

I wanted to pass this information on to you. I know that you would not wish to unknowingly misrepresent my views.

With best wishes, Sincerely,

HUBERT H. HUMPHREY.

In my reply to Mr. HUMPHREY. I assured him that I would never knowingly misrepresent his views. I also pointed out to him that the e.ditorial to which he referred was the result of the United Press International story which appeared in the October 31 edition of the Daily News.

I informed him, in the interest of fairness, that I would write to Mims Thomason, president of UPI, to check on the accuracy of the news story.

I also told him: Further, at the appropriate time, I intend

to utilize the Congressional Record so that all Members can be made. aware of these developments and, in particular, the information that you have provided to me.

If you feel the response that you have received from the Scripps-Howard Editorin-Chief should be included, I would be delighted to do so.

While Vice President HUMPHREY has yet to respond. to my letter of November

35966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 27, I have received a communication from Mr. John N. Fallon, foreign editor of UPI, dated December 6, 1967. I would parti·cularly point out Mr. Fallon's closing paragraph in which he states:

This is what Mr. Humphrey said and it ts what we reported. Going back over the file of his visit to Vietnam, I believe we were fair and honest in our reporting. As we would be for anyone, regardless of his political stripe.

Mr. Fallon's letter follows: UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL, New York, N.Y., December 6, 1967.

Representative JAMES HARVEY, Longworth Office Building, Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. HAaVEY: Your letter to Mims Thomason came to me in bis temporary absence and I double-checked our story about Vice President Humphrey and his address to members of the U.S. Embasay in Saigon.

Aooording to a tape recording of the speech on October 31, Mr. Humphrey spoke at considerable length. Near the end of his address, he said:

"Let me leave you with this. I believe that when the history of this period is written, Vietnam may well be marked as the time e.n.d. the place where men 'finally learned the lessons of the past. The lesson that the aggressor must be checked bef<>re it ls too late; the lesson that there is no peace with appeasement; that there is no freedom in weakness and that there is no securi~y in isolation.

"I'm sure that Vietnam will be marked as the time and the place where peace was preserved; because peace has to be fought for, just as . everything else worthwhile has to be sacrificed for. I believe that Vietnam will be marked as the place and the time and the place where the family of man gained the time it needed to finally break through to a new era of home and human development and Justice.

"This is the cha.nee that we have. This is our great adventure, and a wonderful one 1t ls. And you are the Americans that are making that history. And our business is to make history. I've said from many a platform, it's all right to study it, and I did. It's all right to tea.ch it, and I have. But it's wonderful to make it. Make history your own way in your own time.''

This is .what Mr. Humphrey said and it 1s what we reported. Going back over the file of his visit to Vietnam, I believe we were fair and honest 1n our reporting. As we would be for anyone, regardless of his political stripe.

Very truly yours, .JOHN N. FALLON.

I concur with Mr. Fallon's comments. Our Vice President has experienced similar difficulty 1n the past when he mentioned that he would lead a mighty good revolt if he lived in a slum; a "Marshall plan" for .American cities; and now, only a few days ago, his radio comments about possibly bringing non-Communist elements of the National Liberation Front into a Saigon government one day.

If there are future developments on this subject of a ~•great .adventure," I will certainly bring them to the Members' attention. Of course, there is always ·the likelihood that you will hear or read of ~hem first.

ACTION TO DEPORT STOKELY CARMICHAEL

Mr. WYMAN. Mr. Speaker, '.I ask unanimous consent to address the House

for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and to include extraneous matter ..

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the .request of the gentleman from New Hampshire?

There was no objection. Mr. WYMAN. Mr. Speaker, the :fla

grancy and apparent impunity with which Stokely Carmichael violates our laws, demeans our institutions, and harms this Nation, both internally and in respect to its image abroad, is a national scandal of the first magnitude. It is essential that immediate prosecutive action be taken by the Departmefl.t of Justice, specifically by Attorney General Ramsey Clark.

It is urged that Mr. Carmichael should not be made a martyr. Nonsense. Mr. Carmichael is a subversive intentionally seeking to destroy this country. That his continual statements calling for revolution, riot, and Communist victory should pass unpenalized is incredible. No one who takes such action or makes such statements should be able to remain a derivative citizen of this country. His public utterances in country after country from Cuba to North Vietnam are totally incompatible with the obligations of U.S. citizenship.

Carmichael is only a derivative citizen of the United States. He was not born in this country. He was born in Jamaica, but since he was the son of parents subsequently naturalized, he himself has become a citizen by operation of our law.

Upon a conviction of violation of section 1481(9), he will lose this derivative citizenship. The Immigration and Naturalization Act--8 U.S.C. 1481<9>specifically provides that a person who is a citizen of the United states whether by birth or naturalization, shall lose his nationality by 4 'violating or conspiring to violate any of the provisions of section 2383 of title 18, or willfully performing any act in violation of section 2385 of title 18, or violating section 2384 of title 18-when he is convicted thereof-by a court of competent jurisdiction.'' The statute further provides that the burden of proof in such cases shaU be merely by a preponder:a~ of the evidence.

Section 2385. to which the Immi_gration Act has· reference. prohibits advocacy of the overthrow of our Government in the following respects and language elearly applicable to Carmichael's utterances and acts:

Whoever knowingly 'Or willfully advocates, ad.vises, or teaches the desirabillty of overthrowing or destroying the government of the United States ... or

Whoever . . attempts to organize any • • .. group or assembly of persons who . . . advocate or encourage the overthrow of (the United States) •.• by force or violence .••

Stokely Carmichael should be indicted forthwith under the provisions of this act. I am certain that his conviction will follow as night the day. Thereafter, his citizenship gone by operation of the law, we can do what ought to have been done months ago, which is to throw him out of this country, removing him once and for all from the place he calls "Hell,"

but which most true Americans love and revere~

TRAGIC DEATH OF AIR FORCE MAJ. ROBERT H. LAWRENCE, JR.

Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, and to revise and extend my remarks.


There was no objection. Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, the entire

Nation was shoclrnd and saddened by the tragic death last week of Air Force Maj. Robert H. Lawrence, Jr., who was killed when his F-104 fighter plane crashed during a training filgb,t. Our country's first Negro astronaut, Major Lawrence, was a graduate of ,my old school, Bradley University, in Peoria, and since my home is located only a block from the campus, I can give you a :firsthand report that the news of his sudden passing sent a shock wave of anguish and sorrow throughout the univerfilty community. While at Bradley, Major Lawrence was an "A" student in chemistry and also was cadet commander of the Air Force· ROTC unit on campus. He was then chosen to continue his education at Ohio State University, receiving his Ph. D. 1n nuclear chemistry in 1961. He was married to the former Barbara H. Cress', of Chicago, and they had one son, Tracey. 8.

And speaking of Mrs: Lawrence, I was deeply moved by her .statement tO the news media when she and her son returned to Chicago on the same plane carrying her husband's body. The courage and dignity which she display.ed during the most difficult and trying moments of her young life stirred the hearts of those present and the millions who later read it in the Chicago press. I include her statement at this point 1n my remarks:

Bob's death is qulte a personal loss to Tracey and myself. He gave us a love and security that will be a tremendous void in the days and years ahead. However, he gave his life doing the thing that he wanted most-preparing to be an astronaut.

Every day of h1b life has been given toward this goal. I am most proud of him as a husband, an air force officer, and as an American. 1 hope all of us share this pride with me. Thank: you for the .courtesy you've shown all Of US.

I salute this gallant lady and extend to her and her fine young son my deep and heartfelt sympathy in their grievous loss.

Mr. Speaker, when Major Lawrence was selected as our first Negro astronaut, I recall his very straightforward and modest comment that his appointment was nothing dramatic.

He said: It's just a normal progression. I've been

very :fortunate.

I suggest that it is we who have been very fortunate to have men of his high caliber who are willing to risk their lives in serving our country. All Americans, whether they be black, white, red, . or yellow-and especially our teenagers-might well emulate the .llf e of Major

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ~ 35967

Lawrence by being ever mindful of the following truism: Not gold, but only men can make

A nation great and strong Men who for truth and hononi' sake

Stand fast and suffer long. "

Brave men, who work while others sleep, Who dare while others shy

They build a nation's pillars deep, And lift them to the sky.

Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. MICHEL. I yieid to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I agree with the gentleman thoroughly. We citizens of the United States have lost a fine outstanding young man, in the death of Maj. Robert H. Lawrence, Jr., the first Negro astronaut in training of the United States, and of the world.

As a member of the House Science and Astronautics Committee, and the Manned Space Flight Subcommittee, I have known and followed our U.S. astronauts closely. It is a pleasure to rate Major Lawrence with the tops of our U.S. astronauts.

I am submitting for the RECORD the original release of the U.S. Air Force of June 30, 1967, showing the selection of four new pilots for the manned orbital laboratory program, including Major Lawrence. Also I am submitting the U.S. Air Force biography of Major Lawrence dated July 1967, for the permanent RECORD.

Also I submit an article of the New York Times of Saturday, December 9, 1967. The front page article of the Washington Evening Star of December 9, 1967, is also worth while, and I submit it for the RECORD, as well. I am also submitting the Associated Press dispatch of December 8, 1967, from Edwards Air Force Base, Calif. - The material referred to above, follows:

[News release of the U.S. Air Force] FOUR NEW PILOTS CHOSEN FOR MOL-MANNED

. 0RBrrAL LABORATORY The Air Force has selected four more Aero

space Research Pilots for the Manned Orbiting Laboratory (MOL) program, i.t was announced today. They will begin training in September for 30-day long space fllghts as part of the Department of Defense contribution to the National space program.

The newest MOL pilots are: · Major James A. Abrahamson, 34, Portland,

Ore., B.S. and M .. s. degrees in aeronautical engineering; married, two children.

Lt. Colonel Robert T. Herres, 34, Denver, Colo., U.S. Naval Academy graduate, M.S. degrees in engineering and political atrairs; married, three children.

Major Robert H. Lawrence, Jr., 31, Chicago, Ill., B.S. and Ph.D. degrees in chemistry; married, one child.

Major Donald H. Peterson, 33, Winona, Miss., U.S. Military Academy graduate, M.S. degree in nuclear engineering; married, three children.

All four are Air Force officers currently attending the Aerospace Research Pilot School at Edwards Air Force Base, California: Upon graduation, they will join twelve pilots-eight Air Force, three Navy, and one Marine-previously assigned to the MOL

program. Selection of this new group completes a

recruitz.:ttent process begun over a year ago

when over 500 Air Force, Navy and Marine officers applied for assignment to the program. To be eligible, applicants had to: be born on or after December 1, 1931; no taller than six feet; pass a rigid physical examination; be a college graduate with a B.S. degree in engineering, natural, physical or biological science or be a service academy graduate: be a pilot with at least 500 hours.

The MOL program, the only Department of Defense manned space program, is designed to obtain new knowledge about manned space flight and to determine how that knowledge relates to defense requirements.

Two-man MOL crews will be launched into space inside a Gemini B spacecraft by a Titan IIIM booster. In orbit, they will transfer into the laboratory through a hatch in the Gemini heat shield. The laboratory is designed to allow the crew to conduct experiments for up to 30 days in a shirt-sleeve environment.

For return to earth, the crew will go back into the Gemini B, detach it from the laboratory and re-enter the atmosphere fen- an ocean landing and recovery.

In addition to their training for such flights, the MOL pilots act as engineering consultants in the design of equipment. This is to insure that the unique capabilities of the human pilot are used to the greatest advantage.

BIOGRAPHY OF MAJ. ROBERT H. LAWRENCE, JR., MANNED ORBITING LABORATORY (MOL) AEROSPACE RESEARCH PILOT Major Robert H. Lawrence, Jr., U.S. Air

Force, ·is one of the third group of Aerospace Research Pilots assigned to the Manned Orbiting Laboratory Program. He is 31 years old and the son of Mrs. G. W. Duncan, Chi-cago, Illinois. .

Major Lawrence graduated from Englewood High School, Chicago, and earned a bachelor's degree in chemistry at Bradley University and a Ph.D. in physical chemistry at Ohio State University.

His previous assignments include duty with the Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) in West Germany, where he instructed German pilot trainees, and service as a Research Scientist in the Air Force Weapons Laboratory, Kirtland Air Force Base, New Mexico.

He is a Seniol' Pilot with over 2,500 flying hours, over 2,000 of these in jet aircraft. He is a graduate of the Aerospace Research Pilot School, Edwards Air Force Base, California .

He holds the Air Force Commendation Medal and the Air Force Outstanding Unit Citation.

Major Lawrence is married to the former Barbara H. Cress of Chicago. They have one son, Tracey c., 8.

_[From the New York Times, Dec. 9, 1967] CRASH KILLS FIRST NEGRO ASTRONAUT

EDWARDS Am FORCE BASE, CALIF., December 8.-Air Force Maj. Robert H. Lawrence Jr., the first Negro United States astronaut, was k111ed today when his F-104 crashed on the runway during a training :tlight, the Air Force announced.

A second pilot in the craft, Air Force Maj. Harvey J. Royer, 36, was injured. Major Royer is chief of operations for the Air Force's Aerospace Research Pilot School.

The Air Force disclosed no details of the crash, saying only that it had occurred "during a proficiency training flight."

Major Lawrence, 31, was selected "astronaut designee" in June, the first of his race chosen. He· was to have participated in the Air Force manned orbi_ting laboratory program.

The Air Force said a team of officers had been appointed to investigate the accident.

Major Lawrence leaves his widow, Barbara, and an 8-year-old son, Tracey.

The Air Force picked Major Lawrence with 15 others for its orbiting laboratory program and announced in June that two of the men would be aboard a craft in · 1970 headed for an orbiting laboratory.

Major Lawrence had a doctor of philosophy degree in physical chemistry from Ohio State University.

EDWARDS Am FORCE BASE, CALIF., December 8.-Major Lawrence was the ninth astronaut to be killed in an accident. Three were killed last January when their Apollo spacecraft caught fire during a test at Cape Kennedy.

[From the Washington Evening Star, Dec. 9, 1967]

CRASH OF F-104 JET KILLS FIRST NEGRO ASTRONAUT

EDWARDS Am FORCE BASE, CALIF.-Maj. Robert H. Lawrence Jr., America's first Negro astronaut, has been killed in the crash of an F104 Starfighter jet as it landed after a routine training flight.

An Air Force spokesman called him "one of those young bright guys with everything going for him."

Lawrence, 31, was preparing a project for the Defense Department to orbit two men on a space laboratory in 1970.

The Air Force has not said how his death will affect the program's projected launching date.

The Chicago-born Lawrence was the ninth U.S. astronaut to die on the ground. The others were assigned to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. Five died in accidents earlier this year.

MISSILE wrrH 1'4:AN The F104, "a missile with a man in it"

which travels twice the speed of sound, smashed onto a runway after the fllght yesterday at Edwards Air Force Base and spurted "a little fire," an Air Force spokesman said.

A second occupant, Maj. Harvey J. Royer, was injured. Royer, 36, chief of operations for the Air Force's Aerospace Research Pilot School, was hospitalized with undisclosed injuries.

The Air Force appointed a board of officers to investigate. No other details of the crash were made public.

Lawrence, selected as an astronaut-designee in June, was one of 16 military officers in training for the MOL Project-the Manned Orbiting Laboratory program. The group was made up of 12 Air Force officers, three Navy men, and one Marine.

HELD :QOCTORAT]l: Lawrence's wife, Barbara, and their 8-year

old son, Tracey, live at the base. Lawrence held a bachelor's degree in chem

istry from Bradley University and a doctorate in physical chemistry from Ohio State University.

An 11-year veteran of the Air Force, he logged more than 2,500 flying hours, more than 2,000 in jets. He served with the military assistance group in West Germany training German pilots and as a research scientist at Kirtland Air Force Base, N.M., before assignment to the space program.

Another Negro pilot, Capt. Edward J. Dwight, was selected as the first Negro to enter .the spa~e pilot training program in 1963, but did not complete the program.

When selected for the space program, Lawrence told a news conference his race was incidental and the choice "probably a culmination of the great deal of training and help a lot of people put in to prepare me," the United Press International said.

"It's an expression of success that they should enjoy instead of me," he said. "Perhaps I have been more fortunate than others in the opportunities that came my way."

CRASH KILLS NEGRO ASTRONAUT EDWARDS Am FORCE BASE, CALIF., December

8.-Air Force Maj. Robert H. Lawre;nce Jr.,

35968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 31, the first Negro U.S. astronaut, was k.llled today when his F-104 crashed on .a runway in landing.

He was the ninth American astronaut to die in an accident.

The Air Force said the crash occurred "during a proficiency training flight." There was "a little fire,'' a spokesman said, .and neither of two men on the plane was burned.

The second pilot in the craft, Air Force Maj. Harvey J. Royer, 36, was injured. Royer is chief of operations for the Air For.ce's Aerospace Research Pilot SchooL

Lawrence, of Chicago, was selected "astronaut designee" in June and was to have participated in the Air Forces' Manned Orbiting Laboratory Program known as MOL.

The program calls for two men in a Gemini B capsule to make contact with the orbiting lab and enter through a heat shield for a 30-day stay, llving in the satemte without the use of space suits.

Lawrence leavet his widow, BarbaTa, and an 8-year-old son, Tracey.

After being named an astronaut Lawrence was asked by reporters whether he felt he had to try harder than the other candidates for the space program, because he was a Negro. He replied, "No, I feel this is the culmination of a lot of effort that people put into preparing me for this and I feel it is an expression of l:luccess that they should enjoy rather than I."

Lawrence graduated from Englewood High School, Chicago, and earned a bachelor's degree in chemistry at Bradley University, in Peoria, Ill., and a doctorate in physical chemistry at Ohio State.

His appointment as an astronaut overshadowed the earlier failure of Air Force Capt. Edward Dwight Jr., also a Negro, to qualify as an astronaut. Dwight was nominated in .1963 for manned space tlight training, but was not chosen as an astronaut.

(Astronauts Virgil Grissom, Edward White and Roger Chaffee died when a test pad fire swept the Apollo 1 capsule. Theodore Freeman died when his small plane struck a goose. Edward Givens was killed in an auto accident. Charles A. Bassett and Elliot See died in a T-38 plane crlUlh while approaching a St. Louis airport. Clifton Williams died when his T-38 crashed during a routine flight in Florida. In addition, Soviet cosmonaut Vladimir Komarov died when his spaceship apparently became entangled 1n its parachute shrouds during reentry.]

CHAIRMAN SOL ROSENBAUM AND B'NAI B'RITH COMMISSION ON COMMUNITY AND VETERANS SERVICES Mr. PffiLBIN. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Massachusetts?

There was no objection. Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, under

unanimous consent to revise and extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include therein two letters, one from President Johnson, and the other from my esteemed friend, an outstanding leader, Attorney Solomon Rosenbaum, of Fitch-burg, Mass., distinguished national chairman of the B'nai B'rith Supreme Lodge Commission on Community and Veterans Services, relative to the magnifi.cent work of this group under his leadership throughout the year.

It is to be noted that one very commendable project undertaken by· the commission involved sending more than

700,000 books to American servicemen in Vietnam and other mfiitary outposts.

Since this is a monumental accomplishment on the p.art of the commission, I am anxious to bring it to the attention of the Congress and the American people, as evidencing the tremendously impressive dedication of Mr. Rosenbaum and his commission loyally supported by the famous B'nai B'rith.

At the same time, I want to express my great pride and extend my sincere gratitude to my very dear friend, Mr. Rosenbaum and his very able distinguished commission, for their extraordinary accomplishments for the servicemen and for the country.

It is the work of dedicated Americans like Mr. Rosenbaum, and the members of his commission, and the B'nai B'rith, that distinguishes our country for the individual initiative we display in the realm of patriotism, charity, and works of helpfulness and mercy far beyond the call of duty, and I extend my heartiest congratulations to Mr. Rosenbaum and everyone concerned with this highly valuable project which is so heartening and gratifying to all of us. Sol Rosenbaum is a truly great American, and I hail and salute him and his colleagues for their inspiring contributions to the Nation.

The letters fallow:

Hon. PHILIP J. PHILBIN, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.

DECEMBER 6, 1967.

DEAR PHIL: As you know, I have the honor of being the National Chairman of the B'nai B'rith Supreme Lodge Commission on Community and Veterans Services.

Among the many services which this Commission rendered during the past year was one outstanding project which I should like to bring to your attention, viz:

We obtained and sent more th:m 700,000 books to American servicemen in Vietnam and other military out.posts.

I am happy to tell you that the President of the United States took cognizance of this activity and sent us a letter commending our efforts. I am pleased to enclose copy of his letter herein.

I sincerely hope that everything continues well with you and your family. With warmest personal regards and all good wishes, please believe me

Very cordially yours, SoLOMON RoSENBAUM:

THE WHITE HOUSE, Washington, NO'Vember 20, 1967.

Mr. DAVID BRODY, . B'nai B'rith, Washington, D.C.

DEAR DAVE: John Roche has shown me the B'nal B'rith news release in which you note that your Community and Veterans Services Commission has sent more than 700,000 books to our servicemen during the past year.

This is the kind of continuing, unostentatious, but vital activity that, I know, brings enormous pleasure to the men of our armed services. I appreciate it.

With best regards. Sincerely,

LYNDON B. JOHNSON.

PERSONAL ANNOUNCEMENT Mr. WILLIAM D. FORD. Mr. Speaker,

I ask unanimous consent to ext.end my remarks at this Point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Michigan?

There was no objection. Mr. WILLIAM D. FORD. Mr. Speaker,

today I was present and on the floor during the entire debate on the supplemental appropriations bill for 1968. I answered my name in every instance except when the :final vote was taken. At that time, I was called off of the floor. Had I been present, I would have voted in the a.flirmative.

PRESIDENT'S BUDGET MESSAGE Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speake·r,

I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker,

on December 4, 1967, I introduced House Concurrent Resolution 491 expressing the sense of Congress that the President shall present his budget to Congress in the form of a unified budget as recommended by the President's Commission on Budget Concepts and that this shall be done no later than January 1969.

I am not alone in urging the adoption of this unified budget. I am joined in this effort by the executive committee of the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, which passed a resolution on November 27, 1967, calling for the adoption of the unified budget concepts at the earliest practical moment.

I believe that my colleagues would benefit from the statement by the executive committee and I include in the RECORD at this point the resolution adopted: A STATEMENT ON THE REPORT OF THE PRESI

DENT'S COMMISSION ON BUDGET CONCEPTS (By the Executive Committee of the Ameri

can Institute of Certified Public Accountants) The Executive Committee of the American

Institute of Certified Public Accountants recommends that the Federal Government adopt, at the earliest practical moment, the modern and progressive budget principles contained in the Report of the President's Commission on Budget Concepts.

The Executive Committee agrees with the President's Commission that adoption of these recommendations would make the budget of the United States Government a more understandable and useful instrument of public policy and financial planning. The Executive Committee believes also that the recommended concepts are in accord with sound financial planning and decisionmaking processes.

The Report of the President's Commission cites confusion now existing because of the use of at least three competing budget concepts. In this move toward one unified summary budget statement, there is a parallel in the private sector where the AICPA has been working toward improved corporate financial reporting through better disclosure standards a.nd the eUm1nat1on of undesirable alternative accounting principles. The consistent use of the recommended budget statement would greatly improve public understanding of the Federal budget, which is necessarily a brief summary of an immensely complex underlying financial system.

Some aspects of the budget concepts rec-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35969 ommended in the Commission's report might well find applicability in budgeting for state and local governments. Uniform budget systems throughout government should prove useful in decision making and should aid the people in understanding budgets as an instrument of government at all levels.

Reporting budget expenditures and receipts on an accrual basis is one of the more significant recommendations of the President's Commission. In recent years, many government agencies have abandoned the cash basis of accounting, which long had been traditional, and have adopted modern accrual accounting with integrated cost accounting systems. It is only logical that the government take advantage of these improved accounting systems in lts overall financial planning.

Because the Report of the President's Commission does not call for the accrual of future commitments for items such as social security benefits and veterans pensions, the Executive Committee believes that the budget document should contain summary disclosure of the amounts of these commitments.

The Executive Committee recommends that the concepts set forth in the Report of the Commission be translated into government policy and practice promptly so that the budget for the coming fiscal year will reflect as many of those concepts as possible. The Committee also respectfully suggests that the Executive Branch report periodically to the Congress and the people on progress in implementing the Commission's recommendations.

STAR EDITORIAL POINTS TO DANGER OF RADIATION-COLOR TV SITUATION Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker,

I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker,

last week my fears that the problem of X-radiation and color television is still with us was born out by a report issued by the U.S. Public Health Service.

In the report, the Public Health Service cited a survey it has conducted in conjunction with the Pinellas County, Fla., Health Department on color television sets which were supposed to have been corrected to prevent the emission of radiation in excess of the recommended level.

The surv·ey, however, showed that 28 percent of these sets were still emitting radiation in excess of the recommended levels, indicating that we do still have a problem. Indeed, the report indicates that rather than being an isolated case, it may well be an industrywide problem.

I think an editorial in the December 8 edition of the Washingt<>n Star best sets out the problem and the needed solution. I would like to quote briefly from that editorial:

It seems apparent that Congress should set standards for both color TV receivers and similar sources of radiation.

I have introduced a bill, H.R. 10790, which would realize this goal and I hope that my colleagues will join with me in urging its passage.

At this time I include the editorial from the. Star in the RECORD, for the information of my colleagues:

CXllI--2265-Part 26

~AD:IATID.N .IN THE HOME

The new reports of excess radiation from color television sets have reinforced the case for leglslation to protect the public -from such hazards.

A check of modifications .made by General Electric Co. to prevent a recurrence of radiation from its color sets a year ago has turned up new evidence. The old problem of downward X-ray leakage has been corrected, but new radiation, according to the Public Health Service, is escaping toward the sides and rear of some sets. Representative Rogers of Florida, who has been leading the fight for a new law, notes that the guilty tube is used in other makes. That suggests this may be an industry-wide problem.

Surgeon General Stewart says the potential for biological damage to viewers is low. He explains that the danger can be minimized by keeping 6 to 10 feet in front of a set and avoiding prolonged exposures at the sides and rear of the set. That is hardly a reassuring statement to mothers who cannot watch small children every minute.

It seems apparent that Congress should set standards for both color TV receivers and similar sources of radia tlon.

President Johnson in his message on consumer protection last February asked for federal radiation standards to assure the safety of certain medical equipment such as X-ray machines. Hearings held last summer brought out the fact that eight states now have no laws controlling radiation levels in such devices. The testimony also made it obvious that the law should be broadened to include not only color TV but microwave ovens and household burglar alarms using radar.

Our technology has produced some marvelous but potentially dangerous gadgets. It's time to devise an adequate system of surveillance over these products.

WEST VffiGINIA DEVELOPMENT Mr. HECHLER of West Virginia. Mr.

Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this Point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from West Virginia?

There was no objection. Mr. HEClil.JER of West Virginia. Mr.

Speaker, a modem, up-to-date profile on my State of West Virginia is carried in the November 10 edition of Southern Markets/Media in an article entitled "West Virginia, Once Hurt by a Coal Slump, Throwing Off That 'Appalachia' Label."

The author, Garland B. Porter, describes how the State's coal industry is now humming and the demand for miners is so great that an estimated 50,000 to 75,000 are going to have to be trained during the next 5. years.

The article follows: WEST VmGINIA, ONCE HURT BY COAL SLUMP,

THROWING OFF THAT "APPALACHIA" LABEL: MOUNTAIN STATE IS CASHING IN ON HER v ARIED AND RICH REsoUBCES, STORY OF How A STATE Is TELLING THE WORLD ABOUT :l'HE SIDE A "BAD PRESS" MlsSED

(By Garland B. Porter) A good case for being unique might be

made for several of the 50 States that today form this great Nation. West Virginia is unique in a number of ways. It is the only State that actually was born of the Civil War. An interesting item of that tragic- travail ls that one of the greatest generals who fought on either side, Stonewall Jackson, was born at Cla.rltsburg, and although the people

of the mountain regions refused to leave the Union, he fought with the South.

Today West Virginia is unique in many ways, which wm be mentioned, but,1n one respect--her "bad press"-the uniqueness should be corrected. Endowed by nature with a beautiful terrain, from lush valleys to ro111ng hills and towering mountains, rich in minerals, blessed with a climate that is nice and wintry at the proper time and delightful in the summer, the State has come in for some of the worst press imaginable from many of her sister States. Why is this? It's not from envy, surely, not from spite, certainly-it's just plain, old-fashioned ignorance, plus the editorial penchant to print-my-two-cents-worth.

The State did have the misfortune to lay itself open to the political "Appalachia" t~g with the slump in its coal industry in the 1950's. It made big "news" at the time, and the snowball started down the mountain. There were destitute families and they did make pitiful feature stories; but today there is a revival in the coal mining segment of the State's resurgent industry, so why not give it a ride? It could become as much fun as kicking a political football around.

Anyway, Angus Peyton, Commissioner of Commerce for the State of West Virginia, a member of one of the oldest and most distinguished fami11es of the Mountaineer State, looks at the Appalachia stigma a bit philosophically from this distance, irksome as it had become, and points to 1961 as the year of economic turn-around.

"The 1960 Presidential primaries awakened us to the realities of our problems," he said, "and to the realization that these problems would remain with us unless we picked ourselves up by our bootstraps."

The West Virginia Department of Commerce was established in March, 1961, and was organized under the leadership of Governor Hulett C. Smith, who served as its first Commissioner. In practical terms, the poverty label became a blessing in disguise-a spur, let us say.

All along West Virginia had been blessed by many things other than her great coal deposits. However, the coal alone is so abundant as to excuse the citizens of the Mountain State to have underestimated the others. For instance, millable coal is to be found in 44 of her 55 counties and underlies more than 55 per cent of the total area of nearly 25,000 square miles. Each of 28 counties has more than a billion tons of coal reserve. It is distributed in more than 60 minable seams themselves distributed through nearly 5,000 feet of sedimentary rock. This astounding wealth, once looked upon as almost wholly fuel, today is becoming a raw material with many other fascinating possibi11ties. Other and rare minerals are present in coal in recoverable form, notably germanium, important in the electronics industry. Coal production, let it be noted, over the last five years has shown a consistent increase.

During 1966 demand for metallurgical coals exceeded the production capacity of the mines, and new mines are being opened as fast as miners can be trained. So important is this revival of mining that they are being trained at an estimated 50,000 to 75,000 to be needed in the next five years. That's resurgence right from the spot where the Appalachia label sprang during the 'fifties. The State today ls reshaping her destiny around many other gifts than coal, rich as that is, and the list is imposing.

FiTSt, the location of the State. Lying within 500 miles of 55 per cent of the nation's population, it ls in an ideal position as a recreation area. What does it have to offer? National and State parks, from the 805,721 acres of the Monongahela National Forest down to the little 30-acre Pinnacle Rock State Park. There are 20 important State Parks alone, and 98,259 acres of the George Wash-

35970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 ington National Park lie along the eastern border; and there is the 469-acre Harpers Ferry National Park at the northeastern edge of the State. These are laced with cabinlodges, museums, swimming and boating sites, restaurants, camp sites, well-kept areas for fishing, hiking, picknicking-everything that folks like to do in the great outdoors. And skiing in the winter is becoming more and more popular.

West Virginia does not claim to have all the beautiful scenic gifts on the North American Continent, but she has more than a modest share. And they are easy to get to. With a highway system that criss-crosses the state already, there are 1,100 miles of modern new roads costing more than $1,500,000,-000 scheduled to be added to the State's highway system in the next six years.

Aviation too is growing at a rapid pace in West Virginia: more than 300 per cent in the last ten years. The State Airport Plan for 1966-67 includes programming 18 airports, including two new commercial air-carriers, nine new general, and upgrading seven existing facilities.

Railroad trackage totals 6,615 miles, with major trunklines traversing the State as follows: the Chesapeake and Ohio-Baltimore and Ohio system, Norfolk and Western, Western Maryland, New York Central, Pennsylvania. Track mileage, by classification: main lines, 3,305; branch lines, 342; second roads, 662; sidings and spurs, 2,306. That's a lot of trackage; but bear in mind what one amazed traveler said: "If this State's hills and mountains were all flattened out, it'd be bigger than Texas."

What do these railroads carry? In 1961, for instance, the State's main line carriers originated 108,628,100 tons of all classes; in 1963 (latest figures available when this is being written) originating tonnage increased 9,949,400--a solid gain. Total West Virginia destination tonnage, all commodities, was 25,800,500. What if a big gondola of that outgoing tonnage was coal--coal brings in money!

It is conservatively estimated that under the rugged, scenic top layers of earth, beside the fortunes of coal, at least 8,000,000,000 tons of salt are waiting in West Virginia. Salt, bear in mind, is the word from which salary is derived-and salary means money. And deep under the surface of an extensive area in northern West Virginia is an even more remarkable deposit of rock salt. From known and estimated deposits there is a possibility that 544,000,000,000 tons of rock salt awaits the need to bring it out. We should all be such poor folks!

And there are vast .deposits of shale and clays suitable for the manufacture of face brick, paving tile, and similar products, with adequate fuel, transportation available to practically all the locations. There are great reserves of limestone; the high calcium limestone will be of increasing demand in the steel and chemical industries that are being attracted to the State, and for agricultural purposes, and for rock dusting of coal mines.

The value of the State's mineral production-stone, sand and gravel, clays, salt, coal, natural gas, petroleum, and miscellaneousin 1965 was $859,604,000, according to the Minerals Yearbook of the U.S. Department of the Interior, 196o-65.

One of the State's most famous industries is glass--flat glass, window glass, container, colored glass, lamp glass, tubing, decorative, lighting, crystal, stemware, cut glass. Such names as Libbey-Owens-Ford, Pittsburgh Plate, Hazel-Atlas, Corning. At Fairmont, Westinghouse Electric has the largest fluorescent lam.p plant in the world.

The farming slice of the Mountaineer State is, briefly stated 5,700,000 acres with an average of 163 S?;Cres per farm. In 1966 there were 35,000 farms of which 13,000 were classified as commercial and the remaining !l.S part-time or -part retirement. Cash re-·

ceipts were, in 1966, $112,100,000, up $9,800,-000 over the average of the previous five years. The State has a varied farm product: dairy, livestock, poultry and eggs, fruit, field crops.

With a bountiful equ111brium of natural resources, West Virginia in recent years is luring the sort of industry that can get rich itself and enrich the State. She can play chin-to-chin with any State with her varsity of All-Americas of industry; such as duPont, Union Carbide & Carbon, International Nickel, Kaiser, Wheeling Steel, Pittsburgh Plate Glass, Weirton Steel, BlawKnox, Monsanto, Koppers, Allied Chemical, Westinghouse, Continental Can, American Cyanamid, Sylvania, Goodrich-Gulf, BorgWarner. The list is much longer of the greats of the nation that have put up giant facilities to tap the vast natural resources of the Mountain State. How this State, with so many blessings going for it, could have been kicked around so blandly by the communications media of the sister States is an anomaly of injustice.

West Virginia, having bituminous coal in unlimited supply "right under the house," has no ceiling on the capacity for electric power, spark-plug for modern industry. One, operated by the Virginia Electric and Power Company on Stony River near Mount Storm has an initial capacity of more than 500,000 kilowatts. Another, of Monongahela Power Company at Fort M~rtin, near Morgantown, is in the half million kilowatts class, and the Appalachian Power Company, serving most of Southern West Virginia is building apace in the State's southern coal fields. The State is fast becoming a major supplier of electric power to neighbortng States. Present and pla;nned capacities will be supplied by Area Development Department of the Appalachian Power Co., Charleston, W. Va.; Monongahela Power Co., Fairmont, W. Va.; Potomac Edison Co., Hagerstown, Md.; Virginia Electric Power Co., Richmond, Va.; and Wheeling Electric · in Wheeling, W.Va.

The census of 1960 showed West Virginia's population at 1,860,421. Charleston, the State Capital, had 85,796, the leader, closely followed by Huntington with 83,627. Wheeling was third with 53,400. Others: Parkersburg, 44,797; Weirton, 28,201; Clarksburg, 28,112; Fairmont, 27,477. In all there were 15 cities with a population above 11,000.

Tbe population is distributed principally along the rivers, led by the Charleston-Huntington area in the west-by-southern bulge of the State, and in the area along the Ohio river northward to the thin panhandle of the Wheeling-Weirton area. Two other principal rivers, the Great Kanawha and the Monongahela (witb the Ohio) have five of the State's largest cities. The rivers serve as great arteries of commerce, with barges strung bundreds of feet before tugs of giant borsepower pushing them to market.

The State's population for some time has been stable, although the slump in the coalbased industries did cause a loss in population between the census of 1950 and 1960. The economy is showing a steady rise in the 1960's. Personal incomes in 1960 were $2,957,-000,000; in 1965 the figure has risen to $3,-679,000,000. In retail sales the 1960 figure was $1,655,000,000; in 1965 it was $1,972,000,000 (in 1966 it was $2,090,000,000.) Another good statistic is in the growth of electric energy production. In 1960 the figure was 14,011,-000,000 kwh; in 1966 it had risen to 23,220,-000,000 kwh.

The State's financial status is sound. The cash total balance as of June 30, 1966--last figure I have seen-was $72,287,846.72. Securities and investments owned by the St~te or deposited with State departments, commissions and institutions, as well as bonds deposited by State depositories, as of J:une 30, 1966 totaled: $541,198,888.95 (Page 5'7, West Virginia Economic Outlook, 1967-72.)

While it is in a sense easier to chart material/economic well-being than of a cultural or spiritual aspect, the latter are equally important and in this evaluation West Virginia is high in the ratings. In both vocational and higher education institutional facilities, the State is on the move. Ten of the 21 institutions of higher education are more than 90 years old. All are accredited by the State and all four-year institutions by the North Central Association. They are well-distributed throughout the State and the network of highways makes interchange and commuting no problem.

Enrollment in the State's colleges and universities has risen from 21,498 full-time students in 1959-60 to 40,621 in 1966-67, a gain of more than 88 per cent in seven years. Part-time students were up from 7,244 to 10,089.

The elementary and secondary education, refiecting a strengthening of the State's economy, represented cost factor of $118,-848,000 in 1960, rising to $172,982,000 in 1966. As is true of every State or nation, the greatest resource is the people, and the young must be prepared to carry the torch of progress, culture, and civ111zation. Such is the attitude of West Virginia. In fiscal 1965 28.6 per cent of all income of the State went into education.

Another facet of the State's ecop.omy is in her forests, representing almost threefourths of the land area, close to 11,400 million acres, 91 per cent of which is privately owned. Most of the remaining is Federally owned. The timber runs to hardwood, topquality suited to furniture manufacturing and most of it is sent to factories elsewhere. West Virginia is seeking to attract more furniture factories of her own. Sawmills are producing more than 300,000,000 board feet annually, providing jobs for 13,000 people and a payroll of $43,000,000 without diminishing the supply in the forests. Nature aided by seedlings replenishes it and 50 per cent more.

The sense of history is strong in West Virginia. At Phillipi, not far from the boyhood home of Stonewall Jackson, was fought the first land battle of the Civil War. At Point Pleasant, on October 10, 1774, when General Andrew Lewis and his forces defeated the Indians under Cornstalk, winning the Northwest for the Colonials, they say the American Revolution was kicked-off. (Massachusetts might not like this.) In September 1782, the American garrison at Fort Henry (Wheeling) repulsed an at~k of British and Indians, last battle of the Revolution-Cornwallis had surrendered at Yorktown on October 19, 1781. Another, less laudatory historical incident happened off the banks of the State in the Ohio River: at Blennerhassett Island Aaron Burr tried to launch his Empire of the Southwest.

Delegates· of the 40 western counties of Virginia held their two conventions at Wheeling after the start of the Civil Wax in 1861, and voted to stay with the Union. The new State of West Virginia was admitted into the Union on June 20, 1863, with Wheeling as the capital. A tug of war developed in an effort to move the capital to a more central location. The legislature in 1870 voted to move it to Charleston; the citizens there offered to build a statehouse at their own expense. But Wheeling promised a finer one, so the legislature voted to return it there, effective from February 20, 1875. Another statewide vote favored Charleston, however, and in 1885 it went to Charleston, where it is today.

The first settlers of the State brought their religions with them and the circuit-riding preacher was an important factor in the life of the frontier. First to come were the Methodists, then came the Baptists, Presbyter1-ans, Episcopalians, and Catholics. Church life remains a strong ingredient in the 'ufe of the State.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35971 To keep the population of the Mountain

state informed of what's going on around them and tn the world at large S2 d{lily newspapers, 88 weekly newspapers, 60 radio stations (including seven FM), and nine television stations do a job comparable with that of anywhere in the Natl.on.

There is a further unique situation with reference to the markets in West Virgin~. For instance, representatives for some of the media in the State report that credit f-Or retail sales in certain instances, following back to the wholesale sources in Columbus, Ohio, or Pittsburgh, swell budgets from big national advertisers, whereas the media in the cities where the retail demand is created should get the increased budgets.

The Mountaineer State lays claim to the birthplace of outdoor advertising. In Wheeling about 1908 the Block Brothers Tobacco Company painted bridges and barns with .. Treat Yourself to the Best, Chew Mail Pouch." Today they a.re still painting about 12,000 barns a year.

The forested and wild terrain of West Virginia fav-0rs many kinds of wildlife. Although the big cats, such M the cougar, or panther, are extinct, the black bear can still be seen. In fact, he is the State Animal. The State Bird is the Cardinal, and the Sugar Maple 1s the State Tree. The designation Mountaineer State has a background. That Virginia's Western edge ran into the mountains was a faet of geography. In 1716 Governor Alexander Spottswood, of Virginia, led an expedition from WilliamsbuTg, capital at that time, to the crest of the mountains. He gave each member of the party a tiny Golden Horseshoe on which was engraved in Latin words meaning: "Thus he swears to cross the mountains," an episode that 1s honored in West Virginia schools today. The State flag bears these Latin words: ~Montani Sempe?' Libert." Meaning "Mountaineers Forever Free." '

There are many signs that the Appalachia label has just about faded, though it was painted so extensively it will take a bit more time to be forgotten. Facts have a way of coming to the surface, and there ls a growing number of Mountaineers who are telling their progress stoTy. Facts and figures can become a big mountain; and already an imposing list of the nation's leading firms a.re adding their dollars and en!'rgies to develop the tremendous resources of the Mountain State.

MINNEAPOLIS-ST. PAUL METROPOLITAN AIRPORTS

Mr. HEC:m..ER of West Virginia. Mr. Speaker., I ask unanimous .consent t.o extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is .there objection to the request of the gentleman from West Virginia?

There was no objection. Mr. HECHLER of West Virginia. Mr.

Speaker, I was very interested to read in the current issue of the AOPA Pilot an article entitled "Twin Cities' Model Airport System." I believe this article contains a lesson in airport development from which other States and regions can profit. All too often vie have seen superior .air service sacrificed to the sectional rivalries of cities whose leaders seem to prefer to fight and bicker rather than pooling their interests for the common good. Minneapolis and St. Paul decided to bury their costly rivalry and unite to build a sensible airport system.

Just as the two largest cities in Minnesota have decided to shake hands and join together for the benefit of the peo-

ple, instead of perpetuating provincial rivalry, so can the largest cities in other States join to obtain the least-cost air service. I know this is true in the State of West Virginia, where the two largest cities have made great strides of progress toward building a regional airport midway between Charleston and Huntington.

Particularly notable in the Minneapolis-st. Paul situation is the integrated airport system which has developed since 1943 when the Minnesota State Legislature created the Metropolitan Airports Commission. One of the highlights of the airport system is the encouragement given to the development of general aviation at the six airports which comprise the complex. Especially pertinent are the remarks by the executive director of the Metropolitan Airports Commission, Henry G. Kuitu, on the way in which commercial and general aviation are related at the various airports in the system.

The article follows: TwIN CITIES' MODEL AmPORT SYSTEM

(By Robert A. Klobnak) Six airports located within a 25-mile radius

of the city halls of Minneapolis and St. Paul provide the Twin Cities with a complex of aviation facilities rated among the best in the country in terms of development, maintenance and management.

A model program, this integrated airport system came into being in 1943 when the Minnesota State Legislature created the Metropolltan Airports Commission (MAC) to curb the costly rivalry for airport construction between Minneapolis and St. Paul, and to unite the state's two largest cities in a. program of aeronautical development.

Specltlc objectives of the act creating MAC were to "serve the public interest; promote air navigation and transportation; develop the · .full potentialities of the Twin Cities as an aviation center, increase air commerce; and promote the efficient, safe and economic handling of such commerce."

Just how effective MAC has been in carrying out these objectives can best be illustrated by the fa.ct that 80% of the 1,245,416 aircraft movements in 1966 at the six MACowned and operated airports were recorded by general aviation at a total cost of only six cents out of eveTy capital and operational dollar.

As further evidence of the agency's effectiveness, the number of based aircraft on its six fields increased 70 % over the past 10 years, 22% more than the national average for the same period. But the publlc has benefited, too, proving again that airports are not only for pilots and aircraft. A survey taken in 1960 to measure the value of general aviation to the MAC community indicated an .economic benefit <>f $233,000,000 with a projected jump to $386;000,000 by 1975.

Consid.ering that the current investment of public money in tbe MAC airport system -Federal, state and local-is just over $70,000,000, the public has realized a better than three-to-one return for every dollar invested.

MAC ls unique as an organization, the only agency of its kind in the nation. But what has made MAC a success are the concepts of its executive director, Henry G. Kuitu, and his 22-man statr. A former employee o.f the Civil Aeronautics Administration, Kuitu said one of his biggest tasks over the years has been to prove to people that "general aviation aircraft are not toys for a few people's amusement."

Kuitu has proved that point. judging from

the general aviation boom in the Land Of Sky Blue Waters since he took over the MAC controls in 1953. "Our strongest promotion for general aviation,'' Kuitu insists. "ls that we simply recognized it as a vital segment of our transportation system and have developed the finest of facilities for general aviation use."

The six airports in the MAC complex are Anoka County, Crystal, Flying Cloud, Lake Elmo, Minneapolis-St. Paul International (Wold-Chamberlain Field) and St. Paul Downtown (ft>rmerly Holman Field).

Backing up Kuitu and his paid staff are nine appointed MAC commissioners, four each from Minneapolis and St. Paul, plus the chairman who is selected from an area outside the MAC complex. Minneapolis Mayor Arthur Naftalln and St. Paul Mayor Thomas R. Byrne serve as commissioners representing their respective cities.

Under the Twin Cities integrated airport system, all improvements are handled by MAC with anything costing over $1,000 requiring the approval of the commissioners. MAC continuously improves all its airports, cuts the grass, removes snow, furnlshes firstrate fa.cillties to all users at a reasonable cost, and protects lower altitude airspace connecting its network of airports.

crash-rescue equipment 1s no ,Problem at any of the airports in the complex because MAC has a letter of agreement with local communities to provide that .sernce, freeing additional funds for other needs. Replaced and surplus equipment at International is given to other airports in the complex on the basis of priority.

With the exception of Lake Elmo Airport, theTe are two MAC men at each airport in the system. These men make recommendations for improvements, request needed equipment and, in general, see that everything TUns smoothly at their respective fac1Uties.

"There is no fat in our budget, BO the airports must be run very efficiently,'" Kuitu ls quick to point out. ..We don't charge any landing fees for general aviation aircraft at any MAC field and we only charge two cents a gallon in aviation fuel tax and two cents a foot for leased space at four of our airports."

Fuel and lease rates, understandably, are slightly higher at International and St. Paul Downtown Airports. MAC allows the lessee to build his own hangar f.ac111ty at any of its suburban airports and provides a 10-year lease and black-topping from the hangar to the taxiway.

"In a program such as ours," Kuitu explained, "it is absolutely necessary to have the support of the Federal Aviation Administration and ·the state Department of Aeronautics. FAA has been most helpful in the area of navigational aids, and our Commissioner of Aeronautics, Lawrence McCabe, ls 100% behlnd genera1 aviation and MAC."

McCabe (AOPA 143870), an ex-Navy pilot, throws out Minnesota aviation statistics and facts better than any computer. A native son and former FBO at Hibbing, McCabe 1s dedicated to the tas.k of ''.making Minnesota as well known for its aviation fac111ties as it 1s for its great fishing."

McCabe's department has produced a clever film called "Aviation Swings in Minnesota" which shows the network of VOR's in the state, its many airports and landing strips. The film projects the same kind of enthusiasm and accomplishment on a statewide basis that MAC demonstrates for its Twin Cities complex.

The continuing controversy over barring general aviation aircraft from large metropolitan airports with heavy jet traffic is not a problem of busy .Minneapolis-St. Paul International Airport only because of MAC's "equal facilities concept" tor general aviation.

MAC does not restrict general aviation movements at International, in line with its position that aircraft cannot and should not be regulated off of publicly owned and oper-

35972 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December. 12, 1967 ated airports. "What we have done," Kuitu emphasized, "is to provide excellent facilities 'at other airports in our system which are consistent and compatible with the type of aircraft being flown by corporate and business pilots."

"If we didn't do this," Kuitu added., "Wold-Chamberlain would have long ago surpassed its maximum capacity in based. aircraft and operations."

Lyle K. Brown, former FAA Minneapolis area manager · now serving as director of FAA's ·Alaska Region, is outspoken in praise of the MAC operation, referring to its integrated airport system as a model for other metropolitan areas to consider.

"We highly endorse the MAC concept and its program. They have done an outstanding job, in fact the best we have·. seen· in the country. Their concepts provide for a natural segregation of tramc and increase the capabilities of all airports," Brown said.

Competition is keen among the 30 FBO's at the six fields. Their feelings a.bout being a part of the airport complex are probably the best barometer for measuring acceptance of MAC policies and programs.

Niels H. Sorensen, one of six FBO's at Crystal Airport, operates Lakeland Skyways. He didn't mince any words in describing MAC as a "fabulous organization."

"Without MAC steering the satellite airport system, I ' don't think we would enjoy the high degree of action we do. This airport exists today because of MAC," Sorensen said. "They staved off the attacks that would have turned this field into neat rows of homes."

Then their is Ray Ryan of the NelsonRyan Flying Service at Flying Cloud.a Airport. A man of few words, Ryan said, "We think MAC is just wonderful."

The dean emeritus of FBO's in the Twin Cities area, and perhaps in the nation, is Angelo "Shorty" DePonti (AOPA 135255) who has operated the DePonti Aviation Company since 1927. Located at Minneapolis-St. Paul Interna.tion since 1950, "Shorty" was long on praise for the excellent job MAC has done over the years. "They gave aviation a home in this area," DePonti said.

There doesn't seem to be much question about what MAC has accomplished over the past 24 years, but it is the future that concerns Kuitu, a soft-spoken Finn who relaxes by sketching out airport designs. He and his staff know that air tramc will increase in the MAC complex to 2,000,000 movements in 1970 and almost 3,000,000 by 1975.

"Pressure is starting to mount among a. lot of people for us to develop more airports," Kuitu said, "but we believe the most important use of our dollars is to continually improve our existing facilities to maximum capacity. Otherwise," he continued, "we will have a situation of satellites around satellites."

Kuitu said the present MAC airport system was built with a maximum amount of state and Federal a.id, "without which we would not have the fine complex of airports we have today." With International getting 94 cents out of every capital and operational dollar, "I guess the big question is whether MAC can continue to take care of 80% of the anticipated increase in general aviation movements in 1975 with the remaining six cents.

"We don't think we will be able to do as well," Kuitu said, "but the figures don't frighten us."

The big problem, Kuitu believes, will be to acquJre addJtional land to house the facilities to accommodate the aircraft. "A second major airport in the greater metropolitan area of the Twin Cities is definitely in our thinking, for if we don't move aggressively today, we will be in big trouble within the next five years," Kuitu said.

Asked if he thought a MAC-type agency was the answer for unsolved airport problems in other metropolitan areas, K':1itu fired back,

"We don't think there is any other way to do ~he job. It isn't economically sound to try to provide for smaller aircraft on the larger airports, but it is sound to develop and support reliever airports in the area to take off the pressure."

Through its program of providing quality facilities for general aviation aircraft, MAC has come up with a. healthy solution for solving major airport congestion problems in a natural way, without penalizing the little guy. The MAC success formula. is obvious. By considering the needs of general aviation and. the scheduled air carriers together, many of the problems of both have been solv~d.

There is no doubt that MAC is fulfilling the objectives for which it was created. And the primary reason for MAC's success has been its acceptance and recognition of general aviation as a. full and equal partner in all phases of its programs.

MUNICIPAL BOND FINANCINGSTATEMENT BY HON. CHARLES W. WHALEN, -JR., BEFORE SUBCOMMITTEE OF JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, the Joint

Economic Committee's Subcommittee on Economic Progress held hearings this week on the serious problems that our municipalities face. More specifically, they face tremendous problems of financing. The demand for facilities and equipment is growing rapidly, their tax bases are shrinking in many cases, interest rates have skyrocketed, and now the industrial revenue bonds are cutting into the availa.ble supply of loan funds. Our public policies are going to have to concern themselves far more with these problems in the future than has been the case in the past.

The subcommittee was most fortunate in having a nwnber of excellent witnesses. One of them was my distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. WHALEN], who was invited by the subcommittee to give us the benefit

, of his sound knowledge of credit and finance.

I insert in the RECORD at this point Mr. WHALEN'S statement: . STATEMENT 01' CHARLES W. WHALEN, JR.,

MEMBER OF CONGRESS, STATE OF OHIO, THIRD DISTRICT, BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITl'EE ON EcoNOMIC PROGRESS, JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE, DECEMBER 7, 1967 Chairman Patman, members of the Sub

committee on Economic Progress, Joint Economic Committee, it is an honor to be asked to appear before your Subcommittee today in connection with your hearings on municipal finance. I have never served as an elected or appointed city omcial. Therefore, I have not been directly involved in the processes attendant to the securing of community funds. Nevertheless, as an economist and a twelve-year member of the Ohio General Assembly, I am aware of many of the financial problems confronting our cities.

I. SCOPE This morning I shall address my remarks

specifically to the issue delineated by the

Chairman in his Statement of December 5, namely, "the difficulties experienced by small municipalities in mar~eting their bonds." 1

II. BOND MARKETING PROBLEMS F11nance omcers o.f our nation's smaller

Cities, in my opinion, face three distinct problems in their bond-placement efforts.

First, they frequently a.re hampered by unrealistic legal restrictions.

Second, they are at the mercy of a highly competitive money market.

Third, their communities' tax bases often bear no relationship to financial needs. Let me analyze each of these situations briefly.

A. Unrealistic legal restrictions During the Depression of the 1930's ten

percent of municipal bonds outstandingapproximately $1.5 b11lion out of $15.0 billion-were in default.2 As a. result of this experience, many states imposed constitutional or statutory restrictions upon debt financing. Ohio residents, for example, adopted a constitutional amendment in the early thirties which limits to ten mills the total taxes which can be levied against real property (assessed valuation). Any additional millage can be secured only through the vote of the electorate of a political subdivision. Additional taxes once approved, then are subjected to periodic renewals.

This simply means that finance omcers must spend a great deal of their time campaigning for passage of bond issues. Thus, in Ohio, as in other states, a city finance director, in addition to his fiscal capabilities, must possess the skill of a. seasoned votegetter.

Many states, including Ohio, have established arbitrary debt ceilings (usually expressed. as a percentage of total assessed property valuation). When this · limitation is reached, even the most politically consumate finance director is prohibited from exercising his powers of persuasion.

It is paradoxical that local ofilcials--those who are closest to the people-are burdened with fiscal sanctions which are not imposed upon federal functionaries operating in Washington literally hundreds, or thousands, of miles away.

B. Highly competitive money market Robert E. Weintraub, in his recent publi

cation "Options for Meeting the Revenue Needs of City Governments," estimates "a revenue gap of $262 billion" during the next ten years.3 Projected expenditures during this period are $1,025 bilUon, while current revenue sources are expected to yield $763 billion.'

Of the alternative methods of closing this "gap," sale of securities seems the least attractive, especially to smaller communities. Small cities not only must compete for funds against private borrowers (corporations and consumers) but also against larger, betterrated municipalities. In order to attract investors, therefore, less populous cities, many of which are not rated by Moody's or Standard and Poor's usually must offer their bonds at substantially higher rates of interest.

Under our profit system, a variation in corporate bond yields can be defended. However, it seems inequitable to the taxpayer of Coldwater, Ohio, to burden him with relatively higher interest costs merely

1 Statement of Chairman Wright Patman, Joint Economic Committee, Subcommittee on Economic Progress, Hearings on Municipal Finance, December 5, 6, a.nd 7, 1967, page 2.

2 James A. Maxwell, Financing State and Local Governments (The Brookings Institution, 1965), page 181.

3 Robert E. Weintraub, Options For Meeting The Revenue Needs of City Governments, Prepared for: National League of Cities, TEMPO, qeneral Electric Llompany, January 1967, page 6.

'Ibid.

December · 12, 1967 ·coNGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE 35973 because· he happened to reside in a small

·community. C. Lack of correla_tion between tax base

and financial needs In 1962 over 90,000 local governmental

units existed in the United States.11 This proliferation of tax jurisdiction has distorted the correlaton between revenue producing capabilities and revenue needs. , For example, the inheritance taxes col

lected each year by one wealthy Ohio suburb have enabled that community to enjoy the lowest property tax rate in the state. Another small town is blessed with the presence of a huge industrial plant whose property taxes proved more than enough funds to meet this city's needs.

By the same token, many other political subdivisions lack the high-yield base which factories or high-priced residences provide. The needs of the citizens residing in these areas, however, do not differ materially from those who live in high tax base communities. Each of us wants a good education for our children; reasonable protection of our person and property; paved streets; adequate sanitation and recreation facilities. Regrettably those whose residences are in "tax-poor" districts are penalized in two ways. First, the quality of governmental services which they receive is substandard. They have poorer schools, ineffective police and fire protection, inadequate sanitation and recreation facilities. Second, in order to receive even this minimal level of service, they must bear a proportionately higher tax rate on their real property. This, in turn, creates a regressive tax structure.

m. RECOMMENDATIONS

What, if anything, can the federal government do to mitigate these municipal bondfinancirig problems?

· · ·The first--constit~tional anq statutory legal restrictions--does not come within the purview of federal authorities. Hopefully, state officials will undertake (and are gradually doing so) the elimination or reduction of the archaic limitations which needlessly handcap local finance directors in their bond-disposal efforts.

As a nation, however, we are concerned about the need for a more equitable tax structure, equality of educational opportunities, and adequate protection for all of our citizens. Thus, it is in the national interest, it seems to me, to produce an alternative revenue source which would reduce the dependence of American cities upon bond financing.

The major objective of nation~! policy in tp.e area of local government should no~ be further federal assumption, or partial assumption, of certain responsib111ties presently ascribed to our communities. Rather, the goals should be to strengthen local governments so that they are capable of assuming the increased responsibilities which the public expects of them. One means of fulfilling this objective is through some type of federal tax sharing program.

A federal tax sharing plan would offer three positive advantages to our nation's cities.

First, it would reduce the dependence ,upon . bond financing. Local tax payers, in smaller communities, especially, will be relatively less burdened with costs stemming from the payment of premium interest rates.

Second, a portion of the total federal tax rebate could be distributed on a "need" basis. This would provide material assistance to those who, because they reside in low tax yield communities, receive poor quality services.

Third, revenue-sharing could effectively broaden local tax bases by providing an in-

11 James A. Maxwell, Financing State a1J4 Local Governments (The Brookings Institu-tion, 1965) • ·

centive to political subdivisions to establish and support certain services on an area-wide basis.

Ultimate adoption of a federal tax sharing program, in my opinion, would. strengthen both state and local governments so that they are better equipped to face the challenges of our time.

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to be joined this morning by three distinguished repre.sen ta tives of the City of Dayton who ar~ well versed in the intricacies of bond financing. I am certain the Dayton Mayor Dave Hall, City Manager Graham Watt, and Finance Di-rector Winton Parent in their testimony will make a significant contribution to your study.

~~--------~~

NO FARM HOPE IN CONGRESSS Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. ZWACH] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from PennsylV'ania?

There was no objection. Mr. ZWACH. Mr. Speaker, this week I

received a copy of an editorial written by Mr. 0. B. Augustson, Willmar Daily Times, with his sage and seasoned observ·ations of the agrieulrtural situation. His comments deserve a thorough study as Mr. Augustson speaks with a great deal of sincerity coming from one of the most diversified agribusiness cities in the Sixth Congressional District. He has a deep conviction that our countryside needs to be built up for the good of the Nation, but he also very accurately points out that the base for present and future hopes is to help the primary industry-that of farming.

After pointing out that this administration is spouting llpservice without concrete action, he resigns himself to the plain fact that farmers must' take a stronger action themselves, not in Congress or in the political routes-in the marketplace.

I believe this editorial comes the closest to putting into clear perspective, the attitude of the farmers today on this befuddled, directionless administration farm program.

The editorial referred to follows: No FARM HOPE IN CONGRESS

(By 0. B. Augustson) To all who are concerned about the farm

situation and those should be not only farmers but all of us who live in rural towns where the farm dollar is so mighty lmportant--we recommend the readip.g of the special ·article found in this issue of The Tribune entitled-"Farm Legislation in the Congress Viewed Hopeless."

Guess Mr. Hendrickson put his finger squarely on the situation. Much better than the Secretary of Agriculture who came into this farm state of his and s.poke recently. He painted idle hopes, promises but the performance of the past has been nil. Representing an administration that is not for the farmer ·and that starts With the White House. Meanwhile the number of farmers in the country have been cut in half and more of the devastation is coming. 700,000 farms forced out of business since Freeman became secretary. Enough discouragement to make a secretary of agriculture from a farm state resign and quit 1n disgust as ~ protest.

The Department-of Agrtcult~e also ·sends out silly talk a.bOut' "niore research." That's

just idle hogwash. Farm~rs dori't need more research-they need fair prices for the work they do like all other industry. The same department has issued a book called "Outdoors U.S." where the farm problem is treated like a recreational area. That's also by:..passing the real issue. We are not interested in making rural America a playground-we want to preserve the rural America of family farms, thriving farm villages and towns that have been the backbone of this nation. That statement will stand the test of any intelligence.

Meanwhile the gulf between the farmer and the consumer is widening while processors ~it in the saddle and skim off the cream from the most important industry in the land-that of food production.

As a resident of a rural city we see our main industry go begging. That on one hand. Then for a rural city to have a better economy we scramble for more industry, factories and such, to replace lost farm patronage. Well as far as we are concerned-we would rather retain the one big prosperous farm industry which alone in Kandiyohi County is around thirty million dollars a year than a whole town full of smokestacks. .

What's the answer? It is now plain-a fight at the market place. Farmers demanding their price or not selllng. Like other industry. Can come if a national farm board is established like labor has, this being proposed by Thatcher of the GTA. It would of course need the 100% support of all farm organizations. But even then, knowtng the atmosphere at Washington and in the Con_gress hopes for even such legislation are dim. You perhaps can wait for that until "something" freezet; over. Then the only recourse is the mmtant action of the NFO if enough farmers have both the vision and the guts to rock the market by firm and united action. This administration is conducting many wars--war on the yellow race, war on poverty and the like-but no war in behalf of an underpaid basic farm industry. No, it caters to the big city vote and the consumers of those big citiet; to give them cheap food at the expense of the food producers. Nothing for the farmers of the nation who have always subsidized the high standard of the American people. The die is cast and it is quite clear that the battle for the survival of rural America is at the market place.

LET'S DEMONSTRATE FOR THE FARMER

Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I . ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. ZWACH] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection tO the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania?

There was no objection. Mr. ZWACH. Mr. Speaker, Dr. Joseph

L. Knutson, president of Concordia College, Moorhead, Minn., and a highly respected religious and educational leader, provides some pertinent remarks on the problems besetting our country in a recent issue of the Lutheran Standard, and reprinted in Farm Tempo, U.S.A. .· Dr. Knutson speaks -fervently about the plight of the American farmer and ·contrasts their ·positions with that of 'other special interest groups in our Na7 tion.

The article follows: LET'S DEMONSTRATE FOR THE FARMER

This spring . I attended three dis?"lct con7 ventions of The American Lutheran Church. They ran pretty much true to form. What-

35974 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- -HOUSE Deeember 12, 1967

ever men ma.y say about. the. church, no, one can charge the church with lack of sccial concern. Our fathers used to gather in church conventions and diseuss: the sovereignty or God and the. responsibilfty or man, and 'try' to brtdge the: gulf between them. Today church conventions. are more soclologtcal than theological. There a.re discourse& on sexuality, divorce, planned parenthood, ciYil rights. avant; game religious JournaJlism, Indians, WaJ' and conscientious objectors,. the urbanization of. Ufe, antomatron and the laboring man, po"Verty, education, and everything else in a good sociology; textbook.

When these subjects are dealt with fn the light. o:r God's revelation tn Christ, this is as tt sh0Uld be. Too &"ften, though, the:re is 'Wo much sociology and not enough Gospel.

In all this sociologtcal concern there is one group that: has been overlooked of late. I retes to the farmer. There uaed tc be a Lutheran agency dealing spectfi'.cally with the problems of rural Ute, but i'n the.newLutheran Council ot the United states o:f America It bas. become "The Department: or Church and Community Planning.'•

From 1921 ro 1940, almost 20' yea.rs, rural America sulfel'ed severe economic blight. The farmer knew depression long bef0re 1929. Ever since the end of the Korean contnot the economic position of the farmer has deteriorated. No.w, in 1967, the farmer is worse f1ff'r parley-wise, tllan at; any time save in the depth of the depres&ion-wa:r down to 74%.

We promote a.fair deal fbrthe Negro, a new da:y for the Indian, more security f'or the laboring man, better salaries for teaehers, row-cost housing for the urban dwellerS', and crmiade!r for nearly everybody but the farmer.

The economists aiwayS' pointed to our huge surpluses in wheat, feed grnlnS', and dairy products aS' s price depressant. When the slI!'plnses disappeared. priceS' were expected to rise. Then, because or the cramor of ctty people agains.t high food prlc~. the government opened the import gates and :flooded the marltets.

Farm subsicHea have been. criticized. but how many of us when we sit down to ea.t realize that the tanner through his sweat and meager income rs actuaIIy aubsidizfng our dally bre.ad'l We .Americans spend only 18 cents. o! our pa-y dollar far food. less than any place In the world.

A few months ago, when house.wives picketed the food marke.ts. because of rising prices, where was the support for the farmer from. church people, students, and. social workers? If we are concerned about inequality and some people being second-class citizens, thm'e should :have been demonstratk>ns and mare.hes f'or the IDOllf.t: underprfvlleged vocational group fn America. lf we bell.eve, as the Apos.Ue Paul sa.ys .. 1ha.t we should "do good to a.11 men~ and es.peel.ally to. those wh0 are of the houaehald of faith." The American Lutheran Church should have been marching for the farmer. Farmers are still the biggest single vocational group fn the ALC, even though they are n<>w only 5% of the Amer-lean population.

In an address at Moorhead shortly after the Cuban missile crisis, the then Senator Hubert Humphrey credited the. farmer and American agrtculture as the one deterrent tha.t kept Khrushchev from pushing the butron that wonid have sent a nuclear horocaust to the cities of our easte:rn seaboard. He did not: d'a.re to push th.e. button because Russia did not have- the- food to fight a. war. lt is also true t.hat. Ametlca.'s abundance. of food is our prlme diplomatic pacifier a.nd tooL

Inahllity to make a decent. living la driving farmers orr the land by the mmions. rt ls hastening the demise of the famlly fa.rm. Those still on the land put up with living conditions far below that. o:f their city coun tei:pa.r1is. ~ can The. American Lutheran Church

do. 'k>- help the. farmer?- {l} We can recognize

his pllght and be sympe.thetle. (a). We can be grat&ful for what file fanne:r bas done for America and for us personally. (3) We can pray tha't God wtn improve the oondHlon of the farmer. (4J Ai'- our chureh coDVenttons we can taJlk about 1he- plight of the farmer as we eonce-m onrse'l'vea with sex, cl~ rights, and everything else on the sociological scene. (5) We can defend the- farmer and' p:read for a fafr de&l f'or him among our fellow citizens. (6) We can put: presmre on our president and congressmen to protect the- farmer's ma:1t:ket and nE>t t& use food as a bait ta puU in the vote of our heavily urban population. (7) We can help the farmer 0rganize to control and protect hfs market so that he too can live with some degree of security and dtgntty:

After all there would have been no civil rights movement if groups other than Neg.roes had not organized and manned lt.

It we a.Ee simcere as ~ church in praying !or daily bread. I do not know how we. dare forget the farmer any longer. If you and I as church people. are concerned about In.equality and second-class citizens-, we ought to demonstrate for the- farmer.

PROBLEMS FACED BY OUR DOMESTIC CATTLE INDUSTRY AND THE MIDWEST FEED GRAIN PRODUCER

Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. KYLJ may extend his remarks s;t thls point in the R&eoRD and include extraneous matter.

'The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? ~ was no objection. Mr. KYL. Mr. Speaker, the American

Cattle Producer, the National Beef News magazine, for December 1967. includes at least four items which point up problems f a:ced by our domestic cattle industry and the mldwest feed grain producer. The articles concerning beef. production again demonst:ra:te two factors:- Our domestic market prices on livestock are too low In comparison with production costs; and, the effect of imported meat cannot be dismissed with a trlte condemnation of ''protectionism.••

Fresh, frozen, and chilled meat imports were down 2 percent In September, for a total of 89. 7 million pomids, but the January-to-September total ts 6' percent above the previous period 1n 1966. This does not include imported canned beef, and other p:repared or p:rese:ned meats which total bas been substantially bighe:r-.

The four items follow: AUSTRALIA. LOOK& TO. DOUBLING BEU SUPPLY

Australia is set to stage. lits Pifth Wm:Id Hereford Conference i.n. s month-long observance nelrt Apdl.

Tha Sydney Royal Bast.er Show takes. place be-tween April 5i and 16. w:tllch is annually a.ttended by more than a million people. Some. 33,00, entries. are judged.

News releases f.rom. the Australian Tourist Commiss.ton poin~ to the 1n1lux o! Americans to the "land down uruler'', many to settle and in.vest. North Amedcans now contribute 00 perc.ent o1 Ausualia.'& forei~ invesbnent.

ManJ' new area& are ope:ntng up for !arm ·and. ranch development, m A:wstralla. One- of these 1.& the "brlgalow country" in Queensland.. The poten"1a.l there ls said ~ be so great 'tha.1i. it may ult.imately carr1 as m&nJ £attle as thse are now in all ot Austr&H._ a. 15..ClOOr,OOO> tGW.

With Ame:rfcans moving lnt.o the Australia livestock production picture so hea.vlly, the question. an.sea. where will the;, ma:rket the added millions of animals.?

AusnALIAN B1:1.mVES U.S. CATTLEMAN "V A.NISHING RACE.''

Under the Utle of "American Oa.ttleman, A Vanishing Racer" the herd bull edition of the Queensland! Countey Life m Australia . says «at, the rate things are going, beef. wm be too. costly to1 produce (in America) and tt will be much more sensible to import. it from countries like Australla.0

On tbat. premise- the article, written by :Frank H. .Je>bnston •. the wnter then blames the chain stores and high laoor oosts for much of the U.S. beet prodl:leel'l!I problems.

The pitch., of cou:rse~ is tha:t .Australia can produce lean beef mueh. more cheaply and that. logically the American consumer should be supplied from tbis: source.

Johnston. points out that; "aince 1950 the American cattleman's cost of production has mc:1teased about. 'lo percent while fat. ca.t.tle price& a.re still pretty much a:s they were then."

Then. he says. "so serlOU& does the cattle,. man•s plight, appear that. some a.Ulihortttes envisa.gei bee! being designated a natt.onal utility ••• a distm'btng thought seeing that the cattleman bas long regarded himself as the last o! America's. free men."

.Johllston also includ.es the farmer in the category of .. vanishing race" by &ta.ting "farmJ:ng as- a way of life is no longer p~t&ble for the family man.."

u .s. PRODUCUS FoaCED 'I'o COMPETE WITH THIS

Live cattle prices. 1n Argentm& moved to record highs in mid-October. but were eipec.ted to lower in late. November. Reason for the top prices. was due to. tza.nsporta.tio:n problems of getting cattle to market. and be.cause a! heavy rains.

Purchases by e.xpot:t packinghouses ha.ve been minimal. necessi.ta.ting pos,tponement ot many oommltments..

Producers are taking advantage of improved forage condition& brough~ on by the recent. :t:a.ins. after drought. had prevailed since mid-year.

Price for ch:l.ller-type steers. were Eanglng between 'ZO. and 80, pesos pei: kll0g1'8.m {9 and 10 cents per lb.}, at one point reaching 13 cents. per lb. Tb1& compares. with an average of 62 pesos (8 cents} during the first. 6 months ot the year.

Shipments to the United Kingdom. have been cut back mast. notably. although exporters. are also ha.ving some dilll.cultie& meeting their quota. shipments ro Spa.in. Not. only refrigeratetl beef, but also processed Items like corned. bee!, are atre.cted.

Woiu.n CoBN S'UPPLY HIGH. HUB.nMG u .s. SURPLUS

Excess oorn production in the United States occurred on top of higher world feed production, probably cutting any possibHtty of exports to relieve the domestic sftuatton.

Both Argentina and South Africa harvested bumper corn crops rast spring, so they have corn to sell in compeUtton with U.S. corn. As of July I, stoc:ts of corn fn the- Argentine were estimated ai around 190 mlllfon bushels-slightly less than a year before- but. 40 percent' more t.ha.n the 5-year 1961-65 average. south .Africa ts. expected to have more than 100 mlliion bushels for exporf; this. year, a.bout. four times as much as in recent years-.

Europe. has good feed crops tbls. year. The total production of barley in West European countries is estimated at l ,580 mm.ton bushels-up 'Z percent from. 1966~ The produettori of oats and corn also may be largei: than last Je&r; and. with \he- big wheat crape., more wheat. ma.y be used for ll.veatook teed. this year.

December 12, 1967 (:ONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35975 ''GOD IS NOT DEAD''-TRY NIMH

A CRITIQUE ON STATE-FEDERAL RELATIONS Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. HALL] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objec-tion. Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, herewith a

speech made by the director of the division of mental health in the Georgia Department of Public Health, Atlanta, Ga. Dr. Addison M. Duval is a well-qualified physician to whom I :first reported in my rotating internship at St. Elizabeths Hospital in the early 1930's. He has always been a great preceptor, instructor, and close personal friend. After completing over 32 years in the Federal service and retiring from the position of assistant superintendent of St. Elizabeths Hospital, he has directed the mental health program in my home State of Missouri and is now doing some in the "Peach" State of Georgia. He is a fellow of the American Psychiatric Association and the American College of Physicians. He has been a great administrator as well as superb physician and psychiatrist.

For all of these reasons it is timely and worth while for all to study at his feet, from the "user's point of view."

This paper was delivered before the American Public Health Association in Miami Beach, Fla., in October of this year, and its constructive suggestion concerning the National Institute of Mental Health applies professionally, as well as we members recognize the need for improving the efficiency and economy thereof. The title is staggering, but intention gaining, and the contents are truly food for thought and a must for implementation. It is stimulating to know that from the inner circles-Dr. Duval has Just completed a long term on the Council of the American Psychiatric Association-he takes time to be objective and constructive, and actually suggests what many of us have known for some time about a "sacred cow." The e~say follows: GoD Is NOT DEAD-TRY NIMH-A CRITIQUE ON

STATE-FEDERAL RELATIONS (By Addison M. Duval, M.D., F.A.P.A.,

F.A.C.P., director, Dlylslon of Mental Health, Georgia Department of Public Health, Atlanta, Ga.) Last year, before a Special Session of this

Association at Its 94th Annual Meeting, Dr. Eugene Hargrove, Commissioner of Mental Health in North Carolina-in his quiet respectful manner-presented several very Important criticisms of Federal regulations which deal with developing community mental health programs. These specific criticisms included (1) unimaginative and provincial thinking, (2) services that are insular a.nd emphasize a program which can be developed in very few atypical American cities and has little relationship to programs in small urban or rural areas, (3) the guide lines make no allowance for the differences in 1ndividual community mores or in patterns of service, and (4) the "all or none" policy which permits no variation from the rigid requirement of five essential services from the start of the program.

In Georgia, we too have complained about the rigidity of the regulations as well as the rigid! ty of those administering the regulations--but to no avail. In my judgment, this situation needs the combined attention of all the affected states. By standing together, we may develop enough strength to force a jChange for the better. When invited to speak at this meeting and discuss GeorglaFederal relations in a very direct and blunt fashion, I was glad to accept in the hope I might assist in calllng attention to some of the failures and errors being made in Washington. Some of these are crucially damaging to our state programs and in my opinion they could be readily corrected lf Federal motivation was just present.

On the long chance of obtaining a beneficial shock effect, I decided to use a provocative title for these remarks, "God Is Not Dead. Try N.I.M.H.!" The more I thought about this title, however, the more accurate a.nd realistic it seemed to be as an indicator of the Messianic attitude of NIMH toward the individual state. Where this attitude originates or why, I have not been able to determine accurately. Other Federal departments are said to have similar attitudes toward state operations. Of this, I have no personal knowledge. As a Federal employee in Washington for thirty years, I accepted the Federal "llne" that the Federal mental health professionals were more competent a.nd knowledgeable than those in State employment and knew best what was good for the States. I, no longer, believe that! But this attitude persists in Washington as I will attempt to illustrate in the following examples of what has happened in Georgia. I have no desire or intention of ''trying" the case of Georgia versus the National Institute of Mental Health in this presentation, however, you will recognize that I must give enough evidence to try and convince you and other interested readers of the truth of my allegations if any help ls to come in correcting the situation.

In the midst of our struggle to develop comprehensive community mental health programs in Georgia, I wrote to the Director of the National Institute o! Mental Health under date of February 1, 1966, in part as follows:

"During the past seven or eight years, Georgia has been slowly and gradually moving towards the establishment of community mental health programs. At the present time, we have some mental health services provided in eighteen (18) different geographic locations in the State. Historically, these programs have been developed on a step-by-step method as staff and money could be made available. It is generally agreed by mental health professionals in the State that the step-by-step method is the only practical way to proceed with future programs. Some of our eighteen community programs have only a weak beginning toward providing an adequate amount of services which meets only a small portion of the need, while other programs provide at least four of the five essential services as described in Federal legislation .... As we carefully study Federal regulations concerning the Community Mental Health Centers Act of 1963, Title 2, Public Law 88-164, and the proposed Federal Regulations Sub-Part D, Part 54, Title 42, Public Law 89-105, we have encountered three major problems and we would very much appreciate your cooperative assistance in finding possible s0lutions."

PROBLEM ONE

"While we realize that Publlc Law 89-105, ... indicates that Federal funds may be made available '!or the initial operation of new community mental health centers or of new services in community mental health centers', it is our belie! that the Harris Committee did not intend so limited and restrictive a definition of •new centers or new services in centers' as the regulations provide.

"To support this view I would like to refer you to page 7, paragraph 1 o! Report 248 to the House of Representatives by the Harris Committee relating to the Community Mental Health Centers Act as follows:

"'In this connection, the committee has also been mindful of the situation of those few communities which have been able to establish most or all of the essential elements o! community mental health services. Under the present bill such communities would not be penalized for the leadership they have shown. While they would not be eligible for assistance toward the cost of existing services, they would be eligible for grants toward meeting the cost of new and additional services necessary to achieve the goal of truly comprehensive mental health care. They would be eligible for Federal funds to assist them in maintaining their position of leadership.'

"It ls our hope that with the above report in mind, you may feel justified in considering the 'additional services' mentioned above as including the expansion in quality and quantity of weak and inadequate existing services. Such a liberalization of ~nterpretation would be enormously helpful to Georgia. Federal funds so provided would not reduce or replace any present state or local funds being used for mental health purposes.''

PROBLEM TWO ;'The proposed regulations concerning Sub

Chapter D, Part 54, Title 42, Public Law 89-105 seems to us to clearly prohibit the use of Federal funds for mental health programs unless all five essential elements o! service are provided from the beginning of use of such funds. Such arrangement would be very detrimental to program development in Georgia and we urge a change to less restrictive language."

"As we have previously said, the best method for program development in Georgia has been the step-by-step method and we believe it advisable to continue this method. It fl.ts the individual program needs with regard to both manpower and supporting funds and also to the communities' program development capacity. We d-o not object in any way to the concept of comprehensive community mental health programs as described in Federal legislation. In fact we heartily support the concept. We do object to the idea of an 'all or none' arrangement where no Federal funds are provided unless all five essential elements of service are present."

"We would like to suggest that the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare is permitted under Public Law 89-105 to exercise his personal judgment concerning the number of essential elements which he will require in one program for that program to be eligible for Federal funds. This seems to us to be indicated in Section 221.(2) of Public Law 89-105 as follows:

"'The services to be provided by the center, alone or in conjunction with other facilities owned or operated by the applicant or affiliated or associated with the applicant, will be part of a program providing, principally for persons residing in a particular community or communities in or near which such center is situated, at least those essential elements of comprehensive mental health services which are prescribed by the Secretary.' "

In his reply, dated February 21, 1966, the Director indicated his dissent to my interpretation of the House Report and ruled out any Federal support for ''. . . simple expansion in volume of existing services". This decision was a body blow to our hopes for program expansion.

With regard to the second problem, that of the "all or none" concept, the Director indi-cated that to require less than the five essentia.l services from the beginning of a program "would be inconsistent with the intent of the OOng.ress •. .''

35976 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE Deoomher 1fJ, 1967 Bow can such ronduaion. be. made wllen

t.he Secrnary ot RB..W. ts gt-.e:o. speeSfle legal authority to prescribe; eaentiu elements? The I>Uector t.urtber wrat& that ... . • . Pettera.l funds under tbea. Ac:ttJr (P.L. BS-161-a:nd PL. 89-166) ''are. awi:lable tOl mtng fnto operatlon any OJ' all af these serncea wbi:cb have not ~ been eatabliahed. m. a community."

Thla last sta.tem.ent was. to come. baclc: and haunt ,. when we. later applied for our :fl.rat initial staffing grant. where Federal :tun.de were in fact dented for- t:his specl!fic purpose.. · 'Ill:& Director conciuded bis letter by sa.ytng, in part:

"To conclude, it seems clear to me tha.t G.oorgia. sbauld be abia to use the Pederal fUnds new a.va!Iable for c.cmununit:J mental: health centers. .Just. as other States: in the Na.ti.on wtll use t.hem."

This prediction by the Director of the National Instltute of Mental Beal:t;h lam prov:ed to be quite: a.cc\ll'ate. as Georgia has, In fact. used all tw Peder:al OOJilS'i1:1letfon funds :tor communtty mental health eentess. Let it be cleady unclers.tood, hcwever, that m OFder to obtatn Pederal a.ppro:va! for our G:ran.'i Applications ellCh commmd.ty- was required to pl'QIXU:s& t.he full tmplementaUon and del"elopment oL all 1l'te essential sel'vices when construction was completed and. the program started. Whether. in fact, each community can meet its commitment remains to be seen. Y am not sure what would happen in the event tha.t it cannot. I think it· would have been a much sounder plan to have proposed to deliver these essential: services on a step-by-step method where we could be really sure ~ could deliver our promlseS'. In my opinion, the regul&tforrs-and tf necessary the Law-flhouid' be cha:nged' to permit both (1) a step-by-step progra.m development and (2) the participatfon of Pedera:r funds in the expansion of exis.tlng elements of service. In some 1nstance8' this expansion: may be more hnpol'tant. than the development of a ne.w senalee.

My second illustration or rigidity of attitude on the part of NIMH staff' deals with the first application for staffing grant !Unds submitted by a rural Georgia community which occurred in 1966. The catchment area of this community included approxima.tely-155,000 persons. No community mental health program was in extstence-efther in whole or in part-f!o this wa:s an entirely new program. With the "all or none" requirement in mind for the five essential services as previously referred to herein, this community developed a plan wherein all five essential serv;ices would be provided but by reason of limited capab!llty of recruitment of adequate staff for the total catchment area population and the lack of capabllity to raise loca.I matching funds .for a.n adequate program, the application sent forward to the National Institute of Mental Health really represented a first or beginning phase of' program development within the capa.blltty of the community ta participate, but. with the hop.e of expansion of all five services. as time went by. We knew that the program. was inadequate to meet all the needs o!. the 155,000 people in the catchment: area, but we wanted to test the alleged flexibility of tlile Na.tiona.l Institute of Mental Health, or, aaid another way. we were still testing the rigidity of the Institute.

As you might anticipate, our grant application for financial support was rejected by the R&view Sta.ff at N.I.M.H. with these, words "it seemeµ to them that it would be almost lmposslbl& for two iull-tilne persons and additional pa.rt-time sta.1! to oiler the basic elements of compreheiµUve services. or continuity of cal'e to the. approximately 155.000 persons in the catchment area..'' We couldn't help but smile a.t such a. pontifical explanation. Then :followed the suggestion. that "it may be expeditious to start a program on a. smaner sea.le, engendering strong interest m

th& ~mmunity before- moving fnio a more comprehens!w eenter-. "l'heref'o:re-, we- wonder tf' Sit' "Wt>ulid be> poll8fb!ei for the- resou:rces fJ'f your Department t& start the- program nO'W' iin the space- which 18' !1'0'W avatlabie, with the afm Jin mind w apply late!- 'for constrttctfon and staffing funds to provfde all' the baslceiemeuts of a comp:rehensfve service."'

One can only wondes- whether lf we had ~eloped a commumtr program for Troup Com>.ty with State tumis and rater appHed for constrn~fon aind initial staftlng funds from the National Instituteof Menta:l Health, we might haw tbe-n been given the decision that. "'BUC"h f\mds cannot be \ll!led for e:xpa:nston of existfng eervfces"', to, whfch I have previously referred.

J!WJowing the disapproval of the Troup County appHcatton for t:nitial staftlng :fundS', I. tried Wl'itlng direcily to ain Asststant Secretary of thei Department of Health, Educatton and Welfare who had offered to US' his personal assistance in our problem. We polnted ont: to him ou:r belfef that the Troup Coun~ appll:eatfon in f"aet did provide forall tile Pederaily reqttlred services even though on a dns.tteany l!mited basiS". We lndtcated that. m our opinfon this lack of adequacy •does not have adequate basfs under la.w or regulations to serve as a: valid reason for refectf.on ot this applicatfon."

W& said further: .. ThiS' p?'Qbiem aga.tn demonstrates the

posftton we have held throughout our disCllSSion that in order for communities to take advantage at grant programs, they must. be- permitted to start wrth tnttial smaU steps in progra.m development provided these are realfstiC' and Intended to lead to add.Itlona.I larger ittepS' within a reasonable time."

In a three page letter rejecting our appeal, the As!fistant Secretary sa.!ct in pa.rt, "While we are f'ully cognizant that small progressive steps are a s:ound mode. of program development, the National Centets program Is designed to assist communities in making substantive 1n1tia:l steps forward."

To me the. only Interpretation possible is that any community, incapable. of making a "substantive initial step'~ (whatever that ls) gets no help at all from Washington.

In his letter the Secretary also stated ~t the National Institute of Mental Health had recently established a Section within its Technical Programs Assrsta.nce Bra.nch which is ta be a focus for developing mental health services in rural areas and tha.t efforts would be ma.de t.o encourage development of innovative approaches according to. the particular characteristics, needs and resources of the areas involved. This proposal gave us new hope, so I wrote to. the Direct.or of the Institute requesting that the. Troup County application be referred t.o this new Section for further study and evaluation, a.nd I again expressed the hope that this Sect.ion would be able to find some special and more flexible method of providing assistance· to rW"al commumties. The Institute Dil'ect.or replied that this was a.n excellent suggestion but I have heard nothing further about the matter since that day in October, 1966.

I. could give additional detailed lllu.stra.tions o<f Federal power in decision making with regard to, such local questions as the location of drinking fountains. in patient wa.rds and criti-01sm of local modalities of. treatment not presently in the good graces of N.I.M.H., but I will not burden you further. You have heard enough. t.<1 see that Washington plays the tune and tlle State and countie~ dance the jig!

Even In the :race of" our urgent requests for flexfbtlfty and understa.ndlng of our problems I ca.n detect no softening on the part of the Director ot: the National Institute ot Menta.r Health or any desire. to give us relle! from these r!g;l.d requlrement&-a continuation or whfch wm sureiy be detrfm.ental to state mentar health program development.

Yem and I know that the centers yet to be de\?eJoped wtll be much m«e dlfllcu:H. than the first few!

However, I think it fair to sa.y that the Inst1!tute- Dfrecto-r ts met the- only one responsJi~l:e- for the oomtlnnan~ of too much centnJ:lzed power in the Federal G&-ve:rnment. No apedft~ effort. t.o-ward changmg t.1I1s s1tua tion can be tound m the- a.ctions of other oftlcla.ls in the Public. Health Seniee or- in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. There may be a ray of' hope In the new Federal program known !'CS' "'Partnership in Health" the :name ar the program to develop Comprehensive Comm.unity Health Services... Again we hea.r rum-0rs fi:om Washington that authority for decision. making in this program wm be tran.sfened to. the Reglonar omces. Would It be sor For we have ha.d excellent underatan<Hng. cooperaticm a:nd support from the Regional Office staff:. But: tllese Ideas seem to d:te- abonllng and. ne.ver see the light. or da.y. Z auspect no sMit of power and anthortty to 1be states will e:ve-:r come untU we mobilize ihe mtenst. a.nd assista.nce o! our Sena.tom and. Oongres&men to. enact the. necessary legislation to, th&t. end. Then and. then only mfg,ht we tru.IJ sa.1 "'I"he- Power God 1n Washington is dead. Let's get on w:l:th the .fob- yet to be done r• l!JntfI that da.y we In tbe et.ates. appear to have: n& chmce but to UJ' and keep up our courage and. make the best, al a. ba.d situation .

In conciu.sion, I am pleueci to be ab~ to. add my voice. to that. of Dr. Ha.xgrove and others in objecting to the centra.liza.tion of authority- !or decfsfon making rn Washington rather than In the stateS' where- the- people live, who a.re- to serve- a.nd io- be- set'1'ed.

STOKELY CARMICHAEi'... Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speak.er, I ask

unanimous consent that. the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. SCHADEBERG] may extend his. remarks at this Point 1D the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. SCHADEBER.G. Mr. Speaker, I am

appalled at the news that this Government refuses to take legal action against Stokely Carmichael. I am convinced the decision not to do so is political.

If this is the case, and I am convinced that ft is, the Attorney General of the United states and officials of the Department of State who participated in the decision are guilty of malfeasance 1n office.

Anxiety over the Negro vote should in no~ way imperil the proper execution of" the laws of the United States. And any deciston not to prosecute Carmichael because of this anxiety fs a backhanded slap at the decent Negroes in the Nation who have no use for the likes of Carmichael. The public excuse given by these top administration oftlcials in refusing to bring Camiichael to heel is that another law is needed. This is political baloney.

Title 18, section 2"388 Ca) of the Criminal Code states:

Whoever, when the United States is at war, willfully causes or attempts to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny~ or refusal of dut.y in the mwtary or naval forces of the United States,, or willfully ob&tructs the recruiting or enlistment service of the United States, too tha inlurl" of the service ot" the United Sta.tea.. or &tiempts to do so shall be fined :no more than •10.000 or- lmJ>J;1¥>aecl not more than twenty years or both.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35977 In addition, Mr. Speaker, title 50, sec

tion 462 <a) of the Criminal Code, provides that:

Any member of the Selective Service System or any other person-who knowingly counsels, aids, or abets another to refuse or evade registration or service in the armed forces or any of the requirements of this title-shall, upon conviction in any district court of the United States of competent jurisdiction, be punished by imprisonment for not more than 5 years or a fine of not more than $10,000 or both.

I might point out, Mr. Speaker, that the provisions of section 2388(a) relating to the emergency status of the U.S. Government have not been repealed or terminated; so in effect, these wartime emergency provisions would be applicable in the Carmichael case. There is ample precedent for taking Carmichael to court. The Criminal Code is replete with provisions against those who incite, assist or engage in rebellion against the authorty of the United States or the laws thereof, or gives aid and comfort thereto.

Carmichael ls guilty of the most sordid kind of inflammatory statements. He has a warped idea of patriotism, laced with racial and political bias and engages in the crudest kinds of unpatriotic and illegal statements.

His return to the United States is not a signal for our legal authorities to weasel out of their duty. It is a time for them to stand up and protect the interests of the United States. Taking Carmichael before the bar of justice, where he belongs, is their duty. Let them perform it.

DE GAULLE AND THE DOLLAR Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that the gentleman from Texas [Mr. BusH] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


The.re was no objection. Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, from 1945 to

1966 the United States has supplied France with foreign assistance totaling $4,142,000,000. Today France has a reserve of $5,744,000,000 and an excellent position in regard to the balance of payments. All this would not have been possible without U.S. help.

Now, she is attacking our dollar with the purpose of destroying the financial position of the dollar in the world community. It ls done only to satisfy the ego of Mr. de Gaulle and I do not believe that this is the feeling of the French people.

Many have said that we should force France to pay her World War I and II debts-let us be realistic, there is no way we can force her to do so.

But, I do think that this country should review its future commitments to France very carefully.

I also think that every American should resent Mr. de Gaulle's behavior and should give our Government every cooperation to nullify the effects of this attack.

We must face the facts-the skepticism about the strength of the dollar would

not be present if it were not for the tremendous size of the deficit. The people who have a call on our gold are asking, "Will the United States of Amer~ lea continue the high deficits or w111 they make an effort to reduce them?"

The only way the dollar can be harmed ls by irresponsibility on the part of this country. The Government has been going its merry spending way far too long. It must be stopped. If the American people will face the fact that we cannot continue to live in a guns and butter economy-that cuts must be made-that sacrifices will probably have to be askedthen, Mr. de Gaulle's attack w111 ironically have been of great benefit to the United States.

GOING INTO BUSINESS THE RIGHT WAY

Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. STEIGER] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. STEIGER of Wisconsin. Mr.

Speaker, in recent weeks I have called to the attention of the House the struggle in our country aimed at encouraging and helping the Negro to become an entrepreneur and go into business for himself.

An organization that has devoted effort and brought leadership in this area is the Interracial Council for Business Opportunity. For the information of my colleagues, I include as pa.it of my remarks a recent article from the Chicago Sun-Times describing the operation of the ICBO:

GOING INTO BUSINESS THE RIGHT WAY

(By Tom Brooks) Peter and Mildred LeMonier, a young Long

Island couple, dreamed for years of owning their own business. Working first for an airllne catering service and then as an insurance salesman, Peter and his wife, who worked before and after their two children were born, scrimped and saved.

"We finally had enough to begin looking around," LeMonier recently recalled. "We thought about buying a delicatessen in our area but the owner didn't want to sell to Negroes."

"But we didn't let that stop us," his wife quickly added.

The LeMonlers, however, also found it difficult to arrange for a loan to supply the additional capital they would need to get a a solld start in business. And, too, they began to feel their lack of prior business experience or business education.

"We'd never been in business before," LeMonier explained. "We didn't even know how to talk to other business people."

Moreover, the white business community did not know how to talk to the LeMoniers. It could not offer any practical advice that would help them overcome the obstacles they confronted as Negroes. As for the Negro business community, it ls too small and scattered to be of assistance to struggling, wouldbe entrepreneurs.

"We were pretty desperate," LeMonler said, "when a friend suggested we get in touch with ICBO."

What the LeMonlers got when they appealed to j;he Interracial Council for Busl-

ness Opportunity for help was the kind of consultation and advice that giant corporations pay very good money indeed to get. The ICBO was formed in 1963 by the American Jewish Congress and the Urban League, with an initial grant of $25,000 from the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, to help minority group members strengthen an existing business or organize a new one. In 1965, a $300,000 Ford Foundation grant enabled ICBO to go nationaL Today, with offices in New York City, Newark, Washington, D.C., and Los Angeles and with prospects in New Orleans, Cleveland, Chicago and San Francisco, ICBO consultants offer free the practical assistance that can often help turn the thought of going into business from an idea into an· accomplished fact, or change a struggling business into a thriving one.

To help the LeMoniers translate their dream into reality, ICBO assigned Samuel Sadin, a certified public accountant and president of Seaway Lumber Sales Corporation, as a consultant to the LeMoniers.

"They wanted to go into the food business," says Sadin, "but they were not sure exactly what they wanted-a Chicken Delight franchise, a sandwich shop or a supermarket." As a result of several intensive discussions with Sadin, the LeMoniers decided on a grocery business. While they scouted for a good location, Peter and his wife attended a 16 week course in supermarket management at the State Agricultural College in Farmingdale, Long Island.

"We helped with general business advice," Sadin says, "and the Progressive Grocers' Alliance came in with additional technical assistance."

The LeMoniers finally decided to rent space in a small suburban shopping center in Lakeview, Long Island, just outside of Rockville Center. Sadin and the LeMonlers developed figures and the prospectus for a successful $12,000 loan from the Small Business Administration. The LeMonlers' PGA Supermarket opened on September 30, 1965. In short order, they had three employees and plans for future expansion.

"The Negro small businessman," says Harvey C. Russell, ICBO co-chairman and a vice-president of Pepsi-Cola Company, "has all the problems of small business in general and many more. He rarely has any training in business management or any business background from which to draw. Those who do go into business for themselves often do not have the resources to meet financial crisis and, more important, do not have as ready access to sources of credit guidance and financial management counseling as do their white counterparts."

Blunt-speaking Wlillam R. Hudgins, president of Harlem's Freedom National Bank, puts the problems of the Negro in business this way: "The Negro businessman has found it difficult to compete equally because of his color, and he struggles for survival. He finds it hard to get loans. He finds it hard to get supplier credit. As a. Negro businessman myself, I can tell you that Negro businessmen generally have not been able to draw on the services of United States business on the same terms as everybody else."

Frequent bankruptcies and business failures, as a result, have marred the Negro business record. Capital fiows out of the Negro community rather tha.n into it, despite the tremendous growth in Negro purchasing power from $3.5 bill1on a year in 1940 to $32 billion today. Only 3.2 per cent of all Negro workers are self-employed or managers as compared to 11.5 per cent tor white workers. Negro parents tend to discourage their children from pursuing business careers, preferring the se<:urlty of the professions and civil service. Only 18 per cent of the reta.11 businesses in Harlem are Negro-owned. In the entire city of New York, with a. Negro population of 1.3 million, only about a dozen Negro-owned businesses employ ten or more

35978 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 people. Nationally, the business picture isn't much brighter with only 100,000 businessmen within a total Negro community of more than 24 million.

The ICBO, says co-chairman Russell, "is an effort by private industry to cope with this critical problem and to encourage change of the unnatural pattern of white economic dominance in the Negro community."

Co-chairman Rodman C. Rockefeller, a vicepresident of the International Basic Economy Corporation, points out that ICBO also "enables white businessmen to do something in addition to just contributing financially to the civil rights movement." IBM, for example, loaned one of its executives, Carter F. Henderson, to ICBO for seven months, paying his salary all the while he worked to set up ICBO as a going operation. Pepsi-Cola loaned, on similar terms, its manager of special markets, Charles Dryden, for two months when ICBO suddenly became short-staffed. "Many businessmen," Rockefeller added, "have been sitting on their hands, wondering how to participate. Now they are pitching in by doing what comes naturally-promoting good business."

But promoting good business is not always easy, especially when racial distrust blocks the development of the confidence necessary to a consulting relationship. At an ICBO conference called to discuss what businessmen could do to help Negro small businessmen, a very important corporate person humphed, then said, "What's the big problem? So, a fellow needs a little help, he gives me a call and I tell him, 'come down and see me. . .' " A Negro businessman broke in, saying, "This Negro is not coming downtown for another white man's handout."

ICBO's consultants, as a result, go to the . client wherever he may be. Even then, suspicion often lingers. Benjamin Goldstein, former president of Franklin Simon, a smart specialty chain, recalls his first visit as an ICBO consultant to a sportswear shop in Brooklyn owned by Floyd Ramsey and Jaime McDowell, two porters at New York's East Side Airlines Terminal. "They were saying to me, 'cure me,' and I was saying to them, 'show me your wounds.' It took an hour before we were really able to talk to each other."

The two proprietors obviously had good style sense, a very smart looking store, and ran an attractive operation. But there it was, right after Christmas, and they were about to lose the savings they had invested only a few short months ago. Though the shop had enjoyed a good holiday season, nothing much had moved since. And, the two owners needed cash for a spring line. They were running a sale, marking down their prices by five and 10 per cent. Goldstein told them they would never move their goods unless they slashed price,s by 50 per cent. It was the kind of advice that makes green businessmen nervous.

"Frankly," Floyd Ramsey said later, "we wondered whether the man came to put us in business or out of business."

Today, the two men no longer wonder. Goldstein's advice started merchandise moving. Working together, the three men set up inventory controls and a sales reporting system to enable them to tell what sold well and what did not. Jay Schwamm, a financier and former chairman of American Trust Company, was brought in as a financial consultant and he guided the two embryo businessmen through the intricacies involved in securing a business loan. The store has · flourished.

"We are a no-fee management consultant firm for small Negro businesses," John T. Patterson, ICBO's 38-year-old national director, explained over an early breakfast. "That's the idea we'd like to get across to our prospective clients. If a successful business can use outside consultants, there is no reason why

they shouldn't. Whatever their problem may be, we try to find someone with the expertise in that area to assist them in solving that problem."

He quickly added that all ICBO consultants are volunteers, Negro and white businessmen, including bank presidents, middle management and junior executives, accountants and lawyers, merchandising and other business experts. Often, more than one consultant is called upon to help an ailing business or to start a new one.

· ICBO consultants, Patterson notes, "get involved." One conservative banker-type once found himself painting a small store alongside his client and friends. Another ICBO consultant found that in order to save a husband-wife business, he had to patch up a marriage. "So we do a little marriage counseling on the side," Patterson said, adding with a warm smile, "actually, we don't encourage this activity."

In its own quiet way, however, ICBO is as adventurous as openly m11itant civil rights organizations North and South. In June, 1965, the ICBO opened its Los Angeles office under co-chairman Victor M. Carter, president of Republic Corporation, a fl.lm processor and appliance manufacturer, and Norman 0. Houston, Negro chairman of Golden State Mutual Life Insurance Co. The Los Angeles ICBO used the "buddy system"-pairing in established businessman consultant with a neophyte or businessman in trouble-to good effect. A Negro in his mid-twenties, for example, wanted to go into the franchise rugcleaning business. He was working in a liquor store and had three years of college but he couldn't secure a loan to get started in business. He turned to ICBO and a volunteer consultant was impressed with his ambition and capabil1ty. The ICBO helped arrange a $2,300 bank loan that skirted some normal collateral requirements. The ex-liquor store employee has now set up his own business. The Los Angeles ICBO had all the cases it could handle. Then came Watts-a terrifying four days that saw 35 persons killed, 947 injured and 3,873 arrested; more than 900 buildings destroyed or damaged, an estimated $45 m111ion lost in real estate and personal property and more than $1 million in emergency fire and police expenditures.

Within a week after the riots, the ICBO opened a "business assistance center" in riottorn Watts. Haskell L. Lazere, western regional director of the American Jewish Congress, became the center's acting coordinator. "Our primary interest is helping Negro small businessmen get back into business or to get started in business," Lazere explained at the time. "These businesses must be rebuilt or started to prevent the economy of the area from deteriorating further." Norman Houston said that he hoped that the Council eventually could find time to work toward eliminating overcharging, extremely high credit terms and other business malpractices that have infuriated the citizens of Watts. "I have talked to residents," Houston said, "and there are some businesses that would not be welcomed back into the community."

Within two weeks, 200 small businessmen came to the center seeking aid. And, they weren't easy cases. "Most riot-affected cases weren't insured," says Lazere, "and many of those wanting to start businesses, which make up half our cases, aren't bankable, that is, they can't qualify for loans." Nonetheless, in short order, the Center found financing for six businesses. It also lined up financing for a Negro couple whose five-month-old, modest but promising restaurant enterprise had turned into ashes in riot flames. An apparel company employee, out of work because his place of employment burned out, was launched in the haberdashery business through the center.

The ICBO also made a small start· toward the goal of setting up bi-racial partnerships.

A Negro graduate engineer, who makes taxi meter devices that double-check drivers, was put into touch with a white investor through ICBO.

"The difficulties Negroes have starting small businesses," Patterson explained, "fundamentally are not financial but stem from a lack of know-how." Or, as an ICBO consultant put 1t, "in 75 percent of our cases people feel that all their problems are solved if only they had money. But it isn't necessarily so.''

A Negro pharmacist, for example, recently came to ICBO for help in seeking a loan. Two ICBO consultants, an accountant and a pharmacist, went to take a look. The inventory was right; the mark-up was right. But the profits just weren't there. They estimated that $5,000 a year was "leaking" out of the business. But where? ICBO's Holmes and Watson team found that the cleaning people came in after the business shut for the day; that once an order came in from the suppliers, it was shelved without a check of the invoices; and that the register went unchecked until the close of the day, sometimes. It appeared that somebody was stealing. However, without fingering anybody, the opportunity for theft was reduced by instituting sound business practices: two cash register checks a day, supervision of the cleaning staff, and the checking of deliveries from the wholesalers. The pharmacist, who came to ICBO in need of $12,000 found his need for money cut in half. He improved his profit and shaved his loan costs-the kind of all-around gain that a businessman loves.

"We don't loan money; we give advice," Patterson said, stressing the point. And, advice can mean money in the bank. One day, recently, a young man called, saying that he and his sister had saved $2,500 and had an opportunity to buy a candy store. But they had to act fast, the offer was only good for a few days. "We need to know if it's a good deal," said the breathless voice at the other end of the phone. ICBO, as it happened, did not have a consultant familiar with the candy business. But, wanting to do something, it asked Nelson ·Bengston, president of Bengston & Co., an investment consulting firm, to call the young man back. He did, asking .a few questions. "What are gross sales by the week or month? Does the business show a profit? Is there a lease? How much inventory and what's it worth?" The answer to each question was the same. "I don't know but I'll find out.'' The young man did, and the answers were all bad. "Thanks,'~ he said, when he called ICBO back, "at least we still have our money."

ICBO is fully aware that at some point a good many of its clients require money to put their businesses on a firmer footing. All too often, however, banks are reluctant to make loans to businessmen with a shaky record, and other sources, including the federal Small Business Administration, have proven to be of limited help.

So, the ICBO is experimenting through a pilot project in New York City designed to open a new source of "soft" loans or, as an ICBO consultant explained, "loans normally not bankable," for its clients. With typical ingenuity, the ICBO · plan will develop the very banks that normally would turn down such loans as the new source. To do this, the ICBO is organizing a separate corporation, which has funds already granted to it by a private foundation, to partially guarantee loans to ICBO clients. This guarantee, together with the knowledge that an ICBO consultant is working closely with the borrower, tilts the balance in his favor. Bankers are enthusiastic about the plan. Hopefully, it will surmount a prime obstacle to the success of Negro entrepreneurs.

ICBO, incidentally, is accumulating an invaluable fund of knowledge about small business that no one else has. As a result, i.t has discovered that some of its objectives may

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35979 be met through business seminars as well as through individual consulting. "Experience has shown us," says ICBO director Patterson, "that no matter what the business, there are basic problems every small businessman faces." To help solve those, ICBO offers business workshops--small group discussions of 12 or so businessmen covering such subjects as accounting, bookkeeping, shopping for credit and similar small business problems.

ICBO also is reaching a new generation through its "Business in Action Clubs" in high schools. In 1963, Patterson points out, "Three out of every five white college graduates went into business while 86 per cent of Negro college graduates went into teaching, civil service and other professions." The Business in Action clubs, made up mostly of youngsters who will go on to coll~ge, meet w1 th businessmen, study and discuss business problems, ICBO has set up a speakers' bureau of successful Negro businessmen, who are available for speaking before the clubs and before high school assembly programs. "We want to expose these youngsters to business," says Patterson, "for they do not as yet get much chance for this, unlike the white youngster, who may absorb business acumen or inherit a business from his father or relatives."

This missionary role, however, was not entirely a satisfactory one for ICBO. · "We want to give Negro youngsters some real experience in business as well as exposure to business," says Patterson. For a while, there seemed to be no practical way to achieve this goal. Then, someone mentwned Junior Achievement, Inc., an organization that co-ordinates a national program. which introduces young people to business through the actual operation of a business venture. Although over 130,000 "achievers" were participating in some 6,300 companies at 506 centers throughout the United States, there was not a JA Chapter in any predominantly Negro area.

In late 1966, ICBO set up the first such JA center in Harlem. High school youngsters were recruited and two companies were established. Both companies-Soulcrafts and .JA-Tex-manufacture and sell jewelry at a profit.

"It gives you a small background about what the big stuff is really like," says George Richardson, a 14-year-old freshman at the High School of Commerce and one of Soulcraft's 18 stockholder-workers.

What ICBO 1s doing looks to the future growth of the Negro community. "Many of our consultants," says Patterson, "are successful Negro businessmen, who, by example and through their advice, are contributing for the first time to the advancement of their community. If there wasn't much of a Negro business community before," he concluded, "we are creating one now."

TEETERING BOOSTS USO OVER $1,200

Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. ASHBROOK] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, I would

like to call attention to $1,200 which will benefit our men in Vietnam through distribution of services of the USO.

This particular sum was raised during the past week-exactly 1 week-by members of the Sigma Nu Fraternity at Ashland College, Ashland, Ohio.

All 71 members of the fraternity p,articipated in an Idea credited to Michael Cllnaco, one of six members directing the project. The Idea: all 71 brothers took turns manning the ends of a teeter-totter for 168 nonstop hours. The ultimate goal was to generate enough publicity to get across the message that Sigma Nu was .accepting donations which would be turned over in full to USO.

As the Ashland Times-Gazette stated last Saturday, near the end of the marathon:

The 71 members of the fraternity said they have been hearing and seeing different organizations throughout the Nation demonstrating against the men in the service and they wanted to do their part to show their support for the servicemen overseas.

The six-man committee in charge of the marathon consisted of Cochairmen Mike Miller and Dave Bednek; Brooks Hull, taking care of physic.al problems; Mike Clinaco, public relations; and Tom Kramer and Stan Zurowski, time schedule.

Mr. Zurowski stated last week that response was "great,'' and the total of more than $1,200 in checks made out to USO back up his words. In addition he said that members of the community stopped by and added their vocal support. Some of these persons were relatives of GI's and helped fortify the fraternity men with hot coffee and snacks.

The success of this marathon is not only a tribute to the concern of the men at Sigma Nu at Ashland College, but it is another indication that the vast majority of Americans-while not as vocal as the peaceniks and protesters-do support our men in the services and our stand in Vietnam.

I add, at this point, the article from the Ashland Times-Gazette which contains additional details on the marathon:

TEETERING BOOSTS USO OVER $1,200 Sigma Nu fraternity of Ashland College

was to end their teeter-tottering marathon of 168 hours or seven days at Main and Center streets today at noon.

The fraternity's junior class member Michael Clinaco was credited with the suggestion of the teeter-tottering demonstration to raise funds for the United Service Organiza-

. tions (USO) programs. The 71 members of the fraternity said they

have been hearing and seeing different organizations throughout the nation demonstrating against the men in the service and they wanted to do their part to show their support for the servicemen overseas.

Members of the fraternity were divided into groups of three with each group scheduled to put one hour at a time on the board.

Up until Friday afternoon the fraternity members had received more than $1,200 in contributions. Shoppers would stop by and drop donations into a plastic receptacle used by the organization. Motorists pulled up to the curb and gave their support.

The fraternity said that the people encouraged them, one salesman driving by Ashland from Columbus had heard about the demonstration and stopped to give his support.

Each member was asked to send three letters to businessmen in their home town, with hopes of receiving more donations. Response by mail has been good, according to Paul Beskid.

They have received letters from members of City Council, the Ashland Board of Realtors, National Headquarters of Sigma Nu, Lexington, Va., Berea's Baldwin-Wallace Col-

lege and Radio Station WEWS in Cleveland, to mention a few.

Since the marathon started one-week ago, some of the boys have come down with colds and some with sore buttocks. Precautions were taken by the boys against sore bottoms by the use of thick foam rubber pads. "But after sitting there awhile," one of the members said, "it got to feel as hard as the board."

Once the seven day marathon is over and the funds are totaled, it will be sent to United Service Organization headquarters in New York City for the servicemen overseas.

POVERTY SHAKEDOWN? Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. ASHBROOK] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, the

Manchester Union Leader of New Hampshire carried an article on November 13 of this year concerning an alleged attempt to shakedown a supermarket owner in the Roxbury section of Boston, Mass.

According to the article by Arthur C. Egan, Jr., the owner stated that picket lines were set up around his newly opened store after he refused to contribute 20 percent of the store's profit to a "profitsharing plan." The boycott failed, and the administrator of the project, Rev. Virgil Wood, later received a new pasition in Philadelphia, Pa. Although it could not be confirmed whether Wood received Federal funds while in Roxbury, the article states that the Philadelphia organization, the Philadelphia Opportunities Industrialization Center, Inc., has been the recipient of Federal poverty funds in the past few months.

The Union Leader account goes on to state that:

The Boston Police Department confirmed that three men, known to be bodyguards of Wood during the Roxbury events, and who took part in the picketing of the Columbia Road market, were criminals with long police records .

Here are excerpts from the article, "Confirms Shakedown Demands,'' from the Manchester Union ~ader of November 13, 1967: [From the Manchester (N.H.) Union Leader,

Nov. 13, 1967] APPROACHED BY REV. VmGIL WooD--CoNFIRMS

SHAKEDOWN DEMANDS (By Arthur C. Egan, Jr.)

BosToN.-The owner of a large supermarket chain here has confirmed a report that his firm was the victim of a "money shakedown demand" by a former Roxbury negro racial agitator.

Paul J. Cifrino, president of Supreme Supermarkets, Inc., admitted his company was the target last June of Rev. Virgil Wood who demanded a "cut of the profits" from a new store which opened June 14 on Columbia Road in the Roxbury section of Boston.

"Rev. Wood approached me and made a racketeering-type demand that our Columbia Road store turn over 20 per cent of its profits to him," said Cifrino.

The supermarket president said Wood indicated some type of trust fund or public

35980· CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 organization would be established to administer the "profit-sharing plan" of the self-styled negro leader. ·

"I never did learn what Rev. Wood had in mind. You don't get talking about what you are going to do after you have given someone money when you have absolutely made up your mind you won't give any money away," explained Cifrino in commenting on Wood's proposed setup to administer the 20 per cent profit demand.

The Supreme Supermarket president said picket lines were set up around the Columbia' Road store following his refusal to give Wood his 20 per cent "cut" of the store's profit.

Asked when the pickets first appeared at the Columbia Road store Cifrino said, "Rev. Wood made his percentage demand on June 13, the da;y before the market was scheduled to open. We gave our refusal the same day. Opening day, June 14, pickets were parading at all entrances to the store and this lasted a week."

The supermarket president expressed the belief that "this was all Wood's own idea" and not the attitude of the general population of the Roxbury district. "Rev. Wood is a cQmpletely irresponsi,ble person. He is the typical Stokely Carmichael type of leadera self-styled spokesman using the negro people for his own personal' purpose · and gain . . Wood cared nothing about the Roxbury people-his was looking out for himself."

Cifrino credited the people of Roxbury with breaking Wood's demand for a share of the profits from the new store when . he said, "Residents of Roxbury, both negro and white, ignored the picket lines and shopped in our store. They crossed Wood's picket lines without incident."

PRAISES ROXBURY RESIDENTS

The supermarket president praised Roxbury residents by saying, .. Roxbury people are fine people-they are a credit to their community. The negro people need good leadership in Roxbury, something they lack at this time. But the persons associated with Freedom House and with the NAACP are striving to bring their people along the right way and some day they will accomplish their goal."

" Our store chain d id not give Rev. Wood any money at any time. We would never submit to a racketeering t ype demand as that made by .Wood," replied Cifrino when questioned about any agreement made between Wood and the supermarket head.

Qifrino said following the chain's refusal . to share the . store's profits with Wood, the negro leader called a press conference and made the announcement that Stokely Carmichael's policy of making white businesses -in negro areas share their profits would be put into effect in Roxbury.

During the Roxbury riots last summer Wood also advocated the policy that a white business in a negro district should be made to share their profits with the negro population of the district," said the store president. Cifrino said Wood told the press he would work towards that goal in connection not only with Supreme Markets but all white businesses in Roxbury.

It was noted however that shortly after July 1, Wood received a "new position" with the Philadelphia "Opportunities Industrialization Qenter, Inc.," a group which .has been the recipient of federal poverty funds in the past_few months.

Wood himself had been awarded $20,000 from the Ford Foundation to operate a "baby , OIC" in Roxbury. According to Boston officials the grant was arranged through the ABCD (Action for Boston Community Development). Wood's project was said to "have fizzled out." ABCD officials said it "might be true" that Wood has received some federal money but this faQt could not be confirmed.

One informed ABCD official, who stressed the point ·his name could not be used lest he

be fired said, "Wood was given the $20,000 to shut him up. He was making lots of noise in Roxbury. Word has been filtered up from Washington to 'oil a squeaky wheel-toss a trouble maker some money or give him a high paying poverty job to keep him quiet.' That's the theme today of the administration."

The newly reformed Roxbury OIC founded by Wood, recently was awarded $400,000 from federal fundl3 authorized by the U.S. Department of Labor. This was arranged just prior to Wood's transfer to Philadelphia according to OIC headquarters.

REPLACED WOOD

Bertram Lee, new head of OIC in Roxbury, admitted he was formerly with the Philadelphia unit and replaced Wood who took a position with OIC in the City of Brotherly Love. .

Lee when as}ted for details about the position "swap" said, "I am sorry, I cannot tell you anything unless you tell me the tone of

· your article. I want to know more about you and what you plan to write before I give you any information."

The Philadelphia OIC, through its spokes- · man, a Rev. Mr. Roman, also gave the same type of answer. Roman said, "We are not allowed to give out any information to a newspaper unless we know what it is going to be used for. You might contact the project director when he returns a day or two from now."

Attempts to reach Rev. Wood in Philadelphia for a comment concerning his alleged "shakedown" of the Supreme Supermarket were fruitless. He failed to return telephone calls left with his office for two days.

The Boston Police Department ·confirmed that three men, known to be bodyguards of Wood during the Roxbury events, and who took part in the picketing of the Columbia Road market, were criminals with long police records.

One is regarded as a "sex maniac" having. been. convicted of three counts of rape and one count of attempted rape. He received a 12-18 year sentence to Walpole State Prison on each count. This man is currently on parole in Massachusetts and has numerous past arrests for sex offenses.

The second man of Wood's trio has a police record in New York State and Michigan and

. is presently on parole in Massachusetts, having served a state prison term for robbery.

The third man was recently arrested by the FBI in Boston for selling marijuana to 16-year-old boys.

All three of these men, along with Wood, had charged Boston police with "brutality" during the Roxbury riots of last summer. The trio later was given federal poverty positions or grants.

CREDIBILITY GAP-WOULD BELIEVE $425 MILLION?

YOU

Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. CLEVELAND] may extend his rema.rks at this point in -the · REcoRri and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, last

spring columnist Henry J. Taylor wrote an article revealing the fantastic amount of money which the Federal Government spends each year on publicity. He noted that the General Accounting Office listed 6,858 Federal employees who handle "publicity." The Defense Department is spending $23.3 million annually

for publicity; the Department of Agriculture $8.9 million; Health, Education, and Welfare $7.8 million; NASA $11.5 million; and the Atomic Energy Commission $9.9 million. The total cost for advertising Federal programs is about $415 million a year, reportedly approximately twice the outlay of all three TV and radio networks, AP, UPI, and the Nation's 10 largest newspapers combined. All this, and still a credibility gap.

In a time of fiscal crisis, inflation, war in Vietnam, and riots at home, $425 million is outrageous. But what disturbs me even more is the fact that at least part of these funds are being used for fiagrantly political purposes.

POVERTY PROPAGANDA

One example is a recent publication of the Office of Economic Opportunity, a "News Summary of the War on Poverty," dated November 20, 1967, volume II-36. The pamphlet lauds the fact that the administration had won .an overwhelming victory when the House approved the OEO bill authorizing $1.6 billion. It went on to say, and I quote:

The Republican "Opportunity Crusade," which would have dismantled the Office of Economic Opportunity by spinning off its programs to other, well-established government agencies was completely thwarted.

Mr. Speaker, I protest against · this type of Government-subsidized partisan politicing on the part of the OEO. It is this kind of emotionalism, along with slogans like "Republicans are trying to kill the poverty program with crippling -amendments,'' and like "Republicans don't care about the poor/' which is killing honest debate in . '~his country. if people do not realize that there are almost always at least two sides to any good debate, then what is the future of democracy and representaitive govern-ment? ·

And furthermore, I do not think that it is the business of the Office of F.conom- _ ic Opportunity to be spending Government money to campaign against Republicans. The money should rather be spent trying to better its poverty programs, for several of the OEO programs, · and notably the Job Corps, are in drastic need of improvement. The reason we Republicans offered amendments and constructive alternatives was that we hoped to improve them.

VA PROPAGANDA

A second example of partisan politicing in Federal publications was brought to my attention by ? constituent of mine, a ·young man who is taking advantage of the cold war GI bill to complete his education. Not long ago, he received a check in which· the new increase was included. Enclosed with the check was a pamphlet entitled "The New Veterans Law," dated September 1967, which briefly outlined the changes and improvements made under the new law. The first two sentences read as follows:

The President has signed into law "The Veterans Pension and Readjustment Assistance Act of 1967.'' This new legislation was enacted b:, the Congress in response to the President's request of last January.

. Now it may seem all very well that the · Veterans' Adriifrlistration should pat the

December 1-2, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35981 President on the back, but if my memory. serves me correctly, not only has the cold war GI bill been in the works a lot longer than since last January, but it was also · considerably slowed down by the administration's opposition. Early in 1966 there was a great deal of pressure to pass this bill, but the President made only passing reference to it in his state of the Union address, and nothing more was done until the hearings.

By then 29_ bills had been introduced to give additional farm and on-the-job training, five more bills providing higher . tuition grants, and still another seven bills giving Vietneim veterans the full wartime disability rates instead of the 80 percent peacetime rates. The administration spokesmen opposed all these measures, for which the President now claims credit.

The Veteran Pension and Readjustment Assistance Act of 1967 was not passed due to any pressure from the White House; but because Congress recognized that an inequity existed, and moved to correct it.

"EVERYBODY DOES IT" IS A POOR EXCUSE: AMEN!

Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. CLEVELAND] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, I want

to submit for the RECORD an extremely perceptive and thoughtful editorial written by William Rotch of the Milford Cabinet in Milford, N.H. Mr. Rotch does not lift his eyebrows when he sees a young person take a drink, nor frown when he hears of a college pot party. He is saddened because he realizes, as a young person often does not, that "the bar bill never shows the full cost of the drink." He hates to · see them "skating on the thin ice of self-indulgence, so confident that they can stay on the right side of the line and never slip over i:rito the realm of addictive and harmful drugs." It scares him to see the young "grasping so eagerly at habits which can rob them of the potential that the world so needs, and deprive them of lasting satisfactions that could be theirs to 'enjoy."

If only all young people could hear the wisdom of his words, and then understand them. And too, there is a message here, and a meaningful .. one, for all of us.

~'EVERYBQDY· -DoES IT" Is A POOR EXCUSE

P.erhaps no one should be surprised that marijuana has been found in Milford. It would be surprising if it were otherwise. Local reaction v~ies. Some people are upset, while others shrug and ask if the situation is as serious as it is made out to be.

Is ·smoking "pot," as it is called, more habit-forming than tobacco, more intoxicating than whiskey? Is there evidence tha~ marijuana leads to the use of more powerful drugs? . _.

TheSe are ' ·fair questions that are being

asked, and the kids deserve better answers than most of us are able to offer. They ask for proof, and are impatient when we . reply with emotion. Alcohol, sex, tobacco, drug~ everybody does it, they tell us, and so let's stop being hypoc!ltes. Whom do we adults think we are kidding?

Maybe we are not kidding anyone. Maybe we just happen to believe that "everybody does it" is a poor excuse for self-indulgence.

We are sorry when a boy or girl starts smoking cigarettes. This is not a matter of morals. It is because it is disappointing to see young people with so much potential taken in by industry which spends millions of dollars a year on advertising to encourage habits which will, in a number of cases, lead to lung cancer, heart trouble and disease. And when the youngster replies with a wisecrack about more people dying of some other cause he is right, of course, but he is not intelligent.

When we express distress at what passes today for sexual freedom it is not because it is "wrong" or "harmful," so much as it is that we have known young people who made a mess of their lives because they were too cocky and too impatient to heed advice.

Most of us enjoy what we smugly call social drinking. We find it relaxing even to think of a gin and tonic at the end of a long day. Yet . there is another side to the coin, and those of us who have seen young men stinking drunk rolling in their own vomit would be dishonest if we did not question whether the pleasure is worth the price.

We stood in a college fraternity after a football game, while the band beat out a dance rhythm and the liquor was :flowing freely. Afterward someone asked us why adults frown on this sort of thing; what is wrong with a few drinks to liven up a party?

We replied that we did not object to a few drinks to liven up a party, that our feelings went somewhat deeper than that. We tried to explain that as we looked at that fraternity gathering we knew-as anyone who thinks knew-that of that group of young men and women some percentage would find their lives wrecked because of alcohol. No one could say with certainty which, but certainly some were going to ruin their marriages, lose their jobs, drive their cars off the road late at night. It is not because we disapprove of drinking as such that we adults have misgivings, nor is it because we refuse to recognize the pleasures of alcohol. It is because we are aware that the bar bill never shows the full cost of the drink.

This same feeling carries over to marijuana. Oh, we have read Allen Ginsberg's articles to the effect that the fear of marijuana is a big propaganda farce, and that the drug is really relaxing and non-habit forming. And certainly we cannot prove that smoking pot leads to the use of LSD, nor do we find it easy to be critical of a youngster who is eager to try something he has read so much about.

It is just that ... well, our generation has succumbed already to tobacco and alcohol. Both habits are so well-entrenched, and backed by such powerful lobbies, that we may well be fighting a losing battle when we try to control them. Now along come the drugs, and we hear the refrain that they are no worse than cigarettes or whiskey, that "everybody does it;" and the important thing is freedom.

We hate to see youngsters getting their kicks from drugs, however harmless, which divorce them from reality at a time when reality dem?-nds the best they can offer.

We hate to see them skating on the thin ice of self-indulgence, so confident that they can stay on the right side of the line and never slip over into the realm of addictive and harmful drugs. And we know, too, that sometimes that lµie shifts rapidly, that what seems all right today may be all wrong tomorrow. We remember how rece~tlY. it was

that "everybody" agreed there was no lasting.. harm in LSD.

It is hard, and in some cases impossible, to explain how we feel to these young men and women growing up today. We just hope tha".; some day they will understand that when we seemed to resist their efforts to achieve freedom it was precisely because we wanted so desperately for them to enjoy life to the fullest.

We have brought them into the world, have fed them, clothed them, educated them, tried to give them the best of a very good life. If we seem stuffy and old-fashioned it is because it scares us to see them grasping so eagerly at habits which can rob them of the potential that the world so needs, and deprive them of lasting satisfactions that could be theirs to enjoy.

-WILLIAM RoTCH.

A COMMUNIST VICTORY Mr. w ATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. KUYKENDALL] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER.· Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania?

There was no objection. Mr. KUYKENDALL. Mr. Speaker, yes

terday's decision by the Supreme Court to make it impossible to keep non-Communist Party members out of defense plants is an important victory for the Communists.

It seems the Supreme Court is bent on removing all restraints against subversion. It is inconceivable that any American, let alone a Supreme Court Justice, sees no harm in permitting sworn enemies of the United States access to vital defense secrets by allowing them to be employed in defense industries. I do not know why some of those people do nqt just invite the officials of the Kremlin here and hand them our secrets without the necessity of them to employ middlemen, members of their Communist Party in America.

The statement that Communist Party membership is no proof that membershjp threatens plant security is so naive as to be ridiculous. The very basis of membership in the Communist Party is the destruction of the United States. It appears some of the Justices are either too visionary or too old to be of any further value to this country as members of the highest tribunal in the land. It is time that the American people demand action to protect this Nation against its enemies. There is no indication the present Supreme Court intends to do it or is capable of doing it.

KENYA INDEPENDENCE Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent that the gentlewoman -from Ohio [Mrs. BOLTON] may extend her· remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mrs. BOLTON. Mr. Speaker, this week

Kenya is observing its fourth birthday,


and it is fitting that we should take note of the occasion.

In its 4 years Kenya has come a long way. It has faced many of the problems typical of rapidly developing countries in the 20th century, including the allocation and development of land, the modernization of education, expansion of industrialization, the frictions that result naturally from a population consisting of numerous tribes, of which some are constantly shifting across indefinite boundaries, the settlement of border problems, development of a government and political structure that serves adequately the needs of the people, and development of leadership in all spheres of life.

After an initial wait-and-see period, foreign firms have begun investing in Kenya's economic potential. Kenya has joined her neighbors, Uganda and Tanzania, in founding the new East African Community, in the hope of reviving regional economic cooperation and stimulating its own industrialization and trade.

During the course of this year Kenya has endured continuing sporadic guerrilla fighting by Somali tribesmen from the north and ha.s made commendable efforts to resolve the border disputes. Just recently Kenya and Somalia agreed to resume diplomatic relations, work for security along the troublesome border and accept the mediation of Zambia in resolving their difficulties.

Sometimes we tend to view the progress of the newer nations by comparing them to our development today. Should we not also consider the progress Kenya has made in these 4 years? Her national slogan is "Harambee," meaning "Let's all pull together." The people of Kenya have shown that they are pulling together to help the country grow and assume a constructive role in the world community. They deserve our recognition and congratulations.

VETERANS LEGISLATION OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE 90TH CONGRESS Mr. WATKINS. Mr. Speaker, I a.sk

unanimous consent that the gentleman from California [Mr. REINECKE] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. REINECKE. Mr. Speaker, as the

90th Congress reaches the twilight hours of its first session, and rapidly approaches the halfway milestone of its existence, I recall the legislation I have strongly supported which would be of benefit to our veterans across the Nation.

Most importantly, I believe, this Congress confronted the duty of providing full wartime benefits for Vietnam era veterans commensurate with those provided all other war veterans. Need for provision of compensation for serviceconnected injury, such as from battle wounds, was conspicuous among our unfinished work. This gap has now been filled: Vietnam era veterans will receive compensation for disability incurred in

service the same as all other war veterans.

During this session we have also ended the unfair exclusion of Vietnam veterans and their dependents from eligibility for the non-service-connected disability pension. All veterans who served for 90 days or more after August 5, 1964, or their dependents will be eligible for the pension just as are veterans of World War I, World War II, and the Korean war. Besides extending the disability pension and wartime compensation rates to Vietnam veterans, during the present session we have increased the rate of this assistance. The rates are now adjusted to correspond to the increased cost of living. I am especially gratified with the pension increase, since it is largely the product of many worthy recommendations of my constituents--recommendations which were formulated into the successful legislation.

Other changes in disability and pension assistance are of importance to particular groups of the recipients. Summarized briefly, they are as follows:

All veterans over 65 who meet the requirements of limited income will be eligible for the non-service-connected disability pension regardless of their physical condition. Before this session, only veterans who were permanently and totally disabled received the pension.

Veterans in nursing homes shall be considered to be in need of regular aid and attendance and therefore will be eligible for assistance provided for such need.

Veterans' widows who meet certain age requirements will receive increased pensions.

A psychotic condition arising within 2 years after discharge or termination of the Vietnam conflict will be considered to be service-connected for purposes of hospitalization by the Veterans• Administration. Before this session, the law did not extend this presumption to Vietnam veterans.

Payments for prescribed drugs and medicines will be provided for Vietnam veterans who are on the pension rolls and in need of regular aid and attention.

Disabled Vietnam veterans will be eligible to receive an amount of up to $1,600 for especially equipped automobiles and other special conveyances and appliances.

Also, although I continue to propose that the burial allowance be increased, I am glad to point out that the $250 allowance has been extended to Vietnam veterans.

To return again to the subject of educational assistance, the 90th Congress has increased the subsistence allowances paid student veterans, provided by the 89th Congress. We have made the purchasing power of the allowance more commensurate to that of previous GI bills.

Furthermore, as of this year, veterans who attend high school will receive the allowance. Many veterans entering the service have not finished high school. That they should receive less educational assistance simply because they answered the call to arms at an earlier stage of their educational careers is an

iniquitous proposition which this Congress has very rightly put an end to.

Orphans of servicemen killed in military duty, and the children of severely disabled wartime veterans will now receive educational benefits until the age of 21. This change provides greater provision for restoration to the children of the educational opportunities otherwise lost by their parents' death or disability.

Besides increasing the allowance, the new legislation further expands the areas of education by inclusion of flight training and on-the-job training. Our Government is heavily financing programs for increasing manPower skills. It fervently calls for citizens' support of the program. Therefore, I think it is only logical that we have added vocational training to the veterans educational program.

Finally, I wish to point out that the House of Representatives has at last this year brought the entire scope of legislation affecting national cemeteries--that is, cemeteries in which the Nation provides burial to veterans-under the jurisdiction of the Veterans Affairs Committee.

I trust that soon we will act upon my proposed legislation which will, likewise, place the entire administration of national cemeteries under the Veterans Administration rather than leaving it spread, as now, among three separate agencies. ·

Also in conclusion, I trust that my bill, which would establish a national cemetery from federally owned land 1n Los Angeles County, will encounter successful passage. The shortage of space 1n national cemeteries is, indeed, acute.

Therefore, as we review the unfinished work that confronted us on the first day of this Congress, and our accomplishments, now, at the final moment before the bell tolls on the first session, I am confident that America's obligations to her veterans are more fully met.

SUPPORT FOR TWO VIE'I'NAMS IN U.N. GROWS-THE CHICAGO SUNTIMES ENDORSES PLAN EDITORIALLY-A WASHINGTON STAR COLUMNIST, CROSBY S. NOYES, SUGGESTS IT BE CONSIDERED Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I ask

unanimous consent to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend my remarks, and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, 2 weeks

ago I had made a proposal that the United States consider making a formal proposition to both North and South Vietnam that they both be admitted to the United Nations to create a political mechanism by which perhaps we could start a dialogue to bring the war in Vietnam to a successful conclusion.

Today, I was very pleased to see in the Washington Star an article by its distinguished columnist Crosby S. Noyes suggesting that this proiposal should be considered seriously by the _ administration.


Last week the Chicago Sun-Times, one of the most highly respected newspapers in America, editorially endorsed this proposal arid urged that the President seriously consider making this propasal to the United Nations.

There is no question in my mind that we are winning the war in Vietnam. History will show that President Johnson made one of the great decisions in the annals of civilization when he decided to def end freedom in Vietnam and make his stand against Communist seizure of all Southeast Asia by resisting terror and subversion in South Vietnam. But while we are winning the military war, it appears proper now, in the wake of our huge victories, that we must create a political apparatus by which we can bring these two sides to the negotiating table to work out a satisfactory solution, not only to themselves, but also to all parties involved in the Vietnam conflict.

I hope some of my colleagues will join me in this support, and I hope that the administration will give serious consideration to this proposal.

The Chicago Sun-Times editorial and Mr. Crosby S. Noyes' article follow: [From the Chicago (Ill.) Sun-Times, Nov. 28,

1967] NEW APPROACH TO VIETNAM PEACE

The problem of :finding a. wa.y to peace talks in Vietnam is not insurmountable. It is merely insoluble so long as both sides refuse to move from established political positions.

Since neither side wlll move forward nor backward, Rep. Roman C. Pucinski (D-Ill.) has an idea. that merits consideration, in that it gives both sides freedom to move la.tera.lly.

Pucinski sa.ys North Vietnam ha.s applied !or membership in the United Nations on three occasions. It was rejected each time. South Vietnam has twice applied for UN membership. The French sidetracked one try; the 'Russians vetoed the other. Pucinski suggests the United States now support a. move to admit both nations to the UN.

If there was no effort by North Vietnam to back away from UN membership, it would be a tacit admission by Hanoi's leaders that they could be willing to use the face-saving mediation of the UN as a means of coming to· the peace table.

The idea has further merit in that both Vietna.ms would have to sign the UN Charter and agree to respect its conditions, mainly to prevent war and help nations to live in peace.

The UN Charter specifies the admission of a.ny state be voted upon by the General Assembly, upon recommendation of the Security Council. As Pucinski said in Chicago Sunday, a Russian veto of UN membership for South Vietnam would have to be made in full view of the world.

Pucinski says he has tried his idea on the State Department and there are some persons there who think it's "worth a try." We would suggest that Pucinski urge President Johnson to take the lead and ask the United Nations to review the applications of both Vietnams for UN membership. It is one approach that has not been used and could be effeotive.

[From the Washington (D.C.) Star, Dec. 12, 1967]

u .N. MEMBERSHIP FOR Two VIETNAMS MAKES SENSE

There is one obvious way to get the United Nations involved in the attempt to end the war in Vietnam. If both North and South Vietnam were ma.de members of the U.N. the world organization would be drawn auto-

m.atically into the attempts to settle the confilct.

The idea is not quite as zany as it sounds. It has, in fa.ct, been kicking around for many years and was resurrected most recently by Rep. Roman Pucinski, D-Ill., in a. little-noted speech to the House. In Pucinski's view, "prospects for the United Nations becoining the vehicle for ending hostilities in Vietnam would be substantially increased if both South and North Vietnam were members of the international organization."

It must be added that nothing of the sort is in the works at this stage.

The position of the U.S. government is simply that it wlll raise no objections to any party presenting its case to the U.N. Security Council-including South Vietnam's Communist National Liberation Front. But there is considerable skepticism that the Security Council, assuming it decides to tackle the problem, will contribute much to a solution.

Still, it would not be altogether surprising if at some point a new pitch for joint membership were made. The possibility of its succeeding would depend largely on the Russians-who have vetoed the application of South Vietnam on several occasions--and on the reaction of Hanoi and Saigon.

Divided countries such as Vietnam--or China, Germany and Korea-present a special problem for the U.N. The problem is that one or the other of the two governments involved--or both of them--claims to be the only legitimate government of the whole country. The normal expedient has been to exclude them both, the only exception being China, whose refugee government on Taiwan became a. charter member of the U.N. and a permanent member of the Security Council before the Communists took over control of the mainland.

Vietnam is no exception. The government in Saigon has objected in the past to a "two Vietnams" solution on the ground that it is the legal government of the whole country. On other occasions, the government in Hanoi has objected just as strenuously to the application of South Vietnam, arguing that its admission would violate the spirit of the 1954 Geneva agreements and result in the permanent division of the country.

These objections, however, have not prevented the Soviet Union from pressing for U.N. membership for Hanoi on several occasions since 1954 and the United States from supporting the application of Saigon. In 1957, the Russians themselves proposed that both North and South Vietnam be admitted, together with North and South Korea-a proposal which was decisively rejected by the General Assembly.

Between 1955 and 1958, the Soviet Union used its veto three times to prevent the admission of South Vietnam. Since 1957, the Russian position has been that the whole issue of membership should be postponed until the country is reunified. It has not been raised in the Security Council for the last nine years.

So 'far, there is no sure sign from the Communist side of a change of heart. When last heard from, the leaders in Hanoi were still dead set against any role for the U .N. in solving the Vietnam confilct and still-along with the Chinese-denouncing the organization as a "tool of American imperialism."

Yet the situation, quite clearly, is changing. As the course of the war turns against them, the leaders in Hanoi appear to be rethinking their position on a number of issues-including, quite possibly, the United Nations.

Certainly, the U.N. itself has changed since 1958. The massive anti-Communist majorities that could be mustered in the General Assembly at that time are now a thing of the past. The attitude of a majority of. delegations toward the war in Vietnam ls, to say the least, ambiguous. .

The recent request from the National Lib-

eration Front to be allowed to present its case at the U.N. suggests an important shift in the Communist attitude toward the organization. It is quite possible that Hanoi has reached the conclusion that the U .N. at this point does indeed offer a favorable forum for propaganda, and perhaps, when the time comes, negotiations for a settlement.

If this is the case, the issue of membership for both North and South Vietnam could well come up again. In fact, it might make sense for the United States to raise it, if Saigon can be persuaded to go along.

IMMIGRATION SUBCOMMITTEE WILL TAKE A CLOSE LOOK AT ANNUAL REPORT OF THE VISA OFFICE The SPEAKER. Under previous order

of the House, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. FEIGHAN] is recognized for 30 minutes.

Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, on December 1 of this year the Immigration Reform Act of 1965, abolishing the national origins quota system and establishing a new selective system based on U.S. needs and the relationship of prospective immigrants to U.S. citizens and resident aliens, had been in effect for 2 years. On the second anniversary of the law, as the chairman of the immigration Subcommittee, I wish to report to the Congress on the effects of the law and the need for some modification of the system.

The Department of State has just distributed its annual report of the Visa Office with most complete statistical tables and highly perceptive analyses of these tables. Of the 170,000 visas authorized to be issued under the new law, 154,-087 were used during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1967. Additionally, 128,583 Western Hemisphere visas were issued and 37,924 immediate relative visas were authorized. Together with some other special classes, these brought the total of immigrant visas which were issued or authorized during the fiscal year to a total of 326,553. This figure compares with the 287,679 in 1965 and 311,356 for 1966.

More important than the totals and more demonstrative of the effect of the new law, however, are the changes in the classes and in the nationalities of the immigrants. All of the applicants for preference visas that were pending on December 1, 1.965, have now been reached, and if still entitled to the preference and otherwise admissible, they have now been issued immigrant visas, with the single exception of the Italian-born brothers and sisters of United States citizens. In this latter group, an extraordinary demand has come up against a national annual ceiling of 20,000.

While all the backlogs which existed on December 1, 1965, have been abolished, with the single exception noted, new backlogs are in the process of being created. To insure that the close relatives of United States citizens and of resident aliens would never again l>e obliged to wait for visas ·because their classifications were "oversubscribed," we deliberately made the percentages available to these immigrants larger than estimated demand, with provision for utilization of unused numbers in the succeeding relative classes. Thus, as the Visa

35984 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE Decemb.er 12, 1967

Office report points out, the 50 percent authorized for these three classes, 30 per:cent for sons and daughters of citizens and 20 percent for relatives of permanent resident aliens, totaling an 85,000 potential, was almost more than three times the demand. During the past fiscal year only 30,223 visas were issued to these classes, amounting to 17 % percent of the total authorized. Most significant is the estimate contained in the State Department report that in fiscal 1969 the total demand in these classes will be only 41,000 or less than 25 percent.

On the other hand, the total of 20 percent which was authorized for the professional and worker classes has proved to be inadequate to the demand and both the third and sixth preference classes currently are heavily oversubscribed and the situation will worsen after July 1, 1968, when the present generous nonpreference allowances to Western European natives, particularly from the United Kingdom, Germany, and Ireland are abolished. During the fiscal year 1965, the five leading countries contributing to United States immigration were the United Kingdom, Germany, Poland, Italy, and Ireland. By State Department estimate in 1969 tliey will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China, and the Philippines.

On October 11 I joined with the distinguished chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, the gentleman from New York [Mr. CELLERJ, in sponsoring a bill, H.R. 13453 to make a number of other changes in our immigration system. An identical bill was introduced on the same day in the U.S. Senate by the senior Senator from Massachusetts, EDWARD M. KENNEDY, for himself and 20 sponsors. These changes largely involve issues which were brought up in 1964 and 1965 when we were considering the Immigration Reform Act, but which were put aside at that time while we focused all our attention and devoted all our energies to the repeal of the national origins quota system. The bill would provide for the creation of a Board of Visa Appeals in the .State Department, a Select Commission on Nationality and Naturaliza.tion, a statute of limitation against deportation for certain classes of permanent resident aliens, a complete reworking of the refugee provisions of the law, the conversion of all fifth preferencebrothers and sisters-backlogs pending on December 1, 1965, to special, ceiling exempted, applications with immediate visa issuance eligibility; and a number of minor amendments to both the immigration and nationality provisions of the basic law.

My subcommittee will commence hearings on H.R. 13453 and other bills to amend the Immigration and Nationality Act early in the second session of the Congress. I am taking this opportunity not only to inform the Congress of this intention, but to place the various departments of the Federal Government and the representatives of the many private agencies which will be invited to testify on notice, so that necessary information may be gathered and positions prepared, to the end that we may

speedily report out a bill to improve the basic immigration system.

In addition to the queries that will_ be raised with respect to the specific language of the bills, answers will be sought to numerous questions which the 2-year

·experience has posed. Our inquiry will certainly seek to develop what changes should be made in the classifications of preferences. Specifically, what modifications should be made in the statutory language and in the agency administration of the labor clearance provisions. Should unskilled aliens be given any preference, even though there is a shortage of available U.S. citizens to fill the positions, such as in the domestic service field? Should labor certifications be issued in behalf of intending immigrants who have had absolutely no experience in the occupations for which they have been certified? Should penalties be imPoSed, and if so, of what nature, to those immigrants who fail to continue for any reasonable period in the occupation or in the geographical area for which they were initially certified?

These are only a few of the areas which the Immigration Subcommittee will seek to probe. A 2-year testing under the present law should have provided a reservoir . of experience and precise statistics which should permit of definitive answers to our queries. The end result will be, not to alter the basic concepts which were embodied in the act of October 3, 1965, but to modify and refine aspects of the system which a 2-year trial would indicate can be improved.

BOYS CHOffi OF IMMACULATE HEART OF MARY CHURCH

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, '.I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. LoNG] may extend his remarks sit this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro temPore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. LONG of Maryland. Mr. Speaker,

the boys choir of Immaculate Heart of Mar\9' Church in the Baynesville area of Baltimore County present a beautiful program of Christmas music at 12: 30 p.m. today on the steps of the Capitol. I invite my colleagues and their friends and associates to hear this distinguished group.

The boys choir is led by Norman Sydnor, a graduate of the Peabody Conservatory of Music in Baltimore and the musical director of Immaculate Heart of Mary Church. The choir has previ-

. ously sung at the wedding of the President's daughter, Luci Baines Nugent, and at the dedication of the Cathedral of Mary Our Queen in Baltimore. It is

·my pleasure to serve as Congressman for . the 10,000 families who belong to Immaculate Heart of Mary Church and to welcome to Washington the talented

·choir this parish has nourished. The members of the choir are: Michael Rusk, 8114 Loch Raven Boule

:vard. · Keern· ·Soper; 8169 Pleasant Plains Road.

Rick Botti, 1808 Edgewood Road. Bob Oberle, 1781 Amuskai Road. Br11an McDermott, 8318 Loch Raven

Boulevard. Larry Snyder, 9529 Powderhorn Lane. Michael Bisker, 8212 Oakleigh. Marty Fischer, 1818 Darrich Drive. Gerard Mafale, 1821 Edgewood Road. Doug Sopp, 1602 Aberdeen Road. John Nowocki, 8219 Laurel Drive. Rick ffirich, 1810 Redwood Avenue. Steve Walsh, 1866 Yakona Road. Tony Mafale, 1821 Edgewood Road. Nick Mullin, 8527 Water Oak Road. Jeffrey Einig, 8716 Littlewood Road. Tom Eckinrode, 1604 Cottage Lane. Michael Jakubowski, 1321 Brixtor

Road. John O'Connor, 1549 Putty Hill Ave-

nue. David Kowalewski, 1720 Pin Oak Road. Jerry Lynch, 8322 Wyton Road. Walt Mills, 1754 Amuskai Road. Thomas Kaiser, 1617 Hardwick Road. Tim Johnson, 2314 Foster Avenue. Bill Hooper, 1733 White Oak A venue. Ray Hastings, 8215 Ever.green Drive. Mark O'Brinnan, 8517 Oak Road. Jack Corbett, 1824 Glen Ridge Road. Gary Czapski, 6U35 Loch Hill Road. Bobby LeMautre, 8802 Richmond Ave-

nue. -Pat Lynch, 1836 Deveron Road. John Brocato, 906 Cromwell Bridge

Road. . Michael Fischer, 1818 Darrich Drive. Phil Kotschenreuther, 1606 Taylor

Avenue. ·

IMPORTED MAIDS-PROBLEMS AND THE NEED FOR REFORM

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. S~er, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New York [Mr. OTTINGER] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. OTTINGER. Mr. Speaker, Patent

';('rader, of Mount Kisco,. N.Y., recently published a very penetrating three-part ·series on the problems confronting maids imported into the United States from overseas.

These articles describe the advantages . taken of alien live-in domestics; the hollow promises made to many of them prior to their entry into the United States; the questionable conditions under which they must work; the many and varied problems in their daily lives, particularly for those who cannot speak English. I understand that the lot of foreign maids elsewhere in the country is much worse than in Westchester County and, if it is

-not the employment itself which is unbearable to a young Swede, Colombian, or Jamaican, it is the boring, lonely, and lowly life they lead after their chores are done.

Mr. Speaker, I believe Patent Trader ·has done a great service in publishing these articles and I feel that its proPosals

·for reform deserve full consideration. I Plf ,1 to bring these articles to the atten

. tion of the Department of Labor and the Iminigration and Naturalization Service

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35985 and request their comments on the sit~ nation in general as well as on obviously needed reforms. Meanwhile, I commend these articles to ·the attention of our· colleagues and I include them, herewith, for insertion in the RECORD:

IMPORTED MAIDS-PART 1: THE DREAM, THE GAMBLE, AND THE NEED FOR REFORM

(By Paula Bernstein) Dial a local home telephone in upper West

chester. Often you hear "hello" in a voice more accustomed to saying "bonjour" or "buenos dias."

European and Latin American girls are being imported to AmeriQan homes in increasing numbers to replace the vanishing U.S. live-in domestic. The Government keeps no statistics on foreign maids but reliable sources estimate 14,000 come to this country every year, with 2,500 working in upper Westchester today.

who are these girls and why do they come here?

They a.re former secretaries, telephon~ operators, salesgirls, clerks, waitresses, nurses. school teachers-almost any occupation you can name except maids. They all have one thing in common-a desire to come to ·t~e United States. Why? For a variety of highlycharged personal reasons (none involving love of housework or child care) .

Many come to escape poverty, boredom, family problems, a broken romance. Some are young, spirited, .restle~, searching for adventure on their own. Others make the move to join friends .and relatives already here, improve their English or just see the U.S.

They agree to become maids because that's the fastest, easiest and cheapest way to enter the U.S.-outside of marrying an American overseas. Once here, they can remain indefinitely on permanent visas. Most plan to find different jobs or to travel (California is a favorite destination) as soon as possible. In fi~e years, they a.re eligil>le for citizenship. They are recruited by hometown employment agencies affiliated with U.S. agencies or by individual Americans. Girls hired by the agencies usually exchange pictures, letters and official forms with their prQspective employers. Money also flows-one way. The employer usually pays a $275 agency fee plus the mi:i,id's plane fare-_anywhere from $300 to $.500. In most agency-written contracts (which-have no legal status) this plane fare is to be withheld in 12 monthly installments and returned as a bonus to the maid at the end of the year. Agencies advise a salary of about $200 a month with $5 monthly increases, with Thursdays and every other Sun-day as days off. ·

Girls are alsd hired by U.S. lawyers and free lance recruiters who fly to a foreign country, sign up maids, charge them $500 or so to get them into the country, advertise their availability for jobs and then leave them on their own, often without contracts or advice.

"It's very shoddy," declares Abe Spivack, chief of the frauds and prosecution section of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service in New York City, who is concerned about this practice. -

"There's so much fraud in this whole thing," he continues, turning to other. aspects of foreign maid recruitment. "Peo-_ ple with marginal incomes, for instance, try to bring girls into three-room apartments. In one case, we discovered the prospective employer was on welfare."

If there are frauds in the system of bringing girls over here7' there are also injustices once they arrive.

For the maids, abuses range from overwork. underpay and exploitation to lockouts and in rare cases, physical violence. For employers, problems include their maids lack of

CXIII--2266-Part 26

basic English, refusal to work, pregnancy, desertion and theft.

The girls most frequently complain they · are not paid the stipulated amount and must work longer than they think is fair. "I was working from 6:30 in the morning until , 10 at night, with no time ofi'," a girl from Colombia told Patent Trader. "After two -weeks, when I asked to go see my friend down the street, the woman I worked for said, 'Do you intend to make a habit of this?'" (The maid went to the employment agency and immediately got another job in a less demanding household.)

Another maid, a pretty 20-year-old blonde from Sweden, charged that she received only a $50 bonus when she left after a year, despite the fact that $280 was promised in her contract. (She has returned to secretarial work at a Wall Stree.t investment firm.)

"I worked three months without a dollar's pay or even one day off," recalls a 23-year-old Parisienne. "The wife told me she didn't have to pay me at all but I had to stay with her or else be deported." _

Housewives' threats of deportation are fairly common. Actually, under U.S. law foreign maids can walk off their jobs without being shipped home-unless the Government can prdve "fraudulent intent." This has happened only once. Last July in Boston a Jamaican woman was ordered deported because she entered the U.S. under Labor Department certification as a domestic but instead found · immediate employment as a sewing machine operator. The Massachusetts housewife who applied for the Jamaican's alien employ-ment certification admitted to the Board of Immigration Appeals that she didn't. need another maid; she was only trying to help her friends s~lve their servant problems.

"We anticipate more cases like this and will be making discreet inquiries on our own," warns Sol Marks, deputy district director for the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service in New York City. "We would have no difficulty in similar circumstances deporting a maid if we can establish fraudulent intent-that the girl had no intention of pursuing a domestic job. It's different if she stays a week, or a month, and the longer she stays on the job, the harder it would be to establish fraud."

Although some girls do walk out during those first months of sometimes agonizing adjustment, most try to fulfill their part of the bargain and the ·system on the whole works fairly well.

However, neither the girl nor the woman who hires her really knows quite what to expect of each other nor do they have any legal protection. For both, it's a gamble. To even the odds, reforms in the system are ba<:llY nee<:Ied and long.overdue. ·

IMPORTED MAmS--PART 2: A DAY OFF CAN BE - THE LONELIEST OF ALL

(By Paula Bernstein) A year ago, Mary was selling wide ties on

Carnaby Street in ·London. Last week, Sihe unplugged Mrs. Robinson's vacuum cleaner, shoved it into the corner, and contemplated life as a maid. _ "Oh, yes," she nodded. "I would definitely have live-in help myself, someday, if I could afford it. The thing I hate to do most of all

-is housework." If they don't all actually hate it, mQst for

eign maids here would rather be doing something else and few of them ever continue a second year in domestic service.

These girls enter the United States with the blessing of the U.S. Government which views the shortage of native live-in help he.re as "critical." So do the women who most nOOa. this help-mother~ confined by illness or ·handicapped by injury. mothers of children requiring extraordinary attention and mothers who -.vork for a living. - But the American employme~t agencies and lawyers who recruit these girls ln in-

creasing numbers assume little or no re- -sponsibility for their working conditions, wages or general welfare after arrival. Also, housewives vary widely in their treatment of foreign maids and in understanding their ·speeial needs. -_ A maid rarely knows what's in store for her when she steps off the plane from Europe or the Caribbean to work in an American home. She may sleep on a cot in a cold basement or she may luxuriate in a private bedroom with her own TV, radio and deluxe hair dryer. She µiay be treated like a daughter or like an indentured servant.

"Most of us don't eat with the family and we -don't feel like members of the family," believes 19-year-old Brigitte from Scotland. "We have to eat with the children .. Some of us sleep in the children's room . . . You just have a feeling you're not free. There's no time off to be by yourself. Living and working in the same place is bad."

"I do eat with my family-except when the,Y have company. And I go almost every pla;ce with them," says Tina, a 24-year-old Norwegian.

".I have the children all the time," sighs Maria, a 21-year-old from Stockholm. "Two of 'them, all the time, five and three yea.rs old. I have to do everything. If children are goOd you can work all right but it's usually not possible. I can never sleep late. They exnect me to do everything. Even on my , free day, Thursday, I have to make breakfast, dresa the baby and clean the bathrooms .before I can go."

Gertrude, 20, from Switzerland, finds life easier. "In my house, the wife has a schedule. I'm finished with everything after lunch. The afternoons are mine."

But the job, which many of the girls find intolerably boring, lonely and lowly, is really , not their biggest ~oblem.

There's the de~ession that almost Inevitably sets in after two or three months, the almost unbearable loneliness, the desperate longing to talk to someone who speaks your language, the homesickness for family and friends and the life you knew.

Their low prestige - is a constant source of irritation to the girls. They don't even know what to call themselves. They refuse to label themselves "domestics;" resent the "potwalloper" epithet pinned on them · by boys in White Plains; and usually settle _for the euphemism "mother's helper."

For the most part, Scandinavians and Europeans a.re younger, better-educated and more confident than their Latin American counterparts. The Spanish-speaking girls often come here doubly handicapped-totally ignorant of English and illiterate in their native Spanish, too. : But many other girls, too, from Europe, are so weak in English that they are una.ble to comprehend a Doris Day movie, let alone cope with printed washing machine instructions.

If language is a hurdle many never overcome, the lack of recreational opportunities is a problem shared by all foreign maids. And transportation is an almost insurmountable obstacle.

''Bus connections are very poor around Westchester and nobody tells you that the houses are so far from railroad stations," comments Brigitte. If their employers canp.ot or will not chauffeur them, the girls must take cabs and it is not at all unusual for · a maid to spend $10 in cab fare during one Thursday of getting to and from and around White Plains.

Where can the girls escape on Thursdays and Sundays?

Some visit friends and relatives from back home. Some go to the White Plains YWCA's Lila Wallace Centre for dances with · boys_ froi:n West Point and Stewart Air Force Base, for · exercise and sw1m classes, for sightseeing trips, skating parties ~nd road rallies. ·

The more adventurous shop and rubber-

35986 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 neck in New York City "but you have to get used to the city," says Brigitte.

"They don't know what to do with their spare time,'' explains a Westchester housewife who has hired seven girls iri- the last three years. "And with family and small ~ids, we don't have much time to help them. They should have a life of their own for one day, within a different framework, and not come home with a different boy in a different car every Thursday. People are distressed about where the girls go but they won't make any effort to provide anything else ... In many cases it's like having a teenage daughter in your house."

Sundays are the worst of all. Some of the about 2,500 foreign maids in upper Westchester are involved in church activities; others wander aimlessly about White Plains, congregating in certain bars "and they don't realize that an American bar and an English pub are not the same,'' observes an advisor who sums up their plight:

"These are young girls. They are cooped up all week as servants with nobody their own age to talk to. They lack a normal dating situation. They see boys only on Thursdays and maybe every other Sunday and they feel desperate to keep the boys' interest. About one out of every five becomes p!l'egna.nt."

"They need a place of their own-a clubhouse they could come to and something interesting to look forward to on their days off," says Mrs. Charles Adams of White Plains who has befriended mat;ty maids and has taken a personal interest in their problems.

IMPORTED MAIDS-PART 3: Two-WAY PROTECTION Is NEEDED

(By Paula Bernstein) The United states Government acts like a

protective Dutch uncle to foreign maids before they arrive . but shows little interest in their welfare once they're here. Neither are their American employers offered any legal guarantees or rights.

To enter the United States as a maid, a girl must get permission from the U.S. Labor Department which approves job offers. According to Labor Department rules, the job must pay between $45 and $65 a week; the girl must have a separate room (but not necessarily a separate bath) and her hours and duties must be defined. The Labor Department also wants to know her employer's annual income, how many children he has and how long he intends to hire her.

"The usual contract for one year's service (signed by many girls) is a civil agreement between employee and employer," explains Abe Spivack, chief of the frauds and prosecution section of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service in New York City. "The law does not require the employee to work for a year. If the girl breaks her contract, the Immigration Service cannot deport her. The employer's only recourse would be through the civil courts."

However, the Government can deport a ma.id if "fraudulent intent" is proved, as in only one case so fa.r.

·In most cases, however, if things just don't work out after a period of time, "girls can quit and employers can fire them,'' according to Berna.rd Zupa, manager of the Labor Department's central immigration omce in Corona, Queens.

Advice and other jobs are available to foreign girls (just as they are to Americans) at local state employment omces. Ma.ids who consider themselves overworked and underpaid can complain to the Labor Department's Division of Labor Standards which can investigate and try to persuade employers to improve conditions.

"We get only aibout three to five complaints a month from aliens," reports Mr. Zupa. "Complaints from employers are few. The bulk of the cases have worked out well."

Requests from local New York families for foreign maids are checked and re-checked in the Labor Department's Queens omce. "We are on the alert and we call the employers if the application doesn't look right," declares Mr. Zupa. ·

"We just turned down a bachelor with a 1¥2-room apartment who wanted a live-in domestic. We have housewives processing these applications. They get the feel of them and can tell when something doesn't look right. For instance, if the employer says English is not required, we call up and ask, 'How come?'

"We tell employers that the girls are overqualified. They are not usually maids but have worked as stenographers or salesgirls. They will go on to other jobs. Employers have to be careful not to ·expect that ideal Poppins girl who walks kids in the park."

Conscientious as the Labor Department is, it could never undertake the enormous task of certifying the truth of every statement in every application or inspecting every U.S. home requesting a foreign maid.

"But you really don't know enough about the job when you come over," insis·ts Conchita, a dark, quiet Colombian. "On the printed job offer they fill out, they outline the work in vague terms. Whe~ you get here, the woman gives you a piece of paper telling you how to clean every corner." Other maids discover their "separate" room is a cot next to a basement boiler and the "two" children mentioned in the omcial form are really five.

The Labor Department makes no effort to interest American girls in domestic service

· "because we feel there is a better potential for United States school dropouts," maintains Mr. Zupa. "There is tremendous stress to place them in job training programs."

And so, with the continuing shortage of sleep-in Americans, foreign maids will continue coming here, 14,000 or so each year. Some will arrive under employment agency contract arrangements and some under freewheeling deals with private agents-among them a lawyer "who took $500 from my maid and told me I could fire her tomorrow if things didn't work out," recalls one Westchester housewife.

At its best, the system of importing foreigners into a country whose natives will not become servants is an uncomfortable situation. However, it is one that will be with us a long time. It can be made at least tolerable with reforms in five areas:

Contracts, wages, hours. If the U.S. Labor Department approves job offers, it should also be required to approve simple legal contracts between maids and employers. Details should be supervised by government-approved and government-regulated employment agencies. A contract should not become valid until the foreign maid arrives, visits her employer and both parties appraise each other. Contracts should specify no more than 10 hours' work per day with two full days off every week and at a salary no less than the minimum hourly wage.

References and proof. Burden of proof of adequate living accommodations and family income should be placed on the employer who could be required to furnish references, pictures and notarized documents. The burden of proof of adequate mastery of the English language should rest on the girls, to submit proof of their language sk111 from a teacher or from the closest U.S. Embassy.

Advice and arbitration. Local state employment omces should offer special counseling services for foreign maids and employers, with power to arbitrate disputes. The Government should fine employers who break their word on hours, salaries or working conditions and should deport girls who refuse to live up to their part of the contra.ct.

Language sk1lls and recreation. On the community, voluntary level, more language courses should be taught in adult education programs as a desperately needed service to

all the foreigners among us. Employers, social agencies and civic groups should share responsibility for providing foreign maids with decent recreation and companionship.

Educa_tional information. Incoming maids should receive booklets in their own language explaining in detail their rights and legal obligations, including income tax they will owe. Descriptions of the typical American family life, suburban transportation problems, and social customs for young people should be included. Likewise, employers need an educational booklet pointing out their legal and moral duties to these girls who come here to begin a new life, as our own ancestors once did, dreaming the American Dream.

SHORTSIGHTED POLICY

A three-part Patent Trader survey on foreign maids concluded in Thursday's issue. Recommendations on steps which might be taken to protect the interests of both these young women and their employers appeared with the survey and do not need comment here.

What does seem to require further exploration is the statement a U.S. Labor Department representative made to the Patent Trader reporter responsible for the survey: the department, he said, makes no effort to interest American girls in domestic service "because we feel there is a better potential for United States high school dropouts." The department attempts to place these girls in Job training programs which, presumably, will eventually groom them for industry or the service trades.

This cavalier attitude toward domestic service seems both undeserved and, for the long run, short sighted. As standards of living elsewhere in the world rise, the supply of imported domestic help--which provides, at best, a less than satisfactory solution, as Patent Trader discovered-can be expected to dry up. The countries of western Europe which once raised their own (and supplied this country, too) are now importing maids from the less amuent nations to the south.

Meanwhile, labor saving devices or no, there will continue to be families to whom domestic help is not a luxury but a necessity. Households with several small children, with elderly members or chronic invalids and, above all, fam111es which are motherl~r whose mother is physically incapacitated or must work outside the home herself-w111 always be with us.

There will also always, we suspect, be some young women better adapted to the pace and variety of domestic work than to the pressure and monotony of the assembly line, whether the job is finishing shirts in a steam laundry or tightening screws in an appliance factory. And they need not all be "dropouts." Almost any woman can testify that it takes a pretty high I.Q. to run a home successfully.

A better appl'Oa.Ch might be for the Department of Labor to sponsor programs for training domestic help and establish and enforce standards for hours, wages and working conditions which would make such wor'k attractive. The tim-e has come to dust the ashes off Cinderella and make her a respected and productive member of society.

STATES AND INDIVIDUALS BEING ATTACKED BY ffiRESPONSIBLE ARTICLES

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Nevada [Mr. BARING] may extend his remarks at this Point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.



December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35987 Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, I ask the _ ables are not in any way connected with

indulgence of my colleagues for a few our gaming casinos. Yet these articles minutes on a matter that not only in- imply through cleverly worded innuenvolves my State of Nevada, but all States. does that gangsters abound throughout I am referring to articles that have ap- our casinos. peared in the written media wherein the The third article that I had mentioned good names of the State, its cities, and its made reference to "electronic eavesdropcitizens are maliciously slandered by in- ping investigation" which allegedly unnuendo and hearsay. covered gangsters in one of our newer

My own State of Nevada, especially the hotels. Did the writer mean to represent city of Las Vegas, has been the recent that his periodical had been involved in target of three irresponsible and inac- illegal wiretapping or illegal electronic curate articles. One article, written by a eavesdropping to secure the information man who spent all of 18 hours in Las they claim they have-? Or did the writer, Vegas, tended to imply that Las Vegas or periodical, represent that another was strictly a "Fun City" and that its source, such as a U.S. Government agencitizens could not give a tinker's dam cy, was engaged in illegal wiretapping about world or national, let alone civic or illegal electronic eavesdropping and affairs. compounding this objectionable deed by

Frankly, Mr. Speaker, I am at a loss as passing on information incomplete and to just who this writer talked to. It cer- out of context that permitted the writer tainly was not any wage earner in Las and periodical to make unfair allegaVegas. It had to be "tourists"-and we tions? In either instance such deplorable want them to come and have fun in Las actions are both illegal and immoral and Vegas. any such practice must be stopped.

A second article, which appeared in a But what makes the article even more New York paper, gave the impression incongruous is the fact that the hotel that gangsters were driving about Las named by the writer was not opened unVegas in shade-drawn limousines, their til 1966, and I have been reliably insubmachineguns at the ready. While formed that the Government was not inwe know this is not true, the reading volved in any illegal wiretapping or 11-public does not know this and are con- legal electronic eavesdropping in my vinced that what they read is an accu- State. But great harm has been done to rate portrayal of Las Vegas. individuals and the hotel itself by this

A good example of this came just the article. other day when a member of my staff I want to make it clear. I do not chalreceived a phone call from a woman lenge the freedom of the American press, whose son is now working in our State. but let us not misconstrue the meanShe asked my staff member for some ining of freedom of the press. As Oliver formation about the State and inquired Wendell Holmes stated: if it was true that gansters ran rampant. The right of free speech does not give She had read about the "mob," the the man the right to yell fire in a crowded "mafia,'' and so forth, and she was wor- theatre. ried about the safety of her son. The freedom of the press does not give

Then there was the recent national the media the carte blanche right to use weekly publication that carried an arti- character assassination by insinuation. cle that was highly defamatory and I call upon this Congress to assume without any evidence of substantiation. its inherent responsibility in the protecThis is a second attempt by this periodi- tion of the constitutional rights of its cal to blacken the name of my State. citizenry and immediately use its best

But it is not my State alone that is at- efforts to prevent fUrther · immoral and tacked by irresponsible articles. It has objectionable practices of irresponsible come to my attention that there are reporters in irresponsible publications. many instances of irresponsible and in- Mr. Speaker, I respectfully submit the accurate statements appearing in vari- following sense of the House resolution ous public media which cause tremen- for consideration by this august body: dous damages to innocent individuals H. REs. 1005 and because of the practical and eco- Resolution expressing the sense of the House nomic considerations find themselves un- of Representatives with respect to the re-able to seek proper remedies. sponsible exercise of certain freedoms

However, in articles directed at my guaranteed by the Constitution of the State, many of these irresponsible de- United States famatory insinuations are directed to Whereas freedom of speech and freedom

of the press guaranteed by the Constitution citizens and businesses, many of whom of the United States are freedoms cherished are personally known to me and who have by every American; and qualified for operations and are being Whereas many instances of irresponsible meticulously controlled, supervisec;l, and and inaccurate statements appearing in investigated by our State authorities. various public media have caused tremendous

In all instances, the irresponsible al- damage to innocent individuals and legiti-t th mate businesses; and

legations hat appear in many of ese Whereas prolonged legal battles over the articles are completely inconsistent with truth or falsity of damaging statements are the facts, findings, and records of our rarely a complete answer for the innocent State agencies. This practice of irre- victims: Now, therefore, be it sponsible character assassination by in- Resolved, That it is the sense of the House sinuation should not be tolerated and of Representatives that every American should be condemned as undemocratic should recognize that freedom of speech and

freedom of the press carry with them the and un-American injustice. duty to exercise these freedoms in a respon-

Mr. Speaker, gambling is legal in my sible manner with due regard for the rights State. We have a very strict gaming of others and that this duty is particularly commission that sees to it that undesir- important in the exercise of these freedoms

by various public media which assume the responsibilty of keeping the American public currently informed with respect to· items of public interest, but not impinge the rights of the individual citizen.

CONGRESS SHOULD GUARD THE SUPREME COURT

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Nevada CMr. BARING] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, I nee by the

papers that our Supreme Court has done it again to loyal Americans everywhere by striking down a section of the 1950 Subversive Activities Control Act which makes it a crime for members of Communist organizations to work in defense plants. This is just the latest 1n a long line of decisions handed down by the Supreme Court that is ·of a friendly nature to communism.

What are we waiting for;Mr. Speaker? Why do we not just band over this country in one big bundle to the Communists instead of having our Supreme Court dole it to the Communists in bits and drabs as it has been doing the past years.

Be it a hot, cold, or a lukewarm war. the Soviet Union is our enemy. Their goal is to destroy the United States via any means possible. The best route thus far has been internally. And our Supreme Court bas done its best to open the internal doors for the Communists.

Last March the Supreme Court overthrew a New York State law denying teaching jdbs to Communists and others who advocate overthrow of the Government by violence. It also declared unconstitutional a 1917 New Yoxk law which made the utterance of treasonable or seditious acts grounds for dismissal.

One only has to look at the newspaper articles today to see where campus demonstrations are not only encouraged, but, in some cases, even led or aided by professors who voice Communist theories.

Now the Supreme Court says it is no longer a crime to be a member of the Communist Party and work in defense plants. Is that not just dandy. Maybe my memory is a bit hazy, but it seems to me that over the past 30 years we have either executed, or deported, or jailed Communist Party members who have obtained information to our innermost secrets and forwarded them on to Moscow.

The actions taken by our Government then was one of protecting this country. Monday's action by the Supreme Court was one of disarming our internal defense against Communist subversion.

Chief Justice Earl Warren, in writing the majority opinion, stated that the employment bar violates "the right of association protected by the first amendment."

What of the "rights" of the millions of Americans who have fought to keep this country free of any Communist infringe-

35988 ~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORP - HOUSE December 12,- 1967 · ment? Or do loyal Americans not have any rights anymore?

Chief Justice Warren, in handing down the Court;s decision, said the Court was "not unmindful of the congressional concern over the danger of sabotage and espionage in national defense industries." The Chief Justice added the "spies and saboteurs do exist and Congress can, of course, prescribe criminal penalties for those who engage in espionage and sabotage."

That is very sweet of the Supreme Court to allow Congress this latitude.

Mr. Speaker, in our system of divided government, the Supreme Court has usurped the authority of the legislature. It is time that Congress blasts a hole in the Supreme Court's pretensions.

The Founding Fathers of this great country named Congress to guard the Supreme Court. It is time Congress lives up to its responsibility.

JOHN F. KENNEDY MEMORIAL, NOVEMBER 22, 1967, INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONUMENT CffiCLE PROGRAM

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. BRADEMAS] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matt.er.


There was no objection. Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, on No

vember 22, 1967, a memorial service was conducted in tribute to the memory of the lat.e President John F. Kennedy in Indianapolis, Ind., at the Monument Circle.

Among those who participated in this memorial service were our distinguished colleague, the Honorable ANDREW JACOBS, Representative in Congress from Indianapolis; members of the J. F. Kennedy Memorial High School choral group; the superint.endent of the high school, the Reverend Patrick J. Kelly; and the Reverend Landrum E. Shields, pastor of the Witherspoon United Presbyterian Church of Indianapolis.

I insert the program for this service at this point in the RECORD: JOHN F. KENNEDY MEMORIAL, NOVEMBER 22,

196"7, INDIANAPOLIS MONUMENT CIRCLE PRO• GRAM

The Memorial Service began w1 th the J. F. Kennedy Memorial High School Choral Group, directed by Sister Marcia Ann, C.S.J. singing, "Which Way America?" followed by the Posting of the Colors by the United States Marine Corps.

Reverend Landrum E. Shields of the Witherspoon United Presbyterian Church, when he delivered the invocation, said:

"Here we are, God. Assembled at this time and place in tribute of a great American. We rejoice in this meniorlal experience, wherein thou givest us also to have part, to testify, as a cloud of witnesses of this great life, which to us, has been an example of Godly living and in whose life, we have seen the vision of thy beauty.

"Unite us still, Lord of our souls, in one household, of faith and love, one family in heaven and upon earth. With this spirit of Thanksgiving, may we run the race set before us, with common .hope and future joy.

"May the eternal flame in Arlington, · the

true light of John Fitzgerald Kennedy, increase in brightness, for peace among the brotherhood of · thy children everywhere. Transform our attitudes to love and a sensitivity for peace in our community, as John Fitzgerald Kennedy advocated it. Take the veil from our hearts and join us in one communion, with all the Saints on earth and in heaven.

"We who are the only instruments and channels for thy kingdom of love and peace to come into this world, keep us ever from failing thee. This is our supplication, which we lift to thee. In the Redemptive Spirit of our Lord and Savior, Jesus The Christ, we pray. Amen."

The superintendent of Kennedy Memorial High School, Reverend Patrick J. Kelly, made these moving remarks in his introduction of the speakers:

"All of us at Kennedy Memorial High School, faculty and students, consider it a privilege to be here today to participate in this civic commemoration of the late President's death. Moreover, we all regard it an honor to serve the community as a continuing reminder of the President's youthful vigor and enthusiasm. It is our hope that our students, both now and in the future, will be inspired and guided by the principles and ideals which governed the life of President Kennedy. ·

"It is, I think, particularly appropriate that ours-a Catholic school-bears the late President's name. For he was not only a great man and a great American, but a great Christian as well. It is reported that the great Indian leader Mahatma Ghandi once observed: 'I have read the Christian Gospels; and I have loved and respected the Christ I found there, for he was so much concerned with the needs of others. It is a pity I have never found a Christian who awakened in me the same love and respect.' I believe that Ghandi, had he lived to meet John F. Kennedy, would not have made that statement.

During a commemorative assembly this morning at the high school, several students presented original essays or poetic readings in honor of the late President. I am proud to present two of these students now. Miss Yvonne Burns will deliver an original poetic essay-The Search. And Mr. Brian Nelson will recite the poem composed by Robert Frost on the occasion of John F. Kennedy's inauguration-The Gift Outright.

Miss Yvonne Therese Burns then delivered her original composition, which she titled, "A Search":

Hear that beckoning sound: Protest! Listen to those maddening cries: Down

with wars; down with open housing; down with current wages.

And what is that fanatic screeching? Riots! Riots! ! Riots I! I

Dissatisfied world, I too, have a protest to sound: Down with all this ugly, cruel hate that lurks in the world today. And •.. Up Up Up with Love I

Oh love, :flame upon this world like a forest fire, Rage, Scorch ... Burn ... Linger in hearts.

Oh big, rushing river, h1¥3 mankind ventured your tributaries?

The questions that bother my mind: Is brotherly love lost in the soul of a soldier

lying in the mucky swamps of Vietnam? Is life fiicked out like a match for world

peace? Can love be found hiding under a crack in

an orphanage wall? Does it have to be dug out of a black

crevice? Where, where, where is love? Now, when

we need it. Look to the hills, look to the skies, look

to the world-but find love. Let a bent world take courage in hearts

filled with love. Let all hearts be inst1lled with unbounded

kindness. '

Let all men search for the unbuttressed path to each individual heart.

Instruments of peace ... love's greatest artillery-let your magic sweetness be tasted.

Pondering hearts-find out what reason cannot.

Transform all hatred into love. World, I am not a disillusioned hippy en

treating you with a ":flower song." Nor am I a rambunctious teeny-bopper out

to incite trouble. But I am a young American begging of

you-and the whole world-to share one simple word-love!"

Brian Nelson then delivered Robert Frost's "The Gift Outright." REMARKS OF CONGRESSMAN ANDREW JACOBS, JR.

Since the beginning, leaders who loved, lived and taught the ways of peace have seldom been allowed to live in peace or even die that way. So it was with John Fttzgerald Kennedy, an apostle of peace who taught America the process of peace. He followed the teachings of Christ and by chance, his national public life endured but three years. A man of peace, the victim of violenceviolent words as he lived as, in fact, they appear in the public press this very day about his widow. And one last violent act which cut him down. .

Historians report that with the loss of Britain's last foothold on the continent, Queen Mary was heard to say, "When I die Calais will be written on my heart."

John Fitzgerald Kennedy is ageless. A thousand years from now men and women will talk of his thousand days. And those of us whom history has privileged to live in the time of Kennedy, who have known the magic of his days, might well say, "When we die Kennedy will . be written on our hearts."

When we think of President Kennedy we think of Camelot. "Don't let it be forgot that once there was a spot-for one brief shining moment-that was known as Camelot."

But perhaps the shining moment is not so brief at all. It occurs to one how difficult it would be to imagine President Kennedy ever growing old in any way. He might have been President for only eight years. But now he will be President forever.

BENEDICTION

The Choral Group again performed, singing "The Impossible Dream."

Reverend Thomas Breidenbach, who, in addition to being the assistant Pastor · of St. Catherine Church, is the head of the. Religion Department of Kennedy Memorial High School, then offered this benediction:

"Almighty, Eternal God: we thank you because you have given us the desire and streng,th to honor our brave, martyred leader, President Kennedy. At his death, each of us felt the pain-even as if losing one of our on family. It is fitting, then, that we not forget such loss so quickly, but that we revere and honor his memory today. We thank you for the holy inspiration of his life and death. With your blessing we will go forth now, firm in our resolve to live in our lives his example of responsible service to others: both to our own country and to the whole world community.

"One special blessing we beg, 0 Lord: that like him, we may especially strive to serve those best who need us the most. Amen."

The close of this Memorial Service came when Spec/4 Charles Ontko, Jr., 74th Army Band, Fort Benjamin Harrison, sounded Taps.

URBAN SCHOOLS FOR AN OPEN SOCIETY -

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan1m.ous consent that the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. BRADEMAS] may

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35989 extend his remarks wt this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro tempo.re. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, one of

the most distinguished leaders in American education is the president of Teachers College, Columbia University. Dr. John H. Fischer.

On November 16, 1967, President Fischer delivered a most thoughtful address during the National Conference on Equal Educational Opportunity in American Cities sponsored by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights.

I insert President Fischer's address, "Urban Schools for an Open Society,'' at this point in the RECORD:

URBAN SCHOOLS FOR AN OPEN SOCIETY

(By John H. Fischer, president, Teachers College, Columbia University)

The American public school system is the world's most comprehensive and fruitful experiment in universal education, but the very impressiveness of its past accomplish:. ments now throws into sharp contrast the schools' present shortcomings. There are indeed some critics who consider the current performance of city schools so poor and their resistance to change so adamant that they propose replacing publicly controlled systems with publicly subsidized independent schools.

To many who work in the schools, it seems not only odd but unjust that these judgments should be so severe after twenty years of quite remarkable reform and improvement. For it is true that American schools have changed in significant ways in the last two decades. Immediately following World War II came the campaigns to raise standards, to emphasize the solid subjects, and to do more for able students. Even the academicians, having become newly conscious of the schools' existence, joined in efforts to improve them. With useful consequences, if for the wrong · reasons, Sputnik freightened the Congress a nd the coun try into strengthening programs in m athematics, physical science, foreign languages and guidance. Despite a few examples of excessive zeal and some false start s, the r esults of these successive developments on the whole have been good. So m any better · educated youngsters emerged from the high schools that the upward thrust of entering freshmen even helped to modern ize higher education.

But the earlier reforms, those that occurred before 1960, were motivated mainly by a concern for academic values, by apprehension over what had been happening to subjects and standards. By contrast, the rise of the civil rights movement redressed the balance and swung the spotlight of criticism back to focus on students as individual human beings and centered it particularly on the Negro student who, despite Brown and subsequent decisions, was still being denied opportunities his contemporaries enjoyed. To this newer criticism the response has been less prompt and less effective than the earlier reaction. Part of the difference is attributable to prejudice, part to inertia, and part to lack of community interest. But the principal reason for the slower rate of change is that the problems of providing inclusive, relevant, effective education under the present conditions of urban life require insights, attitudes and types of competence that too few teachers and administrators now possess. The solution of these problems a lso requires fundamental changes in educational policy and in the arrangements by which that policy is determined.

To be sure, the schools are often held ac-

countable for failures which they have neither the means nor the opportunity to correct. Not even the best school or the most dedicated teacher can guarantee that all the pupils will finish the year above the grade median. Nor can every child be assured a place in college, however strongly his parents may demand equal treatment. But the excessive casualty rates of the schools can be neither explained nor excused by statistics. Nor are they all the inevitable result of unfortunate heredity, broken homes, or bad community influences. Before we can project educational solutions we must understand the character of the problems to which we are attempting to respond. WIDE GAPS STILL SEPARATE THE LESS FORTUNATE

FROM THE MAJORITY

The complexity of the situation can be seen in the gaps that separate less fortunate Americans from the majority of their countrymen. Not only are these gaps disgracefully wide; in certain cases they are actually widening. Most of these inequities are related to poverty, many are aggravated by racial discrimination, and all contribute to the handicapping circumstances within which and against which the school must carry on its work. Let me cite a few comparisons.

Non-white infant mortality in 1940 was 70 percent worse than the white rate. In 1960 it was 90 percent worse.

Maternal mortality amon g non-white mothers in 1940 was 2.4 times the white rate. In 1960 it was 3.8 times the white rate.

A Negro boy born in 19G2 had as much chance of surviving to 20 as a white boy had of reaching 37. A Negro girl could look forward to reaching 20 as confidently as a white girl to reaching 42.

In employment, the best years for Negroes only come up to the recession levels for whites. In 1964, a prosperous year, when white unemployment dropped to less than 3.5 percent, the Negro rate was still almost ten percent. That was half again as high as the worst white rate since the depression. These figures are for adults, 20 and older. For 16 and 17 year old Negroes, unemployment has not dropped below 20 percent in ten years.

There is, of course, a close relation between these data and educational conditions. The median years of school completed by P.ersons over 25 in 1940 was 8.7 for whites but 5.8 for non-whites. By 1960 the non-whites had reached 8.2, still half a year below where the whites had been twenty years earlier. Meanwhile, the white median had risen to 10.9 years.

But, some argue, things are better now than they used to be. They are better, but far from good. In 1960 the percent of Negro men college graduates aged 25 to 29 was 15.6 percent for whites and 5.3 percent for Negroes. That meant that in 1960 the Negroes were where the whites had been in 1920. In high school graduation, the gap is closing faster. The Negro rate in 1960 equalled the white in 1940.

The Selective Service Mental Test is a constant reminder that the educational gap is still tragically wide for our present 18 year olds. The variation among the states is well known, but the differential figures on white and Negro registrants are not as widely circulated. For the country as a whole, the failure rate is about 25 percent. Between June, 1964 and December, 1965, the rate for .white applicants was 19 percent, for Negroes 67 percent. Failures among whites ranged from 5 percent in the state of Washington to 43 percent in Tennessee. For Negroes the range was from 25 percent in Washington to 85 percent in South Carolina. Those who think that the determining factor is race rather than education might note that Negroes in the state of Washington did better than whites in eight other states. Negroes in

Rhode Island surpassed the whites of six other states. The poor showing of city schools is not attributable simply to the influx of Negro children. It is due rather to the failure of the schools to respond to the special problems of American youngsters who are the victims of deprivation, neglect, and prejudice. · In order for the schools to respond as

promptly and as effectively as they should to these conditions, it seems to me that three things are necessary:

1. We must reconsider the principle of equal opportunity.

2. We must devise more effective ways to adapt schools to the children they serve.

3. We must reconstruct existing arrangements for policy making and school administration.

ll-THE PRINCIPAL OF EQUAL OPPORTUNITY

In the whole American credo, no tenet is more firmly fixed than our devotion to equal opportunity. We cite it constantly as the fundamental principle in the whole structure of public education. We assert with great pride that in these schools every American child finds his birthright of opportunity and gets the start that will enable him to make his way as a free man in a free land. The race, we say, is to the swift, but it is open to all, and everyone who appears at the starting line is allowed to run. This system, we have long told ourselves, assures equality of opportunity. And so it does-for most. But always there are those who, for no fault of their own, cannot make it to the line before the gun is fired. Among them are good runners, but they never really get into the running that counts. Others get to the track determined to run and eager to win, but, having been barefoot all their lives, they must first learn to wear the spikes that the rules require. Before they can learn, their race is over. To be sure, we treat all the entrants with meticulous equa,lity. What we overlook is that "the equal treatment of unequals produces neither equality nor justice."

To offer all children equal education remains a necessary beginning, for even in our most affluent cities many thousands still have nothing remotely approaching equality of schooling. But equality among schools is only the first step. We must set our sights not on making schools equal, but on de- · vising whatever means are required to enaple every child to develop his own potential. Whatever his possibilities, wherever he begins, he should have the help he needs to reach maturity prepared to compete on fair terms in an open society. To live with this conception of ·equal opportunity, the community must be willing and the school must be able to furnish unequal education. Unequal education to promote equal opportunity may seem a radical proposal, but it is in fact a well-established practice. This is precisely what has long been done for physically and mentally handicapped children under the name of "special education." As it has been offered to these minorities, what we now call compensatory education is universally approved. But the largest minority of our children are not the crippled and mentally retarded. They are the millions who suffer the handicaps of sustained deprivation and neglect much of it due to racial discrimination. The time has come to provide unequal, exceptional education as a matter of deliberate public policy to every child who needs it.

The concept of compensatory education Lip service to the principle of compensa

tory education in itself will solve nothing. It only points up another puzzling issue, for much of what has been done under this label in the past half dozen years has proved disappointing. The United States Civil Rights Commission, in its report, "Racial Isolation in the Public Schools," describes a number of such efforts and concludes that "the pro-

35990 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-· HOUSE December 12, 1967 grams did not show evidence of much success." Coleman's massive study, "Equality of Educational Opportunity," similarly found that existing teaching practices a.nd curricula. do little to counteract the effects of isolation or deprivation.

Nevertheless, it would be indefensible at this point to dismiss the concept of compensation as useless. Even though both Coleman and the Commission find integration to be more beneficial than compensation, the fact remains that in many cities the attainment of complete integration cannot be expected soon. Even if it were instantly possible, many children are so seriously retarded academically that if they could be placed in integrated schools today they would still need a great deal of special help. Whether such teaching is called preventive, remedial, corrective, or developmental, it must be designed to meet the unusual individual requirements of children for whom present programs are inadequate.

The finding of the Coleman study that may ultimately turn out to be the most significant of all is that students with a sense of control over their own destiny do better in school than those who are convinced that what they do will have little effect on their ultimate opportunities. Ways must be found to create more schools where children will find that they are respected, that they can be successful, and that what they do does make a difference.

The complications of cultural difference and ethnic prejudice were not unknown in the public schools of an earlier day. In 1901 when the United States Industrial Commission investigated conditions in city slums, it was Italian youngsters who were being characterized as irresponsible, difficult to discipline, and not so bright. As one teacher put it, they "were fair students, better than the Irish, but not as good as the Hebrews and the Germans ... "Now, as then, many promising efforts fail because they rest on stereotypes and deal with categories rather than with persons. While it is inevitably necessary to work with children in groups, whether in schools, classes, or in teaching units of two or three, the only acceptable compensatory approach is to identify their needs as individuals. The best teacher begins with each child where he ls, engaging interest through activities that make sense to him, and steadily encouraging him toward new encounters and fresh discoveries. Thus, from each new day's success the child accumulates the confidence to try a bit more than he managed the day before.

This process must begin early. It becomes increasingly clear that children have a better chance to succeed in school if they are introduced to planned learning experiences well before the age of six. An immediately available forward step for every city is to make kindergartens universally available for fiveyear-olds and to establish pre-school programs for four-year-olds. This step is especially urgent for those most in need of the benefits that such programs at their best can provide.

Most of us here are acquainted with evidence that the level of intellectual capability young people will achieve by 17 is already half determined by age four and that another 30 percent is predictable by age seven. This is no ground for believing that a child's academic fate is sealed by his seventh birthday, but it means that a community that seriously wants to improve its children's opportunities will start them to school early. In terms of sheer economy, it can be shown that the earlier the investment in systematic intellectual development is begun, the greater will be the rate of return.

Some of the early follow-up studies of children in Head Start programs have been interpreted as meaning that such early programs have no effect on subsequent success in the primary grades. It is much more likely

that what has actually been discovered 1s tb.e failure of primary _grade teachers to build upon the gains made at the preschool level. Even the best preschool programs will produce only temporary benefits unless the follow-through at the primary level is well planned. In the middle and secondary years, as well, curripula and teaching procedures must be designed to bulld on the progress of earlier stages a.nd to introduce th~ new emphases appropriate at each level. m-FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE IN THE NATURE OF

THE SCHOOL rrsELF

Relevance in the curriculum, respect for the student, and the continuous cultivation of his capability, self-confidence, and selfesteem should permeate the entire school program. But if we are to have such programs soon enough in every urban school, the speed of reform wm have to be much faster than it has been. The obvious question is how to speed things up. The equally obvious answer would appear to be to invent new curricula., new teaching procedures, better teaching materials, more effective uses of technology, and improved school organization. That all of these are needed is beyond doubt, but we need something else even more. Our present shortcomings are due less to the state of the pedagogic art than to the state of mind of the artists. Not only teachers, but administrators, board members, and parents alike almost invariably approach these new problems assuming that they can be solved without any fundamental change in the nature of the school itself. We should by now be able to see that much of what must be done cannot be fitted into the customary institutional form.

There are, to be sure, schools which have abandoned egg-crate architecture and with it the image of teachers as interchangeable parts to be distributed, one to thirty children, equally throughout the building. But most schools, even when the need for innovation is most pressing, have yet to make the first break toward anything remotely resembling a teaching team. The utility of the fiexible primary unit, in which several teachers work jointly with one group of children for two to four years, has been well demonstrated; but the idea spreads ever so slowly, because it calls for a fundamentally different pattern o~ .Professional practice and school organization.

'At the secondary level, despite the evidence that adolescents are both able and eager to work on their own, only a handful of teachers will really trust them to learn out of the teacher's sight. Every community, most notably the large city, presents a priceless collection of living laboratories for learning about the modern world and how it works. Amid this wealth the typical school is managed as though real education could occur only on its premises. Long before deTocquevme commented on force of voluntariSIIl in this country, Americans were tapping the committed energy of volunteers to get things done, yet we still hesitate to use this magnificent source of help as freely as we should in the schools.

In mentioning these practices I am aware that each of them is, in fact, already being used in schools. They are, to be sure, but the point ls that almost everywhere they are considered exceptional. As variations from long established custom they are suspect. In the face of the new tasks now being laid upon the schools, and the consequent need for better learning and more effective teaching such changes as these and others far bolder should not only be tolerated; they should be expected, insisted upon, and rewarded.

Racial integration a high priority Among the necessary changes in school

policy and practice none are more urgently needed now than those that will speed racial integration. Thirteen years after the Su-

preme Court's declaration that segregated schools a.re inherently unequal, the number of segregated Negro students is still on the rise. Although reluctance to change has not wholly disappeared and sheer deft.lance of the law ls still evident in some places, the la.ck of progress now in most cities is due to conditions that are more resistant to analysis and far more difficult to correct. The most impressive fact in the situation 1s the steady increase in the number and proportion of Negroes in the central cities of our metropolitan areas and the even sharper rise in the proportion of Negro students in the public schools of those cities. As the ghetto within the city expands into a virtual ghetto city, even the most resolute and ingenious school authorities find meaningful desegregation beyond their own capabilities. The easy course in such circumstances-and a plausible one-is to argue that nothing can be done and that the inevitable must be accepted. But the inevitable in this case means perpetuating the cycle of segregated schooling, denying both Negro and white children integrated experiences and extending into the next generation the grievous tensions that plague this one. If that cycle cannot be broken within the present context of school systems and community structures, ways must be found to change that context. To continue for the indefinite future the socially and personally destructive evils of a. segregated society is a choice this nation cannot afford and may not survive.

Three possible courses, at least, are open to us. In those cities where the problem is not yet overwhelming, steps can be taken, as on a limited scale White Plains has recently demonstrated, to abolish segregated Negro schools and by concerted action to redistribute children Of all groups in ratios that will lead to stable, viable student bodies.

In other communities where the proportions of Negro pupils are higher, cooperative schemes for pupil exchanges, possibly including the establishment of school pa.rkS, may be developed with neighboring suburban districts.

In yet other cases, state education authorities may have to act under the clause of the Brown decision which holds that "the opportunity of an education •.. where the .state has undertaken to ·provide it ls "a right which must be made available to all on equal terms." This would appear to require that where inequality exists, and where other steps to effect equity have failed, the state is obligated to take whatever corrective action may be necessary.

To propose action in any community contrary to the will of a. substantial body of the citizens is to propose trouble, but there ls reason to believe that the resistance to change that has impeded integration in many places is due less to recalcitrance or prejudice than to simpler and more tractable causes. In many cases it ls probable that parents-of both races--only want reasonable assurance that the schools their children attend after integration will be at least equal and preferably superior, to those to which they have been accustomed. Plans for integration should therefore include for all the children involved provisions that will respond to this understandable concern of their parents.

Another principle that becomes increasingly clear is that any plan for school integration is projected at considerable risk if it is not closely related to a broad scale, comprehensive plan for stable community integration. Without the support and cooperation of the other major segments of community action and authority, it is wholly unrealistic to expect the school to carry a.lone the burden of creating a new pattern of community association.

In arguing for comprehensive approaches to school and community integration I a.m not suggesting that the school authorities

December 12, 1967 -CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE 35991 should wait patiently for every other agency to move first. There are ways in which the schools must and can act to meet their own responsib111ties. Moreover, the educational forces of the community should be prepared to exercise leadership in their own field and to offer it to others, but leadership is meaningless unless it is part of a reciprocal relationship. The reform of public education in regard to integration, no less than to the instruction of the disadvantaged or the nurture of the highly gifted, must be a widely shared concern. Slightly paraphrasing Plato, we can be confident that only where such reform is commonly honored is it very likely to be cultivated.

IV-NEED TO RECONSTRUCT SCHOOL

ADMINISTRATIONS

My final point is that we must reconstruct the arrangements for school governance in the city. Whether one starts from the position of the superintendent, the board, the teachers, the children, or the public, it becomes increasingly difficult to justify the outmoded ways in which we continue to conduct the affairs of city schools.

To call this the decentralization question is to oversimplify both the problem and the solution. The issue is not whether a particular city should have one public school system, or five, or fifty. That is a matter of detail. The issue is, rather, how to plan, manage, and use the educational possibilities of the city to meet the pressures of the times, the students' needs, and the public interest In any city, the public schools are the largest single element in the total educational enterprise, but they are by no means the whole of it. The tradition of separaitism that has so long dominated public school policy and administration has become anachronistic. The mechanisms initially designed to protect the schools from partisan or corrupt political influence, however necessary they once were, now tend to isolate the schools from other agencies and to insulate them from normal political processes.

In the city, as in the nation, every important undertaking today has its educational aspect. Many projects have no future at all unless they can count on effective schools. An intricate network of relationships ties the families of every community to its econ01nic, cultural, political. and social institutions. With virtually all of these agencies and many of the families, the school is connected in mutual dependence. Yet among school boards, administrators and university people, there are many who still think that these connections call for no more than routine courtesies, prudent "public relations," and a vigilant watch against any sign of encroachment on the school's traditional prerogatives.

Urban planning that does not now include educational planning is not only unrealistic; it is irresponsible. Such planning must moreover go far beyond a perfunctory review by the planning body of the size and location of new school sites. It must confront questions of curriculum, attendance patterns, teacher supply, financial support; in brief, the whole complex interrelationship between the development of schools and the total development of the city. The need for such planning is crucial and so is the manner in which it is done. Not only the central planning agency, but the school authorities, other public and private agencies, and the municipal and state governments must accept jointly the responsibility for projecting goals and setting timetables, and they must also share the responsibility for seeing that commitments are met.

Only by adopting educational strategies commensurate with the character and scope of its objectives can any city hope to surmount the constant need to react to one school crisis after another. The community that neglects the development of a longrange, broad-scale plan of educational devel-

opment, or fails to commit to that plan the be, and do, and give. Louis Mumford put it resources necessary to execute it, is neglect- well: ing its own future. "We must now conceive the city not

At the other end of the system, in the in- primarily as a place of business or governdividual school, where the whole business ment, but as an essential organ for expr.essing

. succeeds or fails, there are· other needs for · -and actualizing the new human personality reform. The demonstrations and boycotts, to · ... Not industry but education will be the say nothing of the thousands of less publi- center . . . and every process and function cized complaints that have plagued the will be approved ... to the extent that it schools are symptoms of deeply serious prob- furthers human development ... For the lems. To be sure, not everyone who criticizes city should be an organ of love; and the best a principal is wholly objective. There are no economy of cities is the care and culture doubt occasional picketers whose zeal for of men." school reform is diluted by other ambitions. Only upon such a conception of the probBut when all the extraneous interests have lem of the city and its promise can we probeen allowed for, there remain the just and ject the public policies and the educational proper grievances of parents who often are processes that are the prerequisites of a free denied even a respectful reception, much less and open society. a voice, in the schools their children are re-quired to attend.

Despite the accumulations of resentment, THE UNIVERSITY AT THE SERVICE pride, and defensiveness that encumber OF SOCIETY · those situations, ways can be devised to involve parents more deeply in school affairs. A first step is to lift the controversies beyond the adversary level. So long as school people and ;?arents view each other as opponents to be defeated, the likelihood of positive results is negligible. What is needed is a sustained, patient effort to build and maintain channels through which each group may express its views and be assured of respectful attention and consideration by the other. A second step is to systematize these exchanges, turning them to constructive deliberation and providing the substantive data necessary to enable the participants to make responsible choices and projections. A third step is a thoroughgoing analysis of the nature of school policy issues to determine at what level the different types can best be handled. Some should be settled within the school, some at intermediate points, and others on a city-wide basis. The heart of the matter is to find the means by which a city school board can maintain a common floor of opportunity for every pupil in the city and at the same time encourage parents, citizens, and school staff members to apply their own initiative in raising their school as far as possible above the basic level. V-WE MUST SEEK A NEW VISION OF THE CITY

There are no easy solutions, and very probably no firial solutions of any kind to the educational problems of our cities. But there are vast possibilities, still untried and broad ranges of opportunity open to imagination and bold attack. Yet it would be a grave error and a stupid miscalculation to think that the public schools should assume these tasks alone, or that they could possibly perform them in isolation.

It is an ironic paradox that the gravest educational deficiencies are often found in the very cities that possess the best resources for correcting them. All too often, however, the institutions that harbor these resources-the universities, museums, libraries, scientific agencies, and mass media, all with enormous possibilities for enriching human life-carry on their work with little awareness of the life of the community in which they stand. In the same cities hundreds of agencies, public and private, with the competence and experience to make critically important contributions to the physical, social, and economic well-being of people, could undergird and supplement educational and cultural efforts.

Even more than resources, we need new initiatives to bring the possibilities to bear upon the problems, and to breach the walls and bridge the chasms that separate these sovereign ties.

No such dream can be made to come true without altering existing political and administrative mechanisms. We shall need new laws, new agencies and new money; but most of all, we need a new vision, newly i:;hared, of what the city at its best might

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. BRADEMAS] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, the

Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, among its other activities, conducts studies of various education problems. For the past 10 years the trustees have devoted their annual meetings to the consideration of major issues of higher education.

At the 61st annual meeting of the foundation on November 16, 1966, the trustees engaged in an all-day discussion of the public service responsibilities of universities. The essay that follows is based on the discussion.

At this meeting there was no attempt to arrive at a consensus. Accordingly, this essay is not presented as the views of the trustees of the foundation but is an informal account of a discussion of an

· important question in education today. Mr. Speaker, because I believe this

essay, "The University at the Service of Society," will be of interest to Members of Congress, I insert it at this point in the RECORD: THE UNIVERSITY AT THE SERVICE OF SOCIETY

The notion that academic institutions should reach out to serve the workaday needs of a developing society is over a century old in this country. Although Justin Morrill, in sponsoring the Land-Grant College bill in 1862, appears to have been primarily interested in the nexus between democratic access to higher education and the maintenance of political democracy, he and others believed that in time this type of institution would also be a congenial home for a novel additional function-direct service to tl}e wider society.

The public service function of the landgrant colleges did not, however, materialize for several more decades, because these new colleges were preoccupied simply with the struggle to survive. When it did develop shortly after 1900, it related specifically to the vocational needs of what was still a predominantly agrarian society and took the form of an extension service from campus to farm. The demonstrable success of the "cow colleges" in increasing agricultural production and improving farm life through this means became a principal justification for expenditure of public_ tax revenues on them.

They also served, as Morrill .hoped they


might, to educate young men and women of humble parentage. But it was agricultural extension, and the applied research on which this depended, that for some years occupied the more honored place in these institutions. And because in its day and place this peculiarly American invention in higher education worked, indeed worked brilliantly, it came to have a wide influence on popular notions about the proper "uses" of the university.

It was also during these years, and even earlier, that some universities initiated general extension programs for the public, and these, too, represented public service of a high order.

Nonetheless, it was not until the Flra.t World War and the period immediately following it that public service began to be regarded as a responsibility of universities generally. The idea that it was an acceptable function for .any academic institution was, of course, given considerable additional recognition as the result of the deep involvement of the universities in the 1942-1945 war effort. Since then, in response to the pressing needs of a maturing society for fundamental solutions to its ever more complex problems, public service has become a large and important activity at virtually every university, both public and private, and at many colleges as well.

WHAT IS PUBLIC SERVICE?

University public service today has burgeoned to include a wide range of new acti vLtles-in science and technology, in health, in urban problems, in the 1nternat1.onal field, in economic development, in the utilization and conservation of natural resources, and in a great variety of other areas. The university, with massive contract and grant funds from the federal government, has become a major instrumentality through which the nation ls accomplishing some of its most important business. It is virtually axiomatic now that when a substantial new national program is launchedthe Peace Corps, the Regional Medical Program, or whatever-unlvers~tles will be deeply involved in its implementation. Indeed, much federal legislation today is predicated on that assumption.

University public service is a concept which ls difficult to define precisely. Although it is usually thought of as one of a triumvirate of university pursuits, it can and often does include the other two, teaching and research. For example, courses for municipal officials in a school of public administration can be regarded both as part of the normal teaching function and as public service. And a study of racial imbalance in an urban school system undertaken as a public service responsibility may also prove to be intrinsically interesting sociological research, justifiable in traditional academic terms. Similarly, investigations in the area of environmental pollution, although commissioned by a federal agency to solve a particular problem, may very well contribute basic new scientific knowledge.

Nevertheless, public service is, in most of its manifestations, readily recognizable. It has to do with the outreach of a university to society at large, with extending the resources of the campus to individuals and groups who are not part of the regular academic community, -and with bringing an academic institution's special competence to bear on the solution of society's problems. It can involve all members of the academic community, including students, although most frequently we think of it as an activity of the president and of the faculty. It can take place on or off campus, and can be related to either the governmental or private sectors of our national life. Lastly, the emphasis in public service ls on converting knowledge into readily usable forms for immediate application.

DEMAND AND SUPPLY

A variety of forces impel the university toward expansions of its public service role. Some of these forces reflect demand-the requirements of society-and others, supply-the special capabilities or characteristics of the university particularly qualifying it for the role. More and more, however, demand and supply are in such close interaction as to be scarcely distinguishable from each other. On one side, our society today has compelling needs which force it constantly to call on the university for assistance; on the other, the university has characteristics which increasingly attract the larger society. Thus, demand and supply are reciprocating forces thrusting public service activity by the university forward at ever higher speed.

This phenomenon is explainable in part by the almost symbiotic relationship today between science and art, or in simpler terms, knowing and doing. A few decades ago a lengthy hiatus between the discovery of knowledge and its application was normal. Today in many fields, although regrettably not in some, the process is nearly instantaneous, to such a degree has ours become a knowledge-oriented society. And the application of knowledge is no longer a simple matter. So complex has this process become

_in many fields that the university's help is needed there also.

The heart of the matter is that the university ls the natural home of those kinds of highly trained and specialized talent on which the larger society is heavily dependent. In the university's science and social science departments, in its engineering and medical schools, and in many other places within its walls are housed the individuals best qualified to solve, or at least mitigate, some of the nation's most difficult problems. Since it is the national will that these problems be attacked, pressure on the university for its help ls immense.

This pressure is exerted much more heavily than in the past on the university's traditional areas of responsibility, the production of highly trained manpower and the discovery of new knowledge. Beyond these functions, however, the university is being asked today to take on many kinds of new public service tasks, including the management of largescale scientiflc, technological, and social enterprises. Although the university's record in carrying out these tasks has perhaps been uneven, its achievements generally in all three areas-teaching, research, and servicehave been so centrally important as to lead some obServers to believe that the society's future salvat1.on will depend essentially on this institution alone. The immensity of such a responsib111ty and the almost limitless performance expected of the university are cause for deep concern among those who manage its affairs.

A further attribute of the university is its capacity for objectivity. Of all social institutions, it provides the most hospitable home for free enquiry. It can permit individual members of its community to pursue their own paths of investigation even if these con:flict. It is prepared for error in the search for ultimate truth. In the outside world, this quality of objectivity assumes extraordinary value in situations of extreme social tension or in areas of decision where economic or social stakes are high.

Within the university itself are forces contributing to an expansion of the public service function. Wholly admirable 1s the genuine concern that many faculty members, administrators, and students feel for directing their talents and energies to the nation's most grievous problems. The desire to be socially useful outside the academic community is considerable at the present time. And frequently coupled with this kind of motivation is a scholar's belief that, by participating in public service activities himself, he can bring

a heightened sense· Of reality and greater vividness into his teaching.

Less admirable is the motivation that derives solely from a scholar's realization that h1s special competence has an unusual market value out.side the university. Less admirable also is the ambitious administrator's conviction that his institution's prestige can be instantaneously and inexpensively inflated by large government, foundation, or industrial contracts or grants for domestic or international projects for which the institution may well be 111 suited.

More difficult to weigh is the sense of exhilaration that many university people feel in getting away from their campuses from time to time to take part in stimulating new enterprises in Washington or abroad. This can be a form of escapism if overdone, but it can also serve to bring vitality to the campus.

THE DEBATE OVER PUBLIC SERVICE

So large and varied has public service become that concern has begun to arise on some campuses over whether this relative newcomer to the academic enterprise--some would still say intruder-is not getting out of hand.

There would be little disagreement today that involvement in public service activities has been good for the university. Teaching has benefited; campus life has acquired a greater relevancy and liveliness; students have developed more mature attitudes. The availab111ty of a real laboratory rather than an abstract one, of an actual problem rather than theoretical one, makes the university a more vigorous institution. Furthermore, the university's willingness to reach out from its protected environment to help grapple with some of the community's nastier problems has won it new admirers and allies and broader public support.

Nevertheless, public service has both present and potential risks, and in some institutions these have been too little recognized. Most clearly apparent to administrators is the financial burden which outside activities frequently place on the university. However generously funded these may seem to be, eventually there will be unexpected costs for the institution. In some instances also there is confusion about just how these activities are to be funded, and they can become indirectly, or even directly, parasitic on income required to finance the traditional responsib1lities of the university.

A second and obvious danger is that if public service activities are allowed to proliferate in an uncontrolled manner on a campus they may in time become the university's dominant activity, dwarfing other pursuits. Students will then with justice attribute the neglect or lack of personal attention they feel to the faculty's heavy involvement in public service. And many faculty members will rightfully believe that applied research, or in some cases what passes for it, has taken precedence over basic research.

Another danger, perhaps more theoretical but nonetheless possible, is that deep involvement in external, public service activities may lead a university imperceptibly to develop a kind of "institutional doctrine" on some issue or, at any rate, come to be regarded by the public as a protagonist for a particular cause or point of view. This could conceivably jeopardize one of the university's most important characteristics--its role as a hostel for the accommodation, in an atmosphere of tranquility and mutual respect, of individuals with widely variant views on important social and moral issues. (Of course, this caution applies only to the university, not to the off-campus activities of faculty members and students as individuals.)

THE EXTREMES

There are, theoretically, two diametrically opposed positions which the university may adopt as it considers its public service role.

In the first of these, public service is re-

December 12, 19-67 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD .- HOUSE 35993 garded as an inappropriate and irrelevant function for the university on the grounds that it 1s inconsistent with an academic institution's basic responsiblUties for teaching and the discovery of new knowledge. Those who share this view say that it ls the duty of unlversi ty leaders not to be engaged in selling the university's services but in protecting its essential integrity. This, they believe, must be done by getting government, industry, and even the public at large to understand that the national interest lies in preservation of the university's true nature as the institution which above all others ls concerned with learning. This implies impressing upon all possible sources of assistance the urgent importance of adequate support for the tools of learning, such as the great research libraries, and for leaving the university free to pursue its basic mission.

In this view, the university is not regarded as having a responsibility to become involved in the substantial new government programs which appear periodically. And the university should be particularly wary of the frequently heard argument that, since government ls going to be spending its large new appropriations anyway, the university should pitch in and help ensure that the money 1s well spent.

Nor ls the university regarded as having a responsibility, whatever the appeals made to its sense of patriotism, to lend its manpower to government for various kinds of service. This will simply strip the university of its best people and destroy ·whatever cohesion and internal power it has as an institution.

Finally, the university in this view should abjure any conception of itself as an activist shaper of the larger society. It should not "bite off propositions," develop "positions," or be a "protagonist" for causes. It should stick to the pursuits of the academic cloister with which it has traditionally been concerned and carry them out to the best of its ability. All else is in the end 11lusory.

At the opposite pole ls the view that, among all institutions in the nation, the university has the greatest responsibility to be a shaper of the society. As such it has an obligation to identify social wrongs and take an aggressive lead in rectifying them. It must be engaged, acttvist, reformist. It must, furthermore, be prepared to reach out into the larger community, and it must respond whenever it can to any legitimate call from government for assistance, including both the provision of manpower and the acceptance of public service responsibilities.

In this view, the university can best protect its position not by an attitude of aloofness from the great social issues of the day but by actively engaging in them. And this kind of activist role, far from detracting from the traditional functions of teaching and research, will actually strengthen them.

The philosophlcal support for this position is that since the university stands for the highest values of the larger society of which it is a part, it has a consequent duty to intervene where it can to assist the society to conform to these high values. To do less would be to be untrue to itself.

Each of these positions is, of course, in its absolutist form, unrealistic in the light of constraints which operate on all universities today. It is useful, however, to delineate the positions in sharp outline, because on every campus there are individuals who hold tenaciously to one doctrine or the other, and there are universities, or more likely certain departments or professional schools within universities, which lean more toward one position than the other. ·

A MORE REALISTIC STANCE

In one way the two positions are not as antithetical as they seem. I! the university is a true university, it is concerned not just with teaching and research in a strict sense

but more broadly with cultivation of the intellect and the faculty of reason, with the refinement and deepening of moral conscience, and with sharpening of aesthetic sensitivities. It must, therefore, inevitably become a powerful, if indirect, force for social change and improvement. Out from its citadel will go educated men and women with a passion to remake the world. From it will emanate ideas and knowledge that will be revolutionary in their impact. This will be public service in its truest form.

This broader area of congruence between the two extreme positions does not, however, answer the immediate question facing every university of how far it should go in making its resources available for a wide variety of public service activities. How responsive should it be to the needs of society, and how permissive should it be in allowing the members of its own community to initiate service projects off campus?

In practical terms every university will realize that it can no longer adopt the simple course of rejecting public service altogether. Interdependence between the university and society has become too great for that. The university must have society's support. Society must have access to the university's resources. Were the university to turn its back on society's needs, it would be tantamount to self-destruction.

But self-destruction can, equally, lie down the road of too much engagement by the university in public service, either turning it into a kind of universal service station or so directly involving it in the restructuring of society that a major share of its energies and resources are perpetually engaged in external controversy.

There must, then, be a practical middle ground. This need not be simply a weak compromise. It can be a positive position arising out of a deliberate consideration of the questions: How much public service? What kinds? How can a consistent policy for control of the mushrooming function be developed and administered?

TOW ARD A WORKABLE PHILOSOPHY

Each institution must in the end answer these questions for itself. But in doing so it may find it useful to consider some general propositions about appropriate and in.appropriate kinds of activities in the public service area.

First, the university can, in regard to controversial social issues such as racial integration in housing, look carefully at its own practices and adhere to high standards on its own c:a.mpus.

Second, the university can play an important role in providing a refuge-even platform-for the dissenter in society, the man with unpopular or unconventional views. In the American democratic society, where consensus has always been given such a high value, the man with another voice can too easily become a stranger with no place from which to be heard. But it ls essential to the health of the society that he be heard. The university, in providing a sanctuary for this purpose, can meet one of society's greatest needs, a.nel this tQO ls a- form or public service.

Somewhat akin to this function is the role the university can play 8.:5 an objective agency of society in providing contending forces with a place to meet under dispassionate and intellectual sponsorship.

Third, a rather different type of public service which the university can ·on occasion perform is the management, on an emergency basis, of urgent national or local projects for which no other auspices can be found, regardless of whether there is research ·or training value in them for faculty or students. This sort of service must be offered with restraint and only with the understanding that the responsibility will be passed on to some other body as soon as possible. The Old

French proverb, "II n'y a rien qui dure comme le provisoire," however, applies all too frequentlytn these situations.

Another activity of this kind can be the organization and carrying out of demonstration projects, because demonstration 1s in itself an aspect of the production of knowledge. For example, it would seem to be appropriate for a medical school to take on responsibility for the delivery of comprehensive health care to a defined population group to show how improvements might be made over existing arrangements.

Fourth, a role which the university can occasionally play is to provide leadership for the coalescence of a variety of constructive forces in society into a joint attack on large-scale social problems. In such enterprises the emphasis will be on partnership with government, industry, voluntary organi~ations, school systems, and other agencies rather than the university being the sole operator. This is a role that should leave the university free to withdraw when more permanent leadership has been established, or to continue its participation only in limited ways with limited responsibility.

On the other hand, the university should not be an active seeker of government contracts simply to aggrandize itself. It will occasionally take such lnitia,tives, but its role should generally be more passive. It will respond when it can to calls for assistance. but always with an eye to the possible harmful effect on its responsibilities for , teacbing and the searc.h for new knowl-. edge.

The university must be careful not to allow itself to come to be regarded merely as a pool of talented, specialized manpower available on call for assignments in the larger society. The talent is there principally for the internal purposes of the institution. In some instances of severe national need it will, of course, be made available freely, but these should be limited. Otherwise, absence from the campus should be subject to normal leave arrangements.

And finally, the university must avoid the acceptance of long-term responsibility for the management of public service projects in which benefit to the internal functioning of the institution is minimal. Such projects should be transferred to other auspices as quickly as possible.

SOME SPECIAL PROBLEMS

There are some particularly thorny problems which crop up in aspects of the university's engagement in public service. The first arises when it is involved in overseas work on contract from the federal government. In these circumstances the university is clearly a contractual agent of the government; Lt has an obligation to conform to official American policies in the foreign country concerned, and it is subject to whatever controls the host government may impose through its laws or other regulations.

But what is not so clear ls the status of the individual faculty member involved in the project or the nature of the restrictions imposed on him. Is he in any sense personally a representative of the American government? Opinion is divi.ded on this question. Does he, when actually engaged in the contract project abroad, enjoy the same academic freedoms and privileges he enjoys when he is on his own campus at home? In practical terms he probably does not, but where should- the line be drawn? On this question also there is considerable difference of opinion. ~w will disagree, however, that when it

comes time to sign a contract with the federal goverpment the university is a completely free agent and has an obligation to negotiate terms as nearly cons.lstent with the accepted practices of academic freedom as is possible. What these terms should be

· will depend on the circumstances of the

35994 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 project, but at a minimum they would seem to include free publication rights, full disclosure of the purposes of the contract, and full disclosure of the sources of funding.

Another set of problems stems from a university's involvement in classified work for the government. As a matter of patriotic duty in time of war or other national crisis, many universities undertake such work. However reluctant they may be, they do so because there is no feasible alternative. Nevertheless, the presence on a campus of a project about which faculty are unable to communicate freely with students or with each other violates the essential teaching function of the university. Any such activity should, therefore, as quickly as possible after the extreme national emergency has passed, be transferred off campus to some other auspices. It is then up to the faculty members involved in the activity to decide whether to depa.rt with it or stay in the university and take up other kinds of nonclassifled work. There would appear to be no justification for having projects involving industrial secrecy located on the campus.

A rather different situation arises when a faculty member as an individual is engaged in classified work as a consultant to government or industry. This is fairly commonplace and does not seem to raise the same problem as that of having a secret project actually located on campus. Here, although the practlce may perhaps be an irritant to university administrators, the matter is one which is essentially an individual affair not threatening to the basic integrity of an academic institution.

St1ll another type of question which arises from time to time has to do with the nature and extent of the university's legal and moral responsibility when members of its faculty or student body are engaged in offca.m.pus public service activities. If, for example, an authorized student organization, having raised funds on the campus for an off-campus project, then gets into some kind of trouble in carrying out the project, 1s the university Hable to suit? Or, in another kind of situation, is it morally liable :tor the legal costs of students or faculty who a.re individually prosecuted or sued while ta.king part in a project which the university has sanctioned although not actually sponsored in its own name?

Clearly the nature of a specific case wlll have a good deal to do with the answer in each instance. But in general terms this problem area appears to be relatively unexplored and one where some further work and clarification would be desirable.

ORGANIZING FOR PUBLIC SERVICE

Increasingly aware that they are inadequately organized to administer off-campus activities emciently, a number of universities have created special administrative devices, institutes, centers, and so forth, to control these activities. These are found with increasing frequency in the international and urban stu<ijes fields, and they are helpful.

Basically, however, many universities today are simply not governed in such a way that they can determine and enunciate any policy with regard to their public service role. On some campuses this is because public service is a relatively new phenomenon, whereas the bylaws of such universities, having been adopted in an earlier era and for a different concept of the university, confine their definition of corporate authority and responsib111ty to the teaching function alone. In these instances there is apt to be no way in which the faculty as a corporate body can be involved in the formulation of a university policy on public service. Such policy as there is may be simply the accretion of a body of precedent decisions on particular cases by a succession of adminis- · trative omcers at various levels in the institution.

What would appear to be desirable now, where needed, is the modernization of university governance to take account _of all three functions in which the typical institution is engaged today-teaching, research, and public service. Such a process would have the salutary effect of focusing the entire academic community's thought on the function of public service and perhaps lead to a redefinition of the meaning of the university in today's world. It would at the very least bring to many people a realization that the governance of universities is becoming a matter of far more than institutional significance-that it relates directly to the viability of our knowledge-centered society.

ARE THERE ALTERNATIVES?

As the burden of public service becomes heavier within the universities, the possibility of alternatives needs to be examined more carefully. Must all of the tasks which the university is being asked to take on by society be placed there? Has the university itself been too accommodating? Too eager to respond? Too much motivated to destroy its ivory tower stereotype?

Among the alternatives to be considered are nongovernmental organizations such as independent nonuniversity research institutes, professional and scholarly societies, technical assistance, health, welfare and other types of voluntary agencies; private industrial firms; state and local governments; and the federal government itself, which is the originator and funder of a large proportion of the new social tasks.

Another alternative, which has already had some consideration in the federal government by both the administration and Congress, 1s to increase the numbers of universities capable of taking on major public service responsib111ties-a spreading of the load. This has been quite successful in some programs, for example, in the training of Peace Corps volunteers. Nevertheless, the additional institutions that have been drawn in_ have their problems too of rapid growth, insumcient resources, and overcommitment. Furthermore, there are some tasks which require concentrations of specialized talent found only on a few campuses, sometimes on only one campus, and these are almost certain to be the campuses of the leading universities.

A more promising alternative may be the development ·or closer working relationships in the public service area between universities and various kinds of nonuniversity agencies. In such alliances the university would take only that part of the responsibility for which it is uniquely suited, such as the training of specialized manpower for a particular program, leaving to its partner the operational phases. In some cases, where no appropriate partner could be found, a university either alone or in a consortium with other institutions might create a separate operational mechanism. Tliis has been done successfully in the scientific and technological areas but only infrequently in other fields.

A PRECEPT

Even after a process of elimination, there Will stlli be a number of public service tasks that can be carried out only by a university. These are the tasks that are either so complex as to require talent available nowhere else or so sensitive as to necessitate the kind of objectivity most likely to be found in the discipline of the scholarly community. In view of the evolving nature of American society and the unique attributes of the university, many observers have become skeptical about the possibility of ever being able to lighten the public service burden of our major educational institutions.

Thus the formulation of a satisfactory philosophy of public service is a task of the greatest urgency. It is, at the same time, one of the most dimcUlt assignments facing the American university toqay. On the one hand the university must remain faithful to its

highest ideal, the pursuit of learning; on the other, it. must be responsive to the legitimate needs of the society that sustains it. Furthermore, it has a responsibility to make that society a better society. Perhaps the simplest and most satisfactory precept for most institutions to follow is to participate, if possible, only in public service activities that are a direct outgrowth of their regular teaching and research programs and that, in turn, feed back into and strengthen them. Obviously this precept is not applicable in each of the many and various situations which arise today, but it does offer initial guidance in coping with a pressing, complex issue.

TRUSTEES AND ADMINISTRATION

Mr. Speaker, at this paint in the RECORD I insert the names of the trustees and admillistration of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. I should here note that in addition to the offi.cers of the foundation, the following trustees were present during the discussion on which this essay is based: Mr. Bissell, Mr. Carr, Mr. Dean, Mr. Friday, Mr. Goheen, Mr. Harnwell, Father Hesburgh, Mr. Hovde, Mr. Kirk, Mr. Lamont, Mr. Lowry, Miss McBride, Mr. McMurrin, Mr. Millis, Dr. Murphy, Mr. Perkins, Mr. Pusey, Mr. Ransom, Mr. Weinberg, and Mr. Wilson.

The complete list, as of July 1, 1967, follows:

TRUSTEES

Claude T. Bissell, President, University of Toronto, Chairman.

· Franklin D. Murphy, Chancellor, University of California, Los Angeles, Vice Chairman.

Robert K. Carr, President, Oberlin College. Arthur H. Dean, Sull1van & Cromwell. William Friday, President, University of

North Carolina. John W. Gardner,1 Secretary, Department

of Health, Education, and Welfare. Robert F. Goheen, President, Princeton

University. Gaylord P. Harnwell, President, University

of Pennsylvania. · Rufus C. Harris, President, Mercer Univer•

sity. David D. Henry, President, University of

Illinois. Theodore M. Hesburgh, President, Univer

sity of Notre Dame. Frederick L. Hovde, President, Purdue Uni

versity. Grayson L. Kirk, President, Columbia Uni

versity. Howard F. Lowry,2 President, College of

Wooster. Katherine E. McBride, President, Bryn

Mawr College. Sterling M. McMurrin, Dean of the Gradu

ate School, University of Utah. John S. Mills, Chancellor, Case Western

Reserve University. James A. Perkins, President, Cornell Uni

versity. Alan Pifer 1 , Acting President, The Car

negie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.

Kenneth S. Pitzer, President, Rice Univer· sity.

Nathan M, Pusey, President, Harvard University.

Harry H. Ransom, Chancellor, University · of Texas System.

Sidney J. Weinberg, Jr., Goldman, Sachs &Co.

1 On November 17, 1965, John W. Gardner was granted leave of absence as a trust.ee to serve as Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, and Alan Pifer was elected a trustee to serve while Mr. Ga.rdner was on leave.

2 Deceased July 4, 1967.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35995 o. Meredith Wilson. Direetor. Center for

Advanced Study in the Behav~Ol'al Sciences. EXECUTIVE COMMITTBI:

Alan Pifer, Chairman. Claude T. Bissell. Robert K. Carr. W1lliam Friday. Robert F. Goheen. Gaylord P. Harnwell. David D. Henry.

INVESTMENT' COMMrrn:E

Arthur H. Dean, Chairman. Alan Pifer. Sidney J. Weinberg, Jr.

ADMINISTRATION

John W. Gardner, President on leave of absence:

Alan Pifer, Acting President. Lloyd N. Morrisett, Vice President. Florence Anderson, Secretary. James W. Campbell, Treasurer. E. Alden Dunham, Executive Associate. Edward A. Ackerman, Assistant Secretary. Clara F. Clapp, Administrative Assistant.

THE PENDULUM SWINGS Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania CMr. DENT] may extend his remarks at this paint in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker> the magazine

for trade association executives, Association Management, carries in its December issue a fine article entitled ''A Sec.and Look at the Kennedy Round-The Pendulum Swings."

The author, Donald M. Counihan, a lawyer in Washington, D.C., was formerly the legislative liaison officer of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. I have known him for a number of years. His coverage here of the problems facing domestic industries bears careful reading. He approaches the road ahead with fine perception.

The article ref erred to fallows: A SECOND LoOK AT THE KENNEDY RoUND:

THE PENDULUM SWINGS

(By Donald M. Counihan) On November 2, 1967, President Johnson

in a sharply worded speech served notlce that he would veto any trade quota bill that came across his desk. Mr. Johnson stated that bills to limit imports of foreign goods would "invite massive retaliation from our partners abroad". He further stated: "These bills must not become law".

While Mr. Johnson may veto a separate bill on quotas, or a minor one to which a quota blll is attached, he may not end up with such an easy decision. The battle will soon switch to the House from the Senate. The President may have the following choices:

1. Having a quota section tied to the Ad_ministra tion's tariff bill which must be considered and which he would have difficulty vetoing;

2. Vetoing a major bill he really desires, such as the tax or Social Security bill.

Also, the Congress has been known to pass bills into law over the Presidential veto if the public desires the legislation and lets their Congressmen know they want it.

Americans have always been willing to lend a hand to nations abroad. An example of this open-handed generosity is evldenced by the Marshall Plan, where massive U.S. aid was a

major factor in rebuilding Europe after World War II. The war in Vietnam is -another example of "willingness to help an embattled nation in Southeast Asia at tremendous cost of men and money." But, there comes a time when the economic welfare of the United States must be balanced against commitments abroad. American markets have been available to products from abroad on a liberal basis since World War II. One of the keys to the economic recovery of both Japan and Germany (our enemies in World War II) has been their extensive export_ markets in the United States.

World triade is valuable and essential, but it should not become a one-way street where domestic industries and American jobs are sacrificed for State Department objectives.

When the Kennedy Round results were announced on June 30, 1967, they were accompanied by a great number of reassuring comments from the Administration. concerning the reciprocity achieved and the opportunity afforded for expanslon of exports by American buslness.

After studying the results of the Kennedy Round, numerous domestic industries have been appalled at the impact of the negotiations. The threat of vastly increased imports transcended any prospect of lncreased ex"". ports. The costs of labor and materials in the United States, notwithstanding the advances of automation, are just too high in many industries. Further, the tarlff cuts made by countries abroad are in many cases disappointing. In many instanGes where sub'"stantial tariff cuts were made abroad, nontariff barriers such as government subsidles, special taxes, and levies are more of a problem than the tariff. The recent 14.3 per cent devaluation of the British pound will have a greater impact on British trade than any reductions negotiated by Britain in the Kennedy Round. Reaction to this devaluation could vitiate any gains obtained.

An indication of the changed view of the Kennedy Round results was notable ln the House of Representatives on September 28, 1967. The House of Representatives is the traditional place for the little fellow at the grass-roots to make his feelings known. On that day a rather obscure bill-H.R. 478-came to the House floor after a rather rough time getting an O.K. ln the Rules Committee for full House consideration. The bill was sponsored by Congressman Dent (D-Pa.) who as Chalrman of a House Labor Subcommittee had held extensive hearings on the impact of lmports on domestic labor for the past few years. Because of the tenuous jurisdiction of his Subcommittee over matters involving lmports (jurisdiction in this area normally lies in the House Committee on Ways and Means), Congressman Dent tied his legislation to the Fair Labor Standards Act~ Few observers expected the bill to be passed by the House, particularly by an overwhelming margin. But the bill passed the House by the overwhelming margin of 340 to 29!

What does the Dent bill do? The bill amends Section 4(e) of the Fair Labor Standards Act to make it mandatory for the Secretary of Labor to conduct an investigation upon the filing of a complaint by the President, or upon resolution of either House of Congress, or upon application of any employee organization in a domestlc industry, -or upon application of any interested party, or upon his own motion, where it is alleged that lmports are impairing the health, efficiency and general well-being of any group of workers in the U.S. or the economic welfare of the community where the workers are employed.

The Secretary of Labor has four months in which to make his investigation, conduct hearings and issue his public report to the President on whether imports are "causing or substantially contributing to serious lmpairment or threat of impairment to the

health, emciency and general well-being of any group of workers." The problem.- is that the President can ignore any recommendations that the Secretary of Labor makes for relief of domestic industry since the bill provides only that "The President may take such action as he deems appropriate to remove such impairment or threat of lmpa.irment."

On the Senate side, considerable support has developed backing vari-0us quota bills. A bill ( S. 1796) to install quotas ·on textile products introduced by Senator Hollings (D.S.C.) has been co-sponsored by 68 Senators. Hearings on textile lmports commenced on November 13, 1967 before the Tariff Commission. However, it is expected that Senator Hollings, who is up for reelection in 1968, will try to tie his textile quota to the Houseapproved Chinese gooseberry bill now before the Senate, without waiting for the results of the Tariff commission hearings. The Dalry Import Act of 1967, to set quotas on dairy products, introduced by Senator Proxmire (D.-Wisc.) has received the co-sponsorship of the majority of the Senate. Senate Finance Committee Chairman Long has introduced · a bill (S. 2332) imposing a quota on the importation of petroleum with ao co-sponsors. Other quota bills have been introduced with widespread support in the areas of steel, meat, milk, lead, zinc and glass. Numerous slmilar bills are pending in the House of Representatives, expressing the strong sentiment of that body which is the closest to its constituents.

The sentiment was great enough in the Senate that Senator Russell Long put aside the House-passed Social Securlty Bill that the Senate- Finance Committee was considering and scheduled Committee hes.ring on quota bills covering textiles, meat, oil, dairy products and steel on October 18, 19 and 20, 1967. Reports circulated that Senators Long and Dirksen intended to co-sponsor an omnibus quota bill providing four arithmetic criteria under any one of which an industry could qualify for import quotas. Since the Senate cannot initiate tariff legislation (the House Ways and Means committee has that power) , the omnibus quota bill or a.ny quota bill would have to be attached to a House-passed bill. Senator Dirksen (R.-Ill.) entertained thoughts of tying an omnibus' quota bill to the House-passed Social Security legislation. This kind of rider would be questioned in the House, under its stricter rules of germaneness, but not in the Senate. Further, it would tend to make the quota bill veto-proof since the Administration badly wants the Social Security legislation enacted before the 1968 election.

But the Administration counter-attacked strongly, sending Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of Commerce Trowbridge, Secretary of Agriculture Freeman, Secretary of Interior Udall and Ambassador Roth to the opening day of the Senate Finance Committee hearings on October 19, 1967 to protest loudly that quota legislation would touch off harmful retaliation abroad. This has been buttressed by the great number of formal protests to quota bills that have been received by the State Department from countries involved in the GATT negotiations, including the EEC countries, England, Japan, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden.

As a result, the likelihOOd of an omnibus quota bill being tied on to the Social Security bill has been greatly lessened. Nevertheless, the Finance Committee seems determined to press ahead with quota legislation in 1968 when they will be able to attach a quota bill to a major trade or revenue bill which the President cannot afford to veto. Senator Long predicted that the Administration and quota bill advocates will wind up ''closer together next year than most people think." He said

'he has in mind devising a formula imposing . quotas not on the present level of U.S. im-

35996 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 ports but on any sharp increase in the volume.

The Administration argued at the hearings that there was no need for Congress to vote quotas since adjustment assistance, the antidumping law, the countervailing duty and the unfair trade provision of the 1930 Tariff Act are all available for those claiming import injury.

Rep. Thomas Curtis (R.-Mo.) recently proposed that import quota bills be placed before the House Committee on Ways and Means for study and hearings. He expressed doubt whether the Senate Finance Committee was capable of making a study and deliberating on the wide variety of complex issues that confront it in the various trade bills. He alluded to the traditional jurisdiction of the Ways and Means Committee to initiate major trade legislation. Committee Chairman Wilbur Mills (D.-Ark.) has stated that he felt that quota legislation was not necessary and that import controls on textiles, meat and dairy products could be handled administratively or by informal negotiation.

Unfortunately, the adjustment assistance provisions under the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 have proved worthless to embattled domestic industries hard hit by imports. It has proved impossible for any industry to secure tariff adjustments to correct mistakes in judgment made by tariff negotiators in reducing U.S. duties. The dismal record shows that twenty times applicants representing industries, firms or workers have sought adjustment assistance under the Trade Expansion Act--and none got it! This record is so poor that even the Administration concedes a need for revision of adjustment assistance criteria, and proposed Administration legislation is expected to include liberalization of adjustment assistance. However, the Administration trade bill is not expected this year due to problems it would face. These, however, will not just vanish by postponement. The Dent bill is a re:ftection of dismay with the Tariff Commission's performance in this area and an attempt to achieve better results by switching to the Secretary of Labor for action.

Labor-intensive industries such as leather, steel, dairy products, meat, bicycles, textiles and glass have felt the pinch from imports particularly hard. Labor and management have joined hands in efforts to control imports by means of quotas. An example of this can be taken from the recent Senate Finance Committee hearings where John P. Roche testified for the Iron and Steel Institute in support of a steel import quota, and John P. Malony, United Steelworkers Union vice president, gave solid support to the industry's demand for imrort quotas on his testimony by stating "jobs will vanish" unless import quotas are imposed.

A Trade Relations Council of the U.S. study shows that 70% of U.S. manufacturing employment is in labor-intensive industries. Obviously, the job displacement from imports is higher in these industries than it would be for capital-intensive industries. Of these labor-intensive industries, there is a group which supplied more than a million and a half jobs in 1964 where the share of the U.S. market accounted for by imports in 1964 exceeded 5%. In these industries, an absolute decline in employment accompanied the rise in imports.

The quota bills usually provide that imports shall be limited in any year either to a stated quantity maximum, or a percentage figure tied to past U.S. consumption. The bills also provide for increase in these quotas if U.S. consumption increases.

Any industry that is feeling the effects of imports should review its position immediately to ascertain whether action should be taken to seek the imposition of import quo_tas on its product.

The quota has the advantage of offering a

ceiling on imports so that low prices cannot destroy a domestic industry. Without a quota, many industries would face extinction. Congressman Dent has pointed out that it is unfair competition when a domestic industry is forced to compete with a foreign counterpart that is paying wages of 30 cents an hour or less.

The Smith Bill (S. 2476) introduced with 25 Senate co-sponsors on September 27, 1967, seeks to establish more effective criteria for a finding of serious injury to domestic industry as a result of concessions granted under trade agreements, and it also makes it mandatory for the President to implement the :findings of. the Tariff Commission with respect to tariff adjustments if injury is found. This goes further than the Dent bill which was previously discussed in that the President must act rather than having discretion to act or not act.

The Smith Bill sets up definitive injury standards rather than the usual subjective standards embodied in words like "substantial contributing factor," "primary cause," "major" and "serious injury," which are normally found in tariff legislation. First, under the bill, the Tariff Commission is required to find serious injury or threat thereof to the domestic industry when the ratio of imports to domestic production exceeds 10% during the calendar year immediately preceding the initiation of the Tariff Commission investigation. Second, the Tariff Commission ls required to find unemployment or underemployment or threat thereof with respect to workers seeking adjustment assistance when the Commission determines that inorea-sed imports have contributed or are contributing in any substantial degree to a decline amounting to 5% or more in man-hours or wages paid to workers employed by firms concerned.

Recently, the Tariff Commission has eased somewhat its normally harsh stand on dumping cases filed under the Antldumping Act of 1921. These cases arise when foreign goods are sold in the U.S. at less than their fair value in the country of origin. If this determination ls made by the Treasury Department, it is then up to the Tariff Commission to determine whether the domestic industry has been injured.

In this area, as well as others, the Tariff Commission has traditionally taken a strict view of its authority to aid domestic industry by requiring a finding of "material injury" before giving dumping relief to the domestic industry. In a recent case involving cast iron soil pipe from Poland, newly appointed Commissioner Clubb stated his view that the injury requirement of the Antidumping Act is satisfied by a showing of an injury which is more than de minimis. After a careful review and study of the legislative history of the Antldumping Act, he concluded that the injury requirement was included in the law for administrative reasons to prevent setting the governmental machinery in motion in minimal injury cases. The next complainant in a dumping case would be well advised to seek to establish what "de minimis" injury is and argue his case on that basis. In recent cases, the shorthanded (two vacancies-with Stanley Metzger's nomination before the Senate for confirmation as Chairman) Tariff Commission voted 2-2 which provides affirmative relief for domestic industry since a tie vote ls deemed a vote for affirmative relief. This deadlock was broken when Mr. Metzger's nomination was affirmed by the Senate on November 7, 1967. Whether this liberalization will continue depends on who is appointed by President Johnson as the sixth Tariff Commissioner.

A recent little-noticed Tariff Commission decision on eyeglass frames also indicates a possible change in Tariff Commission thinking in the adjustment assistance area. In order to qualify for assistance, the petitioner, under present law, must prove he has

been injured "in major part" by imports and that imports rose "in major part" froin trade concessions. Congress has offered little guidance on how "major part" should be construed. The Commission took the narrow view and decided it meant 51 % or more.

But in the eyeglass report, two Commissioners (Messrs. Clubb and Thunberg) set down a new philosophy. "We feel", they said, "that the overall Congressional intent can best be implemented if, interpreting the term 'in major part', we ask only whether, absent the aggregate of concessions granted since 1934, imports would now be at substantially their present levels." Thus the two Commissioners would ditch the 51 % rule and hold that imports rose "in major part" from trade concessions if trade concessions have contributed substantially to rising imports.

It may be that the Tariff Commission is concerned over the increasing criticism by Congress and industry of its timidity in applying the various relief provisions for domestic industry under the Tariff Acts and the Antidumping Laws and plans a more liberal view in future cases. We will have to wait and see on this point.

In any event, it is clear that the Kennedy Round results have caused a lot of people to have second thoughts about the advantages that have accrued to the U.S. The basic problem remains, particularly in labor-intensive industries, that U.S. industry cannot compete with foreign producers because of the diff erentiaZ in wages paid in the U .s. over those paid abroad. We can't pay high wages in this country and at the same time let unlimited imports come in from low wage countries which directly compete with American products. In many respects, the concept of reciprocity is illusory since many of our domestic products cannot compete abroad whether there is a tariff there or not because of the differential in wages paid.

No American worker wants to take a cut in pay so that his employer can compete abroad and against imports coming into the U.S. Thus, the only solution appears to be selective limitations on imports where laborintensive industries are being injured by imports.

The Dent and Smith bills, the various quota bills, the proposed Dirksen-Long bill, and the recent changes in attitude at the Tariff Commission signal a swing of the pendulum back from free trade without assistance to domestic industry to some middle ground with selective relief in the form of quotas and/or adjustment assistance for embattled domestic industries. It is expected that this trend will continue and be manifested in trade legislation that the Congress passes. It will be an interesting session for industries that prepare their cases and present them properly. Already groups on both sides are organizing for battle.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT BONDS

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New York [Mr. GILBERT] may extend his remarks ait this Point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. GILBERT. Mr. Speaker, a few

months ago I cospansored, with several other Members, a bill to provide that industrial development bonds are not to be considered obligations of States and local governments, the interest on which is exempt from Federal income tax. As it was Introduced, the bill would apply to bonds issued after December 31, 1967. Due to the fact we are now approaching


this date, and it is doubted if the taxing of interest could be made retroactive on any obligation which was tax exempt when issued, I have reintroduced this proposal, substituting the date of enactment as the effective date, instead of December 31, 1967. The new bill, H.R. 14372, introduced on December 11, 1967, was cosponsored with me by my colleagues, JOSEPH P. ADDABBO and JOHN M. MURPHY, of New York, and ROBERT N. Nix, of Pennsylvania.

Mr. Speaker, we should correct this tax abuse as soon as possible. I believe this is a tax loophole which should be closed, and I am of the opinion the change in the effective date will enhance the changes of enactment of this legislation. The use of industrial development bonds and other related abuses of the tax-exempt borrowing privilege extended to our State and local governments is a source of major concern to everyone interested in State and local government financing and to all of us interested in the integrity of our Federal taxing system. Exempting the interest in such cases clearly amounts to a Federal subsidy to private industry. The full benefit to private industry is at the direct expense of the Federal Government.

I call the attention of the House to H.R. 14373, which follows:

H.R. 14372 A bill to amend the Internal Revenue Code

of 1954 to provide that industrial development bonds are not to be considered obligations of States and local governments, the interest on which is exempt from Federal income tax Be it enacted by the Senate and House of

Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That (a) section 103 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 (relating to interest on certain governmental obligations) is amended by relettering subsection (c) as subsection (d) and inserting after subsection (b) the following new subsection:

" ( C) INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT BONDS.-" ( 1) SUBSECTION ca> Cl> NOT TO APPLY.

Any industrial development bond (as defined in paragraph (2)) issued after the date of enactment of this paragraph shall not be considered an obligation described in subsection (a) (1).

"(2) INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT BOND DEFINED.-

.. (A) IN GENERAL.-For purposes of this subsection, the term 'industrial development bond' means an obligation the payment of the principal or interest on which is--

"(i) secured in whole or in part by a lien, mortgage, pledge, or other security interest in property of a character subject to the allowance for depreciation, or

" ( 11) secured in whole or in part by an interest in (or to be derived primarily from) payments to be made in respect of money or property of a character subject to the allowance for depreciation. which ls or will be used, under a lease, sale, or loan arrangement, for industrial or commercial purposes.

"(B) ExcEPTIONS.-For purposes of subparagraph (A), property shall not be treated as used for industrial or commercial purposes if it is used-

"(i) to provide entertainment (including sporting events) or recreational faclllties for the general public;

"(11) to provide facll1ties for the holding of a convention, trade show, or similar event;

"(iii) as an airport, dock, wharf, or similar transportation facility;

"(iv) in the furnishing or sale of electric energy, gas, water, or sewage disposal services; or

"(v) in an active trade or business owned and operated by an organization described in subsection (a) (1).

"(3) ExcEPTION.-Paragraph (1) shall not apply to any obligation issued before January 1, 1969, for a project assisted by the United States under title I of the Housing Act of 1949 (42 U.S.C. 1450 and following, relating to slum clearance and urban renewal) or under title I or title II of the Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 (42 U.S.C. 3131 and following)."

(b) Section 102(g) of the Housing Act of 1949, as amended (42 U.S.C. 1452 (g)), is amended to read as follows:

"(g) Obligations, including interest thereon, other the industrial development bonds (within the meaning of section 103(c) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954), issued by local public agencies for projects assisted pursuant to this title, and income derived by such agencies from such projects, shall be exempt from all taxation now or hereafter imposed by the United States."

(c) The amendment made by subsection (a) shall apply with respect to taxable years ending after the date of the enactment of this Act.

FffiST PRIORITY-ADEQUATE AID TO THE POOR

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from California [Mr. CoHELAN] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, I have

long and consistently held that a national commitment to our poor must be accorded utmost priority. Therefore, I was heartened by a recent action of the Berkeley, Calif., City Council in adopting a resolution urging full attention to the "accumulated and festering needs of our poor."

It seems to me that this action reflects not only the feeling in Berkeley but a nationwide concern. For this reason I wish to draw our colleagues' attention to this thoughtful action on the part of the Berkeley City Council.

Mr. Speaker, I insert at this point the resolution:

RESOLUTION No. 42, 168-N.S. Resolution urging the President and Con

gress to give first prior1'ty to solution of needs and problems of cities and the poor Be it resolved by the Council of the City

of Berkeley as follows: Whereas, recent events in many of the

large urban centers of our nation have dramatically drawn attention to the plight of the poor in this country; and

Whereas, there is a clear need to establish priorities for a greater moral and financial commitment to alleviate the underlying causes of the problems of the poor; and

Whereas, the cost of programs which are aimed at the solution of the problems facing cities and the poor is so great that their funding must come in large part from the federal government.

Now, therefore, Be ft Resolved that the City Council of the City of Berkeley hereby calls upon the President and Congress of the United States, in further recognition of their responsibilities toward the people of the country, to give first priority to the solution

of accumulated and festering needs of the poor and of the cities by appropriating all of the funds necessary for the alleviation and solution of these problems.

HEARINGS ON LEGISLATION TO EFFECT NECESSARY SAFETY STANDARDS FOR NATURAL GAS PIPELINES Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. ROONEY] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania. Mr.

Speaker, last week the Communications and Power Subcommittee of the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee began hearings on significant new legislation which I am sure will grow in interest with all the Members of this body during the next several months. I refer, of course, to the administration proposal to effect necessary safety standards for natural gas pipelines which literally web our urban and suburban communities within this country.

Last week's 1-day hearing is just the beginning and I am sure our distinguished chairman and the other interested Members of the House will continue to work for early action on this all-important measure in the next session. In as much as further hearings will have to wait until next year and as a matter of information for those who have not yet begun to look into this critical subject I should like to have inserted in the RECORD the very excellent statement of Hon. Alan S. Boyd, Secretary of Transportation, at last week's hearing. In this connection it should be noted that the Senate has already unanimously passed a measure which could call for the administration of this program by the Department of Transportation and thus far over 20 similar bills have been introduced by Members of the House.

The statement referred to follows: STATEMENT OF ALAN S. BOYD, SECRETARY OF

TRANSPORTATION, BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON COMMUNICATIONS AND POWER OF THE INTERSTATE AND F'oREIGN COMMERCE COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON S. 1166, H.R .. 6551, H .R. 13936, AND RELATED BILLS, DECEMBER 6, 1967 Mr. Chairman, members of the commit-

tee, I am pleased to have the opportunity this morning to present the views of the Department of Transportation on legislation which is designed to enhance the safe operation of the thousands of miles of pipelines which transport natural and other flammable gases, and nonflammable hazardous gases to all corners of the Nation. It ls our belief that the American public deserves the kind of protection contemplated by such legislation and that action shoµld be taken by this Congress to . create Federal authority to establish the necessary safety standards.

In his message of February 16, 1967, on protection of the American consumer, President Johnson called for legislation to reduce the potential hazards of gas pipeline failures. To this end, S. 1166 was introduced in the Senate on March 3, 1967. As you know, the bills which you are now considering differ

35998 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 in many particulars from S. 1166 as it was originally introduced. s. 1166 as passed by the Senate is a good b111 .. However, we believe it can be substantially improved and my primary purpose here today is to suggest the improvements I believe necessary.

You are aware, I know, that the legislation creating the Department of Transportation centered in one body for the first time Federal regulatory authority over the safety of virtually every mode of transportation.

This consolidation came at a time in which . the health, safety, and well-being Of the individual citizen, in the most abundant society in the world, is a major goal. Because transportation is synonymous with mobility, the only practicable bases on which to predicate safety regulation in this field is through Federal regulation. Authority now exists in the Department of Transportation to significantly improve the public safety as it is affected by transportation by private auto, bus, truck, railroad train, airplane, ship, and pipelines which carry products other than gas and water. It is apparent that the only significant mode of transportation which is presently beyond the reach of effective, comprehensive safety regulation is the transportation of gases by pipeline. The anomaly of this exception is more evident when we realize that the Department of Transportation now ·exercises safety regulation over flammable and other hazardous gases moving other than by pipeline and over pipeline movements of many commodities, including petroleum.

The concept of regulation of transportation safety on a national basis is threequarters of a century old and dates from the first Federal railroad safety appliance act late in the nineteenth century. While we are convinced that the safety record in the gas industry has been a relatively good one, there

· are a number of reasons why this industry should be included among the modes of transportation subject to effective, uniform and comprehensive safety regulation.

There ·are now over 800,000 miles of gas pipeline in the United States including approximately 63,000 miles of gathering lines, 224,000 miles of transmission lines, and 536,000 miles of distribution lines. These lines range in diameter from less than 1 inch to 42 inches with 48-inch lines under consideration. They vary in condition from old, unprotected lines to new, well-protected lines. They differ in function from low-pressure distribution lines operated at one-fourth pounds per square inch to high-pressure transmission lines operated at 1,300 pounds per square inch, which is equivalent to a force of over 93 tons pushing against the pipeline wall over every square foot. Thus, any failure of a pipe may cause large amounts of gas to be released to the atmosphere in a relatively short period of time. Any gas thus escaping which is mixed with air may ignite; the area affected can be very large depending on such variables as the gas pressure, size of the pipe and the size of the break. When it burns, the gas can reach temperatures up to 2,500° F.

In addition to such factors as the diameter and pressUI·e of the pipe, population density has an important bearing on the potential dangers associated with a pipeline failure. As our cities and towns expand, the problem of population density near transmission, distribution and gathering lines grows more acute, since much of this pipe was laid to specifications designed for unpopulated areas. The danger and extent of injury or death is patently greater in the more densely populated areas.

Still another factor contributing to the risk of pipeline failure a:r:.d the danger of death or injury is the age of some of the pipeline throughout the country. This is not because age in itself causes deterioration of the pipe, but because older pipe was not designed, constructed, or protected as

well from the effects of corrosion and other deterioration as is newer pipe.

A study made by the Federal Power Commission and released in .\pril 1966 deals with the safety of the 150,000 miles of transmission lines under the Commission's jurisdiction. The companies reported 64 deaths and 225 serious injuries between January 1950 and August 1965, as a result of transmission system failures. In addition, they reported around 1,200 operational failures, or about one every five days. Roughly the same number of failures during testing were also reported. In most cases the gas which escaped as a result of these failures did not ignite. The danger of injury and death is not as great in the case of these transmission lines which are often located away from areas of population density. When a transmission line failure occurs in a populated locale and ignition follows, the resulting explosion can be highly destructive. For example, the rupture and explosion at Natchitoches, Louisiana, in March 1965 gutted a 13-acre area, k1lled 17 people, burned five houses and melted cars and rocks in the vicinity.

Problems of the distribution lines are more complicated. Distribution systems have been in existence for many years and much of the original pipe is still in use even though it is now 30 or 40 years old. In some instances, it may be twice as old as that. There is no readily available information concerning past accidents in distribution systems as there is with transmission pipelines. However, in the first few months of this year, there were several major accidents in distribution systems. On January 13, there was a fl.re which engulfed an area equivalent to an entire block in Queens, Long Island, in which seven people were injured and 19 fammes left homeless. On February 19, there was an explosion in a rehearsal hall in South Milwaukee, Wisconsin, where 250 people had been located just 20 minutes prior to the explosion, 14 people were injured. Simple chance and the heroic action of the police prevented loss of life in both these incidents.

On February 27, in Hastings, New York, one person was killed and 15 injured and 35 families left homeless. On March 14, a crack in a main located in Logansport, Indiana, caused a blow-up leaving eight injured. Another recent accident occurred in Fort Worth, Texas, where a gas main failed during a test, resulting in a blow-up in which 12 were injured. The most recent incident of which we are aware occurred less than a month ago, on November 11, in St. Louis. Fortunately, the office building, which reportedly was leveled, was unoccupied since the blast occurred at night. However, records and documents were destroyed and two passersby were slightly injured.

How many major accidents have occurred in past years and how many minor ones this year is pure conjecture, but this emphasizes the need for safety jurisdiction over distribution lines to help prevent accidents of the type I have related.

I would like to make clear at this point that my statement is not an indictment of the natural gas industry. On the contrary, its record is good. For almost two decades the industry has supported a self-regulating safety unit now known as the United States of America Standards Institute-B31.8 Code Committee. The group developing these particular standards is comprised of technicians from the gas industry, allied supply industries, along with representatives from the academic profession and from government. This group has sought to insure the adaptation of technological advances to the transporation of natural gas.

I believe that they have performed a meritorious and public spirited task over these past years. A counterpart in other industries

is difficult to find. Few industries have devoted the time and attention to safety procedures as has this one.

Yet pipeline transportation of the com, modity in which this industry deals is an · inherently dangerous one. The examples of pipeline accidents which I described to you a few moments ago gives us some idea of the magnitude of the destruction which results from such accidents. The steadily and r.apidly increasing use of gas as a power source and the increasing population densities where gas is used presents, in my judgment, a compe111ng and convincing case for assuring that additional measures to protect the public are taken. Clear authority to establish comprehensive safety standards must be enacted; we believe that the exercise of such authority by the Federal Government will assure 'the best framework within which the standards can be developed and implemented.

For I do not believe that we can provide such protection through the enactment of the present Code. I have attached to my statement a list of some of the major areas where the Code would not provide the kind of protection which we believe is essential.

Let me cite what I consider to be a major shortcoming of the Code-it does not provide for a systematic testing or evaluation of pipe already in the ground. Only some pipe whose operating capacity will be upgraded is subjected to such testing. Yet we know tha.t there are new techniques for testing and evaluating which can in some instances provide far greater assurance that existing pipe does not constitute a threat to the life and health of those who may be exposed to it.

Let me make one thing clear at this point. At the same time, however, much of the Code and the expertise and experience which produced it will be of great usefulness in developing the regulations whiQh would be issued by the Secretary of Transportation. I am particularly referring to those portions of the Code related to design, construction and installation of pipe and the welding processes by which it is connected.

It is my assumption that the industry membership of the advisory committee called for in this biU will be heavily comprised of the present membership of the Code committee or others with similar experience.

The b111s, S. 1166 and H.R. 13936, would authorize the Secretary of Transportation to establish minimum Federal safety standards applicable to gas transportation and pipeline fac111ties. These standards would apply to companies engaged in activities in and affecting interstate or foreign commerce and would extend to design, installation, inspection, testing, construction, extension, operation, replacement, and maintenance. The intended reach of the bill would be to all gathering, transmission, and distribution operations in the Nation.

The facilities and activities subject to regulation would be those relating to natural gas, other :flammable gases, and nonflammable hazardous gases. The history of S. 1166 in the Senate is not clear on the question of what is meant by nonflammable hazardous gases. It would be our interpretation that this is intended to cover toxic and corrosive gases, chlorine, for example (whether or not these gases are currently moving by pipeline) , but not such things as steam, which is often carried by pipe in intra-urban situations to heat large office buildings.

Under the procedures set up in either b111, the Secretary would follow the rule-making procedures of the Administrative Procedure Act in developing the standards. While S. 1166, and presumably H.R. 13936, does not contemplate evidentiary hearings, the bills provide that interested persons will have the opportunity to present arguments orally and through witnesses.

There is a limited Federal preemption contained in each bill extending to those trans-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 35999 mission ·lines which are regulated for economic purposes by the Federal Power Commission. Otherwise, the States are free to exercise their particular knowledge of the needs of their citizens by establishing additional or more stringent standards, provided they are not inconsistent with the · Federal minimum standards.

In fact, both bills provide for a very significant role for the States in the development, adoption and enforcement of safety standards. The bills contemplate that the States would enter into agreements with the Secretary under which each State would undertake to adopt the Federal minimum standards as its own; be willing and able to impose the same sanctions for violations as would the Federal Government; adopt a program designed to assure compliance; and cooperate in a system of Federal monitoring. The State executing and implementing such an agreement would be exempt from the Federal standards.

Even if a State is unable to give all of the assurances which I have described, it may nevertheless enter into an agreement whereby it agrees to undertake certain compliance activities on behalf of the Secretary, agreeing to notify him promptly of any violations which it might uncover. The Secretary, in recognition of the significant contribution that the States will be making under these agreements would be authorized, out of appropriated funds, to make grants of up to one-half of the cost of the programs undertaken by the States.

Any such agreement with a State could be terminated by the Secretary if, after notice and opportunity for hearing, he finds that the State has failed to comply with any provision of the agreement.

To provide the Secretary with additional expert counsel on his proposed safety standards, both bills authorize the creation of a technical pipeline safety standards committee. Composed of experts representing the various interested segments of the population the committee would offer a knowledgeable body to consult with the Secretary on technical matters. Quite properly the role of this group is restricted to commenting on technical feasibility of proposed standards and their conclusions are not binding on the Secretary. In the final analysis, it is the Secretary who bears the responsibility for establishing sound and workable safety standards.

There are several deficiencies in S. 1166 about which I would like to comment. S. 1166, as passed by the Senate, does not contain criminal sanctions. It does provide for injunction and civil penalties. I think you gentlemen are familiar with the arguments for the proposition that civil penalties and injunctive relief alone provide adequate deterrents to violation of a statute,

I do not share that view. I believe the life, health, and safety of millions of Americans cannot be willfully and knowingly jeopardized by a violation of these standards by an unconscionable few. I believe there must be criminal penalties in this measure as an added deterrent to those few who may knowingly and willfully violate conditions of this Act.

Let me make it clear that no one in this Administration is seeking to cast a stigma on the thousands of men and women who manage and who are employed in the gas industry. But every large class of individuals contains a few who are willing to take shortcuts, even though this can result in serious injury or death. I believe that criminal penalties can provide far greater protection against such individuals.

What may be called a partial exemption from retroactive application of standards is contained in S. 1166; there is no similar provision in H.R. 13936. This provision relates to the fears expressed by the industry that it might be forced to bear the expense

of replacing large quantities of existing pipeline for no reason other than that they do not comply with a subsequently enacted standard, irrespective of whether the pipe is sound and safe. This fear is necessarily based on an assumption that the Department would · or could implement this legislation in an impetuous or unreasonable fashion. I think it is entirely unreasonable to assume that any Secretary of Transportation would act to require the industry to expend great sums of money without reference to whether such actions would improve safety.

I believe that this section of S. 1166 is unnecessary. I believe that the Bill contains adequate restraints on the authority of the Secretary in establishing standards. The Bill specified that his standards must be "practicable and designed to meet the needs for pipeline safety."

The Act also imposes on the Secretary the obligation to consider the following criteria;

(1) relevant available pipeline safety data; (2) whether such standards are appro

priate for the particular type of pipeline transportation;

(3) the reasonableness of any proposed standards; and

(4) the extent to which such standards will contribute to public safety.

In addition the Secretary will be bound by all procedural requirements of the Adminstrative Procedure Act. He will have the advice and recommendations of the Technical Advisory Committee in which two-thirds of the membership will represent the public. Finally, every standard issued by the Secretary, whether prospective or retroactive is subject to judicial review.

For these reasons I would urge that this provision in Section 3(b) be stricken from s. 1166.

There are two aspects' of the administration of both s. 1166 and H.R. 13936 which are, in our judgment, in need of improvement. I indicate elsewhere in this statement that the Technical Advisory Committee will serve a useful role in administering pipeline safety under this law However, I consider the requirement that the Secretary must publish his reasons for any rejection of a Committee recommendation to be an unreasonable administrative burden. I am not aware of any other similar situation imposing this burden on a Federal safety administrator. Such justification is not required in relation to the work of the advisory committees under either the Traffic or Highway Safety Acts which we administer. The recently passed flammable fabrics admendments do not impose this burden on the administrator and I am unaware of anything requiring a unique treatment of the recommendations of the pipeline safety advisory committee envisioned by this bill.

In my opinion, it is important for any statute which creates grants-in-aid to States for public safety activities to contain a provision requiring maintenance of a minimum level of financial effort from state sources. In other words, we want to obviate any possibility that a State will substitute the Federal grant funds for state funds it may have been spending on establishing and enforcing pipeline safety. We want to foster an expanding effort; the bill should provide, as a prerequ isite to receiving a grant, that a state's financial effort may not fall below its previous expendjtures. I shall furnish the Committee with language to accomplish this.

In summary I believe that, among the bills before you, S. 1166 is a preferable item with the following amendments:

1. Striking of that section which requires Secretarial publication of his reason for rejecting a recommendation of the Technical Advisory Committee.

2. Language which would clarify that the grants-in-aid provided to the states could not be substituted for funds already being spent

by the states for the establishment and enforcement of gas pipeline safety regulations.

3. Inclusion of criminal sanctions in addition to the civil penalties and injunctions now in the bill.

4. Remov'al of the partial exemption from retroactive application of standards.

I urge that this committee take prompt action to report this bill to the House of Representatives. The need for authority to establish Federal gas pipeline safety standards is clear. You have before you the vehicle by which to authorize the establishment of such standards in a fair, informed and effective manner which will be another step toward the ultimate goal of providing Americans with the safest possible transportation system.

GAINS IN WAR ON POVERTY Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. ROONEY] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi? .

Thete was no objection. Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania. Mr.

Speaker, during the months we in Con'." gress have debated, attacked, investigated, defended, and sometimes procrastinated about the war on poverty being waged by the Office of Economic Opportunity, communities such as those in my congressional district have been at work setting up their antipoverty organization and declaring their "war."

As we prepare now for the final vote on a conference report to continue funding of the programs administered by the Office of Economic Opportunity, I would like to invite the attention of my colleagues to several articles published by newspapers in my congressional district. These articles deal with the nonsensational -aspects of the poverty war-the day-to-day efforts of a great many citizens to help the less fortunate members of our communities.

A two-part series which I would like to insert in the RECORD was published by the Sunday Call-Chronicle newspaper, Allentown, Pa. It describes what already has been accomplished and what plans are being made for further accomplishment in the Lehigh Valley war on poverty.

I also wish to call to my colleagues' attention an editorial which appeared in the Bethlehem, Pa., Globe-Times newspaper which focuses on the plan to give local governments a greater role in poverty program planning.

The articles and editorial follow: [From the Allentown (Pa.) Call-Chronicle,

Dec. 3, 1967) GAINS MADE IN ANTIPOVERTY EFFORT IN AREA

(EDITOR'S NOTE.-This is the first of two looks at what has been accomplished and what is ready for accomplishment in the antipoverty program in the Lehigh Valley as 1967 draws to a close.)

(By Albert Hofammann) Is anything going on in the antipoverty

. program in the Lehigh Valley? While Congress is asking questions about

. the money involved nationally, Lehigh· Valley residents may well be wondering what

36000 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 part, 1f any, of that money is coming here and what, if anything, is being done with it.

Said Dr. Charles E. Chaffee, director of the Lehigh Valley Citizens Action CouncU, the agency set up for the antipoverty campaign in Lehigh and Northampton counties:

"In the last 12 months we have brought in about $250,000 in federal money for only $25,000 in local money or 'in kind' contributions like office space, volunteer workers and soon."

The major accomplishments so far have been in the Head Start education project and in the neighborhood center idea. Daycare centers and a retraining program for jobs which currently need personnel are principal programs due soon. A neighborhood youth corps idea which did get started in 1966 has more or less disappeared locally.

Why doesn't the public know more about what the Office of Economic Opportunity (the · correct name for the antipoverty program) is doing in Allen town, Bethlehem, Easton and elsewhere in the area? The answer, according to Dr. Chaffee, who, incidentally, will be leaving the antipoverty job as of Feb. 1 to go into consultant work for school districts, is:

"We haven't really sought publlcity because we didn't have much to promote for a while except visions and ideas. We believed people would get tired of reading about plans, that they would want to know what has actually been accomplished and what is at least begun. Now we have something a person can get his teeth into."

EDUCATION FIRST The Head Start program was among the

first projects to get off the ground. Four school districts in Lehigh and Northampton counties participated in summer sessions in this program for "disadvantaged" preschool children. The sessions were in the Northampton, WUson, Easton and Allentown districts. These districts and others like Salisbury Township, Bethlehem, East Penn and Whitehall-Coplay also are involved in ElementarySecondary Act proposals for such specific goals as remedial reading, communication skllls improvement, prevention of dropouts and so on. (Allentown is no longer involved in the Head Start project as such, however.)

Here is a point at which confusion is likely to make the average citizen give up on trying to find out what the OEO is doing. Anyone becoming involved in governmental red tape wlll get headaches in deciphering who has responsibility for exacitly what and Who pays what money for which project. Anyway, more than $500,000 worth of ElementarySecondary Act proposals is going on right now in the two counties, Chaffee noted.

NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS Another aspect of the Lehigh Valley prog

ress in the antipoverty fight is the neighborhood center. Since Oct. 1 five of these centers have been operating with full staff. Three are in Allentown, one 1n Bethlehem and one in Easton. The idea of the center is to develop interest in the community and to organize neighborhoods into doing something about such problems as jobs, household economies, housing and area improvement. To help all the neighborhood centers, each of which has a board of directors consisting of at least a third membership from the immediate neighborhood of the center, a fulltime family counselor and a fulltime youth worker have been available for the past month or so through the LVAC headquarters at 520 E. Broad St., Bethlehem.

Dr. Chaffee, who became the fulltime LVAC director in December 1966 after he had retired from his job as superintendent of the Bethlehem School District, said he is convinced the five centers now set up "hit" the major low-income areas in the two counties with one exception. The exception is the Marvine Vlllage-Pembroke-Clear:fleld-F'airmont section of Bethlehem. "Target workers are at work there now," Dr. Chaffee said, "and

we hope to get that center operating before too long.'°

IMMEDIATE PLANS Is there anything else in the works for the

immediate future? The LVAC director says several things are just about ready but only two are of major moment at this point. "We must consolidate, and get functioning what we do have ready and get local agencies more involved in helping present projects."

The first upcoming development will probably be day care centers for Allentown and Easton. Applications for these centers have been fl.led in Washington, where the word, according to Dr. Chaffee, is that they were favorably received. "All we need to get going is the actual finding."

The other project expected in the near future is a "new careers" program which two LVAC staff workers, R. Wakefield Roberts and Willlam Meis, are developing With the assistance of area hospitals and police departments. The LVAC believes hospitals and police departments are in the greatest need of personnel at the moment; the "new careers" program would train prospective policemen and nurses aids or other hospital workers in a full year's program. Further education may be required, of course, and thus an institution like the Lehigh County Community College might play an important role.

Here again is the bureaucratic puzzle of who will do just what. The career idea is an OEO sponsorship and coordination but its funds are "Manpower" funds from the department of labor.

START IS MADE Thus when one asks what the antipoverty

program is accomplishing in the Lehigh Valley, the answer is not always a clear-cut single one. As far as Lehigh and Northamp.;. ton counties are concerned at least the show is on the road.

That's something in itself. The antipoverty program in the valley had a somewhat frustrating start. It should have got under way in the spring of 1966 and there was more than a little concern that the deal would never be handed out to the players. Federal funds were delayed and the Lehigh Valley Community Council kept cutting the deck through the trying times of 1966. As a matter of fact there had been long months of shuffiing the cards by the federal government about organization before the play got as far as the money pot.

When Dr. Chaffee became the director in January, he had a problem of considerable complexity, including work on a mandated survey of community needs in the Lehigh Valley. That 100-page study was completed in September. It and the situation in the Carbon County-Panther Valley area will be discussed next Sunday in the concluding article on the antipoverty scene in the Lehigh Valley.

[From the Allentown (Pa.) Call-Chronicle, Dec. 10, 1967)

WHAT'S BEING DONE?-EIGHTH OF VALLEY LIVES IN POVERTY

(EDITOR'S NOTE-This is the second of two articles on the antipoverty program's purpose and accomplishments in the Lehigh Valley.)

(By Albert Hofammann) Who are the poor in the Lehigh Valley? This is a question workers in the antipov

erty program answer with a rule of thum~ fammes with annual incomes below $3,000.

These persons are the unemployed, the aged living on pensions and social security checks, recipients of public assistance and those who are employed but who do not earn enough money to live without deprivation.

The estimate 1s that about an eighth of the Lehigh Valley families lives in poverty and a fifth has inadequate income. In other words, if all the poor of the valley were placed in one spot, they would populate a city larger

than Easton, the third largest city in the area.

To carry out the antipoverty program in the valley at least two major organizations are at work. The Community Action Committee of the Lehigh Valley, headquartered in Bethlehem, is in charge of the efforts in Lehigh and Northampton counties. The Carbon County Action Committee for Human Services is the group for residents of the Lehighton-Panther Valley area.

OVERALL PURPOSE The general purpose of both committees ls

to stimulate municipalities and local agencies to do more on their own-without federal aid-to meet the needs of the poor. As the Rev. John D. Ickes, Allentown, coordinator of neighborhood centers for the Community Acion Committee of the Lehigh Valley, said, "Through what we are doing we hope local business industry and all types of agencies including churches Will recognize the need and play an increasingly active role."

As examples Rev. Ickes noted one Allentown neighborhood center 1s supported financially by the Penn-Northeast Conference of the United Church of Christ and that in Easton the city provides the center's building and pays such operating expenses as heat.

So far in the local antipoverty programwhlch the director of the Lehigh Valley CAC, Dr. Charles E. Chaffee, summarized in last Sunday's story as primarily the Head Start education project and the neighborhood center idea--the local area must raise 10 per cent of the money received from the federal funds for the approved projects. Thus the Lehigh Valley group has brought in about $250,000 in anti-poverty money for local contributions of $25,000 in money or "in kind."

CARBON COUNTY PROGRESS In Carbon County, m.eanwhile, a Head

Start project, which began in July and is scheduled to end Feb. 9, is being financed through a $25,981 federal grant and $8,058 in local contributions.

The Head Start project has been the major emphasis on antipoverty in the Panther Valley. The current 9-month program ts the third of its kind. It involves 30 children in the Panther Valley School District under the coordination of Kenneth ·Forest.

The Carbon County Action Committee has also sponsored a neighborhood youth program for 22 young persons and it is awaiting funding for an in-school program which will involve 70 youths. The budget for this Neighborhood Youth Corps project has been approved and it was scheduled to begin on Dec. 1-had funds arrived. Each of the young persons to be connected with this project will work 10 hours a week during school hours for non-profit organizations.

Like Dr. Chaffee the director of the Carbon County committee, Kay Sliarpe, notes several plans on the drawing board. Dr. Chaffee said day-care centers and a job retraining program are the principal patterns for the immediate future. In Carbon County the major items are four day-care centers, a home-help service program, a countywide beautification project and a 4-year Head Start application.

TWO AREAS Whereas the Carbon County emphasis

seems to be on education, the Lehigh-Northampton County combination seems to be centering its first steps on the neighborhOOd center idea.

One of the problems of the poor and the deprived, of course, is lack of education. A high school education is usually considered minimum training for today's job market. The median years of schooling, however, in Allentown are put in the recently completed survey of community needs by the LVCAC as only 9.9. The figure for Bethlehem is 10.5 and for Easton, 9.6.

A significant number of young persons continues to drop out of school in the valley.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 36001 The Head Start program through its attempts to fill in a cultural background for "disadvantaged" preschool children may have a long range effect of preventing dropouts in later years of education.

The neighborhood center is an approach to fighting poverty at the neighborhood level. It can provide health services, family counseling, employment information, consumer education and recreational fac111ties. It seeks to organize residents of a neighborhood into a unit which can resolve problems through group action.

Target areas for the antipoverty program are those which have the highest concentration of poor, the most unsound housing, the highest unemployment rate and the lowest educational levels. The poor today, according to the workers in the antipoverty program, have problems different from those of the poor of the past. They face unemployment because of increased automation. They need more education,, therefore, to scope with modern job demands---or retraining for a new job.

WORK CONTINUES

These are the things which the valley action committees have been working on and will continue to concentrate upon. As noted in the first article there were problems in setting up the local programs and funding projects which are approved slows down the attack even today.

The old saying that God helps those who help themselves seems applicable to the development of aid under the Office of Economic Opportunity. The action committees want local municipalities and agencies to realize much must be done by the valley itself, that the federal funds are only a catalyst to get things going. After all, before long the local units will have to raise 20 per cent of whatever money is obtained from the federal government and eventually the percentage (in money or "in kind" materials and services) is expected to reach 50.

Meanwhile men like Dr. Chaffee and Rev. Ickes-assisted by such neighborhood directors as Jesse E. Lovell in Easton, Arthur Solomon in Bethlehem and George Yoder in Allentown and others-a.re looking a.head to firming up the progress already made and planning new areas of work. In Cal'bon County Miss Sharpe and her staff, including neighborhood aides Mrs. Justine Kopunek and Charles Englehart are continuing surveys and waiting approval of some projects and funding of others.

[From the · Bethlehem (Pa.) Globe Times, Dec. 8, 1967)

CRIPPLED POVERTY PROGRAM The decision to. shift major control of.

O.E.O. anti-poverty funds and programs to local public officials and away from Community Action Committees will be a catastrophe for the program in places like Mississippi and could have serious effects on the program in the Lehigh Valley.

Dr. Charles Chaffee, outgoing executive director of the Lehigh Valley Community Action Committee, is of the opinion that the county commissioners of Lehigh and Northampton Counties wm probably see flt to let the Lehigh Valley CAC carry on its work without substantial change. However, that will be a very unlikely decision in many other areas.

In Mississippi this decision, if imple-. mented, wm mean the virtual elimination of programs not under the control of friends of people like Senators Eastland and Stennis. Here it means the target area people will have the right to exercise some control over the programs designed for their benefit only by the permission of the local authorities.

Target area persons of all races, religions · and national origins have worked with others from the community to get the various neighborhood associations off the ground.

CXIII--2267-Part 26

According to Dr. Chaffee, it would be disastrous to pull the rug out from under the program at this time.

Yet, the ease with which the antipoverty bill passed the Senate and the House was, without question, the result of a concession traded to the Southerners. The price is high in terms of crippling amendments.

We hope that the local authorities in our city and in the Valley will not act to diminish the control that the poor have over programs designed for their benefit. Nowhere else do the poor have such an immediate responsibility in directing and judging these programs.

Local officials and other agencies should be secure enough in their own positions not to be threatened by the grass roots democracy involved in the OEO program.

STOKELY CARMICHAEL Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

ask unanimous consent to e~end my remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER PTO tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

noted with a great deal of regret that Stokely Carmichael has returned to the United States. This man who had for months urged violence and destruction in his speeches in this country increased his vicious attack on the ofiicials of our Government and our democratic society during his 5 months of travel throughout the world.

He consorted with the Communists in Cuba and North Vietnam and added to and supported their cause by his outrageous remarks against the United States. Now, he returns to resume his work of hate and revolution.

What action has been taken in regard to this man and his actions? The State Department has seized his passport and proposed legislation to prevent such unauthorized travel to such countries as Communist China, Cuba, North Korea, Syria, and North Vietnam in the future. This is fine and good as far as it goes, however, legislation was introduced to this effect by me and other-Congressmen in August of this year.

My question and the question of everi law-abiding citizen in this country is what is going to be done in addition to revoking Carmichael's passport. What action is the Justice Department going to take under the sedition laws of our country?

Congressmen, including myself, have pleaded with the Department of Justice as early as August to prepare to prosecute Carmichael under the sedition laws, however at the time of his arrival yesterday, their only response was that the matter was under study.

The time has come for action. Carmichael's violation of the law is flagrant and the sedition laws are applicable. The conscience of our people and country demand action now.

SENSITIVITY TRAINING-THE BRAIN BENDERS

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask una.nimous consent that the gentle-

man from Louisiana [Mr. RARICK] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro temPore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. RARICK. Mr. Speaker, the at

tacks and persistent efforts of a minority to bring about a guided overthrow in correct thinking and social behavior continues.

Many ask why under freedom of speech, if a person states his views and opinions he is seldom, if ever, answered-but usually attacked personally or by verbiage. ·

And now the "brain benders," who are prepared to change change itself have a new gimmick identified by many names-it is currently called sensitivity training. Few have become concerned enough to question why and investigate what is going on. The dangers posed by sensitivity training are immeasurableits effects can ·be more damaging than LSD. Th·ose innocently being duped do not yet understand they are not erasillg "hate"-they are destroying individual freedom by change manipulations instigated by Pavlov, "the brain bender," of Communist Russia, the true hate of individual liberty in a nonconforming free society.

Those who submit to sensitivity training cannot win-they do not even hold the odds of Russian roulette.

An authoritative analysis of "sensitivity training" prepared by Gary Allen appears in the January 1968 American Opinion and is recommended to all for study and consumption. Mr. Allen's analysis follows: HATE THERAPY-SENSITIVITY TRAINING FOR

"PLANNED CHANGE" (NoTE.-Gary Allen, a graduate of Stanford

University and one of the nation's top authorities on civil turmoil and the New Left, is author of Communist Revolution in the Streets-a highly praised and definitive new volume on revolutionary tactics and strategies, published by Western Islands. Mr. Allen is active in anti-Communist and other humanitarian causes and is President of the Foundation for Economic and Social Progress. A film writer and journalist, he is a Contributing Editor to AMERICAN OPINION. Gary Allen lectures widely.)

Even as I review my notes I am aware that what is to follow will read like dialogue from an insane asylum. Unfortunately it is not~ It is far too real. It happened, and it is continuing to happen daily all across the country. What I am about to relate is but a tiny segment from a marathon group confession, a Sensitivity Training session of the type now being promoted throughout the country by the usual forces of the conspiratorial Left. Despite the fact that I was well prepared for what was coming, I found it one of the most incredible experiences I have ever endured. Here is the way it was.

It is three A.M. on a Sunday morning. We are in the smoke-clouded livingroom of a Beverly H1lls stockbroker, high in the Hollywood hills, overlooking the San Fernando Valley. There are fifteen of us here, sitting in a circle. In addition to the stockbroker and his "wife," there is a teacher, a writer, an artist, a nurse, a social worker, a librarian, a pathetic hunchback with a Chinese pigtail who smells as if he has not bathed since spring, and assorted students and hippies. All eyes are riveted on a handsome red-haired college student, except for those of poor

36002 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 Quasimodo mercifully snoring in the corner, and a well-built young Negro and his senuous yet wholesome-looking Caucasian girlfriend, who ara on the floor petting lewdly. (She wears ~mtni-skirt without underwear, but seems ·· oblivious to the discomfort her exhibitionism is forcing on the other guests.) My tape-record.er ls whirring away, catching all but the sights.

"I can't stand rules-any rules. Rules cause wars and war is ugly, and we must h ave peace and love," rambles a neatly dressed student. "I'm up tight with all these rules and it's all a game. I call the game 'distraction'; it's just like playing pool. . . . I have to do something to help my mother. She doesn't understand my problems . . .," he continues, staring glassily at the wall.

"Chuck," interjects the broker's foultongued "wife," "Don't bull •hit me now. Are you on a trip?"

Chuck's eyes drop. "No, honest, I'm not high on anything or on a trip. At the party they called the cops, but I was cool. I talked them out of it. I think they may become heads now themselves. . . ." He mutters semi-coherently.

"Bull •hit!" screams the broker's "wife," "I've dropped acid plenty of times and you a.re on a trip. Why won't you cop out?"

"Okay, so I smoked a little grass earlier tonight, but that's all." And then Chuck begins mumbling again about peace and love and his mother and drugs.

The group's "leader" is Fred, a husky forty-one. He ls a writer-teacher with milkwhite skin and a deep rumbling voice which belies his effeminate appearance. Fred is apparently trying to look like Benjamin Franklin, with his head bald back to the middle and thereafter draped with long reddish hair which nearly reaches his shoulders. He spearheads the verbal assaults on those assembled, but keeps interjecting that he doesn't have to be there-that he has a novel to write, and a beautiful home, gorgeous wife, and new baby he could be with.

"We are all sick. Everyone is sick. Every self-respecting, self-righteous, bill-paying, homeowning, self-centered, patriotic American is sick," Fred shouts at Sherry, a strikingly attractive young nurse wearing a loose boyish sweater and trousers.

Sherry, who had begun screaming and crying almost hysterically earlier in the evening, starts in again: "I want Alice (the broker's "wife") to touch me. I feel so attracted to her. But I also feel strongly drawn to Julie; she is so feminine and delicate." Sherry points to Julie, a tall, dark haired, stylishly "mod" Twiggy-type with the classic features of a fashion model. (Julie had earlier confessed her concern that she was being drawn into a love affair with her female roommate.)

Fred now tries to "reassure" Sherry by telling her that gender is not important when selecting a sex partner; it's only love that counts. We should not hesitate in expressing whatever emotions we feel. All are equally valid. Sherry continues: "Oh, God! I wish you would all step on me and mutilate me .... I don't want to be a lesbian, but everybody tells me how groovy it ls to be bisexual. I think I am drawn to Alice because a friend told me she had had love affairs with several other girls."

"That's true," Alice interjects in a tender voice Later, while her stockbroker "husband;, debates with Fred about who is jealous of whom as a group leader, Sherry and Alice sit on a couch with their arms entwined about each other, holding hands in the region of Sherry's thigh. Occasionally Alice, who had begun the evening revealing to us her thrilling sex life with her "husband," kisses Sherry-and then Fred and Sherry, who also had been very affectionate all evening except when she was wrapped up with Alice, disappear into an automobile parked out front;

Monstrous?

· Yes, it is. And even more so when you understand that what I have recorded here is but an honest sample of the Left's latest Ii ttle psywar scheme, a process known as Sensitivity Training-a program now being internationally promoted by psychiatrists, psychologists, and · p·oliticians using phrases that would sound good in church.

If Sensitivity Training were merely a cult, a hobby for the warped, we would hardly take space for it in AMERICAN OPINION. It is, sadly, much more than that. You may never have heard of Sensitivity Training by that name, or any of its two-dozen pseudonyms, but you certainly will in the future. It is being energetically pushed by the federal governments,1 the National Education Association, the War on Poverty, private business, colleges, the Y.M.C.A., the military, and the churches. "Civil Rights" leaders are now successfully promoting it for the police, teachers, and welfare department. Collectively they intend to provide the "benefits" of Sensitivity Training for millions of Americans, often on a mandatory basis.

A recent United Press release by Robert Strand reveals that 100,000 Californians have already participated in Sensitivity Training and Group Dynamics, and that the problem is not by any means unique to the Westcoast. Strand's article confirms our own experience with the bizarre effects which so often accompany these training sessions:

"Imagine the hefty mayor of a middlesize city leaping in the air around the room like a ballet dancer. Or a nun describing her daily wrestling with sexual desires. Or a business executive who dissolves in tears. Or a church member group of 15 men and women in a circle who touch hands and close their eyes. Soon they begin to sway and the movements get basic. Bodies writhe against each other, hands explore the roughness of jeans, the softness of the female, the coarseness of the masculine face. The senses are bombarded with body odors and the sound of deep human breathing.

"In a half-hour, the group collapses in a remorseful heap.

"Kooks? Perhaps, but this group included a college professor, two lawyers, an architect, an engineer, a psychiatrist and their wives.

"Nobody quite agreed when questioned by UPI on what they got out of this experience, but all wer J sure that whatever it was, it was exhilarating, joyful, renewing-and religious in nature."

How do the behavioral scientists expect to entice participation in these bizarre and potentially dangerous sessions? Simple: By maintaining (with a straight face, of course) that Sensitivity Training is the miracle worker of the age, the most significant psychological development since Freud found his mother or Pavlov discovered how to make a schizoid out of Snoopy. The Leftist mindmeddlers are disguising their intrigues by claiming that Sensitivity Training produces love, trust, openness of communication, greater sensitivity to the feelings of others, and that it builds leadership and individual responsibility. As we shall see, the results are usually the opposite of those advertised.

I

Sensitivity Training is a concept in which Leftist behavioral scientists are "merging science and democracy" with the stated purpose of bringing about a change in "the total system" through interpersonal Group Dynamics in small sessions involving ten to fifteen people. It is, in short, brainwashing. The significant factor that separates Sensitivity Training from other forms of Group Dynamics is that it is based upon selfcriticism and group-criticism. Before delving

1 According to Time of September 29, 1967, "350 members of the State Department, including ambassadors, h:i.ve taken sensitivity classes at Washington NTL Institute for Applied Behavioral Science."

further, let us review the use and effects of these within their historical context.

As early as the twelfth anniversary of the Russian Revolution, the Communist Party included among its slogans: "Through Bolshevist Self-Criticism we _will enfm;ce the dictatorship of the proletariat." 2 In their book, The Iron Curtain, Leftist authors Harry and Bonaro Overstreet reveal how authorities in the U.S.S.R. use group-criticism an d self-criticism to make their tyranny almost self-enforcing:

"It is 'perfect' because the individual h as no real life outside the several collectives t o which he belongs; and within any one of these, he can at any time, without warning, have his future put in jeopardy-by having some fellow member ace.use him of some deviation from the approved norm of behavior. ... What is at issue, now, is not the offense itself, but, rather, the manner of his response to group criticism ... he is on the spot ... alone. He cannot expect his friends to rally to his support; for each of them is endangered by his o1fense. . . . Thus, there ls set going one of the strangest and potentially most destructive rituals ever devised."

Once accused, a person .must not defend himself, "his only proper recourse is to selfcriticism. It is up to him to admit the rightness of the group's criticism . ... If his selfabasement is up to the group specifications, he may get by with nothing worse than censure." The individual has no rights and is at the mercy and whim of the group. The Overstreet& explain:

"To the non-Communist mind, this ritual of collectivized coercion can scarcely seem other than incredible. Why do decent human beings take part in it? Why do they not make the whole design unworkable by defending the accused? ... In collective after collective, day after day, throughout ... the U.S.S.R. the rituals of control are enacted . . . every member of every group knowing that, sooner or later, he will be cast in this role of fearful isolation. It is thus that every segment of the populace ls gradually conditioned to fit the Party concept of the 'new man.'"

The group and self-criticism techniqueSensitivity Training-is used today in every Communist country in the world. Their thought-control people have learned from experience that it is an effective weapon not only for producing "mass man" or "group man," but also for locating "reactionary individualists" who may become opposition leaders. As Mao Tse-tung put it:

"We have the Marxist-Leninist weapon of criticism and self-criticism .... Conscientious practice of self-criticism is still another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all oth~r political parties .... To check up regularly on our work and in the process develop a democratic style of work, to fear neither criticism nor self-criticism, and to apply such good popular Chinese maxims as 'Say all you know and say it without re~ serve.' ... This is the only effective way to prevent all kinds of political dust and germs from contaminating the minds of our comrades and the body of our Party." [Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung, Foreign Language Press, Peking, 1966, pp. 258-259.]

The Sensitivity Training concept, using group and self-criticism based on the studies of Pavlov, was, of course, implemented in Korea among American prisoners of war as a method of group control through "brainwashing." In his book, In Every War But One, author Eugene Kinkead delves into the disturbing behavior of American prisoners of war held by the Chinese in Korea. The Communists' success, he notes, was not based on torture tactics, but on the use of group and self-criticism. Again-Sensitivity Training!

Prisoners were put into criticism groups soon after their capture and those with strong convictions, the "reactionaries" who

11 See William Fairburn's Russia-The Utopia in Chains, 1931, Page 257.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL · RECORD - HOUSE 36003 did not buy the Reds' "new morality," were quickly removed from the group lest their strength contaminate the others. The !actor valued most PY the Communists was participation in the group confession by each prisoner. No prisoner group would · be allowed to eat until every member had participated in- confessing something and criticizing someone. Thus the pressure came from the group and not the group leader.

Edward V. Hunter, the acknowledged expert in the field who coined the word brainwashing, describes the process:

"A prisoner could prove that he had accepted Communism only by self-criticism, that ls, by confession. And it didn't matter what he confessed, no matter how trivial, as long as he did. One man, honestly unable to think of anything, finally confessed that he had failed to brush his teeth that morning. The group 'leader' was content. For the man, by the act of confessing, had submitted to the system. He had in effect said, 'I submit, you're the boss.' "

What were the effects of such Sensitivity Training sessions on the prisoners in Korea? Kinkead graphically describes the results: "Self-criticism and mutual criticism encourage criticism outside the group. When you are used to criticizing yourself it is easier to criticize others. This creates informers, stool pigeons, sometimes called 'canaries' (because they sing so well). It takes teamwork and secrecy to dig a tunnel, lay plans, etc. But the canaries, sometimes numbering three out of every four Army P.W.'s, always sang to the group leader.'' So effective was the Communists' Sensitivity Training program that not one prisoner escaped from a Communist P.O.W. camp.

Major William E. Mayer, the chief neuropsychiatrist of the U.S. Army in charge of reha.b111tating returned American P.0.W .s from Korea, stressed the importance to the Communists of building mutual distrust among those who should have trusted each other more. Thanks to Chinese-style Sensitivity Training, fellow prisoners became the enemy, and the captors the ones to be trusted. As Mayer put it: " ... once you abandon this concept of the individual and visualize him as does the Marxist as a fragment of a class in that greatest of all realities, the struggle between the classes, then of course informing becomes not a miserable, mean, nasty renunciation of individual loyalties, it becomes an exercise in social responsib11ity which is exactly the way it was encouraged and exactly the way it grew even among Americans."

Collaborating with Hunter in his definitive book, Brainwashing, was Dr. Leon Freedom, an eminent Baltimore neuro-psychiatrist who explains why the Sensitivity group confession process was so incredibly effective for the Communists:

"Confession is analogous to a psychological catharsis-a mental purge. This explained the Reds' stress on what they called selfcriticism and mutual criticism, always within the group structure. Out of this eatne what psychiatrists term resistances, transferences, and counter-transferences. The entire process ls similar to the familiar clinical practice known as free association. By it, the individual's defenses are removed, his resistance overcome."

What Dr. Freedom is talking about is nothing more than the Sensitivity Training now being promoted in the United States under about twenty different pseudonyms, most of them as misleading as possible. Titles under which Sensitivity Training iS being given include: Group Dynamics, Group Confession, Group Discussion, Marathon Interpersonal Competence, Nude Marathon, Interpersonal Relations, Self-Evaluation, TGroup Training, Auto-Criticism, Operant Conditioning, Self-Honest Sessions, Human Portentlal Workshops, Human Relations Lab, Prayer Therapy, Class In-Group Counseling,

Synanon Ga.mes Clubs, and Basic Encounter Group.

This name game, which ts usect to disguise group and self-confession, will now undoubtedly be expanded even further as informed persons begin exposing Senst ti vi ty Training as the dangerous scheme 1 t ls.

n Parallel to the Communist success with it

in Korea, Sensitivity Training was first experimented with l::l this country in the Fifties by social psychologist Kurt Lewin. Dr. Lewin was involved in the founding of The National Training Laboratories in Group Development, but died soon after and his work has been carried on by colleagues in Washington, D.O., and Bethel, Maine. The name was shortened in 1954 to National Training Laboraitories (N.T.L.), and it ls, curiously, a subsidiary of the Left's powerful National Education Association (N.E.A.).

The interest of the behavior scientists at the National Training Laboratories lay in promoting "human change." In 1956, N.T.L. began holding workshops for industrial administrators and national church executives, a.nd in 1958 it sponsored its first laboratory for educational administrators and key executives 00: volunteer service organizations. The workshops have continued to train leaders to carry the gospel of Sensitivity Training back to their organizations where they act as "change agents.'' ·

In order to acquire professional "trainers," or group "leaders," the National Education Association-through N .T .L.-has obtained assistance from the National Institute of Mental Health in a program funded by foundations, government agencies, and private donors. N.E.A. wants Sensitivity Training adopted by local schools and has acquired the full cooperation of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare in working toward the accomplishment of this goal.

With the involvement of H.E.W., Sensitivity Training obtained an entre into a multitude of fields including the War on Poverty, where the Office of Economic Opportunity has now instituted Sensitivity Training. As fate would have it, the definitive textbook on the matter of the new "social change,'' self Renewal: The Individual and the Innovative Society, was written by John Gardner, Director of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. And, Title III of the Elementary-Secondary Education Act of 1966 provides the funds for bringing "planned change" programs into the local schools.

The U.S. Office of Education is now financing a joint program sponsored by the National Training Labor{l.tory of the N.E.A. Known as Co-Operation Project for Educational Development (C.O.P.E.D.), the program seeks "the exploratory development of models of planned change in education ... C.O.P.E.D. 1.s the link joining the behavioral scientists and school system "change agents teams." Other federal funds for the "planned change" Sensitlvity-Tra.ining programs a.re coming, incredibly enough, from the National Defense Education Act (Title V, Part A) as interpreted by the U.S. Office of Education.

One of the first school systems to be blessed by this new program is that of Garden Grove, California. According to the Santa Ana Register of March 27, 1967, a $78,000 Sensitivity Program, nearly half :financed by the U.S. Office of Education, had been proposed for that city to provide Sensitivity Training for teachers and counselors and to "embrace 7,550 students in grades seven and eight." 3

Sensitivity Training ls recognized by the Left as so important a revolutionary tool

8 Because of the prompt exposure of Sensitivity Training by State Senator John Schmitz and California journalist Ed Dieckmann, the school system may back down. The trial balloon appears to have exploded.

that since the exposure of ctvman Review Boards as a threat to law enforcement, and their defeat at the polls in several major American cities, "Civil Rights" agitators have in many cases switched their demands from the Review Boards to the establishment of mandatory Sensitivity Training for ali police officers. Their feeling seems to be that if they can apply the- same techniques so successful in Korea to the nation's law enforcement

- officers, they won't need Civilian Review Boards. Dr. Al Cannon, for example, a Negro "Civil Rights" activist who is a psychiatrist at U.C.L.A., fancies integrated "marathon groups," lasting up to thirty hours, to "improve race relations.''

Sensitivity Training, alas, ls being forced on police departments all over the country, either under that name or as part of human relations courses. A semantic gamemanship ls, as usual, most effective. On August 17, 1966, then-Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach discussed the "Law Enforcement Assistance Act" under which grants totaling one million dollars would be made available to large cities for planning t.nd development of "Community Relations" programs-in this case a cover for Sensitivity Training.

Writing on the Los Angeles Police Department in Atlantic for December of 1966, Paul Jacobs (a "former" member of the Young Communist League and Trotskyite Communist who now claims that he is merely a "radicii.l") expressed his satisfaction that "the police commission has approved a training program designed to increase the officers' sensitivity to minority problems."' AgainSensitlvity Training. On August 18, 1967, the Los Angeles Times reported that the LQs Angeles Police Department was adopting "a new 'sensitivity training' tactic which will be employed in the interest of better community relations." 5 It ls partially :financed by federal funds. What is more, confessional Sensitivity Training is already mandatory for parole officers in the California Department of Corrections and in California's Department of Mental Hygiene. The Parole Departments of Michigan, Utah, and Oregon are expected to introduce the program soon.

A focal point for the spreading of Sensitivity Training ls the Western Behavioral Sciences Institute at La Jolla, California, which operates on an annual $500,000 budget provided by foundations and federal grants. Psychologists there have been developing techniques to harness the pressure of opinion in newly formed small groups, especially among young people, to force on them a new system of values. "It is such groups,'' says Jack Gibb of the Behavioral Institute, "that can provide the framework for a better world." The Institute, currently conducting Sensitivity sessions using O.E.O. tax funds, has already determined that "over-protective parents" are a hindrance to "group communications." As a spokesman for the Institute put it: "Their value systems, centering around a stern morality, tend to be a greater problem than racial differences.''

Now, here's the key: the Western Behavioral Sciences Institute ls involved in projects to pinpoint elements in human behavior that, its staff members say, "create the tensions underlying war." But, the often-cited purpose of Dr. Gibb, explaining the object

'Jacobs is on the staff of the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions at Santa Barbara, an energetic promoter of Sensitivity Training. Other staff members teach at the avowedly Marxist New Left School in Los Angeles. The "Center," which also spawned the New Politics movement, ls according to one highly placed infiltrator of the New Left, "the 'brain factory' of the revolution." The only disagreement they have ls over whether they want the Russian or Chinese version of Communism.

6 So far this program has concentrated on bleeding_heart lectures and has not begun group confession.

36004 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 of all of this high-sounding experimentation, boils down to this: "World human nature must be changed to fit world government."

The Institute concentrates on the application of Sensitivity Training in the fields of education, organizational functioning, and international relations. It has now concluded that its brand of group therapy is so productive that it can be universally used even by leaderless groups. As the Institute's Dr. Carl Rogers put it: "If it is good for people in trouble, then it is bound to be as good or even better for people who function well. They get more out of it, and quicker." And, if a lobotomy is good for a man who is hopelessly and violently insane, it ought to be even better for those who might oppose the "planned change"-right, Dr. Rogers?

As a strong individualist who had endured months of Sensitivity Training told us: "That is the whole idea of this thing: make well minds sick. They want people interdependent on others so they will not be able to think or make decisions for themselves. And these people plan to make this mandatory."

Dr. Rogers himself confirms that Sensitivity Training will, if he has his way, become mandatory. And he says: "Many of our most astute behavioral scientists are agreed that this process of conditioning, of 'shaping up' the individual's behavior, will not much longer be left to chance, but will be planned." Pavlov rides again: And Dr. Rogers, as fate would have it, is a member of the California Council for Public Responsibility, a sort of local Institute for American Democracy which is dedicated to fighting Rightwing Extremism. When he has his way, no doubt, the behavior of such wicked Americans "will not much longer be left to chance," but to the planning of such behavioral scientists as Dr. Rogers.

In addition to N.T.L. and the behavioral Institute, one of the most active centers for preparing Sensitivity Training "change agents" is the Esalen Institute, located in an old resort at Big Sur, thirty-five miles south of Carmel, Oalifornia. It is headed by Michael Marphy, thirty-seven, a psychology graduate of Stanford who charges seventy dollars a weekend to "turn-on" at Esalen. Dr. Abraham M. Maslow, President of the American Psychological Association, calls Esalen "potentially the most important educations institution in the world." Some of those attracted there as speakers include Arnold Toynbee, Bishop James A. Pike, and S. I. Hayakawa.

Now five years old, Esalen's appeal is so broad, according to Time magazine, that a Jesuit moral theologian from Loyola University of Los Angeles and a curriculum expert for the State University of New York are among its twenty-one resident fellows, who pay $3,000 for nine months of study. Time reports: "Also intrigued by the institute is the Ford Foundation's Fund for the Advancement of Education, which recently gave Esalen a $21,000 grant to train five public school teachers, who will then try some of its techniques in t!1eir home classrooms."

All the more interesting is the fact that Big Sur has also become a large hippy center, and the Flower Children talk freely about the "plastic hippies in three-button suits" at Esalen. One recently told a Big Sur visitor that teachers, priests, ministers, attorneys, bankers, and businessmen from all over the San Francisco Bay area are conducting weekend pilgrimages to Esalen Institute and "dropping acid"-"turning on with Sensitivity Training, and getting their 'high' from LSD." If that is true, it is no wonder people are leaping through the air like ballet dancers.6

6 Other regional centers for preparing Sensitivity Trainers include Boston University, Temple University, George Washington Uni-

Sensitivity training is offered throughout the country in a variety of ways. In colleges it is most often given once or twice a week as a "lab"; in police departments and other Civil Service jobs, classes may be given weekly or semi-weekly; and, many private groups meet once a week in a home. Some lab designs call for starting at a weekend retreat--then meeting weekly for a specific time, and concluding with a marathon session (the loss of sleep aids suggestib111ty).

To produce the optimum condition for applying the brainwash it is best to totally remove the subjects from normal surroundings and get them away for a retreat in a rural area whei;e the full environment can be controlled. There "marathon sessions" in which persons are subjected to twenty-four to forty-eight hours of gruelling "sensitizing," without sleep and little food, a la Korea, are most effective. Though, certainly, such marathons can take place in a home or at a motel. .

The session generally begins with an introductory talk from the group's "leader" or "trainer." At one of the introductory session~ which I attended the group "leader," a Professor from U.C.L.A., addressed us for about forty-five minutes using jargon right out of a textbook in introductory psychology, the assorted cliches no doubt included to impress us with how scientific it was all going to be. This, of course, gives the whole experiment an aura of being clinical.

We were told again and again that we were going to be in on something very new that is destined to reshape the world.

The "leader" informed us that Sensit1vlty Training was based on the newest concepts of psychology: He said that while in the past it had been believed that man was totally shaped by his environment, now scientists had discovered that there was "a sliver of freedom" in our lives. We were told we could use this "sliver of freedom" to escape total environmental determinism and "change" our lives. Well, you must admit, that does sound impressive.

The Professor's key word was "change." The world must be changed and Sensitivity Training, he said, is the key to "changing human nature and producing a new societal or democratic man." Does that have a familiar ring? The same "Liberals" who foisted on us the fraud of environmental determinism now find it expedient to allow for "a sliver of freedom," as a rationalization for speeding collectivism.

Frankly described, the object of the "leader" is to emotionally shred the group. Though, they don't tell it that way. It is peddled with such vaseline as this lubricant from West Magazine, a supplement of the Los Angeles Times, for January 8, 1967:

"Hopefully, the group moves from mistrust to trust, from polite acceptance to honest critique, from 'peeping-tomism' to participation and a giving of one's self, from dependency on the group leader to :tnore autonomy, from autocracy to democracy ... layer by layer, masks, roles, false images, pretenses and pretensions will peel away like the sections of an artichoke. Many believe that what is left when the difficult trial-by-intimacy is over is an astounding revelation of one's self and of others."

The "leader" keeps the discussion oriented around personal feelings. Telling the naked truth about how one feels about one's self and others is the cardinal virtue. "Feeling" and expressing emotion are what is expected; "intellectualizing" is an unpardonable sin. The "trainer's" job is to manipulate the exposed feelings of the group. He probes for raw nerves and then starts drilling. With practice he develops the faculty for discovering the

versity, University of Texas, University of Chicago, Rocky Mountain Laboratory, Intermountain Laboratory (University of Utah), University of California (several branches), and University of Washington.

weak points of each member of the group, and then attacks viciously. Any problem in human relations, real or imagined, becomes the subject of group concern and the property of the group. The more personal, the better. Great emphasis is put on saying and doing whatever one feels like with the exception, of course, of actually punching the "trainer" in the nose.

Abusive and gutter language-remember Alice?-is prized as "an honest expression of true feelings," and a sign that participants are really "taking off their social masks, stop playing games and start interacting truthfully, authentically and transparently." Participants are told to "pierce the veneer," of their companions, to "search out their Achilles heel," and "find the chink in their personal armor." Every personal secret, every fear, every worry, every repressed desire, every act for which one is ashamed must be trotted out to be handled and pawed by the group.

As each speaks, emotion fills the room and participants blurt out thoughts they never told even their spouses. "The surprise is that the roof doesn't fall in," they say. Unfortunately, the roof often does fall in. For grown men and women to break down and cry during these sessions is common, but some crack-up, and run from the session, barricade themselves in a room, or go into a virtual state of shock and nervous breakdown, or are unable to return in succeeding weeks to face the group.

According to the Leftist behavorial scientists promoting Sensitivity Training, you can't make an omelette without breaking eggs. Dr. Michael J. Singer, a Long Beach, California, psychiatrist doesn't see it that way. He says: "There is danger of serious psychological damage rather than benefit from this type of group . . . meetings, particularly if an emotionally disturbed person in this group is not being treated by a fully qualified and trained psychotherapist."

Usually, a first step is the breaking down of inhibitions. Thus, in an extreme example, the Westcoast's infiuential dance teacher, Ann Halprin, has had a Sensitivity-Trained class appear in public to take off its clothes, put them on, take them off again and put them on, before continuing a dance improvisation.

Why would anyone participate in this degrading mental-immolation? Primarily because they have been convinced by the Leftists promoting this scheme that self-improvement and the ability to be sensitive to others come only through confiict. This concept, that all progress comes through confiict which leads to synthesis, is known as "dialectical materialism" in the nightmare-theory books of the Communists. Also, there is a sick fascination involved in Sensitivity Training which brings sadism or masochism. Sensitivity Training attracts sadistic personalities and they tend to assume leadership because of their strength and ruthlessness. Verbal voyeurs are attracted by the prospects of vicariously running through everyone else's sex life. The process brings out the worst in everybody.

Many former trainees · told me they could not later understand why they had themselves "ganged up" on a member of the group, criticizing the feelings of one person for hours. Why hurt one so deeply? It seemed, they agreed, a way to get involved in the discussion. Group pressure, they explained, gives way to pent-up feelings and takes a form of revenge, sadism, or masochism.

The marathon session I described at the beginning of this article featured participants who obviously needed psychiatric help, help which they were not getting. But most of these groups are composed of ordinary middle-class people who have no more problems than those faced by everyone else. A highly intelligent woman whose job required her to go through the better part of a year in a once-a-week Sensitivity Training session described her experience for me this way:

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 36005 "OUr leader fascinated us with his descrip

tions of the teaching in the Pavlovian theory he had experienced in human relations workshops ...• In order to get started, someone would be asked to give his perceptions about another participant, sometimes this meant giving a first impression of a stranger. As time progressed, we got to know each other better and moved on to more intense exchanges.

"Our feedback system [others' criticisms of you] operated quickly making for 'hot' sessions. Negativism would flow and somehow we didn't approach the love and trust Sensitivity Training ls supposed to create. We did accomplish the openness and honesty promised, but to what ends? Deep emotional sobbing, separations of long-time friendships, and mental withdrawal were not rare."

The system of emotions-in-the-raw confession actually stimulates one to magnify his problems, admitting to things he has not really done or felt because anything else will not satisfy the group "leader" or the other members. If what you say about yourself is not degrading, you are accused of "kidding yourself" or maintaining your "false mask." After such an experience, what can one conclude but that everyone is sick and immoral and perverted-ro why fight it?

A pretty coed who got involved in a Sensitivity Training program disguised as a speech course (Speech 132: Elements of Group Discussion) described how she was constantly attacked by the group "leader" and the rest of the class because she rejected the so-called "new morality." The "leader," of course, refused to accept her feelings as authentic. She was accused of compromising her integrity by not being honest about how she felt about pre-marital and extra-marital sexual experiences. You see, with Sensitivity Training the individual with high morals and integrity must be cut down to the level of the rest of the group. Instead of being respected for her strength of character, the young woman found herself being ridiculed-the ridicule being led by her Professor serving as the group "leader." A conservative point of view honestly held was just not :acceptable, and the pressure was applied to grind down the student.

The coed aecused those who challenged the way she felt of trying to take away the values she held, and trying to break down her defenses for the sake of breaking them down. If only the destruction of her principles would be a triumph for the growth, for democracy, then to Hell with democracy. Th·e young woman told her group that they had no higher values to offer and that they were offering nothing for everything she treasured.

Few people, particularly young people, have such strong convictions in these days when absolute moral and ethical relativism is being preached from lecturns, podiUms, and pulpits throughout the land. During Sensitivity Training most will surrender their values since it is much easier to do this than to defend them against the vulgarity and rage of a dozen hostile people. Personal morality or conviction is always on the defense, and is often surrendered point by point until the least common denominator is reached. After hearing others confessing their wrong-doing, one is apt to feel that his own deeds weren't so bad after all, causing him to accept lower moral standards. After such brutal criticizing of one's home, family, friends, religion, attitudes, beliefs, and ideas, one is apt to doubt that he has a~y values, ideals, or beliefs worth keeping or defend:. ing. In short, Sensitivity Training produces "change" by realigning loyalties away from family, home, church, and co-workers.

Of cour-se, the "new morality" is no newer than the flesh pots of Babylon, the decadence of Sodom, or the orgies of Rome. The "new morality" is a step into the past, a leap toward the dismemberment of civilization; and, like its accomplice, the hoary concept of the omnipotence of the State, it is promoted as

"modern" and "progressive" by the trumpeters of "planned change." Participants in Sensitivity Training are forced into making an awful choice: morality or moral disobedience. Group pressure forces them to choose between the "old and the new." A few are strong enough to run this psychological gauntlet, but even they are racked by scars of humiliation and hyperbolic self-doubt.

IV

At first glance, what seems strangest about Sensitivity Training is the fact that so many people become sincerely and completely hooked on it. It seems logical that the results of all Sensitivity Training would be the same as in the enemy prison camps of the Korean War, with each person becoming an isolated island afraid to talk to, or trust, anyone else in the group. But Sensitivity Training carries the prison camp process one step further.

In the prison camp, group and self-criticism leads to isolation and alienation from the rest of the group; support comes only from the group "leader" and the society he represents, Communism. Thus the rapport is with the group "leader," not with one's fellow prisoners, making it very natural for one to confess that others are trying to escape. Sensitivity Training can operate this way where it works to the advantage of the planners, as for instance in a police department where the natural end product could be that the officer does not trust or have confidence in other officers, or even his own partner. But most groups carry on where the prison camp technique concludes.

After one's pride, integrity, and self-esteem have been crushed through group and selfcriticism he naturally considers himself a miserable specimen of humanity of little worth to anyone. But now, the group that has mercilessly destroyed him picks him up. Many groups actually act this step out symbolically by having the individual lie on the floor while the others place one foot on his head, neck, or body displaying that all power comes from the group. Then they remove their feet and physically lift the individual up, telling him that they "love" him. He is now dependent on the group for approval and for esteem. His ego having been crushed and totally subjected to the group, he is welcomed as "mass man."

Many feel that they have actually been improved by Sensitivity Training. Any progress is illusory. The process has such a profound and Orwellian effect on many minds that it is similar to that of the college graduate who after use of L.S.D. felt that she had improved her status in life when she became a prostitute. Since one is taught that it is dishonest and hypocritical not to hurl your most blunt reactions and impressions at everyone you bump into, the victim of Sensitivity Training may find that he cannot communicate outside the group. Such trainees have not learned to communicate better, they have isolated themselves. But this is rationalized away by a feeling of superiority they are conditioned to assume by the "leader." A typical speech given by one "leader" a.t the conclusion of training goes like this: "In the outside world they are not on the same wave lengths you are. You have reached a wave length now that no one else has."

The young lady previously quoted described for me the false euphoria of her group:

"After being away for two years, I still wonder why I stood for being hurt so deeply and why I hurt others. How with such a positive goal as better communication could I fall for such negative, destructive methods? There seemed to prevail a false sense of wellbeing. Often, very often, we would say that others outside of the.group didn't know what strides we were making. We thought we were a happy few; paradoxically, we were very unhappy.

"We paid lip service to our progress, but we spoke double-talk and practiced double-

think. We allowed pressures of rejection, status loss, desires to please, or fear of being the one on the 'hot seat' to dictate our actions. We knew, in order to be really 'in,' each person would have to 'change' if his behavior was not what the group thought to be correct. If the people of such a group do come to interdependence as individuals, they are no longer able to make their own decisions in important matters or during times of stress."

This is the essence of Sensitivity Training-substituting the will and judgment of the group for that of the individual. You exchange your personal values, convictions, and morality for those of the groups. You subjugate your intellect for their emotions. Group security is substituted for individual security. For example, in one session, attended by the author, an artist described his married life for about ten minutes. It wasn't the world's happiest marriage, but it could have been a lot worse. Yet after only ten minutes the group collectively told the artist that he had to divorce his wife-that there was no alternative.

Since many schools, churches, and Y.M.C.A.s 7 are pushing Sensitivity Training for young people, it is extremely important that they know what they are dealing with. The young are particularly vulnerable since they are usually very naive, sincere, and impressionable. Few young people possess the sophistication to realize that many things can be the very opposite of how they are described; and they seldom question the motives of those who profess to be interested in "humanity." Just as most young people do not realize that those fostering the "peace" movement in America are the world's primary war makers, so they cannot believe that Sensitivity Training, which is supposed to make one a better communicator, or bring out leadership qualities, has just the exact opposite effect.

Virtually all young people share two common problems-anxlety and curiosity concerning sex, and difficulty in communicating with their parents, who are of course "oldfashioned." To facilitate the "planned change" they admit they are after, the behavioral scientists use the weapons of the "new morality" and parental misunderstandings to gain their aims. The natural strains that have always accompanied adolescence are magnified to the point where parents and children become totally alienated because, after all, you can't build a new Utopian society unless all reactionary vestiges are severed. A leader at a Sensitivity Training retreat attended by a Los Angeles reporter used this technique expertly with a group of teenage boys and girls: "How many have felt

7In the Long Beach Independent of December 12, 1966, George Robeson quotes from a forty-two page "log" prepared by group "leaders" from a Los Altos Y.M.C.A. Sensitivity Training program among teenagers. It reads as follows: "Bob and Rick wondered why Marcia liked her parents. She became increasingly nervous, in motion, tapping her foot, wiggling her arm, squeezing her hands. ... She is unhappy with her mother, for she works. Her brother bothers her for he drinks and smokes. Robbie; sitting next to Marcia, asked her to close her eyes and relax for five minutes. . . Robbie put his hand on her knee to stop tlie motion of her foot, and while he did this he spoke softly and gently to her ... gradually she started to relax. There was total silence. When she opened her eyes she said, 'Everything looks different.' She thought a piece of cement was crushing her and then it went away.

" ... Mary Kay arrived, crying ... she said, 'I'm glad I'm Burt's friend-this whole mess makes me sick.' ... Martha got too involved. Robbie nudged her to be quiet. Rick told Mary Kay to shut her mouth .... Mary Kay said, 'I feel for him . (Burt).' .•• she told Martha, 'I hate you.' .. .''

36006 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 th.is hurt here ln your :gut durtng the last !ew days? (All raised their hands.) An emotional level hurt is not somethq easy to get out. of your gut. ft is ' ~e beocuse of the conflict with wour parents."

Sensitivity Training is used by many to achieve a drug-like reaction. In his report for U.P.I. cm the matter, Robert Strand revealed that ""'the eoneern of many Sensith1.ty Training participants is to 'turn-on' without narooti-cs. Some, who have tried L.S.D., claim to have had more exotic experience than those inspired by the ha1lucinatory drugs. Similar emotional orgies are reported by persons who concentrate on a white panel until they have visions, or who stare into one another's eyes until something else happens." Robert Strand also quotes from a "conventional" Los Angeles woman, age forty-eight, who returned "from a 48 hour sensitivity marathon" to write the local underground hippie newspaper, The Oracle, telling of her experience. "Turning on," she said, is also being done by many who look and are just average 'nine-to:flve' people who sense there is more to life than meets the eye.'' She describes how her "turn-on" was effected through "the unique painful sharing, tearing, giving, baiting, wait~. hoping, supporting, intuitive, knowing, groping, giving, surrendering, choosing, holding back in trust, laughing, holding, kissing, hugging male to female, male to male, woman to woman .... "

v What do the brain benders have in mind

for the future? ·In August of 1967, Dr. Stanley Les told the International Congress of Psychiatry that society will become depersonalized and anyone who tries to be an individual "will be looked upon as odd, reactionary and. antigroup." Ac.cording to the Professor, "unanimity of thinking would be seen as the normal pattern." Sensitivity Training is an important part of this scheme.

It is true that when the Russian Communists were unable to persuade the people of that land to willingly follow their brutal leaders, the Comrades turned to Pavlov and his conditioning experiments in an attempt to change human nature. Our behavioral scientists are now trying to change human nature by subjecting the individual to an enforced conditioning process. It is also true that those pushing such training in schools, government, and our churches are invariably members of the Far Left. But if Russia had not turned to Pavlov, and those acting as "change agents" in our society were not almost universally Leftists-and even if Sensitivity Training were not a parallel of the Communist brainwashing tactics used in Korea-it should still be resisted by every individual who possesses any prlde or selfesteem. Sensitivity Training should be resisted if only because it is emotionally and morally destructive.

A courageous survivor of "Sensitivity Training" put her fee-lings this way: "My involvement for nine months did teach me something. I know now that no one can choose what another should think and know. No one should take it upon himself to sit in judgment of others. We should be individuals-as different inside as we are on the outside. And the most important of all is, I will never allow any concept to deprive me of one iota of my independence, my right to think, choose, and do for myself."

That, we think, is a pretty good way of summing up our whole case.

COMMUNIST-INSPffiED MOCK TAKEOVER OF WASHINGTON

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, .I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from I,.ouisiana [Mr. RARICK] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there

obJection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. RARICK. Mr. Speaker, one of the

mast revealing aiccounts of the October 21-22, 1967, Communist-inspired, financed, and dlreeted mock takeover of our Nation's Capital appears in the January 1968 issue of American Opinion, written by Dr. Susan L. M. Huck, the analysis editor of "The Review of the News."

Her firsthand, on-the-scene account is called "The Vietniks: 'American' Vietcong Assault the Pentagon."

The American people need see for themselves. Evidently the truth is being suppressed because of the fear of a resurrection of McCarthyism. Possibly those who hold to such a rationalization of bottoms-up thinking should awaken that they are responsible for what they profess to fear.

I regret that the gruesome, nauseating photographs of hippies, exploited youth, Vietcong :flags, posters of the Communist terrorist, Che Guevara, and the public ridicule of our military men cannot accompany the full text which I place in the RECORD as a perpetual reference for all our colleagues to review and research, along with a release "From Washington" by Reed Benson and Robert Lee. I also include letters to the editor of the Washington News for December 1 and the Evening Star for December 10:

THE VIETNIKS: "AMERICAN" 'VIETCONG AsSAULT THE PENTAGON

(By Susan L. M. Huck) Washington can be splendid in the fall,

when the soggy white heat of its tropical summer has fled. October there can be a glorious month. The grass is greener than in August, the sky is vastly bluer, and the trees green and gold and at their most beautiful. The industrial wastes of government are nearly all exported, generously distributed to the nation as a whole, leaving mu-ch of Washington like a big park studded with monuments and monumental buildings, clean and white in the sun. Adding to all this, the weather in Washington on the weekend of October 21-22, 1967, was that of a classic Indian-summer-sunny, breezy, and sixtyish, perfect for being active outdoors. It was a day, in the American tradition, for raking leaves or playing football or taking the kids to the zoo.

Ah, but somebody, somewhere, had to lift a big, fiat rock. And the creepy-crawlies stirred, wriggled, and began their migration to Washington.

So downtown Washington was thin on shoppers and tourists, and thick with police, plainclothesmen, and pairs of armed-forces police temporarily deputized to patrol the District of Columbia. They policed the "white ghetto"-you know-Georgetown, where the ruling elite lives, the rich Bohemian policymakers. And, the National Guard armories for miles around the District were full of men, perhaps twenty thousand in all, desultorily performing the usual military busy-work while awaiting a possible call for help. Meanwhile, down at the Pentagon, some fl ve thousand Regular Army troopsveteran paratroopers and military policeand over seven hundred Federal Marshals took up "defensive positions."

It adds up to roughly two divisions tied down for the occasion, including the 82nd Airborne, which has seen considerable action on the domestic "front" lately in such places as Detroit. Four battalions had been brought in from Ft. Bragg, North Carolina, and :fifteen 0-130 Hercules carrying fifty M.P.s each brought units from the 6th Army at Presidio,

Califor:nia, and the 4th Army at ft. Hood. Texas.

The :government ,seemed to be taking ·this all very ·seriously, and certainly the newspapers did, making sure that everybody got the message about how unprecedented it iB to have to deploy large units of the Regular Army to defend the capital itself.

If it's so serious that the government thinks it needs two divisions to contain the action, then why doesn't the government think it's serious enough to try to prevent in the first place? Any businessman, school board member, even a lot of simple taxpayers have had a taste of the means of quiet harassment and arm-twisting available to the government, when it wants to make a point without a scene. And yet, the leaders of the October uproar have publicly and repeatedly :flaunted the breaking of some mighty serious laws, and they do not seem to suffer the least inconvenience. Perhaps someone is expecting that the national reaction to what is about to happen will mean increased sympathy for the Administration's handling of the war. Perhaps it is all an agent provocateur operation. If the government didn't think so, one suspects it could have been stopped.

So there it was-Washington practically on a war footing, certainly on an insurrectionary footing, so that you'd think the hordes of Genghis Khan were at the outskirts of the city, or already in it. Of course you weren't seeing the hordes of Genghis Khan-they only looked like that. It was really just the drugs of the Spock generation, under the guidance of men freshly returned from special briefings in Communist CzechoSlovakia and in Hanoi, North Vietnam-and even more freshly from lengthy discussions with U.S. Gove.rnment officials about what they are going to do.

Of course, it takes a long time, and a lot · of work, and a lot of money, to plan and stage a week of preliminary "spontaneous" demonstrations which will build up to the "spontaneous" monster rally in Washington. The Pied Pipers, in this case, were a clutch of hard-eyed, full-time, professional revolu- . tionaries. Such chaps don't exactly wear Hindu temple bells suspended from their earlobes. And they meant business. As "American" Marxist Tom Hayden of the Students for a Democratic Society told a delegation of forty Vietcong and Communist North Vietnamese on 8eptember 13, 1967:

"We will ten [the President] he'd better leave some men at home. Because like Spartacus, whose fellow slaves in Rome protected his hiding-place by each claiming to be Spartacus himself, I am the Vietcong. We are everywhere! We are all Vietcong."

After the Vietniks' Spring Mobili3ation, in April-the flag burnings, the mass marches behind Vietcong flags-the Communists evaluated. their success, and it was decided to try another in the fall. It would be another international event---and of course only the Communists are sufficiently organized, internationally, to guarantee simultaneous performances. The two-day marathon meeting in Washington was well-led by top officials of the Communist Party, U.S.A., like its National Public Relations Director, Arnold Johnson; and such members of its National Committee as Archie Brown, James Jackson, and Bettina Aptheker. Also present were top representatives from the Communist Socialist Workers Party, the Communist Young Socialist Alliance, the · Communist Progressive Labor Party, the Communist DuBois Clubs, and assorted other avatars of the International Communist Conspiracy which was running this show.

Over-an leadership of the October project was assigned to Dave Dellinger, fifty-two, a Yale graduate who served three years in prison during World War II rather than risk his precious hide for his country. He now describes himself as "a non-Soviet Communist." Dellinger is editor of Liberation, a Marxist

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 36007 publication which, like many on the Far Left, has little advertising or circulation but few financial problems. He has been an honored guest of Communist Cuba and Red China--and of Hanoi, not once but twice. After the first trip, in late 1966, the State Department took away his passport, but gave it back when he promised he wouldn't go again. So he went again last fall, being personally greeted by Ho chi Minh. He got back in time to finish work on this big theatrical production.

The National Mobilization Project Director was Jerry Rubin. He is so highly thought of by the International Communist Conspiracy that it sent him to Cuba in 1964 under the sponsorship of the Communist Progressive Labor Party (P.L.P.). Though attac}?.ed to P.L.P., he attended the 1966 Convention of the Communist Party, U.S.A. Co-chairman of the Mobilization was Mrs. Dagmar Wilson, founder of the notorious Women Strike for Peace, who missed the Marxist New Politics Convention in Chicago over Labor Day because she was in Hanoi visiting Ho chi Minh. Another Co-chairman was Ivanhoe Donaldson, a top aide to comrade Stokely Carmichael. He attended the 1966 National Convention of the Communist Party, U.S.A., and is Director of the New York office of the Marxist Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Still another was Sid Lens (ne: Sid Okun), formerly Secretary of the Communist Revolutionary Workers League, honorary Co-chairman of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and sponsor of the Communist Front National Committee to Abolish HUAC.

According to Internal Security Report for October, 1967, the following individuals are listed ·as sponsors of the Spring Mob111zation Committee which birthed this monster project: Franklin Alexander, National Chairman of the Communist W.E.B. DuBois Clubs; Paul Booth, former National Chairman of the Marxist S.D.S.; Stokely Carmichael; Ken Cloke of the Communist Front National Lawyers Guild; Lew Jones of the Communist Young Socialist Alliance; Michael Myerson of the Communist Tri-Continental Information Center; Judy White of the Communist Socialist Workers Party; and Mike Zagarell, National Youth Director of the Communist Party, U.S.A.

Other top Communists who are sponsors of the Mobilization include: Peter Camejo; Albert J. Lima, Chairman of the Northern California District of the Communist Party; James R. Lindsay, Communist Party candidate for City Councilman of San Jose, California; Ben Dobbs; Robert Treuhaft; Benjamin Dreyfus; Malvina Reynolds; Don Ruthenberg; and, Al Richmond, Executive Editor of the Communist People's World.

Converting itself from the Spring Mobilizing Committee into the National Mobilization Committee, the publicity angle, among many others. They understand what type o:f activity makes headlines, and the need for a rising crescendo of events to give the appearance of a snowballing "movement" to inspire the faithful and attract passengers for the bandwagon. They also recognized, however regretfully, the hiatus which was going to settle over things during the college summer vacation.

Camp-qs agitation would continue a8 long as possible, and resume with a bang in September; meanwhile the professionals would do the organizational work. The summer hiatus led many to the conclusion that, two months before the October twenty-first rally, "plans were almost dead." Nonsense.

In September, Dave Dellinger led forty Americans on a pilgrimage to Communist Czecho-Slovakia, where they met with the North Vietnamese in Bratislava from September fourth to thirteenth. A little cultural exchange no doubt. When they returned, things moved into high gear at once. Instructions went out to the network of campus radical groups, and the public began to read

about more and more "student unrest" and "confrontations" and "protests" against the dr8.ft, recruitment, or just anything else that could be whomped up. These affairs · were made as unruly as possible, and then conver:ted into "police brutality" propaganda, regardless of what happened. The week of snowballing activities began exactly on schedule, with attempts in several cities to block draft induction centers. Some of those became pretty lively affairs, especially in Oakland, California.

But, before we get to all of that, let's return briefly to the Bratislava meetings. Dellinger's flack, Ray Mungo, went along and came home with a long propaganda tract, which was distributed to "hippy underground" and Leftist campus publications Dellinger's specialized Liberation News Service, aimed precisely at those uprooted, demoralized, rebellious, and/or malcontent adolescents who represent a fine source of bodies for the Movement.

In Bratislava some funny things happened. The North Vietnamese delegation had bought complete wardrobes of the best clothing available in Prague, before arriving, and as M-qngo put it, "they were surprised that we wore dungaree jackets and tattered sandals and complimented our 'humility as well as courage.'" At a formal reception, with everyone but our forty Americans dressed in something other than beatnik garb, they performed a frug and "the Vietnamese brothers clapped and laughed uninhibitedly." And in the end-the sourest note of allMungo says, "the Americans took to bowing, using protocol titles, and asking others to step ahead of them."

Now, isn't that funny, in a sick sort of way? Especially if you recall the pictures of our brainwashed airmen in North Vietnam, forced to bow to their captors. And here are forty America Vietcong, leaping at the opportunity to bow to their masters.

Mr. Dellinger, sir, did you bow to your masters, too?

Maybe he did. Ten of the forty, Dellinger among them, and S.N.C.C.'s man, John Wilson, were taken on to Hanoi for further instructions. (And this is after Dellinger promised •.. ) The rest of them had a whirl around swinging Prague before coming back to the United States, where their work is. They were allowed to change their money on the black market ("So valuable is the U.S. dollar; g*d d*mn it to hell, reflects Mungo, while wallowing in the joys of it), so that Mungo could write a propaganda piece suggesting that American hippies come to Prague, bring their dollars, and do stay as long as the dollars last. Prague needs you-to prepare you properly for a return to America, where the real work lies.

And back to work it was, in mid-September. The Communists had that blasted Peace Torch to get across the country somehow, and all those monstrous children to get shaped upon and pointed in the Red direction, after more or less of a summer's layoff.

Finally, the programed events for the week leading up to the Washington uproar began. Oakland, we would have to say, turned in the best perform.ance--Berkeley is so close, to supply young bodies to the many oldtime Reds in the Bay Area. They got a couple of days of real riot going. Law enforcement officers were attacked by 2,500 Communist-led rioters with hunks of broken concrete, clubs, road flares, firecrackers, garbage cans, and park benches. The roads were thoughtfully blocked by autos rendered hors de combat. And, though 204 were arrested, elements of the same group later stormed the military supply area at Port Chicago, California.

Communist DuBois Clubbers and members of Students for a Democratic Society ("We are all Viet Cong," remember?) put up a fairly good show at Brooklyn College, and were aided by Professors Howard Moltz and

William Zimmerman. More than sixty were arrested. Nick Eggleson, former President of the Marxist S.D.S., fresh from Bratislava, led the Booton performance with the aid of Professor Noam Chomsky of M.I.T., Professor of Divinity George Wiiliams of Harvard, and Marxist Professor Howard Zinn of Boston University. Sixty-seven draft cards were burned and 217 surrendered to the kindly Marxists running the show.

Naturally, these "spontaneous" demonstrations occurred at all sufficiently radicalized "institutions of higher learning" between Berkeley and Boston, and also in Canada, Great Britain, Scandinavia, Belgium, the Netherlands, France, West Germany, Italy, Japan, Australia and New Zealandall on cue.

Meanwhile, in Washington, after two weeks (perhaps much more) of "conferences" and "negotiations" with the federal government, a script for the Communists' Pentagon Assault had been prepared-with the National Mobilization Committee reserving the right to depart from it at wm. And, as demonstrators and "inteliectuals" not otherwise occupied began arriving in town at midweek, the ignorant smallfry were given indoctrina.tion sessions, and the adults were provided with such treats as the rally at the Ambassador Theater, where Robert Lowell, alleged to be a poet, mainly just lay on the floor of the stage; Dwight . Macdonald and Paul Goodman deplored America; and good old Norm Mailer, falling-down drunk and quaffing the stuff out of a mug as he spoke, treated the audience to an anthology of contemporary obscenity. So much for the "intellectual" contingent.

At last, D-Day. The "troops" poured in by chartered bus and special train, by air and carpool (would you believe five in a Mercedes-Benz?) and gathered 'round the Lincoln Memorial and the Reflecting Pool, lolling, littering, and loving, waiting for H-Hour in their inimitable way.

Surely some of the leaders must have cast an eye over the throng and found lit the sorriest rabble of infants it had ever been their duty to lead. Not real revolutionaries, but petulant brats, sons and daughters of the decadent "Liberals" themselves. That's one reason why the government was going to be so dreadfully careful not to hurt anyone. What a pity.

It was time for the Mobilization's "mar_. shals" to get busy. Under the direction of "head marshal" Cornell Reagan, a bearded black, selected male crudniks with U.N.-babyblue ribbons around their arms expanded their activities fro~ guarding their leaders to assembling the various groups and trying to get a march under way. It wasn't easyH-Hours came and went. But there were plenty of speakers to pollute the clear air with their opinions of America.

The sister of the late "black nationalist," Malcolm X, stepped to the mike from amid her funeral bodyguard of Muslim toughs and opined as how "This is the first time I have witnessed white people and black people rocking in the same boat.'' She must have been blind; that mob was almost as white as a North Dakota grange meeting.1

In the absence of Stokely Baby, who was on a world tour of the Communist nations, and H. "Rap" Brown, unaccountably detained, S.N.C.C.'s John Wilson, fresh from

1 The revolutionaries had decided to hold a special show for Negroes at the Baneker Playground in Northwest Washington. It was run by Charles Kenyatta, chief witchdoctor of the New York Mau Mau. (At the Newark Black Power Conference in July he was photographed arrogantly spearing a Holy Bible with a two-foot machete.) Speakers included Marxist Lester McKennie of S.N.C.C. and Milton Henry, a. Michigan attorney. For kicks the Mau Mau boys burned a flag. ·

36008 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 his briefing in Communist Czecho-Slovakia., called for endless l'esistance,t and a moment of silence ·for the· late Ernesto "Che" Guevara. In the dlst"ance, floating serenely over the unsightly horde was -a large u .N. flag carried by a bearded, wild-eyed youth. Through the trees to the south along the Reflecting Pool could be seen another U.N. flag sandwiched between rGws of giant posters mourning the death of "Che" Guevera. Pictures of Guevara were everywhere.

Between acts, or when the leaders wanted to huddle for a few minutes, the usual ghastly folksingers took turns twanging and whining their propaganda dirges. The talent included ·"Peter, Paul, and Mary," Phil Ochs,

'Barbara Dane, and a member of the Communist W.E.B. DuBois Club from the Chad Mitchell Trio.

Down in the crowd, Walter Teague III openly raised money for the Vietcong, which is his regular occupation, by peddllng enemy flags for a buck apiece. Hawkers were everywhere, gouging quarters for the propaganda rags of every socialist, anarchist, and Communist group known to man. Fun for the feeble-minded was supplied by several mlddleaged-to-senile crackpots-a doddery old goc>fus who wore a rubber fright mask all day long, and the clown who calls himself General Hersheybar. While the assembled "youths" hadn't outgrown many things, they had, by and large, outgrown General Hersheybar's brand of humor.

Y·ou wonder what these people do in real life-or whether they are just let out for the day, now-and then.

One of American Opinion's men on the "inside,'' a two-year veteran member of the Communist DuBois Clubs, was Awfully busy trying to take .attendance. There were, after all, both sheep and shepherds, even though they looked the same.2 There were plenty of

tAmong his more original absurdities was his declaration that "We must resist and fight for this peace in any way necessary!"

2 Among those our man spotted were Communist Phyllis Ann Kalb, news editor of Student Voice at Brooklyn College; George M. Chaikin, Student Body President at Cooper Union; Jose and Roque Ristlrucci, national officers of the Communist DuBois Clubs; Worker correspondent Ted Pearson of the Chicago DuBois Club; Henry Gordillo of the Queens College DuBois Club; DuBois Clubs photographer Ted Re1eh; and Michael Zagarell, National Youth Director of the Communist Party, U.S.A. Other top activists from the Communist DuBois Clubs included John and Ann Kransdorf, Detroit; Jose Stevens and Matty Barkelhammer, City College of New York; Harold Greenberg and Ron Rivers, Bronx; and Martha Rotenberg, Temple ·university. Another interesting Communist there was Patt.I Rabbitt, Seattle, who was handing out free copies of The Worker. Patti is Northwest Coordinator for the DuBois Clubs.

Also circulating through the crowds were such odd revolutionaries as Dale Younce, a member of the Communist Young Socialist Alllance (passing out free copies of the Communist Young Socialist); Communist Maureen Jasinsky (selling copies of a Communist sheet called The Militant); and, Abraham Egnol of the Ph1ladelphia Mobilization Committee, who claimed he brought five thousand people in his delegation. There too was Fred Halstead, Chairman of the Communist Socia.list Workers Party, whose supporters were distributing flyers announQing his candidacy for President of the United States; Pedro Juan Rua of the vicious Movement for PUerto Rican Independenc.e; Edward Shaw, Orga.ajzat;lonal . Secretary of tl;le Communist Socialist Workers Party and former Midwest Representative of the Communist Fair Play for Cupa; Derrick Morrison of the National Committee of the Communist Young Socialist All1ance; and, Sherman .Drexler, a New

"Red diaper babies,'' too---second- and tht:rdgeneration Communists like Mike Eisenscher,

·who brought his flock of sheep down from. the University of Wisconsin. Mike is Midwest

· Coordinator of the DuBois Clubs; his daddy is identified Communist Sigmund Elsenscher. ·Another was Ruth Partnoy, daughter of a Red member of Veterans for Peace, Leon Partnoy. The list of lower-level corporals ,and sergeants, spawn of ·the endless interlocking Communist Front groups infesting the United States, ls simply too long to reproduce.

But if anyone wants a clue as to how promising sheep are first spotted and softened up-you parents out there who are considering sending a child to college-it's always good to know some of the Professors who helped to stage this show: Like Douglas Dowd of Cornell, who organizes the teach-ins above Cayuga's waters. His superior in revolutionary rank ls another Cornell Professor, Robert Greenblatt, a Vice Chairman of the Vietcong's April march organization and ·coordinator of "teach-ins" across the nation through the Inter-University Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy. Sidney Peck, another organizer, teaches sociology at CaseWestern Reserve University in Cleveland, and works closely with Greenblatt in the same organizations. Needless to say, the Ivy League was represented at a suitably prestigious leveL Yale chaplain, the notorious William Sloane Coffin,8 entrusted to counsel future leaders in thetr formative years, gave almost desperate demonstrations of his desire for "martyrdom," and of course Massachusetts Institute of Technology contributed Professor Noam Chomsky.

The "cultural" contingent had to make do with that well-known "candidate for the Presidency of the United States," a very fun..; ny Dick Gregory, and Norman Mailer. The latter must have had quite a hangover after that night before. Mailer seems to think .som·ebody has to be the teeny-boppers' Brendan Behan, and if he can't write, at least he can drink. (Poor old fellow, so antediluvian he's still blowing his mind on alcohol!)

At long, long last, t~e "march" began to take form. Confl'onted with a three-mile walk, the "army" suffered about twenty percent casualties right away, as the nonathletic types sloped off under the trees for more sedentary pursuits. ·

Blue-armbanded revolutionaries began pushing the crowd into assigned places and trying to clear the way for that star-studded Front Rank, centered on baby-doctor Benjamin Spock, who had just told the crowd how betrayed he had been by Lyndon Johnson. The line-up of Glorious Leaders of the Ameri., can Vietcong posed gloatingly for pictures for as long as possible, then stepped off be-. tween posters lauding such heroes as Ho

York artist and editor currently working on the manuscript of a new book by General James Gavin. There were many, many more, of course. People like Communist Les Friedman and Mexican revolutionary _jose Gonzalles. Enough. in fact, to lend frightening significance to the declaration made in 1964 by Boris N. Ponomarev, and issued from the Soviet Embassy in Washington, that: "The revolution in the United States has begun!" lt certainly has.

3 "Reverend" Coffin, whose father has been . cited as having amassed twenty-five· affiliations with Communist Fronts, has quite a heritage to live up to. He is doing his best. For example, he is rather proud of the fact that despite having signed his widely publicized deplaratlon that it is his intent to "aid and abet" any draft-resister in any way possible, the government has not dared take action against him. Aiding and abetting draft-resisters ls a felony, punishable b_y a maximum .fine of $10,000 and up t.o five years

.1n prison. Another signer of that decJa.ratiOn. is the apparently senile Dr. Benjamin Spock.

Chi Minh, "Che" Guevara, ·and Lee Harvey Oswald. Suddenly it took a· detail of District of Columbia ·police, shoulder-toshoulder two deep, to protect some clean-cut young counter-demonstrators. They were waving an American flag, and needed protection.

The flag wavers were lucky that they were not arrested for being provocative. Other counter-demonstrators, including some creeps, received rough handling from the "marshals" in the Peace Force armbands, and were often arrested on top of it. One got ten days for shouting that the marchers were "Communist scum," since the magistrate was of the opinion that such a cry "might have caused a riot." Another was fined fifty dollars for carrying an uncomplimentary sign. If these seem rather minor things, they are mentioned primarily so that they may be compa-red to the "punishment" meted out to the most outrageous of the revolutionaries, a matter we shall discuss shortly.

The "marshals." varl.ously booted and costumed, including one disguised as the reincarnation of "Che," gave a few demonstr~ tions of goonery on the way across :Memo.rial Bridge--including a fierce mob attack on a carload of TV men who were filining a counter-demonstrator instead of the Vietcong flag-bearers. ·

The massive column, swelled by tens of thousands of marchers; moved haltingly across the Memorial Bridge. Scores of onlookers lined the sidewalk on both sides of the column gaping with cl1sbelief as it crawled along behind the Viet.cong flags. The three-mile trek wound over the Potomac River, down a narrow roadway to the Channel Drive. and past the Arlington Na.tional Cemetery toward the Pentagon.

Once acr~ Mem<;>riai Bridge, however, the theatricals began in e_arnest. The Washington Free Press, a grubby revolutionary rag with no visible means of support, put out a "Pentagon Special" which describes things fropi the point of view of the "innocent idea.lists" involved:

"Two groups the ~volutlonary Contlngel).t [consisting of Teague's Committee to Aid the National Liberation Front, or Vietcong, and a new outfit called the Black Mask-whites wearing black maSks] and Students for a Democratic Society, split oif from the parade at Memorial Bridge. They en~red the Pentagon [grounds] by slashing a fence off the North Parking Lot and pushing their way through the American Legion on the outsid.e of the fence and the first. contingent of military police on the inside. Walter Teague was arrested at this point, but most of the two groups, managed to force their way through."

Let's look at this a minute, because it includes great evidence that the whole cast was following a script. Except for mention of "thil American Legion" here, which appears nowhere else in the festering mass of "literature" on the subject, the picture is fairly clear. The government had agreed to permit uproars to take place in various sections of the Pentagon grounds. The . federally-appointed rallying point for this "army" was the North Parking Lot, and another site for staged "confrontation" was the grassy area below the terrace at the building's north entrance.

Running directly between these two government-approved scenes of disturbance was a brand-new, barbedwire-topped cyclone fence. It couldn't have been in place more than a couple of days; certainly it had been built with the demonstrations in mind. The normal mind leaps to the conclusion that it was supposed t.o serve the functions of a fence-not as part of a stage set.

Yet these "revolutionary contingents," totaling less than a hundred relatively unarmed men (''relatively" because there were a number of revolutlGnaries armed with hefty pick-handles, and some tools for deal-

December 12, 19 67 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 36009 ing with the fence were reportedly used) were able to tear down that fence with perfect impunity. With thousands of troopb immediately av~ilable, with company upon company of crack Military Police on duty on the scene, we are supposed to believe that the government couldn't stop these people from tearing down a fence!

Obviously, that proposition is ridiculous. But it leaves nothing except the strong suspicion that the fence was erected in order to be torn down. In other words, it appears to have been in the script.

So the Committee to Aid the Vietcong can. report to Hanoi that its "assault" "breached the defenses," and there are plenty of pictures to prove that the V.C. battle :flags were carried away in the police van. That was the whole point. The propaganda pictures out of this affair are worth their weight in diamonds to the Communitt cause.

The Military Police "couldn't" hold the bottom of the two staircases leading up to the entrance terrace, either-a "front" totaling about forty feet! Moments later they had no trouble holding a "front" a hundred times as long, and that includes a sector ten times as long in front of one of the most closely-packed herds of anthropoids it has ever been my .mil:!fortune to be imbedded in!

The home-grown V.C. assault squads were able to boast, then, of planting the :flag in "the illegal zone of confrontation," where the government had said they mustn't go. But where the government, the day before, had set up :flatbed trailers to serve as platforms for the cameramen covering what was going to happen in that precise spot. Al:J American soldiers died in the field in Vietnam, their own government was at home cooperating with the staging of a pro-Vietcong propaganda show. It is incredible! Incredible unless one is prepared to accept the fact that performances like this make good Americans damn angry. And, they drum up nationwide reaction to favor not a hard-line go-in-and-win posture, but blind support for whatever the Pre!:!ident wants to do. You may bet that Lyndon Johnson is not averse to such a reaction. Not at all! So long as the President pushes a "no-win" policy, neither are the Communists.

Pursuing the story of the "revolutionary contingent" has taken us out of the North Parking Lot prematurely. To provide time for the "revolutionary contingent" to do its work, there was a desultory "rally" at a distant spot. The city-bred little hippies could sit down and nurse their fallen arches while listening to the usual stuff from Spock, Gregory, etc. "Presidential candidate" Dick Gregory reportedly told the crowd, "America is the most sick and insane nation in the world. •.. This country will be torn apart from the inside. That is not a threat-that is a promise. . . . What is our :flag? Nothing but a rag!" In another corner, a truckload of wayoutniks under a lovingly-painted emblem of the Illuminati was extending the Leftists' usual courtesy and respect for dissent to the Reverend Richard Wurmbrand, who, having spent years under severe torture in Communist prisons, happens to know what the Oommuntsts are really like. The Reverend Wurmbrand was trying to tell them something, but the leaders of this creepy gang didn't want anybody to hear it. Drums, bells, and top-volume loudspeakers went to work to drown him out. The leaders, between emitting drawn-out animal noises into their speakers, could be heard to repeat, over and over, a moaning, "Ke-e-e-ep it u-u-up!"

The day was full of examples of this type of Democracy in Action.

When the speechifying was over, it was time for the Big Names to go out and get arrested. ·Now, this isn't as. easy as it sounds, as Yale's chaplain can attest. He has spent more time trying to get arrested for obstructing the draft than he has in eating, lately.

He keeps devising and staging ever more brazen, obvious, unmistakable public violations of the law, but he still just can't get arrested. It seems that the laws of Man are suspended for special folks like Coffin.'

At any rate, the leaders had their requirements for arrest. The event had to take place early, publicly, and painlessly. Norman Mailer probably had a thundering headache and couldn't get out of that screaming mob of adolescents fast enough. He walked across a line provided for him and was escorted away to a nice, quiet clink. Dellinger, Spock, Gregory, Robert Lowell, M.I.T.'s Professor Chomsky, Dagmar Wilson, Donna Allen, and other such ghastly dignitaries found a quiet side of the building and tried to subvert the soldiers there until a signal was given to arrest them and they, too, were carted off.

Accommodations were the best that could be found for them by the federal government. The Occoquan Workhouse (don't worryonly the employees worked) was cleared of ordinary criminals and stocked with free cigarettes, coffee, and ham sandwiches for these special guests. Terms of magistrates were drafted for Saturday work, so that no one would have to spend the weekend behind bars-unless he wanted to. It was a lesson in how to be a martyr while escaping the tedium of continued association with your frightful "troops," and any blame for what they do. That's what subordinate officers are /<»", heaven's sake!

Ray Mungo, head of Dellinger's Liberation News Service, which pipes propaganda and pornography to scores of ever-so-daring "hippy underground" and campus papers, stuck close to the boss, to chronicle his tribulations and spread word of how absolutely thrilling and inspiring it is to be in jail with such elegant folks. Mungo claims he was kicked-in the head no doubt. We begin his chronicle at that point.

"Infuriated, I turned on the cop who kicked me and hissed. 'you • • • fascist!' Another prisoner [in the celebrity cell, of course] replied, 'That was a gratuitous and unhelpful remark.' A third, from San Francisco, began a chant of Harl Krishna. Spilled blood and American honor at stake, the war machine disrupted, and laughs aplenty during Freak Night at the Workhouse.

"Inside the cell again, Dellinger is cool and cheerful as he sips his coffee; Rev. Ashton Jones, 69 and proud to be there, tells old prison jokes; Noam Chomsky is neat and academic, worried about getting back to M.I.T. for a Monday morning symposium; the poet Tuli Kupferberg is wonderful just to look at; Norman Mailer is unusually quiet; Walter Teague of the Committee to Aid the NLF has drawn up a statement accusing the Mobilization of disorganization and duplicity, which some sign while others bitterly argue that the opinion, intended for publication in the (Communist] National Guardian, will be exploited by the capitalist press; Richard Gale of The Catholic W<Yrker is on a smiling hunger strike; Mike Rothberger of the Bronx is considering telllng the whole story to his junior-high school students ... and I'm thinking how incredibly mind-blowing it is."

So all the leaders contrived to get arrested by six P.M. They also seem to have contrived to spend Saturday night in a warm cell, instead of outdoors with their witless charges. Demonstrators were being run through the government's legal machine in record time, and helpfully transported back to Washington in time to rejoin the group

'On October 20, 1967, five hundred Vietniks blocked the Constitution Avenue entrance to the Justice Department and left 992 draft cards. Reverend Cofiln was furious when he was not arrested, declaring: "Here was an officer of the law facing clear evidence cif an alleged crime, and refusing to accept that evl- · dence. He was derelict in his duty."

and pass the word that being arrested is nothing, really a gas-"they don't even take your name," we heard some say. (Actually, you had to give a name. John or Mary ·Smith was acceptable, however.) Charges and fines were all the same, the fines $10 to $25, no matter whether the little heroes had spit on an M.P., smashed an officer, destroyed government property, or what. Hark back to the fate of counter-demonstrators!

But the point is that while ordinary demonstrators were being processed through in nothing fiat, and while the Mob111zation Committee was served by loud-mouthed activist lawyers 5 like William Kunstler and Arthur Kinoy, Mungo states that "nobody was charged until Sunday," and therefore they slept indoors that night. There was a total absence of collective yawping about the Constitutional rights of the "celebrities" on that occasion!

Everyone thrilled to the :r:umor that two or three M.P.s had broken ranks and defected to the demonstrators. That story was, of course, denied by the Pentagon, and' since both sides are equally self-serving in their news releases, one will never know. But it is certain that American troops were forced to endure studied demoralization by both the Communist demonstrators and the government.

The Washington Lawyers Committee, headed by Edward De Grazia, and the Lawyers Committee to Defend Demonstrators, headed by Ph111p Hirschkop, handled all legal involvements. After several early arrests, Hirschkop reported that "the sentences imposed in both cases were obviously light ... There is no doubt that the powers that be have come to some sort of agreement."

They sure had. Apparently Mr. Hirschkop was not at the

meeting in Chicago last April, when Professor Daniel Berman, a leader of the Communist Front National Committee to Abolish HUAC, explained to a sympathetic, closed meeting: "Ramsey Clark is a genuine liberal who would be very much at home with us here this morning. We must help him in every way. The Justice Department will take on a new light-as you will soon see."

Attorney General Ramsey Clark "took personal command of the security arrangements" during the period of the attack on the Pentagon.

The fix was in. Here is one of the charades CY! law-enforce

ment in the Reds' own account of things: "Tom Bell, of S.D.S., climbed the wall of

the plaza, where reporters were stationed, to set up the bullhorn. He was comforted by an MP who attempted to billy-club him. Bell managed to pull the billy-club from his hand and gained the position .... Bell, at that station, began to talk to the troops, to tell them that the soldiers were not the people's enemy."

Yes, indeed. Tom Bell, we are to believe, bravely moved into some forbidden "station" under cover of the Press cameras, and though burdened by a heavy, awkward, battery-powered bull-horn, managed to disarm and rout the M.P. sent to "billy-club him." Having won this astounding victory, our

5 Providing on-the-spot legal aid for the Vietnik multitudes was a marching team of thirty-eight Washington lawyers from the Communists' National Lawyers Guild and the Communist Front A.C.L.U., and 110 law students, all of whom wore tags bearing the word "Legal." -·

William Kunstler and Arthur Kinoy directed legal proceedings for the Mobilization. Kinoy, a member of the Communist National Lawyers Guild, had to be ejected from last fall's H.C.U.A. Hearings where he upset proceedings with puerile tantrums. Kunstler is attorney for the Communist DuBois Clubs and for such top Marxist revolutionaries as H. "Rap" Brown.

36010 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 little captain Nice remained in place and went to work trying to subvert the troops, and the forces of law and order remained im-

. potent, as usual. If it happened, it's another typical exam

ple of the sort of thing which went . on all weekend.

A fact which seems to have escaped the entire press oorps is that a vast area of the ~ntagon grounds-the property and responsibility of the federal government-was simply abandoned by it and allowed to become Vietcong-occupied territory. It was even called, by some, the "Liberated Zone." There was no law enforcement, no attempt at it, outside the cordon of M.P .'s. Anyone could have been lynched and barbecued in full view and reach of five or six thousand American troops, for about two days. Certainly the destruction of property was understrained-or limited only by a shortage of property to destroy. There was not the slightest restraint on tearing down expensive fences, or dotting the lawn with camp-fires fueled partly by tree limbs broken off-and partly, we are happy to add, by posters and wads of propaganda, as the night grew colder. The entire area became the world's largest outhouse and rest-room wall, as the calls of nature became "symbolic protest" and the graffiti artists went to work. ·

Drugs were in evidence everywhere, from the bedraggled marijuana cigarette being passed from mouth to anxious, twitching mouth, to supplies of "pink caps," "blue dots," and other popular forms of narcotics. "Speed freaks" were easily spotted. These people take metamphetamine which, if it doesn't kill you, does make you look quite distinctive. If you see a youngster with what looks like a really roaring skin disease, or the face of an old rummy-a kind of puffy, fleshy red normally acquired after a lifetime of devotion to the bottle-he is probably on "speed."

There is not the slightest ·evidence that anybody was arrested for anything in the Vietcong-occupied portion of the Pentagon grounds.

After the Big Names were conveniently carted off, long before dark, the body of the demonstrators, about 35,000 strong, settled down to more or less of a routine. Most of the time, most of the creatures were fairly inert, standing or sitting around "confronting," munching, socializing, going along with a chant for a few moments, waiting for suggestions and wondering what was going to happen.

Naturally, the activists had to stage their shows, and very likely the only surprise of the evening, for them, came from the U.S. Marshals. While all uniformed personnel were under the most rigid orders, the Marshals were something else. This was good old James "Punchy" McShane's Goon Squad, of University of Mississippi fame. Though deceptively dressed in civilian clothes, with white helmets and clubs, they are mainly deputized federal prison guards, accustomed to summary handling, in the privacy of Atlanta or Leavenworth penitentiaries, of hard-cases who have gotten out of line. When they had their attentions transferred to the students of Ole Miss, who were protesting against Bobby Kennedy li.s "Director of Admissions" back in 1963, they covered themselves with glory, and everybody else with blood. That was okay because those kids didn't think right, and the defenders of civil liberties were therefore quite unconcerned about it.

But, for what small comfort it may bring to some, let it be recorded that on October 21, 1967, just four years after Ole Miss, Punchy's boys went to work, briefly but with characteristic lack of subtlety, on the crudniks who fell into their grasp at the Pentagon.

The active, consciously operating Vietniks among the mob constantly agitated, provoked, probed, assaulted, and occa.sionally

broke through the military cordon. That last straw was the only thing that brought them any pain, because then they met the Marshals. There was gas around, here and there and from time to time, loosed by both sides. Its delicate fumes, when .mingled with those of marijuana and unwashed bodies, ought to be bottled and labeld Collective Sin.

Dellinger called for making the affair a ''teach-in" aimed at the troops who were forced to stand there, unmoving and unblinking, and take everything unless ordered to move. In the Reds' own papers, a report from a supposedly sympathetic M.P. says, "We were directed not to use tear gas. Anyone using tear gas unless they were told to do so would be courtmartialed. Also no one was to use any violence wha.tsoever. This is a courtmartial offense, too." Behind the line of M.P.s and the second line of Marshals, there were Regular Army paratroopers. They looked just fine-all the military men had to wear full-dress uniforms for the affair-but their rifles were visibly unloaded, with an open gap where the magazine should be, and at time some had bayonets fixed-but sheathed, of course. It wasn't at all like Ole Miss, but then these were different kinds of · people. They weren't ·kids trying to keep the Feds out of their state university, but kids trying to storm the Pentagon in defense of an enemy killing our soldiers in the field. It makes a lot of difference. ·

Instructions to the 1,500 policemen, 1,850 National Guardsmen, and special 220-man "civil disturbance unit," who handled things within the District of Columbia, emphasized extreme restraint, required them to be "patient, discreet, and courteous"-and presumably to overlook petty breaches of the law except by counter-demonstrators, since they were the only ones arrested within the District, at the beginning of the march. These instructions included the following:

"It is imperative that every man and every official do his utmost to see that these orders are carried out, to the end that when the demonstrations are over and the participants have dispersed, they may look back on their day with pleasure and that there will linger in their hearts a genuine esteem· for our Department."

So the M.P.s had to stand there, motionless, hour after hour, and be harangued, insulted, jostled, spat upon, and even kissed I It's hard to tell what's worse. They had to be photographed with flowers stuck in their rifle muzzles, and submit to games of grab-hishelmet. Chants of "Join us! Join us!" or "Drop those guns! Drop those guns!" were probably the most bearable things to happen all day. One lover-boy, who probably really believed what he was saying, got hold of one of the portable electric bullhorns which were tools of the trade, brought along by Students for a Democratic Society, and told everyone over and over how much he really "loved" those M.P.s. At that, one of the very few "black nationalists" in evidence couldn't stand it any more and just sneered, "Well, then, kiss 'em, baby!" There was no kissing on that occasion, but there was elsewhere, they say.

Agitators in the front ranks threw small sticks and candy wrappers at the silent, motionless M.P.s .... Then a volley of small rocks and burning bits of paper. Those near the restraining ropes began pulling at the iron peg that held up a barrier. When the troops moved forward to stop them they were met with curses and taunts. The agitators began to spit and throw lighted cigarettes to provoke the soldiers into some sort of retaliation. An M.P. Captain called through the bullhorn, "'A Company,' hold your ground, 'A Company.' Nobody comes and nobody goes. Just hold your ground, 'A Company.'" The tension was mounting.

In the dense areas adjacent to the two ramps, assault groups began forming as young revolutionaries spread the word to,

"Link arms, link arms!" Then the leaders began a series of probing actions, assaulting first one position, then another. Advance and retreat. The troops were jumpy, and the taunts became more abusiv:e.

A large squad of about two hundred revo- , lutionaries, led by ,the U.S. Committee to . Aid the N.L.F. [Vietcong], with Vietcong banners streaming, suddenly broke through the heavy M.P. line. A paramilitary leader, wearing a white siege-helmet, shouted orders as the assault group slammed into the troops with guerrilla precision. Again and again they attacked-kicking, gouging, and punching their way up the ramp. Several troopers had their helmets torn off and suffered cracks on the head as rocks and bottles rained down upon them. By the time the M.P .s recovered and regrouped, the Comrades were already charging up the ramp toward the auxiliary entrance. Several hundred newsmen, photographers, and officials scattered in panic when they found themselves in their path. The troops and Marshals had been outflanked and the Redniks dashed onto the terrace and up the steps into the Pentagon. Immediately, the stand-by troops of the 6th Armored Cavalry Division rushed out of the building, knocking several Comrades down the stairs, and formed a phalanx around the entrance.

Orders were now shouted to the M.P.s standing beneath the plaza behind the rope barricade: "Gas masks! Gas masks!" Someone had thrown a tear-gas cannister into the crowd on the ramp. The troops backed up a few yards and the nasty, cursing mob charged into them swinging burning firebrands and picket signs. Another handful got through but the M.P.s stopped the flow. Several rioters and an M.P. were carried to a waiting first-aid station some twenty yards back of the ramp. A hippy circulated through the crowd with a bottle of aspirin asking, "Any headaches? Any headaches?"

The troops were blamed for the gas attack, because on their belts they each carried a gas grenade. Actually the Vietnik leaders also came fully prepared. Some, hoping to provoke a riot, had brought their own gas cannisters. One of the revolutionaries boasted: "We have our own tear gas if they try to use any of it on us. And we got masks, don't worry."

Over on the right another group was busy scaling the wall leading to the plaza. From somewhere came grappling hooks which were tied to long heavy ropes and thrown over the rim of the cement wall. At the top, policemen tried to keep the intruders back, but within minutes they were overwhelmed; they broke and ran toward the line of troops who stood motionless, unloaded rifles in their hands. A huge cheer went up as a Vietcong flag was hoisted to the top of the parapet by the jubilant scaling party.

It was starting to get dark now, and the protagonists had faced each other for hours. By this time about five hundred had either scaled the wall or successfully charged up the two ramps, completely frustrating the efforts of the M.P.s and troops. Feigning attacks on one position caused troops to come running to protect that flank, thereby exposing another section to infiltration. Leading another wild charge up the ramp to the right were Communist DuBois Club leaders Jack Radey and Robert Heisler. Heisler, an admitted Communist, is also Chairman of the Communist Youth Forum at C.C.N.Y. In a recent letter he addressed to Robert Lederer, Heisler stated: "Mr. Hall recently passed the letter you wrote to him on to me and asked me to respond to it as soon as possible ... I too was very impressed with Mr. Hall's ideas when I heard him speak about 3 years ago. I joined the Communist Party soon after. I am twenty-one now." Robert Heisler is also in charge of DuBois Club activities in New York, and was active in the April fifteenth peace march and flag burning.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36011 Several other DuBois Club leaders were di

recting activities from the top of the walL They included. Robert Shreefter, Chairman of Students for Peace at Hunter College, and Steve Shreefter, Chairman of the Political Action Committee of the Faculty-Student Committee to End the War, at Brooklyn College.

A number of student monitors wearing red armbands passed through the crowd telling everyone to sit down and follow orders. Only a few wanted to follow orders, from either side. They were too worked up. A Professor now commanded the group's attention, goading and provoking the troops to lay down their weapons and defect. Professor Thompson Bradley, from Swarthmore College, charged that officers beat and kicked the peace marchers. It was the other way around. Two more gas cannisters exploded nearby.

A wide range of emotional techniques were utilized by the Communists to work up their streetbunders against the troops. Where some of the more passive types tried to talk quietly with the M.P.s who stood watching and waiting--0thers screamed. vile names. A young Negro girl pleaded with a tall, strong-looking Negro soldier to lay down his weapon and defect. She told him not to be a traitor to his race. After a time-eliciting no response-she shrieked, "You dumb black nigger I Go ahead and shoot us. I dare you." Another Negro, a hippy, climbed down from his perch in a nearby tree and shouted, "Hey nigger I What have you ·done for your people?" The hippy then slowly and with deliberation set his draft card afire and waved it tauntingly under the nose of the trooper. Tears of anger rolled down the young soldier's cheeks-and he stood his ground.

It was getting dark now and the sight of the burning draft card sparked a wave of other burnings. With each one a prolonged round of applause flooded the mall. Several large bonfires were started in the bivouac area as a cold wind swept the field. Within minutes a score of fl.res were burning, fueled by picket signs, leaflets, and newspapers. Splintered wood was carried in from the barricades on the road, and tree branches were heaped on the leaping flames. Weird shadows were cast on the besieged walls of the Pentagon as the Communist-led rabble congregated around their fires.

Soon, probing actions began again and a small knot of activists made a thrust at the Marshals on the ramp, who fought back leaving several demonstrators bleeding on the ground. More tear gas was thrown and the crowd ran a.muck. Several troopers were attacked and pushed back up the ramp. More invaders climbed the ropes dangling from the walls. Another assault column battled troops up the righthand ramp until the whole contingent flowed out onto the terrace. Those who had made it to the steps of the Auxiliary entrance sat down and refused to move, defying the troops.

A Mobilization "marshal" handed a bullhorn to one of the protest leaders, a Professor from New York who had recently led a rally at Foley Square. The Professor told the assembly that their intention was to paralyze the operations of the war makers by keeping the 27,000 employees from getting to work. He urged all those within range of his voice to relieve themselves on the walls and shrubbery of the Pentagon. "Let us turn our biological. needs into a real symbolic gesture," he screamed. A call was sent out for food, water, and blankets to the thousands below the terrace. Runners were sent over the wall to collect cigarettes, coffee, and food which was later brought in to the squatters.

Since one of our men on the "inside" was, in effect, one of the "heroes," having been in one of the first assault teams (by no choice of his own) someone threw him a sandwich from down below. He offered half to a tired looking paratrooper-who ignored the gesture. The troops had stood in the

same position for over six hours now and they were beginning to show fatigue.

The smell of marijuana drafted over the black-top terrace and a faint blue mist hung over the fantastic scene. The last ·of the determined protestors finally scaled the parapet and prepared for the long, cold night. .

Eventually midnight arrived, the witching hour, when the permit for the demonstrations expired until morning. After midnight the ·assemblage was unlawful. That meant just about as much as their being in an "unlawful" part of the grounds, or flying an enemy flag atop the parapet of the Pentagon. There was no attempt to disperse the crowd-the "army" had dwindled abruptly to a few thousand as night fell, buses had left for home, and it got colder by the minute. The big "atrocity story" of the whole night was based on a feeble attempt to clear the terrace by slow, steady inching forward of the M.P. cordon. Professor Peck "took the bullhorn from S.D.S. and begged the troops to stop until the person responsible within the Pentagon for the massacre order could be found."

"We, like the Jews, had come non-resisting into this isolated house of death, and sat in the dark, at the mercy of robots before the gas chambers waiting for the proverbial bar of soap," runs the Communist account. Whoosh!

At the end of the "massacre" the mighty U.S. Army had gained about fifteen or twenty feet and the terrace was not cleared.

Saturday's accumulation of litter was almost gone on Sunday morning, as everything combustible had been sacrificed to the cause of keeping warm; but as the sun rose higher on Sunday, the level of garbage built up again, and by afternoon the Pentagon steps were hip deep in it-bottles, caps, rags and/or castoff clothing, ca:µdy-wrappers, potato-chip bags, apple cores--you name it. Indelible and unprintable messages were everywhere in lipstick and spray paint. Those who fancied themselves Oriental mystics were posing in the lotus position, or trying yoga exercises.

The costume party was on again, as the softies came back to the scene after a cozy night somewhere else. There were characters there dressed as Pocahontas, Geronimo. Guevara, Trotsky, the cast of Doctor Zhivago, and Alley Oop. I was about to immortalize on film one particularly intriguing creature when he swung a chain at me and offered to smash my camera. Police protection being what it was, he got away. A pity.

The affair petered out during Sunday afternoon, really, but the government went the extra mile and let the die-hards stay beyond the limits of the permit, until even they went home sometime Monday. The box-score read: forty-seven injured-twenty-four revolutionaries, twenty-three troopers; 682 arrests. Some 35,000 had marched, two thousand camped for the night, and 239 stayed till Monday.

So ended the activist phase of yet another carefully planned and staged propaganda assault on the American people; a people who never seem to look past the view of the world presented on television and in the headlines, and converted to pabulum for them once a week by Time and Newsweek, whose editors are only too happy to stuff all those empty heads with their interpretation of events. Of course, these same American people will be forced to pick up the million-dollar tab for this Washington·weekend-an episode which, in fact, was a microcosmic example of our plight in Vietnam itself. We spend any amount of money to deploy overwhelming military power-and then carefully refrain from using it.

We can't know what all this cost Hanoi, but it was surely ·worth it; Dellinger and Company were rewarded by the North Vietnamese Government itself, through a public statement that their work "constitutes a valuable support" for Hanoi, which emphasized Hanoi's intention of "coordinating ac-

tlons" between the "fronts" in Vietnam and the United States, and repeated the line used often by Mobilization speakers, that this marks a point of shift in tactics to "active resistance," or what Hanoi terms "fierce struggle" in the United States.

Our government seems to have gotten us into a lovely box-a "heads they win, tails we lose" situation. Since "victory" ls officially renounced as an American policy, we are left with the choice of surrendering to the Communists, or bleeding indefinitely. Certainly, from the Communist point of view, either course of action ls satisfactory; and if the United States can be further ripped apart by dissension-by bitter struggle over whether to surrender now, or bleed indefinitely, with talk of winning completely ruled out of order-well, just wonderful 1 So we have the spectacle, alas, of exactly this happening. "Moderate, responsible" peoplethe usual adjectives the Establishment "Liberals" apply to themselves in their whollycontrolled mass med.ia.-<are for a mixed policy, really, of bleeding until some graceful means of surrender can be devised and put over on the people. The "radicals," whose conversations with the Communists are more open and frank, concentrate on tearing down our society with the largest crowbars available.

Probably a hundred mill1on or so ordinary Americans would resent this if they knew about it. Many if not most have been pricked to acute awareness of it sufficient to cause some moments of anger or even fury. But then it subsides--after all, "Waddaya gonna do?" Veterans of Vietnam, Legionnaires, refugees from Communism on three continents, and just ordinary homegrown citizens have muttered again and again: "Why doesn't the government do something?" The few who have been sufficiently overcome by fury to slug a fiag-burner or something have been arrested or at least restrained by police. and of course lambasted all over the Press for their "intolerance of dissent." And any organization, from the American Legion to The John Birch Society, which shows any public desire to counter open subversion and treason ls hacked down, smeared, and wedged apart by "Liberal" groups formed for this precise purpose.

Meanwhile, the government goes to greater and greater lengths to permit violations of the law, and of the rights of the ordinary citizen and the serviceman being asked to die in Vietnam. And, the so awfully Reverend William Sloane Coffin does hardly anything any more but demonstrate that · you can violate the Selective Service laws and nothing will happen. Campus mob-actions regularly violate the rights of non-participating students to attend classes, or pass through the halls, or visit a recruiter or job-interviewer if he wants to. On several occasions, during campus demonstrations, people have been forcibly confined to their omces, or even autos, for hours or days, and there has been no concern for their right not to be imprisoned by Communist-led mobs. This police, of course, are subject to such incedible harassment, and left so defenseless behind their backs by cheap politicians, that you can't hire men for this work any more, certainly not in sufficient numbers.

Look at the figures on casualties during insurrections in the three years since, not including, Watts. The revolutionaries have already killed twelve policemen, and injured 1,200. The number of clv111ans injured ls only twice that many, and of course this includes many who were merely in the wrong place at the wrong time, and all the victims-those whose cars were smashed and burned and so forth. The extreme restraint, then, has probably resulted in more police than revolutionaries getting hurt.

The revolutionaries are now, and always have been, protected from the law, and from the natural resentment of ordinary Americans, by the "Liberals" who control the gov-

36012 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE December 12, 1967 ernment and mass media. This is not an idle statement at all. It is based on a thirtyfive-year record of tolerating Reds, encouraging Reds, advancing Reds to higJ;l positions, beating off any attempt to reduce or end their activities, and reserving all the "Liberals" viciousness for attacks on anti-Communists, who must be destroyed by fair means or foul.

In Washington, over the weekend of October 21-22, 1967, there were continuous public displays of subversion and treason. The government did nothing except to bend over backward on behalf of seditionists and traitors. Thirty-five thousand American youngsters learned on that weekend, if they didn't know it before, that there is no penalty for treason, for sedition, for assault, for public indecency, for taking dope right under the noses of the "forces of law and order," for destroying property and mobbing opponents and attacking U.S. soldiers.

And let's never forget the impact overseas! That was a major part of the whole show! Our boys in Vietnam will certainly be further demoralized by the disgusting spectacle. Other countries, not yet Communist-ruled, can't help but have serious doubts about the health and sanity of the American body politic. The Communist countries will simply thrive for months on the tremendous propaganda pictures and articles which fl.ow almost without effort from such an affair. The government, intead of enforcing the laws which leaders of the Mob111zation have left shattered behind them for years, offers them every assistance in their treasonous enterprises. The government is not helpless. It merely acts that way.

You will all be interested to know that the terribly · "informed" Washington Post has stated that there were no Communists involved in the assault on the Pentagon.

And Time magazine, not daring to go quite that far and yet not inclined to lay it on the line, either, squirms out of it by a cute one. Dean Rusk, it seems, was asked whether he thought there were Communists involved.

Well, hurrumph, said the Secretary of State, "'We haven't made public the extent of our knowledge' for fear of setting off 'a new McCarthyism.' " (Time, October 27, 1967)

Above all, we must be kept safe from "McCarthyism,'' which is to say from looking too deeply into Communist influence and activities within our country. After all, those two "hawks" in State and the White House, Dean Rusk himself and Presidential Advisor Walt Whitman .Rostow, who push the bleedindefinitely solution to Vietnam, might well worry about McCarthyism. Wasn't Rostow denied security clearances over and over again, until Kennedy brought him in at the top-the very top? And wasn't Dean Rusk an early and ardent admirer of Mao Tsetung, going so far as to call him "the George Washington of China" as late as 1950?

With leaders like this, Hanoi has little to fear.

Why should they, they've already literally flown the Vietcong flag from the Pentagon.

FROM WASHINGTON

(By Reed Benson and Robert Lee) If you take the October twenty-first

.. peace" demonstration at the Pentagon, and subtract the massive publicity it received in the news media, you are left with a colossal flop. Although some reports (including one in the Oommunist newspaper The Worker) placed the crowd at as high as two hundred thousand persons, and most projected a figure of a.round fifty thousand, the truth is that not more than thirty-five thousand Communists, hippies, and "peace" people came out on that sunny day to advocate capitulation to Oommunism. That's not even as many as the number of Americans who volunteered !or the armed services during any of the long, hot summer months of June, July, and

August. And if you discount the hundreds of newsmen and curious on-lookers who turned out, the figure is even less.

The Pentagon arranged to have some aerial photographs taken of the crowd during the peak of the march. A careful headcount based on those photographs was made and, as the "Liberal" Washington Post reported on October twenty-ninth, "Navy photo interpreters reported the maximum crowd size to be between 30,000 and 35,000 on the basis of pictures taken at 5 p.m ... . "

A few days following the march--0n October twenty-fifth-the formation of a new organization was announced at a press conference in Washington. The primary goal of this new Citizens Committee for Peace with irreedom in Vietnam (C.C.P.F.V.) appears, based on its initial policy statement, to be that of rallying support for the Administration's Vietnam policies. The new Committee has rented space two floors below the Washington office of The John Birch Society at 1028 Oonnecticut Avenue, N.W.

F1ormer Senator Paul H. · Douglas (D.Illinois) of the Americans for Democratic Action is the C.C.P.F.V.'s Organizing Chairman. Co-chairman is General Omar Bradley; who sided with the politicians who ousted General Douglas MacArthur during the Korean War, and who now says that Vietnam is "the right war against the right enemy." Mrs. Oswald B. Lord, former U.S. Representative on the United Nations Human Rights Commission is Vice Chairman. Former Presidents Eisenhower (remember Cuba?) and Truman (remember Korea?) are members, as is former Secretary of State Dean Acheson (remember China?).

Those who have taken the opportunity to read The Invisible Government, Dan Smoot's definitive study of the Council on Foreign Relations, will readily recognize the significance of the fact that fully one-fourth of the initial members of the C.C.P.F.V. were also listed on the roster of the secretive 1 C.F.R. as of September 1, 1966. They include:

Dean Acheson; Frank R. Barnett; Thomas D . Cabot; Lucius D. Clay,· James B. Conant; Roscoe Drummond; Dwight D. Eisenhower,· Irving M. Engel; Wesley R. Fishel; Thomas S. Gates; Harry D. Gideonese; Edmund A. Gullion; John W. Hanes Jr.; Oscar de Lima; Edwin Allen Locke Jr.; George C. Lodge; Myers S. McDougal; Whitelaw Reid; Kermit Roosevelt; Charles E. Saltzman; Robert A. Scalapino,· George N. Shuster; Arthur Smi thies; H. Christian Sonne; Lewis L. Strauss; George E. Taylor; Frank N. Trager; Henry P. Van Dusen; Abbott Washburn; and John Hay Whitney.

In addition, five members of the C.C.P.F.V. are also sponsors of the notorious Institute for American Democracy, the anti-anti-Communist organization that has dedicated itself to preserving "democracy" by trying to destroy the growing "Conservative" movement in America. They are:

Thurman Arnold; Oscar de Lima; George C. Lodge; Ralph McGill; and George N. Shuster.

There are many other associations between C.C.P.F.V. members and various Leftwing organizations-including, in some instances, officially cited Communist Fronts. But we think the point is made. Does anyone believe that the C.C.P.F.V. could possibly promote any real anti-Communist program regarding

1 Article II of the C.F.R.'s By-Laws states:. "It is an express condition of membership in the Council ... that unless expressly stated by an Officer of the Council to the contrary, all proceedings at the Council's afternoon and dinner meetings as well as study and discussion groups are confidential; and any disclosure or publication of statements made at such meetings ... is contrary to the best interests of the Council and may be regarded by the Board of Directors in its sole discretion as ground for termination or su"'p~nsion of membership ... .''

Vietnam or anything else with this kind of membership?

To the contrary, the Committee's initial policy statement makes it quite clear that it intends to go all the way with L.B.J.'s nowin, aid-'em-while-you-(sort of) fight-'em policy in Vietnam. It asserts:

"We strongly support our commitment in Vietnam and the policy of non-compromising [sic], although limited, resistance to aggression .... Our committee has been formed to rally and articulate the support of the concerned, independent-thinking, responsible citizens in America who favor our nation's fundamental commitment.''

The word communist is mentioned only once in the nine-hundred-word statement, and the Soviet Union isn't mentioned at all, even though Moscow and its European satemtes are supplying over three-fourths 01' North Vietnam's war-making capability. This fl.ts in with the current State Department line that the Soviets are so mellow we can build bridges to them, while the really "bad" Communists are those in Asia.

The Committee has already received a huge boost from the usual Leftwing sources. The Washington Post has lauded it editorially. So has the Washington Star, which is a strong backer of the Administration's policy of aiding the Communists everywhere else while claiming to fight them in Vietnam. Time magazine has climbed on the bandwagon, and the Committee's materials and membership list have been entered into the Congressional Record a number of times by such "Liberal" political figures as House Majority Leader Carl Albert (D.-Oklahoma) and Senator Jacob Javits ("R.''-New York).

All-in-all, the C.C.P .F.V. has gotten off its launching pad with a good deal of thrust.

· Senator Douglas told those gathered at the October twenty-fifth press conference that the Committee plans to organize a speakers bureau, publish pamphlets, issue ·policy statements, and "engage in a ·variety of other educational activities." We shall follow those activities with interest.

[From the Washington (D.C.) News, Dec. 1, 1967]

THE ATTORNEY GENERAL'S REL!JCTANCE TO SPEAK

Your editorial (Nov. 27) "Why Not Spill It?" explains that the "Pentagon Disturbance" was "engineered by communists and their sympathizers.'' You state that Attorney General Clark did not want this information released.

In a news story I read that the Attorney General did not want the facts made known because it would start a wave of "McCarthyism." I have never thought that McCarthyism was more dangerous than communism. Yet that is the implication of the Attorney General's reluctance to reveal the results of investgation about this obscene disturbance at the Pentagon. ·

In spite of the hysteria caused by McCarthyism and the injustice it caused, I believe the time had come for the nation t o b~ alerted to the communistic conspiracy. It is too bad that a man of greater stature than Senator McCarthy was not chosen to m ake the necessary investigation of the inroads of communistic activity.

Naturally he was vilified, and he deserved some of it, by the press and other powerful influences in the nation. This group told· us that the Chinese revolutionists were "agrarian reformers" and that Castro was not a communist. This misguided group is as d '.lngerous as the communists.

MATTHEW A. McKAVITT.

[From the Washington (D.C.) Star, Dec. 10, . 1967]

BIG BROTHER?

LANCASTER, TEX. SIR: Secretary Rusk, and now the Pres

ident, have referred to the Communist lead-

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36013 ership of the anti-war demonstrations in this country. seciretary Rusk and Attorney General Clark say they do not want to publicize thifJ information for fear of creating a new wave of McCarthyism in this country. McCarthyism was not pleasant but McCarthyism has yet to enslave or murder anyone, while communism is a clear and direct threat to all freedom-loving people in the world.

It looks as though everyone in the administration is in some sort of sociological bag, Secretary of Defense McNamara does not want to build an adequate missile defense even though the Russians continue to expand their nuclear capacity and variety because the Secretary has some sociological pipe-dream that he can talk the Russians into limiting armaments.

Now Attorney General Clark does not want to reveal the truth about the leadership of the rioters because he feels the American people are not capable of accepting the truth.

For the administration to withhold information about the Communist direction of the anti-war and other demonstrations in this country is, to me, little short of criminal. Who does Attorney General Clark think he is-Big Brother?

C. T. HELLMUTH.

CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE WORLD Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Louisiana CMr. RARICK] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. RARICK. Mr. Speaker, every

night suffering Americans go to sleep after · saying their prayers begging forgiveness for their bitter hatred toward Earl Warren-many no longer ask forgiveness, they just suffer.

Probably no one native-born American has caused more havoc, financial loss, distress, and mental frustration to so many than the present Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

Possibly some special interest group of benefactors, who are indebted to this black-robed reactionary, have promised him greatness in history-not as he is publically regarded-or from his "antipeople" record-but rather as a great reformer-similar to Tito or Castro.

To such end those whose causes he has championed have commissioned the writing of history to record a favorable image.

The strategy must be based on the premise that those living soon forget and tomorrow's history for a new generation must reserve a place of prominence for the old revolutionary. They have promised his reward and he regards himself Chief Justice of the World.

But one question for posterity-whatever happened in the strange death of his father, Methias H. Warren?

Mr. Speaker, I ask that the Evening Star release for December 11, the several Warren book reviews, an article from U.S. News & World Report for December 18, and other comments follow: [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Sta!,

Dec. 11, 1967] COURT VOIDS SUBVERSION ACT CLAUSE

(By Dana Bullen) The Supreme Court today struck down a ·

section of the 1950 Subversive Activities Con-

trol Act making it a crime for members of Communist organizations to work in defense plants.

The court held the section an unconstitutional limitation of freedom of association.

Chief Justice Earl Warren, who delivered the 6-2 ruling, said the law "quite literally establishes guilt by association alone" without requiring proof that a worker's contacts pose a threat to a defense facility.

"It would indeed be ironic if, in the name of national defense, we would sanction the subversion of one of those liberties-the freedom of association-which makes the defense of the nation worthwhile," Warren said.

Justices John M. Harlan and Byron R. White dissented. Justice Thurgood Marshall did not participate.

In a second action involving alleged subversive activity, the high court summarily upheld a court ruling here that clears the way for a Subversive Activities Control Board hearing on activities of the campus-oriented W.E.B. DuBois Clubs.

The Justice Department has charged that the DuBois Clubs, active in this fall's antiwar demonstration at the Pentagon and other such activities, should be required to register with the government as a Communist-front organization.

The Supreme Court's action today, from which Justices William 0. Douglas and Hugo L. Black dissented, upheld a special threejudge federal court's decision that a suit challenging the registration law was premature before the proceedings have been held.

The case in which the defense employment section of the Subversive Activities Control Act was struck down grew out of government attempts to prosecute a machinist employed at a Seattle, Wash., shipyard.

A federal judge there dismissed the charge on the ground that the 1950 law was not specific enough with regard to the type of membership in a Communist-action organization that would bring a worker within the criminal provision.

Today's decision by the Supreme Court went beyond this ground in finding that the law itself is unconstitutional because of its impact upon the constitutionally protected right of freedom of association.

The section, similar to a provision in new· anti-Communist legislation recently backed by the House of Representatives, provides for a possible sentence of 5 years in prison and a $10,000 fine.

BROAD RANGE CITED

The present law, said Warren, "casts its net across a broad range of associational activities, indiscriminately trapping membership which can be constitutionally punished and membership which cannot be so proscribed.''

He said the 1950 law failed to deal with whether an individual was a passive or inactive member of a designated Communist organization, whether he was aware of or agreed with a group's unlawful aims, or whether an individual occupied a sensitive job.

Warren said, however, the high court was "not unmindful of the congressional concern over the danger of sabotage and espionage in national defense industries.

"Nothing we hold today should be read to deny Congress the power under narrowly drawn legislation to keep from sensitive positions in defense facilities those who would use their positions to disrupt the nation's production facilities,'' he said.

"Spies and saboteurs do exist," Warren said, "and Congress can, of course, prescribe criminal penalties for those who engage in espionage and sabotage."

Along this line, he said, the government also can deny access to secret information and can declare "sensitive positions" in defense industries off limits.

TWO DISSENTERS' VIEW

The two dissenters, Justices White and Harlan, argued that the protective measures included in the Subversive Activities Control Act were "clearly appropriate" in light of evidence before Congress about Communist tactics.

"Given the characteristics of the party, its foreign domination, its primary goal of government overthrow, the discipline which it exercises over its members and its propensity for espionage and sabotage, the exclusion of members of the party who know the party is a Communist-action organization from certain defense plants is well within the powers of Congress,'' they said.

In the case involving the DuBois Clubs, the Justice Department charges that the youthoriented organization has been substantially controlled by the Communist party since its inception.

APPEAL RIGHT NOTED

An SACB hearing on the organization's status would provide the board with an opportunity to hold its first such proceeding in more than two years. The board's lack of work has figured in recent congressional moves to revitalize the body over the objections of critics who maintain that it would be better simply to abolish it.

In rejecting the DuBois Clubs' appeal today, the high court pointed out that someone losing in an SACB hearing can appeal up to the Supreme Court.

To hear objections to the registration law at this point, the justices said, would require determination of "important and difficult constitutional issues" without necessary factual information and before it is clear that the DuBois Clubs will be required to register.

Black and Douglas argued in dissent that: "Ideas, beliefs and advocacy are beyond the reach of committees, agencies, Congress and the courts," they said.

In opposing registration proceedings, the DuBois Clubs were joined by a number of individuals also opposing the Vietnam war. They argued that Communist-front registration provisions conflict with freedoms of speech and association.

Established in 1964 after the Communist party allegedly decided there should be a national Marxist youth group, the DuBois Clubs were named for the late Dr. William E. B. DuBois, a Negro historian and sociologist.

[From American Opinion, January 1968] WARREN: THE MAN, THE COURT, THE ERA

(By John D. Weaver) When I had read 250 pages of this book I

made a note that seldom had I seen so many facts about a man that explained so little. Then on Pages 252 and 253 I ran into a brief passage that explains everything. As background for the Mau Mau decisions (Baker v. Carr, Gray v. Sanders, Reynolds v. Sims) in which the Supreme Court ordered reapportionment of state legislatures according to the slogan "One Man, One Vote," author Weaver tells among other things how as Governor of California Earl Warren had in 1948 opposed proportionate representation in the California Senate, for "the same reason that the Founding Fathers of our country gave balanced representation to the states of the union-equal representation in one house and proportionate representation based on population in the other." Then, in the 1960's, "Chief Justice Warren, as his critics gleefully reminded him, had overruled Governor Warren.'' What happened? Weaver tells, tells more perhaps than he intended:

"In taking his stand on the 'one-man, onevote' issue, Warren had to consider the effect of the decision not just on California .... As he keeps explaining to friends back home who wonder what has happened to him since he went to Washington, he has a different constituency now. It embraces not just a

36014 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 single country or a single state, but the entire _country, and, indeed,, the worid." . [Emphasis supplied.]

Earl Warren thinks Of himself as Chief Justice of the World I Now consider that the man "presides over a revolutionary tribunal" (Weaver's words), and that, in the words of Clayton. Fritchey, the Warren Court has "stepped into the vacuum left by the other two branches of government, and launched a transformation of our society." This grandiose usurpier aims at being not merely chief justice, but also lawgiver and dictator to all nations. Weaver's astonishing statement that Warren's "consituency · ... embraces ... the world" commends itself as a fair report of impeachable Earl's frame of mind, not only because Weaver says flatly that this sense of universal responsibility is something which Warren "keeps explaining to friends back home," but also because it so instantly illuminates the otherwise almost inexplicable conduct of this preposterous character whom Ike appointed and whom Lyndon has called "the greatest Chief Justice of them all." God help us!

Every once in a while it comes over me that ideas which "Liberals" promote and "Conservatives" dismiss on the ground that they are mere impractical dreaming are not only practical, but already in force. For example, disarmament. Not only is nuclear disarmament of the United States possible, it has probably already been effectively accomplished. McNamara has seen to it. Now Earl Warren, whatever else he may be, is, like McNamara, a practical man, not a loony idealist. If he thinks of himself as chief justice of the world, he's got some reason in his experience to think it. Weaver reports for us a bit of that experience.

In the summer of 1956 Warren visited India on the invitation of Prime Minister Nehru, "and sat on the High Courts of Bombay, Madras and Calcutta." We are not told whether the American participated in the decisions of those Indian courts at that time, but Weaver does say that Warren saw for himself that "the decisions of the United States Supreme Court are routinely cited by Indian lawyers as the country proceeds to build a body of constitutional law."

Perhaps it should not alarm us that the subtle Hindus pay us the flattery of imitation, but judging from one thing which Weaver reports regarding the Indian constitution, and judging from the record of the Warren Court, the influence is greater from East to West than vice versa. After citing the Tenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, with its provision that powers not expressly deleg~t~ to the federal government are reserved to the states, Weaver says~ "In India, all powers not delegated to the states are reserved to the central government." Just such a reversal of the Tenth Amendment has obviously guided the Warren Court through the years, and it should be noted that the "central government" in question seems increasingly to be not the open government of the United States, of which Warren is openly the Chief Justice, but that shadow world government of which he is such a shady chief justice.

The world 'is Warren's constituency, and he leans over backward to avoid any imputation of favoring his own, his native land. Whatever kind of morality that may be, it is not keeping his oath of office. But then an oath is like a prayer, and so perhaps un-Oonstitutional by the standards of the Warren Court. At any rate the world constituency applauds the renegade Californian. Or so biographer Weaver claims: "In India, as in the new nations of Africa, ·Warren ls best known as· the author of the decision ending racial segregation in public schools." That such a man should adopt a Mau Mau slogan ls perhaps only natural.

Born March 19, 1891 in Los Angeles, brought up in Bakersfield, California, a frontier-type town where his father was a

skilled workman for the Southern Pacific, convinced he is against pmyer and for poreducated at the University of California at nography, he is hard on the police and easy Berkeley, where he at least in part · earned on criminals, he is for integration but ·indifhis own way, Earl Warren was a success in ferent to education, he is against security the best HoratJ.o Alger tradition. Along the officers and for Communists. Perhaps the way ·he added more than a touch of Perry most widespread revulsion agairist his methMason, or rather Perry Mason in the reverse ods followed the decision outlawing prayer role of prosecuting attorney~ virtuous, "poin the public schools. Perhaps the most inlice are the good guys" kind of prosecuting tense disillusionment with him is that of attorney who saved grateful taxpayers and law-enforcement officers who once thought other citizens from the rapacity of unscrupu- he was one of them. Weaver summarizes: "It lous gamblers and racketeers. is ironical that Earl Warren, who first at-

And Warren did his best to appear to be · tracted national notice as a racket-busting a gung-ho anti-Communist. If there had district attorney, should end up presiding been a John Birch Society in the 1930's he · over a tribunal that has inflamed so many of might have joined it. As Republican Chair- his old friends in law-enforcement circles. man he campaigned against Upton Sinclair His political base in California was originally in 1934: "The issue is between Americanism built on his close ties with the state's police and extreme radicalism-a foreign philoso- officers and district attorneys." Well, Mr. phy of government, half Socialistic and half Weaver, like other moral atrocities of this Communistic." In 1940, as Attorney General old betrayer from California, this volte-face of California, Warren participated in the deserves a heavier adjective than ironical. action of the Judicial Qualifications Com- How about abominable? mission in denying approval to Governor It was Eisenhower who called Warren to Culbert L. Olson's appointment to the State the highest judicial post in the visible U.S. Supreme Court of University of California government. It was Johnson who appointed Professor Max Radin, who was thought to him to what may have been at the time the be something of a Red, and may have been, most crucial post in the invisible governthough his citations in Appendix IX of the ment--under cover of the chairmanship of House Committee on Un-American Activi- the extraordinary commission which bears ties are exactly half as many, and in my his name, the Warren Commission. Weaver judgment considerably less nocuous, than tries a feeble hand at upholding the concluthose of Warren's current brother on the sion of the Warren Commission, which no one U.S. Supreme Court, Mr. Justice Abe Fortas. really believes any more, that Lee Harvey Os-

In the late 1930's, Warren as Attorney wald was the sole assassin of President John General successfully prosecuted for murder F. Kennedy. The responsibility of legitimizing certain union members and officials who the coup d'atat of November 22, 1963, of saniwere, according to the Communist press, tizing any and all possible surviving partithus the victims of a frame-up. Warren cipants in that coup-such a responsibility is spoke harshly of Communists and they spoke indeed commensurate with the scope and harshly of him. The Communists, of course, majesty of the position of Chief Justice of had some "Liberal" support, and eventually the World. (November 1941) the convicted murderers You know who I thought was the only Suwere paroled. Earl Warren was indignant. preme Judge of the World? I thought it was "The murderers are free today, not because God. they are rehabilitated criminals but because I still do. they are politically powerful communistic I don't know whether you should try to radicals." (Do you suppose that started Earl read Weaver's book or not. He tries to make it to thinking?) admiring of Earl Warren, but it's hard. From

Weaver gives a fascinating quotation from an advocate•s point of view, he makes the former Lieutenant Governor of California mistake of admitting too many facts. Of Ellis Patterson, who favored pardoning the course those admissions are what give the labor leaders Earl had convicted, a quotation book its real value. Weaver is a pretty good made in 1962, with the perspective of twenty.- reporter, not much of a polemicist. He tries oqd years: "I liked Mr. Warren very much, to make the Warren Court cases sound good, but at that time he was playing to the press just as he tries to shore up the Warren Comand to the reactionary and conservative busi- mission's Report. But I doubt whether he ness interests who were opposed to labor or- would convince anybody who wasn't already ganizations in any form whatsoever. He de- kind of mushminded. If you can get a copy veloped, I presume as district attorney, a free or have $7.95 that doesn't mean much very sadistic view on life. The main thing to you, go ahead and read it. was to win cases, no matter who died or who hung. [Though, curiously, in the case of the [From U.S. News & World Report, Dec. 18, murder of Attorney General Earl Warren's 1967) father, no one hung and the case is unsolved.) ·we had quite a disagreement on this. I notice as a Supreme Court Justice he has become more liberal, and, in my opinion, a better man. So I forgive him his shortcomings then because I think .that he was playing politics and not his conscience." (Notice Patterson's "Liberal" twist: Earl's meanness was all right if he knew it was wrong and was just doing it to get ahead!)

In 1942 Warren ran for Governor against Olson and beat him, attacking the incumbent for, among other things, having vetoed a bill requiring schoolchildren to salute the American flag. Ole Earl was a flag-waver . in those days. And, on coming into office, one of the first things he did was to fire Carey McWilliams, now notorious as editor of The Nation and a Leftwing author and agitator, then California Commissioner of Immigration and Housing, stockp11ing grapes of wrath over migratory workers. A mutual friend of Warren and McWilliams said later, "It's a pity they never got to know each other. They were never as far apart as they thought." Right, Carey?

E_arl Warren has .outraged Americans on many counts. Reading his decisions they are

ARE JUDGES REMAKING AMERICA?: LOOK BEHIND SoME OF THE MAJOR CHANGES OCCURRING IN THIS COUNTRY ·AND You FIND THEY STEM FROM DECISIONS OF THE SUPREME COURT-NOT FROM ACTS OF CONGRESS. RAISED Is THIS QUESTION: Is THE COURT INTERPRETING THE CONSTITUTION OR MAKING NATIONAL POLICY?

The Supreme Court, once again, is plunging into a dispute that Congress has failed to settle.

The Court agreed, on December 4, to consider whether suburban housing developments must be opened to Negroes. ·

This case could bring the first . nationwide ban on racial discrimination in privately financed housing.

If so, it would mean another major change in American life and government brought about by Court ruling rather than by act of Congress: The "open housing" test cotnes at · a time when the role of the Supreme Court is a subject of growing controversy.

COURT'S INFLUENCE ON HISTORY

On November 29, an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, John M. Harlan, told a Princeton University debating group that the

De.cember 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36015_ Supreme Court exercises "great influence on the course of history in this nation."

Said Justice Harlan: "From the beginning, though more evident

I think in the last 15 years than it had been in the recent past, two views as to the proper role of the Supreme Court in our governmental system have existed both within and without the Court.

"The one [view] is that the Court should stand ready to bring about needed basic changes in our society which for one reason or another have failed or lagged in their accomplishment by other means.

"The other [view] is that such changes are best left to the political process and should not be undertaken by judges who, as they should be because of their oftlc·e, are beyond the reach of political considerations in their accountability.

"There can be little doubt but that the former, broader role of the Supreme Court is the one currently in vogue, and that it is resulting in the accomplishment of basic changes in governmental relationships ....

"As one example I might mention the Court's reapportionment decisions which have required that both houses of State legislatures and the federal House of Representatives be structured on a purely population, or as it has been called, 'one person, one vote' basis. . . •

"It can hardly be denied, I think, that these decisions represent a fundamental change in the federal judiciary's relationship to the political process and, with respect to State reapportionment, a profound shift in the balance between federal and State authority.

"Other examples could be found in the course of recent Supreme Court decisions in the field of criminal law. . . .

"I • . . venture to say that among the many problems facing students of the present-day scene none is worthier of close attention than the current course of constitutional development."

There is growing evidence that the effect of the present High Court on "constitutional development" is getting the "close attention" that Justice Harlan recommends. One legal expert after another has spoken out in warning. The trend that many authorities see is toward amending the Constitution and enacting laws by Court decree.

Important shifts in the way the nation is governed are seen to be flowing from this trend.

Speaking Of Supreme Court decisions in recent years, Prof. Philip B. Kurland of the University of Chicago law school has said this: "The Justices have wrought more fundamental changes in the political and legal structure of the United States than during any similar span of time since the Marshall Court [early in the history of this country]."

Some of the Supreme Court decisions that brought about those changes are listed on page 37. All those decisions have been handed down since Earl Warren became Chief Justice in 1953.

The changes are to be found in many phases of American life.

In politics, the "one person, one vote" rule not only has altered the makeup of legislatures in most of the nation's 50 states; it also has brought a massive swing of political power-away from rural areas and toward metropolitan areas where the bulk of the population is centered.

In some States, big cities and their suburbs now control the legislatures.

RULINGS ON SEGREGATION

Supreme Court decisions have done far more than acts of Congress to change the racial picture in this country.

It was the Court--not the Congress-that ordered an end to segregation in sohools, trains, buses, parks a.Iid other public facilities. It was later that Congress followed the Court's lead by' ordering integration in res-

taurants, hotels and other public accommodations-and in jobs.

It is also the Court-not Congress or the_ State legislatures-that has virtually rewritten the code of CTiminal procedures for State as well as federal law-enforcement agencies.

RESTRAINTS ON POLICE

A series of Court rulings added restrictions on police-dimaxed in 1966 by a decision that laid down strict new rules that police must follow in questioning a suspect in custody.

Dissenting in the 1966 decision, Justice Byron R. White-joined by Justices Potter Stewart and Harlan-said it "has no significant support" in the history or the language of the Constitution. He made the prediction that:

"In some unknown number of cases the Court's rule will return a kUler, a rapist or other criminal to the streets . . . to repeat his crime." , The Court's rulings on criminal procedures are held responsible by many Americans for contributing to the rapid rise in crime. And Court rulings that freed civil-rights demonstrators are being blamed, in pii.rt, for the rise in mass protests, racial violence and riots in recent years.

As . a result of Supreme Court rulings, prayer and Bible readings are disappearing from public schools; it is becoming increasingly difficult to ban any publication on the ground of obscenity, to prosecute subversives or to keep watch on Communists; the Federal Government has been given wider powers to block business mergers.

Effects attributed to Supreme Court decisions in recent years are stirring wide criticism of the way the Court reaches its decisions.

STRETCHING JUDICIAL PROCESS

From Professor Kurland of the University of Chicago comes this comment:

"The Justices are stretching the judicial process to try to translate their notion of an ideal society into reality."

Much of the criticism has come from Supreme Court members themselves.

Justice Hugo L. Black recently cautioned fellow members of the Court:

"Our business is not to write laws to fit the day. Our task is to interpret the Constitution."

In dissenting from a 1966 decision, Justice Black said that the Court was "consulting its own notions rather than following the original meaning of the Constitution."

In a dissent from a 1966 ruling, Justice White said:

"The Court has not discovered or found the law in making today's decision .... What it has done is to make new law and new public policy .... "

Justice Harlan has described recent decisions as "nothing less than an exercise of the amending power by this Court." He said:

"These decisions give support to a current mistaken view of ... the constitutional function of this Court.

"This view, in a nutshell, is that every major social ill in this country can find its cure in some constitutional 'principle,' and that this Court should 'take the lead' in promoting reform when other branches of Government fail to act.

"The Constitution is not a panacea for every blot upon the public welfare, nor should this Court, ordained as a judicial body, be thought of as a general haven for reform movements."

Criticism of the Supreme Court has been voiced with growing frequency on the floors of Congress.

POWERS OF CONGRESS USURPED

Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr. (Dem.), of North Carolina, a former associate justice on his State's supreme court, told the U.S. Senate on August 30:

"The tragic truth is that 1n recent years

the Supreme Court has repeatedly usurped and exercised the power of the Congress and the States to amend the Constitution while professing to interpret it.

"On some occasions it has encroached upon the constitutional powers of the Congress as the nation's legislative body. On other occasions it has stretched the legislative powers of Congress far beyond their constitutional limits.

"On occasions too numerous to mention, it has struck down State action and State legislation in areas clearly committed by the Constitution to the States.

". . . A study of the decisions invalidat- . ing State action and State legislation compels the conclusion that these Supreme Court Justices now deem themselves to be the final and infallible supervisors of the desirability or wisdom of all State action and all State legislation."

Along the same line, Justice Black in a 1965 dissent said this:

"There is no provision of the Constitution which either expressly or impliedly vests power in this Court to sit as a supervisory agency over acts of duly constituted legislative bodies and set aside their laws because of the Court's belief that the legislative policies adopted are unreasonable, unwise, arbitrary, capricious or irrational."

Criticism of the Warren Court is far from new. As long ago as 1958 the Conference of Chief Justices-with chief justices from 36 States ooncurring-adopted a resolution saying:

"We believe that ... the Supreme Court too often has tended to adopt the role of policy maker without proper judicial restraint."

LIBERAL MA.TORITY INCREASED

Recent appointments to the Supreme Court are viewed widely as adding new votes to the "liberal" majority that has been responsible for nearly all the nation-changing decisions.

Justice Abe Fortas, appointed in 1965, has been lining up with this group in many rulings, and Thurgood Marshall, a Negro appointed this year, is expected to do likewise.

Now, at a time when Congress is balking at passing a nationwide "open housing" law, the Supreme Court again is being asked to step in and do what Congress has not seen fit to do.

[From the Wasington (D.C.) Daily News, Dec. 2, 1967]

CRIME AND THE COURT

The Washington woman who was stabbed and dragged into an alley garage by a rapi~t might read with some interest Tom Clark's statement that it is senseless to think Supreme Court rulings encourage crime.

Speaking recently at Denton, Tex., Mr. Clark, who retired last summer as a Supreme Court Justice, observed. "The idea that a man will read an opinion of the Supreme Court and then go out and rob a bank is ridiculous."

Possibly true; but that isn't the point. And "ridiculous" hardly is the word.

The rapist in the alley previously had raped a 17-year-old girl who identified him. Police found the girl's sweater and skirt in the back of his car. The courts freed him, to rape again, because the police hadn't had a search warrant.

This case is by no means unique. The annals of crime in the United States are full of such incidents.

There is, for instance, the notorious case of Andrew Roosevelt Mallory who got the death penalty for rape. He was freed because he was held overnight for arraignment. Later he was convicted of assault on a woman, freed after a 120-day sentence, finally convicted of assault and burglary, got 11 to 23 years in prison.

It isn't that marauders go about their work with a book of court decisions in hand. The

36016 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 complaint is that hairsplitting decisions have turned criminals loose by the hundreds and thousands to repeat their crimes.

If this may be considered an exaggeration, consider the decision in the case of Danny Escobedo, who got 20 years for helping to murder his sister's husband. He was freed because he hadn't been permitted to see a lawyer before talking.

In the light of this decision the district attorney in Dallas dropped charges against 100 persons who had confessed to burglary and narcotics charges, holding prosecution futile.

A recent FBI survey found more than half of arrested persons, freed by Federal authorities in one year, were arrested again on new charges within three years. Threefourths of all persons arrested had records of two or more previous arrests.

And the damage goes far beyond the mere release of arrested criminals. As Sen. John McClellan says, a series of decisions has brought "confusion and disarray in.to the field of law enforcement."

Crime, in obviously large majority, is not committed by weak individuals who are victims of sudden impulse. It is the work of professionals, aided by Constitutional safeguards which were established to protect the innocent.

The FBI reports crime increased 17 per cent in the first half of this year. There were 30 per cent more robberies, 20 per cent more murders, 7 per cent more rapes.

Justice Byron White stated the case succinctly in his dissent from the majority Escobedo decision:

"The most bas.le function of any government is to provide for the security of the individual and his property ... Without the reasonably effective performance of the task

it is idle to talk about human dignity ~~ci civilized values."

[From the Washington (D.C.) Sunday Star, July 2, 1967)

A LIFE OF JUSTICE WARREN

Until and ...unless the Chief Justice of the United States decides to tell his own story, Leo Katcher's biography coul~ easily be the best and the most revealing.

His big book lacks just one thing, and that Katcher could not supply: Warren's own assessment of his life and work. The Chief Justice did not aid in the book's preparation, although he did not oppose it. Access to Warren would have supplied another dimension and an intimacy to the tiography. But it Inight also have compromised one of the main virtues of the Katcher book: objectivity.

Katcher, a former newspaperman in New York and now a full-time author in California, has written a balanced and apparently complete analysis of Warren's public life. Since, with Warren, public actions have been but extensions of private personality, the book reveals the Chief Justice, politician, governor, and prosecutor fully.

Two-thirds of the book deals with Warren's life before he became head of the Supreme Court in 1953-his ancestry, boyhood, college and Army years, his public service from assistant district attorney in Oakland, Calif., to district attorney, state attorney general, California governor, and candidate for the nation's highest political offices.

The last third covers the 14 years as the Chief Justice, including Warren's direction of the commission on the assassination of President Kennedy. This part of the book pays less attention to the particulars of what Chief Justice Warren has done than to the setting in which he worked and the political and social impact of what he did. However, there are here fresh revelations of "inside secrets" about how the Court decided the segregation and reapportionment cases.

Katcher's book dispels the facile notion that "something came over" Warren as Chief Justice, to change him almost completely.

That notion is held by, among others, former President Eisenhower, who put Warren on the court. - True, Warren's judicial actions in the

three key areas of race relations, political reapportionment, and criminal law contradicted positions he had. taken as politician and prosecutor. But the author shows how these "before-and-after" positions also had a common background in Warren's character and beliefs.

It is signifioant that Katcher calls his book a "polltioal biography." That does not mean it is a story of Warren as a seeker and holder Of public office. Rather, it means that the book is a story of Warren as a figure in the broad world of public affairs, where sociology, law, economics, and political science come together.

Katcher's book is sympathetic, but it is by no means adoring. A charaoteristic assessment is that "the only figure in recent American history with whom Warren can be equated is Franklin Delano Roosevelt." That is, preeminence in his time, yet a figure as much detest.eel as idolized.

From the Katcher biography, Warren emerges as something of a benovelent, autocrat, a compassionate moralist, a reforining nonthinker, a stubborn humanitarian. There is a strong strain of consistency in principle running through this life as seen by Katcher, but there is also a strong capacity to change through "growth and learning." If, as this author sees it, Warren was slow to come to maturity in his ideas, he was early committed to basic notions of right which he has never forsaken.

Two of Katcher's story-telling techniques ~dd not only to the value of his book, but also to the ease of reading it.

One is the use of brief chapters-there are 51 in all-with each offering not only an encapsuled treatment of a topic or event, but also a lead-in to the chapter immediately following. · The other technique finds Katcher, dis

c_ussing Warren's roles only after the author has first made evident the context in which a role was performed. This was particularly helpful in understanding, for example, War- _ ren's irrational belief during World Wa.r II that Japanese ancestry automatically equated disloyalty to America.

ADDRESS OF RICHARD KLABZUBA ON AIR SAFETY

Mr: MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Washington [Mr. ADAMS] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter and charts.


There was no objection. Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, each year.

the Flight Safety Foundation sponsors an international air safety seminar. At the 20th annual international air safety seminar held last week, December 4-7, 1967, in Williamsburg, Va., a paper was presented by Richard W. Klabzuba exploring the possible use of various criteria for measuring the exposure- _ hazard to an aviation accident.

The Flight Safety Foundation is a nonprofit, nongoverrunent organization based in New York City. Its president is Maj. Gen. Joseph D. Caldara, USAF, retired. General C&ldara distinguished himself by serving this Nation as the Director of Flight Safety Research and

Deputy InSpector General-Safety of the U.S. Air Force from 1955-60.

Mr. Klabzuba is a former MAC. officer who attempted to form his own airline at age 20. In developing his statistical approach, he consulted with statisticians and safety officials in various agencies and countries.

The paper follows: THE IMPACT OF THE EXPOSURE HAZARD ON

AVIATION ACCIDENT STATISTICS

It is a pleasure to be with you today to discuss aviation accident statistics and their measurement of the "exposure hazard" to an aviation accident or fatality.

Those of you have been following the dialogue during the last few years are aware of the growing criticism of the statistical yardsticks used at present for evaluating aviation accidents. There are now a number of critics who question the validity of accident rates based upon million of miles flown. They say it does not reflect a true picture.

Bobbie R. Allen, the Director of the Bureau of Aviation Safety of the new National Transportation Safety Board, noted this criticism over a year ago in an address to the Aviation/ Space Writers Association in Washington.1

A. M. Lester, Director, Air Transport Bureau, International Civil Aviation Organization, observed siinilar criticism in his article, "Global Air Transport Accident Statistics," which appeared earlier this year in the ICAO Bulletin.2 Other speeches and articles by industry leaders have ·made corresponding observations.

With this criticism in mind, I would like to explore with you the po8$ible use of other criterion. First, however, because so many things we say today are subject tO misinter-; pretation, I would like to clarify what I mean by the terms "safety" and "exposure" or exposure hazard.

Safety is by definition a condition or state of being freed from harm, injury or risk; secure from threat of clanger. It is the qaulity or state of being devoid of whatever exposes one to danger or harm.

Exposure, on the other hand, involves the . act of laying one open to danger; to render- . ing one accessible to something that may · prove detrimental, such as an accident or fatality. An exposure hazard in aviation is, therefore, the chance that a particular aircraft and its contents may sustain· loss or damage. The purpose of accident statistics is merely to ascertain and bring together those facts which are calculated to best illus- . trate present conditions and determine future prospects.

Second, I believe it is important to review again briefly with you an air carrier's. duty . to the public. In common law countries, air carriers (barring treaties or statutes) have an affirmative duty to provide the public safe air transportation service. Carriers who ac- . cept passengers entrusted to their care must use great caution to protect them. This has been described as "the utmost caution characteristic of very prudent men,'' or "the highest possible care consistent with the -nature of the undertaking." a ' A common carrier, for example, may make

a different contract with each single passenger-varying in its terms as to fare and length of haul-but the tort duty of reasonable care for their safety extends to every person towards whom it stands in relation

i Allen, Bobbie R., Presented to Aviation/ Space Writers Association, Willard Hotel, Washington, D.C., Sept. 29, 1966, p. 5.

2 Lester", A. M., "Global Air Transport Accident Statistics", ICAO Bulletin, International Civil Aviation Organization, Montreal, Vol. XXII, No. 1 (January, 1967) p. 8-6.

•Prosser, William L., Law of Torts, West Publishing Company, St. Paul, Minnesota, 2nd Ed. (1955) p. 147.

December 12, -1967 . ~ONGRESSIONAt RECORD-. HOUSE 36017 of-carrier and passenger, including-those who have not contracted at all but are riding free.'

Upon . much the same b?-Sis, a bailee who receives property entirely for his own benefit, such as an air cargo carrier, is recognized as assuming great responsibility and therefore · must also use great care.

The weight of lega_l authority, by tl:~e ·way, · rejects the idea of degrees of negligence-considering instead that any failure to use care required under the prevailing circumstances is simply ordinary negligence. Thus, within common law jurisdiction, every air . carrier has an affirmative legal duty to provide safe air transportati9n service. ·

Many nations have also established law.e requiring every air carrier to provide sa!6 service. In the United States, as an example, in addition to Title IV, "Safety Regulation of Civil Aviation", the word "safe" or "safety" is mentioned three times in the Federal Aviation Act of 1958 in connection with air commerce.

Safety and economic control of air carriers flow from a single command. The directive is clear; Congress is animate in its demand that every air carrier and the C.A.B. provide and promote the highest degree of safety in air transportation. Nothing less will satisfy Congress nor the Act.

Air carrier executives, however, have always been vitally concerned with safety. William A. Paterson, when he was Chairman of United Air Lines' Board of Directors, stated: "Safety is always the No. 1 problem for an airline." 5 These annual Flight Safety Foun- . dation Seminars and other similar meetings · manifest the industry's concern with safety. As an industry, I feel you have been instrumental in establishing the highest standards of any industry.

Nevertheless, in spite of the high standards already attained, the fact remains air carriers have an affirmative obligation to provide safe service "under the prevailing circumstances" and, as you know, these conditions do change periodically. As a consequence, you and I must always be alert for such changes.

Now with regards to aviation accident statistics, two principal yardsticks have historically been used, among ·others, to analyze and measure the rate at which accidents occur. These are (1) the number of aircraftmiles and passenger-miles flown per accident or fatality, and (2) the number of aircraft-hours flown per accident or fatality.

Generally, the statistical data has always been divided into two broad categories: air carrier and general aviation. General aviation comprises all civil flying except that of air carriers; hence figures for- general aviation include student pilots, aerial agriculture applicators, air taxies, pleasure and recreational flying, personal business flying, corporate/executive flying (by professional crews), as well as non-certificated pilots.

Up until recently all statistical data concerning passenger fatalities on air carriers have historically been based upon the passenger-mile. The unit appears ta ha\te been adopted because this was the- method initially established to measure railroad safety. According to Mr. Lester the main reason why accident rates have generally been related t .o the aircraft-mile or passenger-mile is simply that these statistics are almost universally available and can be obtained for the fairly distant past, whereas other statistics have only recently "been reported internationally and are still not generally available for passenger movements.

Statistical data published on the basis of the ratio of passenger fatalities per passenger-mile flown has continually indicated

4 Ibid., 5. 5 "All in ·one lifetime-From 'Crates' to su

per jetliners", U.S. News & World Reports, Washington (Feb. 7, 1966) p. 66.

CXIII--2268-Part 26

air carrier seivtce .to be safer than general aviation. However, another factor (which has long been recognized to be worthy of analysis) is the time spent in the air. Carl B. Allen, a member of the first U.S. Afr Safety Board, refers to this is the "time of exposure" theory.

It is not surprising, therefore, that someone eventually would attempt to correlate a:l.r carrier passenger fatalities to flying hours, · just as air carrier aircraft accidents, and general aviation accidents and fatalities, have historically been correlated to aircrafthours flown. Apparently the first published data relating air carrier passenger fatalities to. flying time was made by William K. LawtOn (formerly President of the National Busi.aess Aircraft Associati-0n) in October 1965 in an article that, among other things, compared the safety record of general aviation to air carrier operations.a

As far as we are concerned here today, the interesting fact revealed by this new evidence is not the comparison between the safety records of the air carriers and general a viation, but rather the high degree of statistical correlation between air carrier accidents and :flying time. The accident rates per 100,000 flying-hours were: 2.0 (1959), 1.9 (1960), 2.2 (1961), 1.7 (1962), and 1.8 (1963). · More disturbing, however, is a comparison

of the air carrier fatality rate per 100,000 flying-hours reported in the article with a similar passenger fatality rate per 1,000,000 passenger-miles as supplied by the Bureau of Aviation Safety. Like cost-per-mile and cC>st-per-hour figures, these two ratios do not at all times agree statistically. To be specific, when the fatality rates for the year 1962 are compared with the year 1961, those statistics based upon 1,000,000 passengermiles indicate the fatality rate decreased, whereas data covering the same period based up 100,000 flying-hours shows the fatality rate as i ncreasing.

Such a fundamental difference raises a very elementary question: What really were the passengers' and crews' chance of survival in 1962? Is the passenger's and crew's exposure hazard to an air carrier aircraft accident or fatality more closely related to the aircraft-mile or passenger-mile, or the aircraft-hour or passenger-hour flown?

Unfortunately this question can not be answered (nor can the statistical study proffered by Mr. Lawton be supported nor denied) with statistical data supplied by the Civil Aeronautics Board or National Transportation Safety Board, because neither the Bureau of Aviation Safety nor the Bureau of Accounts and Statistics have published any data concerning the number of passenger- · hours flown.

However, even though neither Board has yet supplied the public with data concerning the number of passenger-hours flown, it is possible to logically contruct an approximation of such a figure using other data published by C.A.B.'s Bureau of Accounts and Statistics. The three fundamental elements are: 1. "Average Available Seats per Aircraft"; 2. "Total Revenue Passenger Load Factor, Scheduled Service (Percent)"; and 3. "Over-all .Revenue Aircraft Hours, Scheduled Service".

The- product of this "data provides a passenger-hour flown figure that is reasonably accurate. Application of this figure to the number of passenger fatalities incurred produces a ratio that is similar to the passenger fatality rate per 100 million passenger-miles flown, thereby enabling us to compare trends in the two ratios. Both ratios being· based upon raw data acquired from the same sour~es.

Table 1 provides a direct comparison of the passenger fatality rate per 100 million

e La.wton, William K., "In Good Company", Flying, New York, N.Y., Vol. 77 (October 1965) p. 52.

passenger-miles flown with the passenger fatality rate per 100,000 passenger-hours flown for eighteen a.nnual calander periods (1949-1966). Three observations should be noted. · One, the passenger fatality rate per 100,000

passenger-hours flown is identical for the two year's 1951 and 1960 (i.e., 0.24), whereas the passenger fatality rate per 100 million passenger-miles flown indicate a marked difference between the same twe years. The mileage rate for 1960 is something like 28% less than that for 1951. 1963 and 1966 provide a similar situation. The ratios are therefore inconsistent.

Two, the passenger fatality rate per 100 million passenger-miles flown for the two years 1952 and 1962 are almost identical, i.e., 0.35 and 0.34 respectively. But the passenger fatality rate per 100 thousand passenger-hours flown for 1962 (0.13) is almost double that for 1952 (0.07). These two rates are certainly incompatible.

Three, the 1962 passenger fatality rate per 100 million passenger-miles flown indicates approximately an 11 % decline from the previous year (0.38 to 0.34), while the passenger fatality rate per 100 thousand passengerhours flown shows a 30 % increase during the same period (0.10 to 0.13); a direct contradiction.

The passenger fatality rates per passengermile flown and passenger-hour flown are therefore not at all times consistent or compatible, and they can contradict each other. As a consequence, a choice must ultimately be made between the two ratios. That choice should be made on the basis of the ratio which best asse!ss the exposure to accidents, and best determines trends in accident and fatality rates.

The next two Tables compare passenger and crew fatalities, and aircraft acddents, to revenue aircraft-hours flown. All the raw data necessary for these two tables is available in various C.A.B. and N.T.S.B. reports. Table 2 compares the data on an annual calendar basis for a period of eighteen years ( 1949-1966), but it is difficult to read and does not clearly indicate trends. For this reason, the results of the same data are compared on the basis of a five year moving average in Table 3. This latter Table will enable you to more easily obtain a better ·comprehension of the exposure ra.te. (To further improve your understanding of the trends, all of the ratios in Table 3 have been rounded to one decimal place.)

In Table 3, a high degree of correlation is shown between both aircraft accidents (total and fatal) and aircrew fatalities, and the number of aircraft-hours flown; From these figures it can be reasonably concluded that airer.aft accidents and aircrew fatalities are closely related to the number of aircrafthours flown.

On the other hand, although the passenger fatality rate per 100,000 revenue aircrafthours flown does show a correlation to the number of revenue aircraft-hours flown, it does not show the same high degree of correlation. This however is to be anticipated.

If aircraft accidents are related to aircraft-hours flown (as these statistics indicated), then because the composition of the aircrew to aircraft is relatively constant, the · crew fatality rat.e per air.craft-hour. will also be relatively cons.tant. This is especially true in the case of flight-deck personnel, as opposed to cabin attendants-whose number tends to fluctuate with the capacity of the equipment and class of service. Under these circumstances we. should expect the crew fatality rate to show a similar high degree of correlation to revenue aircraft-hours flown as the rate for fatal aircraft accidents.

Passengers present a different problem. Since the number of passengers carried per aircraft-hour fiown fluctuates materially with both capacity and percentage utilization of that capacity, it can not be expected

36018 CQNGR,ESSIONAL llECO:l;lD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 that the passenger fatality rate per 100 thou- t:ually referable to the take-off and l~nding approximately each 500,000 revenue aircraft-sand revenue aircraft-hours will have the phase-of-flight.7 hours. same high degree of correlation to aircraft- Mr. Lester in his article also noted that In addition to the foregoing, it may be as-hours as fatal aircraft accidents or crew although it is true that the main risk of serted that passenger fatalities are also refatalities. accident are associated with 'landings and lated to aircraft-hours flown. At present, the

The figures confirm this expectation. They take-offs, this is not quite so true of fatal passenger fatality rate appears to be possibly show a . reasonable correlation to aircraft- accidents as it is of less serious accidents. 3.5 per 100,000 revenue aircraft-hours flown; hours flown; but to a lesser degree than . He went on to point out there are a num- or one fatality per each 28,600 aircraft-hours either fatal aircraft accidents and aircrew ber of accident risks enroute that are greater flown. fatalities. for long flights than for short ones. That the The over-all ·aircraft accident rate is de-

Carrying this idea one step further, it risks of a fatal accident associated with a clining, but because the fatal accident rate would appear that because the number of long flight are certainly greater than those has remained relatively stable, a greater propassengers carried per aircraft-hour will vary associated with a shorter flight, even if they portion of all accidents now involve at least with equipment capacity and percentage are not directly proportional to the distance one fatality. In this regard, it should be utilization of capa.city, it might be antici- flown. noted that the number of fatalities per fatal pated that the passenger fatality rate would Thus it is possible that this area needs accident may have either decreased slightly be affected by the size of the equipment and reconsideration and that, at least at this or at least remain unchanged, despite the the load factor. That is, the average avail- time, a ratio associated with landings and fact average aircraft capacity has expanded. able seats per aircraft, and the average rev- take-offs would not provide the best assess- In other words, modern aircraft appear to enue load per aircraft. ment of a passenger's exposure hazard, nor be more "crash worthy" than their prede-

Present data, however, does not affirm this determine trends in either the passenger cessors. hypothesis. In point of fact, it denies this fatality or aircraft accident rates. The foregoing fatality rates apply to U.S. assumption on two separate occasions. However, because the feeling that aircraft domestic scheduled air carriers, and it is ap-

Average aircraft capacity and loads car- accidents are principally related to land- parently significantly lower than that exried have increased every year since 1949 ings and take-offs is so wide spread, it cannot perienced by air carriers on a worldwide with only one exception (the average reve- be ignored. I have therefore taken the lib- basis. Without going into great detail, there nue load per aircraft decreased three-tenths erty to prepare another Table comparing air- are now a number of agencies throughout of one percent in 1957). Nevertheless, dur- craft accidents per revenue aircraft-hours the world, both public and private, who are Ing the period 1949 to 1958, the five year flown to those sustained per revenue aircraft using the aircraft-hour to a greater and average of the passenger fatality rate per 100 departures performed (Table 4). greater extent as their principal yardstick. thousand revenue aircraft-hours flown de- You will note the rates are substantially Some are considering supplementing their clined almost continuously from 4.4 to 3.1. similar. The only major difference is that the figures by adding rates per aircraft-hour, Thus, the passenger fatality rate declined rate per aircraft departure performed has passenger-hour and ton-hour flown, in an 26 percent during the same period that ca- been declining more rapidly in recent years. effort to develop a more realistic and meanpacity increased 32 % , and loads increased During this period, of course, thP. introduc- ingful technique. 29 % . tion of jet aircraft has reduced intransit time. The statistics which these agencies have

Again, today we find that the five year This, in turn, increased the number of de- developed to date indicate that the accident average of passenger fatalities per 100,000 partures per aircraft-hour flown. rate is affected by (or can be classified acrevenue aircraft-hours flown has dropped Your attention is also invited to the fact cording to) type of equipment, experience from a high of 5.5 (1959-1962 period) to 3.5 that the fatal aircraft accident rate per with equipment-type, geographical region, (1962-1966 period). This represents a 36 per- 100,000 departures performed has now and air carrier. This may not appear to be cent decline during a period when capacity dropped from 0.2 to 0.1, while the rate per significant, but it is a beginning. It has enexpanded 29 % , and the average load per aircraft-hours flown has remained unchanged abled some agencies to ascertain the facts aircraft climbed 24%. for 18 years. This tends to affirm the thesis more clearly; to determine trends more pre-

These two extended periods tend to refute of Messieurs Mason and Lester. cisely. But your assistance will probably be any presumption that the passenger fatality The statistical inference clearly appears to needed in the long-run to further improve rate is associated with either the capacity of be that aircraft accidents are more closely the quality of the product. So please be the equipment or the average load carried. related to revenue aircraft-hours flown as generous with your comments and sugges- · The primary exposure hazard (or wrecking opposed to revenue aircraft departures per- tions when they are solicited. rate as it is referred to in insurance terms) formed. But, as I have already indicated, this The facts set forth here today have appears to be associated with the aircraft. entire area needs further examination. tended to show that (1) aircraft accidents, Its contents are incidental. . Upon the basis of the statistical data pre- fatal aircraft accidents, aircrew fatalities,

In flight safety or accident reports, it is sented heretofore, it may be stated that both and passenger fatalities, are at all times customary to categorize aircraft accidents as aircraft accidents (over-all and fatal) and reasonably related to the number of airbeing generally attributable to either air- aircrew fatalities have a high degree of cor- craft-hours flown. (2) That passengers, crew or pilot error, technical defects, servic- relation to revenue aircraft-hours flown. The crews, and aircraft are exposed to an acing faults, natural hazards, unkown or other aircrews' exposure to a fatality is at present cident or fatality on the basis of the number specified causes, or a combination thereof. in the neighborhood of 0.5 per 100,000 reve- of aircraft-hours flown. And (3) the airSuch reports also classify aircraft accidents nue aircraft-hours flown; or one fatality per craft-hour flown is at present the best unit by phase-of-flight (i.e., taxiing, take-off, each 200,000 revenue aircraft-hours flown. · for measuring the numerical magnitude of cruise or in-flight, landing, etc.) as well as It can be reasonably anticipated that some passenger and aircrew fatalities, as well as the rate per flight-hour. sort of reportable aircraft accident will oc- aircraft accidents, to determine trends and

The universal consensus has been that the cur every 77,000 revenue aircraft-hours; and assess their exposure to accidents. majority of all aircraft accidents occur in that a fatal aircraft accident will take place Ladles and gentlemen, everything I have the take-off and landing phase-of-flight. said here today can be stated in 25 words However, the figures published in one recent 7 Mason, J. K. (M. D., D. C. P.). Aviation or less: "The aircraft-hour flown, and pos-study on the subject showed that only 11.5% Accident Pathology, Butterworth & Co., Lon- sibly the passenger-hour and ton-hour fl.own, of the 158 accidents investigated were ac- don, England (1962) p. 9. measure the exposure hazard in aviation."

TABLE 1.-PASSENGER FATALITIES AND PASSENGER FATALITY RATES, U.S. AIR CARRIERS, SCHEDULED DOMESTIC PASSENGER SERVICES, CALENDAR YEARS 1949-66

S;!~e(~e:~':ai~~~) Estimated revenue Passenger fatality rates

Year Passenger fata Ii ties passengers-hours Per 100,000,000 passenger-miles Per 100,000 passenger-hours flown

Rate Change (percent) Rate Change (percent)

1949. ---- -- -- -- ------ -- ------ -- ---- ---- --- 93 7, 071, 042 39, 498, 832 1. 32 --------:.:ff·---- 0.2.\ 1950. -- -- ---- -- ------ -- ---- -- --- - ------ --- 96 8,363, 379 45, 662, 389 1.15 .21 --------:.:ff·-----1951. ---- -- ---- ---- -- ---- -- ------- --- ---- - 142 10, 949, 903 58,397, 507 1. 30 +13 .24 +14 1952. -- -- -- -- -- -- -- ------ ---- -- -- ---- ----- 46 12, 996, 657 65, 857, 243 .35 -73 .07 -71 1953. -- ------ ------ -- -- -- ------ -- -- ------- 86 15, 337, 760 75, 743, 085 .56 +so .11 +57 1954_ -- ---- ---- -- -- --- --- -- ---- ----------- 16 17, 389;817 82, 945, 553 .09 -84 .02 -82 1955. -- -- ----- ------- ---- -- -- -- -- --------- 195 20, 550, 940 96, 674, 387 .75 +733 ,20 +900 1956. -- -- -- ---- -- -- -- ---- -- -- -- -------- --- 143 23, 155, 153 107' 138, 130 .61 -19 .13 -35 1957 - ---- ------ ---- -- -- -- -- ------------ --- 32 26, 252, 338 118, 763, 914 .11 -82 .03 -77 1958_ ---- -- -- -- -- ------ -- -- --- --- -- -- -- --- 114 26,266,401 117, 030, 903 .43 +291 • IO +233 1959. ---- ---- ------ -------- --- ------------ 209 30, 435, 495 133, 999; 791 .68 +58 .16 +so 1960. -- -------------- -- -------- ----------- 326 31, 851, 753 133, 817, 481 .93 +37 .24 +50 1961. ---- -- -- ---- -- ---- ---- ---- -- -- -- -- -- - 124 32, 547, 998 127, 136, 699 .38 -59 .10 +58 1962_ ---- -- -- -- -- -- --- --- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --- 158 35, 287, 129 126, 073, 858 .34 -11 .13 +30 1963. -- ------- --- -- -- -- ---- --- - ------ -- --- 48 40, 263, 416 137. 728, 978 .12 -65 • 03 -77 1964. ---- -- -- -- -- ---- -- -- -- -- -- ---- ------- 106 46, 044, 743 152, 213, 062 .14 +17 .07 +133 1965. ---- ---- ---- ---- -- -- -- ------ ------ --- 205 54,254, 616 168, 842, 095 .38 +171 .12 +71 1966. -- ------- ------- ---- ------- ------- --- 59' 62, 968, 478 . 194, 559, 341 .09 -76 ~ 03 -75

Sources: Bureau of Accounts and Statistics, Civil Aeronautics Board; Bureau of Aviation Safety, National Transportation Safety Board.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36019 TABLE2.-AIRCRAFT ACCIDENTS, FATALITIES, AND ACCIDENT AND FATALITYRATES~.S. CERTIFICATED ROUTE AIR CARRIERS, SCHEDULED DOMESTIC PASSENGER SERVICES,

. CALENDAR Y RS 194~

Number of accidents Number of fatalities Revenue aircraft-Aircraft accident rate per Passenger and crew fatality rate pee 100,000 100,000 revenue aircraft- revenue aircraft-hours flown.

Year hours flown· hours flown

Total Fatal Total Passengers Crew Total Fatal Total Passengers Crew

1949. -- ---- - - ----- __ ':. _ - 29 4' 104 93 11 1, 965, 116 1. 48 0.2(} 5. 29 4. 73 0.56 1950. - - - ----- -- -- --·-- -- - 36 4 109 96 13 2, 011, 559 1. 80 .20 5.42 4. 77 .65 1951. -- - - -- -- ----------- 37 8 166 142 24 2, 195, 395 1. 69 .36 7. 56 6.47 1. 09 1952. -- - - -- -- -- -- ---- -- - 36 5 52 46 6 2, 403, 549 1. 50 • 21 2.16 1. 91 • 25 1953. -- - - - -- -- ------ ---- 32 4 101 86 15 2, 620, 868 1.22 . 15 3. 85 3. 28 .· • 57 1954. -- - -- - - -- -- -- ------ 44 4 23 16 1 2,675, 663 1.64 .15 .86 0.60 .26 1955. - - - . :. . -------- -- - - - 41 8 221 195 26 2, 965,472 1. 38 • 27 7. 45 6. 57 .88 . 1956 ____ --- ---- ----- 47 4 156 143 13 3,246, 610 1. 45 .12 4. 80 4.40 .40 1957 ----- ---------- ----- 44 4 34 32 2 3, 631, 924 1. 21 .11 .94 .88 .06 1958. -- - - - - ---- - --- -- --·- 42 4 129 114 15 3, 546, 391 1.18 .11 • 94 3. 22 .42

m~==== ==========·====== 61 9 242 209 33 3, 174, 642 1. 62 .24 6. 41 5. 54 .87 62 8 363 326 37 3, 493, 930 1.78 • 23. 10. 39 9. 33 1. 06

1961.·. - -- - - - - -- - - --- --- - 56 5 135 124 11 3, 146, 948 1.78 .16 4'. 29 3. 94' Ll5 1962 .•. - - - -- - - ---- - - - - -- - 35 5 183 158 25 3, 016, 121 1.16 .17 6. 07 5. 24 .83 1961. -- -------------·---- 39 4 64 48 16 3, 102, 004. 1.26 • I3 2. 06 1. 55 .41 1964. -- -- -- ---------- --- 45 6 120 106 14 3, 224, 853 1. 40 .19 3. 72 3.29 .43-1965. -------- ----------- 55 6 223 205 18 3,459, 879 1. 59 .17 6. 45 5. 93 .52. 1966. -- ---- ---- _____ , ___ 48 4 72 59 13 3, 684, 836 1. 30 .11 1. 95 I.60 • 35

Sources: Bureau of Accounts and Statistics, Civil Aeronautics Board; Bureau of Aviation Safety, National Transportation Safety Board.

TABLE.. 3.-AIRCRAFT ACCIDENTS, FATALITIES, AND- ACCIDENT AND FATALITY RATES, U.S. CERTIFICATED ROUTE AIR CARRIERS, SCHEDULED DOMESTIC PASSENGER SERVICES

TABLE 4.-AIRCRAFT ACCIDENT RATES, U.S. CERTIFICATED ROUTE AlR CARRIERS, SCHEDULED DOMESTIC PASSENGER SERVICES

5-YEAR MOVING AVERAGE, CALENDAR YEARS 1949-66 5-YEAR MOVING AVERAGE, CALENDAR YEARS 194!Hi6

Period

1'949-53 _______ _ 1950-54__ _____ _ 1951-55._ _____ _ 1952-56 _______ _ 1953-57 _______ _ 1954-58 _______ _ 195!i--59.. - ---- - -1956-60 ... ~----1957-61-..... . 1958-62 .......• 1959-63 _______ _ 196~4... ______ _ 1961-65 _______ _ 1962-66--------

Aircraft accident rate pee 100,000 revenue aircraft

hours flo.wn

Total

l.S 1.6 1. 5 1.4

. 1.4 1.4 1.4-1.4 1.5 1. 5 l. !) l. 5 1.4 1.3

Fatal

0.2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2

Passenger and cJew fatality rate peJ 100,000. revenue- aircraft-hours flown

Total Passengers Crew

S. l 4.4- 0. 7 3.8 3.2. .6 4.4 3. 8 .6 4.0 3. 5 • 5 3. 5 3.1 .4 3. 5 3.1 .4 4.6 4. 0 • 5 5.2 4. 7 .s: 5.1 4.6 .6 -6.2 5. 5 • 7 6.0 5.2 • 7 5.4 4.8 .6 4. 5 4. 0 • 5 4.0 3. 5 .5

Period

1949-53 •. - - - - - -- - - -- -1950-54 _______ ------ -1951-55 _____ ---------1952-56. -· -- ····-----1953-57 _____________

1954-58. ------ -- - ----1955-59 ___ ___ _____ -- -1956-0(J _____ -------- -1957'-6L .. -- ______ ---1958-62. - -- - -- -- -- -- -1959-63. ________ -----196~4. - . -- - - - - - - - - -1961-65.. ..• ---------1962-66. __________ ---

Aircraft accident rate per 100,000 revenue aircraft

hours flown

Total Fatal

LS 0.2 1.6 .2 1. 5 .2 1.4 .2 1. 4 .2 1. 4 .2 1.4 .2 1.4 .2 1. 5 .2 1.5 .2. 1. 5 .2 1, 5 .2 1.4 .2 1.3 • 2

Aircraft accident rate per 100,000 revenue aircraft

departures performed

Total Fatal

1. 4 0. 2 1~5 ~2 1-4 .2 1. 4 ~2 1.4 .2 1. 4 .2 1.4 .2 1. 5 r2 1. 5 .2 1.5 .2 1. 4' .2 1.3 .z 1.3 rl 1.2. .1

Source: Table 2. Sources: Bureau of Accounts and Statistics, Civil Aeronautics Board; B'Ureau· of Aviatlon Safety, National Transportation Safety Board.

THERE IS AN URGENT NEED TO RESTRICT THE DISTRIBUTION OF AUTOMOBILE MASTER KEYS

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. BARRETT] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD- a:nd to include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. BARRETT. Mr. Speaker, there is

an urgent need to restrict the distribution of automobile master keys to individuals and organizations that have a legitimate use for them. This is a serious problem that deserves our immediate attention.

Unfortunately, anyone can order through the mails sets of master keys for prices ranging from $3 to $20 that will open and start almost any General Motors, Ford, Chrysler, or American Motors car. Auto thefts have been increasing annually in the United States at an alarming rate. During 1966 there were 557 ,000 autos stolen-more than one per minute throughout the year. Since 1961 the rate of auto thefts has increased by 71 percent and the year 1966 showed

an increase of 14 % percent over the le.vel of 1965. At this rate of increase by 1970 we wm have about 1 million autos stolen a year.

On a national basis juvenile thieves account for more than 60 percent of car thefts, and in. some areas they account for as high as 90 percent of the thefts. The indiscriminate sale of master keys through our mails allows these keys to fall into the hands of juvenile and professional thieves alike. This is a problem that cannot be solved by State and local governments because the master keys are sold through interstate commerce.

Mr. Speaker~ I am today introducing a bill to deal with this problem and request that you use your good office to urge the chairman of the committee to hold hearings on this proposal and repart the same so that the Members of Congress can consider adequate legislation to control the distribution of auto master keys.

THE AUTO INSURANCE MESS Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speakery I

ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Ronrnol may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, the Wash

ington Daily News has performed a distinct public service for all those who are wondering about the state of the automobile insurance industry. Articles such as the following are vital steps in the process of public understanding and education, for only when the public really knows what is happening to them will the Congress be moved to forthrightly enact funamental reforms to adequately protect the driving public: [From the Washington Daily News, Dec. 5,

1967]

THE AUTO INSURANGE MEss-30 MILLION DRIVERS Too "RISKY"

(By Tom Talburt) As many as 30 million licensed drivers in

the U.S. are considered sub-standard risks under the guidelines followed by many aut-0 insurance companies.

This estimate is made by auto insurance executives themselves, some of whom privately criticize what they feel are outmoded and prejudicial guidelines on drivers.

Others d .efend restrictions s.et up against insuring certain drivers--.saying they are based both on sound judgment and experience, and pointing out that insurance com-

36020 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 panies are private enterprises, in business to show profits.

Among the 30 mlllion-representing nearly a third of the nation's 102 mill1on licensed drivers-are people who never have had an accident. Stlll, many of them must pay higher auto insurance premiums for a variety of ' reasons. ·

Mll.ITARY PERSONNEL

M111tary personnel, as a group are treated as exceptional risks by 18 of 19 leading auto insurance companies checked by investigators for the House Judiciary Committee.

Sa.id Allstate Insurance Co.: "The obvious increased hazard presented

by the single mmtary risk is the very limited time provided him for use of his car. ·All of us remember the 800-mile round trip on a 36-hour pass just to spend a few hours at home . . . the frenzied dash to the destination; then the long exhausting drive thru the night, with drooping eyelids and dulled reflexes, to make Monday morning reveille.

"Too fa.st, too far, too little sleep-these are the hazards that concern underwriters."

Allstate noted, however, that it wm accept at standard rates a serviceman applying for a policy who is a member of a family already insured by the company.

Who else is considered .risky? Members of the clergy and doctors, ac

cording to Continental-National of Chicago which makes this comment about ministers and doctors under a listing of "undesirable occupations":

"Their driving records are among the poorest. Both appear to drive when preoccupied with problems. The clergyman may drive with the attitude that the Lord will provide. With doctors, there is the possib111ty of the use of the car in emergencies."

AS FOR ACTORS

AB for actors, musicians, entertainers and professional athletes: "May be target risks 1f inoome is high. Juries may awe.rd Mberal settlements because the jury feels that 'they can afford it.' "

Other drivers marked as poor risks by some companies are those over age 65 and single drivers under 25. Continental Insurance Co.'s instructions to underwriters says:

"If the husband is under 21 we should proceed with caution. This is especially so if he is less than 20. Marriage by males of these ages is frequently an indication of emotional problems that produce a below-average risk."

The Hanover Insurance Group of New York includes on its list of 50 "occupations or exposures which should be avoided or selected with care": barbers, bartenders, beauty shop operators, farm laborers, masseurs, waiters, wrestlers, domestics, and sheriffs or deputies who may use their ca.rs in emergencies.

Basically, today's high-risk driver is anyone rejected by the major auto insurance companies. Their standards a.lone--not those of a motor vehicle department or state insurance commission-determine the risk category of drivers.

Only three sta.tes--New York, Massachusetts and North Carollna.--make it mandatory that drivers carry liab111ty insurance.

But all states and the District of Columbia have financial responsib111ty laws or their equivalent requiring drivers to prove they can meet damage claims arising from accidents. Most comply with the law by purchasing 11ab111ty insurance.

NOT COVERED

Of 94 million registered motor vehicles in the U.S., the insurance industry estimates 9.4 m1111on-or 10 per cent--a.re not covered by llab111ty insurance.

None of the insurance company "risk lists" obtained by the House Judiciary Committee and Senate Antitrust and Monopoly subcommittee mentions Negroes. Industry officials say discrimination against Negroes is a thing of the past with most companies.

Some persons have trouble getting insurance, however, simply because they work in menial jobs.

Others may be ruled out because they live in certain se.ctions of a city. Virtually all insurance companies use "zone systems" and costs of obtaining auto insurance vary from one zone to another. In cities, these zone rates often depend on incidence of crime, whether there is off-street parking, and other fac.tors.

BLACKOUT MAPS

Some companies use "blackout maps"-in which entire slum areas of cities are blocked off as too risky to provide auto insurance for their residents. One company's instructions to agents lists as "unacceptable" for example, "residents of prohibited areas."

Sen. Gaylord Nelson (D., Wis.) says that in a case brought to his attention a driver demanded to know why his policy had been cancelled. The company told him his neighborhood was "going downhill."

And Rep. M. G. (Gene) Snyder (R., Ky.) said insurance company representatives have informed him they have to black out whole areas--all of Appalachia in his own state of Kentucky, for instance. They say, according to Mr. Snyder: "We don't have the time · to underwrite these people individually."

Sen. Philip A. Hart (D., Mich.), chairman of the Senate Antitrust subcommittee which has announced it wm hold hearings on auto insurance next year, says: ·

"Auto insurance, far from being a luxury, is regarded by most drivers as a necessary protection. But can we legitimately request that drivers carry insurance without taking some measures to see that it is available at something resembling reasonable cost?"

CAN'T BE JUSTIFIED

Some insurance companies acknowledged in statemen~ of the House Judiciary Committee that they could not justify with precise statistics their underwriting guidelines and rules. Continental Insurance Co. for example said:

"We do not maintain statistical information based on occupation, ma::-ital status, etc. We cannot statistically support all of our underwriting judgments. (We cannot, in fact, statistically support our refusal to write insurance for known dishonest and completely immoral persons.) "

On the other hand, Nationwide Insurance Co. of Columbus, 0., submitted findings of a study it made of some 400,000 drivers involved in accidents over a one-year period to back up its underwriting principles.

Among its significant findings: "Those drivers who live in slums or blighted neighborhoods had accicients at about twice the rate of the average drivers in the study. While those who resided in deteriorating neighborhoods produced an accident frequency 50 per cent higher."

[From the Washington Daily News, Dec. 6, 1!}67)

THE AUTO INSURANCE MESS-F'IRMS VIE FOR $9.6 BILLION PIE

(By Tom Talburt) Nearly 900 companies that sell auto liability

insurance compete fiercely for the $9.6 billion now paid annually by U.S. drivers-but the competition is for "preferred risks."

What happens to the driver whose applications for auto insurance are rejected by company after company or the driver whose policy is cancelled?

His insurance agent may be able to obtain a policy for him with a smaller oompanypossibly a subsidiary of a larger oompanyat a slightly higher cost.

If these companies also turn him down h~ can get into what is known as the a.ssignedrisk plan which has been set up by law in all states and the District of Columbia. It is a catch-all for the risks no company wants to underwrite.

Each company doing business in a state is required to accept its quota of a.ssignedrisk drivers in proportion to the total volume of business it does in the state. AB with regular auto insurance, rates must be approved by the state.

THE RISK POOLS

Cost of insurance for drivers in these "risk pools" runs from 25 per cent above standard rates to 200 per cent higher. This means a driver with a string of traffic convictions on his reoord who was paying, say, $150 annually at standard rates would pay $450.

This reporter's spot check of records of 20 assigned-risk drivers-records pulled from an insurance company's file at random and in no way a statistically sound sampllngshowed:

Each of the drivers had from three to six moving traffic violations in the 18-month period before they applied for insurance in the risk pool. Twelve of the 20 had been in accidents during that period.

Some states use a system whereby drivers in the pools pay standard insurance rates, others have a starting base which is 25 per cent higher. Then surcharges are t.a.cked on for the prior driving convictions within a given period.

For example, Maryland's base rate in the pool is about 25 per cent higher than the average auto-insurance policy carried by a non-risk driver. A driver in the Maryland pool who has had five moving traffic violations in the previous three years in required to pay a 75 percent surcharge. If he has had two moving traffic convictions he pays an extra 20 per cent surcharge.

A p.erson convicted of driving while drunk or failing to stop and report his involvement in an accident pays a 150 per cent surcharge.

In Maryland 67,310 drivers are · assigned to the risk pool as are 6968 drivers from the District of Columbia. In Maryland and most

. other states the drivers are assigned to th_e pool for three years. AB a rule companies cannot cancel their policies during this period unless the driver's license is revoked or he is convicted of a felony.

VOLUNTARY MARKET

At the end of three years many of the drivers try again on the "voluntary" market to get standard auto insurance.

C. W. Hufft, manager of the MarylandDistrict of Columbia assigned-risk pool, says he has no statistics showing how many drivers manage to get out of the plan after three years.

Insurance companies, in aggregate, maintain they have paid $160 mill1on more in claims than they have received in premiums for assigned-risk drivers since the first pool plan went into effect in 1938. This figure does not reflect any yield on investments made by the companies with premiums received.

Government Employes Insurance Co. says, for example, that during the first six months of this year it paid out $1.40 in claims for every $1 received in premiums from drivers in assigned pools.

"These plans are i_n existence because the companies realized there had to be an outlet for the stuff (high-risk drivers) they don't want to take," said Mr. Hutft.

HIGH-RISK COMPANIES

Some drivers, possibly fearing the stigma of the state assigned-risk pools, turn instead to high-risk companies which usually will take them at costs ranging from two to six times the going market rates for auto insurance.

Many of these companies cropped up in the early 1960's, apparently because of a growing demand for what they offer-expensive insurance for the ca.st-off driver-and a climate of laxity in some state regulatory commissions.

Since ·1960, some 80 high-risk companies have gone broke leaving more than 300,000

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36021 policyholders and accident victims holding the bag in at least 35 states. Claimants are seeking $600 million out of collectible assets of $25 million from these companies, according to the Senate Anti-Trust sub-committee.

At present only three states-New York, New Jersey and Maryland-have set up guarantee funds to compensate accident victims with claims against insolvent auto insurance companies.

In earlier hearings on high-risk failures the Senate sub-committee found that fraud, incompetency and dubious vigilance by state regulators-rather than inadequate rateswere major causes for failures.

Causes included: pirating of company funds (in one instance to help pay for a company official's yacht); underestimating or falsifying claims records (in another case 10,000 accident claims marked "closed" that had never really been settled at all were found stuffed into cardboard boxes in a company closet); and payment of large management fees for services never performed.

In many states insurance companies know well ahead of time when state examiners will arrive to audit their books as required by law-in some cases because the checks are made at specific intervals and in others because the companies are served notice of upcoming audits.

CALLED UNSATISFACTORY

Maryland Insurance Commissioner Newton Steers Jr., for one, feels this system ls unsa tlsfactory.

"A system of surprise should be instituted," he says, but then adds: "It's true that some state commissioners are not on the job enough, but generally it's impossible for an insurance commissioner to prevent a company from going bankrupt.

"One day after an examination of a company has been completed, a crooked president can run that same company into the ground."

Neither the insurance industry nor state regulatory officials favor Federal control. They say there is nothing to be gained by junking state regulatory systems and placing control in the hands of Federal bureaucrats.

In at least 20 states, auto insurance rate changes are made without public hearings and in some of these states neither the public nor competing companies are told of a company's request for higher rates until after the insurance commissioner has acted on it.

In Ohio, State Sen. Anthony 0. Calabrese o! Cleveland said he will introduce a blll which would require insurance companies operating in Ohio to submit proposed rate increases to a five-member board for approval before the new rates go into effect. The board would hold a public hearing.

[From the Washington Daily News, Dec. 7, 1967]

THE AUTO INSURANCE MESs--SAFEGUARDS FOR POLICYHOLDERS

(By Tom Talburt) Stung by charges they are discriminating

against many drivers on a wholesale basis, ~ome auto insurance companies are striving to repair their badly bent public image.

The National Association of Independent Insurers, representing more than 350 companies, has just issued a "policy statement" pledging its members will give insurance applicants individual consideration.

Under this plan, these companies would not reject applicants solely on the basis of race, oc<:upation, old age or previous rejections or policy cancellations.

But the association's statement noted that an appllcant's occupation may have an important bearing on driving hazards involved, and therefore may be a "proper factor" in evaluating insurance applications.

The association also suggested establish-

Ing a system that would provide auto insurance to all licensed drivers "provided there are adequate rates and a uniform all-out government effort thruout the country to remove unfit drivers from the road."

Spokesmen for another group of some 180 companies said these companies would cancel policies, once they were in effect 60 days, for only two reasons: Nonpayment of premiums and suspension of drivers licenses or auto registrations.

State legislatures and insurance oommisslons also are moving in some instances to protect policyholders from being informed abruptly by their companies that their insurance ls being terminated.

Allstate Insurance Co. now provides a fiveyear non-cancellation guarantee in its policies, a move the company claims ls unique in the industry. While the Allstate policy assures renewal premium charges still can be raised if the policyholder is involved in an accident.

State Farm has indicated it will follow Allstate's lead. Other companies have restricted their rights to cancel by issuing policies which will not permit them to cut off a policyholder merely because he passes a certain age or moves to a less desirable part of town.

Maryland this year started requiring by law that insurance companies furnish a report, upon request of the policyholder, showing the "real reason" for canceling. A copy must also be sent to the state insurance department. The law provides immunity to the companies so they cannot be sued for def.amation.

INVESTIGATIONS

When the insurance department feels the "real reason" fails to justify the cancellation, it investigates further and tries to have the insurance reinstated.

In the :ft.rst two months a.fter the law went into effect, the Maryland department received 225 "real reason" reports from insurance companies. In 36 cases, after discussions with the drivers involved and the companies, the insurance was reinstated. Of the remainder, 168 cancellations were considered justified by state oftlcials. The other 21 were stlll awating action.

In New York a joint legislative committee has started holding hearings on auto insurers' underwriting practices and in at least eight other states hearings have been held or scheduled by state insurance commissioners.

Insurance company executives say the public clamor over policy cancellations has made a mountain of a molehill. They are talking in terms of volume and a report issued by the House Judiciary Committeebased on data submitted by the insurance companies--explains:

"The number of policies canceled (for reasons other than non-payment of premiums) to the number of policies oustanding, in any state and in the U.S. as a whole, is not very substantial. In most instances the proport~on of cancellations and non-renewals to total outstanding claims • • • will not insure, or will insure only at steppedup • • •.

No statistics are available relating cancellations and non-renewal to claims submitted against companies because of accidents involving their policyholders.

And tho there appears to be no way of estimating accurately how many policies are canceled for reasons other than non-payment of premiums across the nation in a given period, studies in four states-Wisconsin, Michigan, Washington and Californiashowed annual cancellation rates of less than 1 per cent of outstanding policies.

POLICY CANCELLATIONS

But if, as the insurance industry claims, there are some 90 million persons covered by auto liab111ty insurance, even 1 per cent

would account for 900,000 being affected by policy cancellations in a one-year period.

And the driver whose policy is cancelled often finds himself in a jam because many companies will not insure, or will insure only at stepped-up rates, a driver whose policy has been cancelled by another company. . For many the next step is to apply for insurance at much steeper rates in an assignedrisk pool operated under state aegis or to apply to a company specializing in "high-risk" drivers.

Most companies refuse to state their reasons for cancelling, saying that in many states the law does not protect them against defamation suits.

Industry executives while conceding that some companies cancel policies merely because a policyholder passes age 65 or because the policyholder was in an accident which resulted in a claim against the company, insist their business is to insure and they don't want to cancel.

They contend the issue has been distorted because some drivers have been canceled unfairly-but more often because the industry's fiaws have become grist for ambitious politicians.

"This industry has an absolute right to expect rates charged for insurance to reflect the risks taken on the driver," says Norman L. Gidden, president of the Government Employees Insurance Oo., which collected a.uto premiums totaling more than $143 mill1on last year.

"This business is risk selection and the question we face is whether we can underwrite drivers profitably at the rates we're permitted to charge."

SPOKESMAN'S REPORT

Says John J. Nangle of the National Association of Independent Insurers which represents more than half of the nation's insurance firms handling auto insurance:

"It's perfectly understandable that motorists who have poor driving records and show a disregard for law and rights of others have diftlculty getting insurance.

"Government at all levels should have the courage to take the unfit drivers and the irresponsible off the roads. There are some in government who want the insurance business to be the policeman and then condemn us when we are."

Nangle and other insurance spokesmen know the tide of public sentiment is turning against them, however, and they sense the possib111ty of coming changes. Nangle says:

"This business has changed and is changing. It's still private enterprise but auto insurance is a social problem today and the industry has to accept the commensurate risks."

[From the Washington Daily News, Dec. 8, 1967]

THE AuTo INSURANCE MESS-WHERE Do WE Go FROM HERE?

(By Tom Talburt) Auto insurers, facing both Federal investi

gations and a public that is howling over zooming auto insurance rates, are wondering: Where do we go from here?

The answers, by all estimates, will be years coming because the problems aftlicting the industry are numerous and complicated.

These points seem clear: Costs of auto insurance wm continue to

rise unless the mounting rate of auto accidents is stayed. There is no indication that wm happen.

Insurance companies, caught between demands for lower rates and rising accident claims, will continue to seek the "preferred driving risks" by weeding out and rejecting applicants for insurance who appear risky.

The industry as a whole, despite its· complaints that some states will not permit high-enough rates for auto insurance, does

36022 ~.CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 not want to be placed under Federal r.egulation.

Aside from the issue of Federal control, the most hotly debated proposal for change would revolutionize the present auto-insurance system. To recover damages from an accident today, a. victim must be able to prove the other driver was at fault.

TOUGH TO PROVE

But because many accidents occur in a blurring crunch of metal and often involve tremendous emotional as well as physical shock for drivers involved, it is often virtually impossible to prove who was at fault.

The proposal, advanced by two law professors, is' called tlle 13asic Protection Plan. It would do away with the "fault principle" in most auto accidents.

Under this plan, the insurance company would pay off its own policyholder, r-egardless of who was to blame. The company routinely would pay up to $10,000 for out-ofpocket losses---chiefiy medical costs and wage losses.

Backers of this plan, along with its sponsors, Robert E. Keeton of Harvard University and Jeffrey O'Connell of the University of Illinois, contend it would cut the interminable haggling over claims and reduce the backlog of eases clogging court dockets in many cities.

Opponents argue that, while it would reduce sharply the costs of lltigation, there is no convincing evidence that it would lead to lower insurance rates.

The Keeton-O'Connell non-fault plan would permit the accident victim to go to court only for losses in excess of $10,000.

NON-FAULT CONCEPT The non-fault concept--whlch has been

batted around for years but is emerging again because of the outcry for auto insurance reforms--ls opposed by many trial lawyers, some of whom do a handsome business handling auto accident claims.

And it ls viewed dubiously by a large segment of the insurance industry altho the

_Insurance Company of North America, 1n recent full page newspaper advertisements, has recommended adoption of some reform "along the lines" of the Keeton-O'Connell plan.

Insurance groups are Btudying the plan and . at least three states--California, Michigan-and New York-are doing the same. A. bill embracing the plan passed the Massachusetts house, but was defeated in the state senate.

To illustrate the seeming simplicity of the plan it has been compared to fire insurance. A homeowner buys this insurance and if his house catches fire the company compensates the victim.

The Keeton-O'COnnell plan is being challenged by many including James S. Kemper, Jr., president of the Kemper Insurance group, who says: "Our attorneys are of the opinion ... that the Basic Protection Plan will be struck down as a violation of the due process and equal protection clauses of the

ANOTHER PROPOSAL

Edward Rust, president of State Farm Mutual Insurance Co., has proposed. that claims normaµy paid nc;>w by insurance companies be reduced in the future by any sum paid .:!or the same accident from other

- sources. His stated _aim: to reduce insurance costs to permit lower premiums.

Insurance companies themselves are taking some steps to improve their services.

Some companies, led by Allstate with its ftve-year non-cancellation-of-policy guarantee, are restricting their rights to cancel in their policies.

Most companies, for $3 to $5 a year extra on their premiums, are providing families protection against injuries cau~ed by other motorists who have no insurance. (Forty-one states now require this be offered in all auto liability policies.)

Some companies also offer good-driver incentive plans by offering drivers who have had no accidents or moving traffic violations from 10 per cent to 25 per cent cuts on standard premium rates. (But the rates go up if you have an accident.)

Despite these efforts by auto insurance firms to step up services to the publlc-efforts which in some cases a.re comparatively isolated rather than industry-wide--insurance executives acknowledge that more and faster changes are needed.

"Either we'll improve the system or we'll be forced to swallow some pretty radical reforms in the long run," said one.

M. JEAN MONNET-A FRENCHMAN WITH VISION

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. MONAGAN] may extend his remarks ·at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, as a

major element in our European policy we look forward to the expansion and further strengthenlng of the European Community.

One of the great leaders of this movement since the days following the Second World W.ar 1s Jean Monnet who recently visited our shores to accept a justly deserved. honor-the Family of Man Award.

As a result of that visit he has left with us some wise counsel. Today's Washington Post on its editorial page salutes Mr. Monnet in an editorial entitled "Dealing With De Gaulle/'

I insert the Washington Post editorial in the RECORD at this point:

Federal and State constitutions." DEALING WITH DE GAULLE Before congress now is a bill sponsored by It has apparently occurred to some peo-

Sen. Thom.as J. Dodd (D., conn.) to set up a pie,_ though not necessarily to .anybody in a. Federal agency which would pay claims position to make the decision, that we ought against Insurance companies that go broke. not to bother replacing Ambassador Charles It would operate much the way the Govern- E. Bohlen, who has been moved from _Paris ment 1nsures bank depositors through the to _a top job in the State Department. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. · idea is that this would teach President de

The b1ll, on which hearings will be held Gaulle not to be so disagreeable to us. It next year, also would give the Federal agency would do nothing of the sort, and to believe power to inspect accounts of .auto 1nsurance · otherwise to misunderstand grossly what ls :ftrm.s--a power seen by many Jn the 1ndus- important about this country's relations with try as an opening wedge to Federal control. France, and what ls not.

Also being discussed ls the poosibility of We have just had a timely reminder of applying the group insurance principle to what is important, in the quiet visit .to this auto insurance. Employes would be covered city last week of a d,istinguished Frenchman, by group pollcles ln the manner group health a man of good heart, great inte,llect_and soarcoverage is provided today. 1ng vision who has devoted a. lifetime to creat-

ing something excitingly new for· the 'future while General de Gaulle, for e.11 his historic and l.lncalcula.ble service to his country he.s been building his monument on the precepts -of the past. Mr. 3ee.n 'Monnet may not be a towering figure on the contemporary French soene. But he has been a pow-erf'Ul force on the European scene, and he talks sense about the world, and France and the long-term future of France and Franco-American relationships. He is a reminder, in sort, of the fundamental ·community of interest between our two nations, of shared values, bf cultural interests in common, of past collaborations and of the certain prospect that there will be collaboration again.

It ls easy to focus on the irritations of the moment, on the posturings of history of an aging statesman, on the bitter, personal hostlllty of a head of state. But our friendship is with France, and it ls to the Government uf France that our Ambassador ls accredited. To leave that post vacant would only invite the recall of France's Ambassador here, and a loss of contact between two countries which need to understand each other all the better in a time of trial. The Administration ought to look hard for a sl,lccessor as able as Mr. Bohlen, and never mind the cold shoulder from President de Gaulle. While there are Frenchmen like Jean Monnet, and ·when there ls a whole new generation of future French leaders waiting in the wings, it ls no time for pet~y pique or slamming doors.

SIXTY-THffiD ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF MIDWEST BOARD AND LABOR COMMITTEE Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from lliinois [Mr. RoSTENKOWSKI] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

'The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi.?

There was no objection. 'Mr. ROSTENKOWSKI. Mr. Speaker,

on December 6, 1967, the Midwest Board and Labor· Committee of the American Medical Center at Denver held their 63d anniversary dinner in the ·grand ballroom of the Sherman House, Chicago, Ill. It was a tribute to the memory of Michael J. Fomusa and Stephen M. Bailey, two well known Chicagoans who were stalwarts in the ranks of labor, both dedicated to the fight against cancer and who died of the very disease they worked so hard to banish.

Mr. Donald Peters, president of the Warehouse . &. Mail Order Employees Union, Local 743, Chicago, addressed the -throng at the dinner eulogizing Mike Fomusa and Steve Balley.

I include in my remarks at this point the speech made by Mr. Peters:

SPEECH BY DONALD PETERS All of us miss Steve Balley and Mike

Fomusa. We know how much they loved to

work . . . for others. Now, all of you who have done so much

i'or so many, are showlng your affection for two men whose. compassion for p.eople knew no boundaries ot race, creed or national origin ..•

Yes, they had love that overfiowec~ ... as far as their influence could reach . . . and beyond.

Steve Bailey Jmd Mike Fomusa. never knew

December 12, _ 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36023 how to say "No" to any cause that would lift the burden of illness or poverty, prejudice or aggression from one troubled child or a new nation struggling for the right to exist.

Both were men without a trace of mal-ice .••

Steve Bailey ••. good humored, hard working, a showman whose delight was in mak!ng everyone around him share the joy of living and giving.

He was a man of magic who could change the color of the Chicago River to bright green in honor of Saint Patrick, and who could lend his good name . and boundless energy to raise thousands of dollars for the labor movement of IsraeL

Steve Balley was of another generation .. ·• yet forever young ... in ideas ... in action and in hopes.

He was blessed with a devoted wife ... his Margie worked at his side . . . quietly encouraging .him in his dreams . for others.

Steve Balley planned well . . . trained and developed new, young leaders to take up the

.reins ... always generous in sharing his knowledge and experience ... gentle in guiding the youngest apprentice to give of his best to his trade . . . to his Union and to his community.

That is why we have men like Steve Lamb and his associates ... keeping alive the tradition of service for people created by Steve Balley.

I was closer to Mike Fomusa. We came into the labor movement to

gether . . . just thirty years ago. We both helped establish our unions . . .

saw them grow. We went into military service at the same time and came· back to help build our organizations.

We communicated almost daily to share ideas, to discuss problems . . .

The relationship was close . . . personal . and warm.

Mike was always creative in his ideas ... with interests as broad as our society and culture.

Mike relaxed from the tensions of his work with · music ... and always sharing, he brought concerts into his Union Hall.

No matter what the occasion, Mike would inevitably bring the talk around to some idea he had for his Union, for a cause he loved because it helped people.

Who else but Mike would put his skill and energy on the line to help oppressed migrant mushroom pickers to see the light . . . even if the law barred them from membership in his Union?

That was Mike . . . restless, intense, involved wi·th people who sometimes had no other spokesman.

The well being of others was always a deep concern to Mike Fomusa.

Even as his final illness struck him, Mike was hopefully looking forward to the creation of a health center to serve the members of Local 738 and their families.

We, too, know of his devotion to his wife, Virginia and his family. ·

There are so many . memories we all have of Steve Balley and Mike Fomusa.

They have left us a proud legacy. We here this evening and the thousands

of others who were blessed by their presence among us are commi.tted to the causes they supported so a.rdently.

The American Medical Center at Denver . · . . its patients . . . staff . . . a.re the benefl.claries of what we do here.

Let us resolve that we will keep alive the spirtt which motivates · people to help the Center and all the other ca.uses which men like Steve Bailey and Mike Fomusa made their own.

In their name .•. and, 1n their memory . . . we accept the challenge . . . as they would . . . without reservation and With hope and love for all of God's children.

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE AND THE In discussing these three broad areas of the FIGHT AGAINST ORGANIZED crime problem, I will briefly outline what CRIME the Federal Government is doing to control

them. Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I Before doing so, let me stop to put my

ask unanimous consent that the gentle- remarks in context by stressing that crime man from California [Mr. REES] may control is not a task solely for law enforceextend his rem.arks at this Point in the ment, and that law enforcement is not pri-RECORD and include extraneous ""ft·tter. marily a task for the Federal Government.

~ We must face that fact that crime cannot The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there be controlled without the best efforts of all:

objection to the request of the gentleman schools, churches, community organizations, from Mississippi? Individuals, social agencies and businesses.

There was no objection. Business and industry can play a particu-Mr. REES. Mr. Speaker, every law- larly significant role. They have the finan

abiding citizen should be greatly heart- cial and technical resources, and the influened by the effectiveness of the cam- ence in·their communities, to bring dramatic

· successes. paign being waged against organized As far as law enforcement· is concerned, crime by the Department of Justice. the challenge of crime must, under our Con-

As Deputy Attorney General Warren . stltutional system, be ·met largely at the Christopher pointed out in a recent · local level. The Federalist papers and the speech at Town Hall of California, the constitutional debates show the care which number of racketeers indicted in cases our founding fathers took to assure that law handled by the Department's Organized enforcement would be primarily a local

responsibility. Crime Section rose from 19 in 1960 to The reasons for this are stronger today 1,198 last year. than they were when our country began.

Even greater achievements are ex- Prudent exercise of the police power repected from the Department's new Strike quires quick fleztbiUty and sipecial sensiForce program recently disclosed by At- tivity to changing local problems and needs. torney General Ramsey Clark. Results The local police know their streets and sideof the initial proJ· ect are so promising walks, and they know where danger and dis-

aster lurk. If final authority and responsithat Strike Forces are planned for a bllity were located in a distant city, the re-number of major cities. suit would be rigidity which falls to meet

The administration also has proposed the needs of the community, and delay when the Safe Streets and Crime Control Act, quick action is required. which would greatly help to reduce all Our practice conforms to this principle of types of crime by giving badly needed primary local responsib11ity. Ninety-four

per cent of the nation's law enforcement financial assistance to police depart- officers are state or local. over 83 per cent ments in every part of the country. This are local. There are more local policemen in most important measure has been before Los Angeles county than there are FBI agents Congress for 10 months, and I hope it· is for the entire country. There are nearly seven approved soon for the need is great. times as many deputy sheriffs for Los An-

Warren Christopher's speech gave a geles as there are Deputy U.S. Marshals for the nation.

valuable insight into the accomplish- In time of trouble, this division of respon-ments and problems in the crime fight- sibility can be a frustration. When help is ing field. Under unanimous consent I needed, there seems to be an instinct, inplace it in the RECORD as part of my deed a compulsion, to look toward Washingremarks: ton. This was brought home to me rather

Th_ere are 24 Cosa Nostra groups operating in the United States. Although each ls called a family, its common bond is crime. Its family tree is an organization chart bearing the legends gambling, narcotics, prostitution, extortion, and armed robbery.

On the first Friday in February, 1965, four members of one of these Cosa Nostra families met in. a hotel in a city in Northeastern United States. Their purpose was to plan a jewel theft and the robbery of a bank messenger. The conspiracy was formed in the Northeastern city and the principal actors were from that area.

But the targets of the conspiracy-a wealthy lady and a bank messenger-were located 3,000 miles away at a hotel in Beverly Hills, California. The conspiracy was formed but fortunately it was never carried out. Last week, a Federal court jury convicted all five men charged With this conspiracy.

This case is but one of many which illustrate the national scope of organized crime. It underscores the interdependence between law enforcement in Los Angeles and law enforcement throughout the United States. It demonstrates that the threat of organized crime demands the greatest cooperation and coordinat~on among law enforcement agencies from all levels of government.

Crime has many faces in our complex society. But there are three aspects of the crime problem which today are the major source of concern. They are ( 1) organized crinie, (2) what has become known as crime in 11he stree~assaults, robbery and similar crimes of violence, and (3) civil disorders.

vividly in a recent pre-dawn telephone call to my home from a man in South Carolina. He reported that someone had come into his restaurant and called him a dirty name. He urged that the FBI b~ sent in immediately.

While law and order is and must rell"..a1n basically a local responsibility, the Federal Government has made and must continue to make an important contribution. Never before has the crime problem had a higher priority in the Federal Government than it does today. And in no respect is the Federal role clearer' than the fight against organized crime.

Many people regard organized crime as a colorful invention of comic strips and llight time television.' It is indeed · hard to believe that it exists. Yet, not only does it exist, but it stands as one of the most corrosive influences in American life.

A survey made by President Johnson's Crime Commission showed that 19 major cities acknowledged that they had organized crime. rour of the five largest cities in our nation reported the presence of organized crime.

Organized crime is neither monolithic nor simple in str:ucture. However, the best known force in organized crime is the intricate conspiracy called La Cosa Nostra, or the "syndicate," as . it is sometimes called. It operates through 24 sub-units called "families," whose membership ranges from 100 to upwards pf 700. Abo~t a dozen of the most influential family heads constitute a national ruling group for the syndicate.

Organized crime feeds on g8.m.b11ng, loan sharking, narcotics and other vice operations.

36024 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE December 12, 1967 But it has _also penetrated numerous · legitimate businesses. Once penetzated, "they serve as a front for lllegal operations and provide monopoly profits after competitors have he.en eliminated by .strong-arm methods. In addition, organized .crime frequently preys .on labor unions.

There ls no wa.y to gage the revenues of organized crime with any precision. Estimates of its gross -take from gambling operations range up "to $50 billion annually. Profits from wagering on horse races, lotteries, and sporting events alone are thought to be in the $6 to $7 billion range.

But the evil of organized crime 1s by no means limited to "the 'dollars it exacts from Americans. The anti-social spillover is widespread. Because organized crime is a big business dealing with thousands of people, it cannot be concealed a.nd cannot succeed without protection. To :flourish, it must corrupt public officials as it .corrupts private citizens.

The need. for direct Federal particlpation in the fight against organized crime ls plain. Any single operation is likely to range through .sever.al. police jurisdictions, often

.a.cross many state lines. The syndicate is a highly disciplined national organization, and -we must combat it with national as well as local resources.

"The Organized Crime and Racketeering Section of the Depa.rt.ment of .J'usti.ce now has more 1awyers than ever before working exclusively on organized crime. We are concentrating more funds on this activity than ever before. At the present time, nearly two dozen Federal grand jurieB are probing organlzed crime in vartous cities.

One of the most im-portant functions of the Organized Crime Section and the FBI ls to furnish classifled intelligence and other information to local police agencies. The Los Angeles Police Department and the Los Angeles County Sherms• Office are among the finest and most professional law enforcement agencies in the nation. Chief Tom Reddin and Sheriff Pete Pltchess have an enviable and merited reputation for excellence. The F1ed.eral agencies involved tn the fight against organized crime are working in c1ose 11.nd effective cooperation with your local agencies. In addition, we are cooperating fully wt-th the organized. crime unit which has been established. by Attorney General Lynch.

Within the last few'ciays, the Attorney General has revealed that a new techn1que, the strike Force concept, has been tested and found hi-ghl-y effective in organized crime matters. These Strike Forces are composed of Attorneys from the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section -and selected investigators from other Federal agencies. Working in close coordinatton with state and local law enforcement agencies, these strike ·forces develop data regarding the capabiltties, the intentions, and most i:mportant, the vulnerabilities of organized crime groups.

The Strike Force which tested the concept developed the information for the prosecution to wh1ch I referred to at the beginning of my remarks. Other Strlke Forces are now being planned for centers of organized crime activities.

We are getting a good return on these investments in law enforcement. The number of racketeers in.dieted in cr.1m1nal cases handled by the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section increased sharply from 19 in 1960 to 1,198 1ast year. "Between 1964 and 1967, convlctlons o.f organized crime and gambling figures resulting .from FBI investigations a.lone have risen 300 per cent. Within the last 12 months, there have been 66 indictments • and convictions of ltnown numbers of Cosa ,Nostra. 1t ls our purpose to continue and accelerate thls .attack on organized crime.

'l'b.e se.cond aspect of crime which is causing great .anxiety among Americans 1s what ls loosely termed. crime in the streets. The widespread occurrence in our cities of these

crimes of violence has created an atmosphere 'Of fear throughout our nation. These crimes represent the most dangerous forms of lawlessness and they will be the most difficult to bring to book.

By and large a.BBa.ult, _purse-snatching, .rob-bery, and similar aim.es of violence are predominantly local ih nature. They .are committed by local people. To the extent that 'there is planning or prepaTa tion, it ls locally <lone. For control of this kind of crime, we depend primarily on local police.

By any reasonable standard, the resources now committed to supporting the police are grossly inadequate. This nation spends eight times as much for Uquo.r and tobacco as it spends for police protection.

This disparity is sharply .reflected where it counts the most-in salaries. A few weeks ago, the Federal Government estimated that it costs $9,000 per year for a family of four to maintain a moderate standard of living. Yet the median salary for a policeman ls only $5,300 per year. ~e President believes that the best way

"to attack crime in the streets 1s not by the establishment of a massive, centrally controlled Federal police, but rather to improve .and build excellence in our 1ocal police agencies. The Government's efforts have been in this direction. The first major Federal progr.am was the Law Enforcement Assistance Act of 1965. Two years old last September, it has already provided valuable aid through more than 266 grants for research, training, and demonstration programs.

A substantially larger program, the Safe Streets and Crime control Act, is now pending in Congress. Thi-s bill ls the direct product of the most comprehensive study .of crime in our history. This was the study made by the President's Commission on Law 'Enforcement and Administration of Justice, which was completed earlier this year and whl-ch had three distinguished Californians among its member&-Attorney General Lynch, Chief of Police Cahill of San Francisco and publisher Otis Chandler of Los Angeles. Under this pioneering. t:Htlc, direct grants of Federal funds would be made available to local and state agencies involved in the law enforcement process.

This Federal support would help hard pressed police agencies which have already stretched local t .ax resources to the limit.

It would help the police hire the best men, provide the best training, .a.nd pay decent salaries.

It would help to provide the patrol cars, radios, alarm boxes, and other modern equipment.

It would help build new crime laboratories. And, it would help modernize the entire

.system of criminal justice from courts to cor11ectional institutions.

As presented to congress by .President Johnson last February, the Safe Streets and Crime Control Aet has the potential of tzipling the growth rate of expenditures for crime control. We are bending every effort to obtain passage of this Act yet this ses.sion. It is vitally important that we do so.

The third f-ace of crime is civil dis.order. Last summer .rioting in the cities was both pervasive and massiv.e. It caused 85 dea.ths, injury to mor.e than 3,200 persons, a.nd the .arrest of 16,000.

The destrm:tion of property in last summer's riots exceeded a hundred million dollars, but the social oost was .far greater. The legacy of hate and bitterness rand fear which follows in the wake of the v1olenoe cannot be measured in dollars but it .represent.a a severe impediment, sometimes a !a.tai obstruction, to progress in education, employment, in housin,g, .and the other areas where .remedial action is necessary.

The President:& National Advisor¥ Commission on Civil Disorders will soon haNe a statement on the underlying qa.uses of J:iots in our cities. Their recommendations will

merit our most serious study. In the meantime, however, we must .seek short-;.run solutions far otherwise we may forfeit our o-pportuntty to probe the deeper .causes .and .achieve long-term "ll:eforms. ·

From the bitter experience of the recent :summ.-ers, a .great .deal has been learn1'd a.bout :riot control by "the Federal Government 1md by the .cities. We have lea.med -that "there .are a number of steps which, U taken, will enhance a city's ability to brak 'the crcle of -violence.involv.ed in:a.riot.

.Fir.st. a city shotild "build ~xoellEnce 1n Its pollce1'.orce, with a financial coDJilliitl:nent Te:flecting the true importance :of law enforeement to the community.

Second, there must be a -renewed effort to lmprove 'Communication-s and undei:standing between the disadvantaged .community a.nd the police.

"Third. we must dense new me.ans to dispel and counteract the rumors -which, 1n almost every instance, fan the .ftames of uisarder.

And .fourth, t.b:er.e -must be intensive a.d-vance preparations for dealing with -.riots, including preparations in the :field .of .intelligence, emergency orders, command and coordination of .the law enforc.ement agencies involved, and the taetics and strategy

· to be employed. This winter the Department of J'ustice

will devote major energy and resolll'O'es to disseminating the lessons which have been learned concerning riot control. Recognizing that the primary responsib111ty must remain with the cities, the Department will hold a series of tra.ining Bessl'Ons for top law enforcement officers and municipal officers from more than fifty major cities. The purpose of these meetings will be :to share the latest information regarding tactics and strategy to be used in the contTol o! riots.

Rioting in tlile center <:tty is not the only type of civil disorder which is causing deep concern. Today our national landscape ls disfigured by lawlessness masquerading as dissent or protest. New scars from this vlolence ~_pear almost every day and in widely separated pa.rts pf our country.

This is a time to .remember th-at under our Constitution, the rtghts Of free expression and peaceful assemb1y are lnterlock·ed w1 th ·the matnren:a,nee of law and order. One set of principles 1-s 9.bsolutely dependent upon the other. The survival of our form of government 'depends upon the maintenance of both.

The right of free expression or dissent is not merely an academic virtue or emotional luxury. At its bir.th no philosophy or concept has ever commanded ,the support of a majority of citizens. Every new idea begins as a minority view. As Justice Brande.ts said, "the best test of truth ls the power Uf the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market place". No single cir.cumstance has had more to do with our p.ro,gress as a. nation than the maintenance of a free market far new ideas.

The right of dissent ls important not only because it provldes a hospitable c11mate for new ideas but because open and rational debate expos-es the bankruptcy of extremist views. The American people have a very satisfyh:ig capaeity to recognize exhibitiontsts who seek to attract ·attention to tbem'Sel~es not ·by the merit --of thelr ideas but by the crudeness Of their speeeb, the -.ulgarity of their conduct, and tbe -hostlllty of their threats.

Let .no one su.ppoae -that tile right of dissent, however -valuable, aa.rr!es wlth it a license for lawlessness. Disarder disgraces diBSent. Violence turns protest ":first to .tr.av-esty then to ~edy. ·

Th-e rlghts Ci! .free expmsslon mid peaceful assembly, the right to speak Bnd the .i"lght to J:lear, apply to. those who ..favor our course in V.ietnam equally with those who are opposed .1io it. Tha.e who would design disord.er to silence .tbetr ctpponentB, those who would excuse violence as protest, have

December 12, 1967 · COJSGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36025 turned their back on the Constitution. They have forgotten the essential truth that in our society when anyone is deprived of his rights, everyone loses. exactly that much of his freedom.

In these times, to. preserve· freedom and to maintain order is a tall task indeed. We pledge ourselves to the achievement of the dual goal represented by the concept of ordered liberty.

GENERAL CHAPMAN. USMC: AN ILLUSTRIOUS CAREER

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Florida [Mr. SIKES] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and -include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, as a Florid

ian and member of the Committee on Appropriations, it gives me great pleasure to note the President's recent nomination of Lt. Gen. Leonard F. Chapman, Jr., USMC to become Commandant of the U.S. Marine Corps on January 1, 1968. General Chapman is a native of Key West, Fla., and graduate of the University of Florida.

General Chapman has had an illustrious career.

As commanding officer of the marine detachment aboard the U.S.S. Astoria following the outbreak of World War II, then Captain Chapman took part in the early Pacific naval raids culminating in the battles of the Coral Sea and Midway and earned the Navy Commendation Ribbon with Combat "V."

In June of 1944, as a lieutenant colonel, ·he earned the Legion of Merit with Combat "V" for meritorious service with the 11th Marine Regiment of the. 1st Marine Division in the Pacific area and thereafter the Bronze Star Medal with Com-

. bat "V" while serving as an artillery battalion commander on Okinawa in 1945.

During post World War II assignments, he served with the Fleet Marine Force Pacific and thereafter at, Quanticor Va. In 1953, as regimental commander of the 12th Marines, 3d Marine Division, he sailed for Japan and the following year became commanding officer of the Marine Barracks at Yokosuka, Japan. He also served as the commanding officer of the Marine Barracks, Washington, D.C., and director of the Marine Corps Institute from 1956 to 1958.

Upon his promotion to brigadier general in 1958 he was assigned as commanding general, Force Troops. Fleet Marine Force,. Atlantic. Thereafter in 1961, as a major general,. he was designated as the assistant chief of staff, G-4 at Headquarters, Marine Corps. He was awarded his second Legion of Merit for service in this capacity.

On January 1, 1964, General Chapman was named chief of staff, Headquarters Marine Corps with the rank of lieutenant general and was later awarded the Distinguished Service Medal for this service. On July 1, 1967, he became assistant commandant · of the Ma:rine Corps.

General Chapman and his wife, the former Emily Ford of Birmingham, Ala.,

·have two sons, both Marine Corps officers who have served in combat with Marine forces fu Vietnam.

The State of Florida, and indeed the entire United States· should be proud of the President's nomination and the confidence he has placed in General Chapman.

AFL--CIO GIVES UNEQUIVOCAL SUPPORT TO JOHNSON'S VIETNAM POLICIES Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I

· ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. PATTEN] may extend his remarks at this Point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.


There was no objection. Mr. PATTEN. Mr. Speaker, the largest

· labor organization in the United States has given President Johnson its "unequivocal support" on his policies in Vietnam.

This is a strong voice from a very strong group of men who represent millions of employees throughout this country.

This is an important endorsement, not because it is a labor organization, but because the endorsement must reflect the views of the rank and file of trades and crafts and industries throughout our country.

The workingman in America fully understands the meaning of a Communist takeover, whether it is in Southeast Asia or in Europe or in South Ameri-ca. And the ~IO through its international efforts has been a bulwark in the international free trade union movement.

President Johnson's policies in Vietnam carry on the policies of two Presidents-Kennedy and Eisenhower. Eisenhower made the original commitment to Southeast Asia with SEATO in 1954. President Kennedy recognized the threat not only to Vietnam, but to Laos and Cambodia. And President Johnson realized that without a direct American involvement, there might not be a free Southeast Asia in a few years.

So, the United States is standing up to what it and many others believe is Communist aggression, Communist subversion and Communist takeover.

I am proud that the AFL-CIO had the wisdom and strength to back the President all the way on Vietnam.

SOONERS WELCOME TENNESSEE CHALLENGE

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker~ I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr. EDMONDSON] may extend his remarks at this :point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro- tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mississippi?

There was no objection. Mr. EDMONDSON. Mr. Speaker, on

December 7 one of our genial colleagues from Tennessee, the Honorable RAY BLANTON, put on the mystic mantle of a pigskin prophet and predicted in bold and colorful prose an incredible eventthe defeat of the University of Oklahoma's great Sooners in the Orange Bowl on New Year's Day.

The same distinguished gentleman expressed his sympathy for the Oklahoma delegation in Congress because of the predicted Orange Bowl result, and with tongue in cheek proceeded to recommend that the Sooners be decorated for bravery for daring to meet the Tennessee Volunteers in a football contest. In fact, he said he was sending our team copies of the book, "Profiles in Courage," in recognition of their football bravery.

Mr. Speaker, every Oklahoman now has an added reason to look forward to the Orange Bowl classic, and the moment of truth which follows.

With characteristic Tennessee modesty, Congressman BLANTON has claimed that the Volunteers are "the No. 1 football team in the Nation," and appears to believe that makes their victory a sure thing.

The Sooner team has been dealing with this brand of blissful overconfidence all season, and likes nothing better than moving up the ladder of national rankings over the battered remains of overconfident opponents.

The Orange Bowl, which in fact provides a battle between the two college teams generally ranked as No. 2-Tennessee-and No. 3-0klahoma-is almost certain to provide the best college football game on your television screen January 1.

Oklahomans are looking forward to the battle, and thousands of them will be in the Orange Bowl for the moment of truth.

If the Volunteers should perform the unbelievable feat of winning, we in the Oklahoma delegation are prepared to serve our Tennessee colleagues a quail dinner when we return to Washington.

We hope our Tennessee colleagues are prepared to extend a similar invitation in the more likely event that the Sooner~ are the winners.

SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED

By unanimous consent, permission to address the House, following the legislative program and any special orders heretofore entered, was granted to:

Mr. HALPERN <at the request of Mr. WATKINS), for 15 minutes, today; and to revise and extend his remarks and include extraneous matter.

Mr. FEIGHAN, for 30 minutes, on December 13, 1967; to revise and extend his remarks and include extraneous matter.

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

By tmanimous consent, permission to extend remarks in the CONGRESSIONAL REcoRn, or to revise and extend remarks was granted to:

Mr.LAIRD. Mr. LUKENS. Mr. COLLIER.

36026 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967

ADJOURNMENT Mr.DuLsKI. Mr.Bow. Mr.RoTH. Mr. EDWARDS of Alaooma. Mr. MAHON to revise and extend his

remarks and include tabulations on the supplemental appropriation bill.

Mrs. BOLTON. <The following Members <at the re

quest of Mr. WATKINS) and to include extraneous matter: )

Mr. BROCK. Mr. BLACKBURN. <The following Members (at the re

quest of Mr. MONTGOMERY) and to include extraneous matter:)

Mrs. GRIFFITHS. Mr. Nix. Mr.FRASER. Mr. MACDONALD of Massachusetts. Mr. HOWARD.

SENATE BILL REFERRED A bill of the Senate of the following

title was taken from the Speaker's table and, under the rule, ref erred as follows:

S. 1843. An act to establish rights for individuals in their relations with Indian tribes; to direct the Secretary of the Interior to recommend to the Congress a model code governing the administration of juttice by courts of Indian offenses on Indian reservations; to protect the constitutional rights of certain individuals; and for other purposes; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.

ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED Mr. BURLESON, from the Committee

on House Administration, reported that that committee had examined and found truly enrolled bills of the House of the following titles, which were thereuPon signed by the Speaker:

H.R. 1592. An act for the relief of Dr. Rene Jose Triay;

H.R. 1670. An act for the relief of Dr. George H. Elder;

H.R. 1894. An act for the relief of Our Lady of P1llar Church in Santa Ana, Calif.;

H.R. 2138. An act to amend section 319 of the Immigration and Nationality Act to permit naturalization for certain employees of U.S. nonprofit organizationt engaged in disseminating information which significantly promotes U.S. interest, and for other purposes;

H.R. 2152. An act to amend the act incorporating the Disabled American Veterans so as to provide for an annual audit ot their accounts;

H.R. 3032. An act for the relief of Mrs. Karen Wood Davila;

H.R. 3516. An act for the relief of Andres Mauricio Candela, M.D.;

H.R. 3525. An act for the relief of Isreal Mizrahy, M.D.;

H.R. 3528. An .act for the relief of Isaac Chervony, M.D.;

H.R. 3866. An act for the relief of Dr. Eduardo Enrique Ramos;

H.R. 3889. An act for the relief of the Standard Meat Co.;

H.R. 4974. An act for the relief of Dr. Manuel A. Turbat;

H.R. 5186. An act for the relief of Dr. Armando Cobelo;

H.R. 5187. An act for the relief of Dr. Hector Alfreda E. Planas-Pina;

H.R. 5853. An act for the rE;lief of Raymond E. Grall;

H.R. 6088. An act for the relief of Dr. Manuel Jose Coto;

H.R. 6096. An act for the relief of Mrs. Inge Hemmersbach Hilton;

H.R. 6670. An act for the rellef of Dr. Virgilio A. Ganganelli Valle; · .

H.R. 6766. An act for the rellef of Dr. Raul Gustavo Fors Docal;

H.R. 7890. An act for the relief of Dr. Josefina Quintos Marcelo;

H.R. 7896. An act for the relief of Dr. Jose A. Rico Fernandez;

H.R. 7898. An act for the relief of Dr. Nemesio Vazquez Fernandez;

H.R. 7977. An act to adjust certain postage rates, to adjust the rates of basic compensation for certain officers and employees in the Federal Government, and to regulate the mailing of pandering advertisements, and for other purposes;

H.R. 8256. An act for the relief of Dr. Hermes Q. Cuervo;

H.R. 8258. An act for the relief of Jorge Gabriel Lazcano, .M.D.;

H.R. 8376. An act to provide that the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York shall be held at Brooklyn, N.Y., and Mineola, N.Y.;

H.R. 8738. An act for the relief of Guillermo Ramon Palacio Sela;

H.R. 8407. An act for the relief of Dr. Raquel Maria Cruz-Flores;

H.R. 9081. An act for the relief of Dr. Josefina Esther Kouri-Barreto de Pelleya; ·

H.R. 9574. An act for the relief of Joseph J. Wojcik;

H.R. 10449. An act for the relief of Camille Anita Dobson;

H.R. 11395. An act to amend the National Capital Transportation Act of 1965 authorizing the prosecution of a transit development program for the National Capital region and to further the objectives of the Act of July 14, 1960;

H.R. 11565. An act to amend section 358 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, as amended, to authorize the transfer of peanut acreage allotments;

H.R. 12144. An act to clarify and otherwise amend the Meat Inspection Act, to provide for cooperation with appropriate State agencies with respect to State meat inspection programs, and for other purposes; and

H.R. 12912. An act to give the consent of Congress to the State of Ohio to become a party to the agreement relating to bus taxation proration and reciprocity as set forth in title II of the act of April 14, 1965 (79 Stat. 60) and consented to by Congress in that Act and in the acts of November 1, 1965 (79 Stat. 1157), and November 2, 1966 (80 Stat. 1156).

SENATE ENROLLED BILL SIGNED The SPEAK.ER announced his signa

ture to an enrolled bill of the Senate of the following title:

S. 2388. An act to provide an improved Economic Opportunity Act, to authorize funds for the continued operation of economic opportunity programs, and for other purposes.

BILLS PRESENTED TO THE PRESIDENT

Mr. BURLESON, from the Committee on House Administration, reported that that committee did on December 11, 1967, present to the President, for his approval, bills of the House of the following titles:

H.R. 6111. An act to provide for the establishment of a Federal Judicial Center, and for other purposes; and

H.R. 12121. An act to amend the act of September 19, 1964 (78 Stat. 983), establishing the Public Land Law Review Commission, and for other purposes.

Mr. MONTGOMERY. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

The motion was agreed to; . accordingly (at 5 o'clock and 15 minutes p.m.), the House adjourned until tomorrow, Wednesday, December 13, at 12 o'clock noon.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Under clause 2 of rule xm, reports of

committees were delivered to the Clerk for printing and reference to the proper calendar, as follows:

Mr. TEAGUE of Texas: Committee on Veterans' Affairs. H.R. 150. A bill to provide for the designation of certain Veterans' Adminstration facilities; With amendment (Rept. No. 1031). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Mr. TEAGUE of Texas: Committee on Veterans' Affairs. H.R. 4892. A bill to provide for the conveyance of certain real property of the United States to the city of Leavenworth, Kans.; with amendment (Rept. No. 1032). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Mr. TEAGUE of Texas: Committee on Veterans' Affairs. H.R. 8364. A bill to amend the joint resolution of March 24, 1937, to provide for the termination of the interest of the United States in certain real property in Allen Park, Mich.; with amendment (Rept. No. 1033). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Mr. TEAGUE of Texas: Committee on Veterans' Affairs. H.R. 10277. A bill authorizing the Administrator of Veterans' Affairs to convey certain property to the State of Mississippi (Rept. No. 1034). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Mr. PHILBIN: Committee on Armed Services. H.R. 5789. A bill, to authorize the disposal of platinum from the national stockpile and the supplemental stockpile (Rept. No. 1035). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

Mr. PHILBIN: Committee on Armed Services. H.R. 5785. A bill to authorize the disposal of magnesium from the national stockpile (Rept. No. 1036). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. .

Mr. MAHON: Committee on Appropriations. H.R. 14397. A bill making supplemental appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1968, and for other purposes (Rept. No. 1037). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union.

Mr. TUCK: Committee of conference s 2171. An act to amend the Subversive Activt~ ties Control Act of 1950 so as to accord with certain decisions of the courts (Rept. No. 1038). Ordered to be printed.

Mr. TEAGUE of Texas: Committee on Veterans' Affairs. H.R. 12555. A bill to amend title 38 of the United States Code to liberalize the provisions relating to payment of pension, and for other purposes; with amendment (Rept. No. 1039). Referred to the Comm! ttee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.

PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Under clause 4 of rule XXII, public

bills and resolutions were introduced and severally referred as follows:

By Mr. MAHON: H.R. 14397. A bill making supplemental ap

propriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1968, and for other purposes.

By Mr. BROYHILL of North Carolina: H.R. 14398. A bill to amend the Internal

Dece.mbe,r 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORO- HOUSE 36027 Revenue Oode · of 1954 to allow a credit against income tax for a pol'tion of amounts paid for certain educational expenses incurred at an institution of higher learning or vocational traintng; ta the Committee on Ways and Means.

~ By Mr. CASEY: H.R. 14399. A bill to amend the Immigra

tion and Nationality Act to authorize, in the national interest, restrictions on travel by nationals of the United States in certain designated areas of the world; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. EVANS of Colorado (for himself, Mr. ASPINALL, and M:r. ROGERS of Colorado):

H.R. 14400. A bill to provide for orderly trade in iron ore, iron and steel mill produets; to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. GARMATZ ~ · H.R. 14401. A bl!Il to grant the masterS' of

certain U.S. vessels a lien on those vessels for their wages; to the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries.

By M:r. HARVEY: H.R. 144(}2'. A bill to amend title I of the

Housing Act, of 1949 to authorize loans to assist older persons who have been displaeed from their homes by urban renewal projects to pu:rcbase comparable homes, free- of additional debt; to the Committee on Banking and Currency.

By Mr. HOLIFIELD: H.R. 14403. A bill to provide for the ap

pointment: of additional circuit judges; to the Committee on the. .Judiciary.

By Mr. NIX: H.B. 14404. A bill to amend title 391, United

States Code, to regulate the mailing of master keys· for: motor -vehicle ignition switches, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service.

By Mr. THOMPSON Of Georgia: H.R. 14405. A bill ta provide for orderly

trade in iron and steel mill products~ to th& Committee on Ways, and Means.

By Mr. A:B,BITI': H.R. 14406. A bill to amend title 10, Unit.ed

States Code, to equalize the retirement pay of members of the uniformed services of equ&l rank and years ot service, and tor other purposes; to the Committee on. Armed Services.

By Mr. BARRET!': H.R.14407. A blli to amend title 18, Unlted

States Code. in regard to. the distribution of master keys for motor vehicles, and for other purposes; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. RIESTER: H.R. 14408. A bill t0> amend the Federal

Pli:>wer Act to facilitate t<he provision of reliable, abundant, and e.conomical electric power supply by strengthening existing mechanisms for coordination of electric utility systems and encouraging the installation and use of the products of advancing technology with due regard for th& proper conservation of scenic and other natural resources; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

By Mr. GREEN of Pennsylv.anfa: H.R. :t,44!09. A bill to provide criminal pen

alties for the introduction, or manufacture for introduction.. into interstate commerce of master keys for motor vehicles, and for other purposes; to the Comm!ttee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. HALP:Ji,:RN ~ H.R. 14410. A bill to provide for orderly

trade in iron ore, iron and steel mill products; to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. SCHWEIKER: H.R,.14411. A biU to provide criminal

penalties for the introduction, or manufacture for introduction, int<> interstate commerce oi master keys for motor ve,hicles; a:nd for ~ther purposes; to the Committee on t:Qe Judiciary.

. '

'By Mr. STEED: H.R. 14412. A bill to provide for orderly

trade In , textile a.rtlcles;: to the Committee on Ways and Means:

By Mr. DA VIS of Georgia: H.R.'. 14413. A bill to authorize the acqui

sition and disposal of certain lands at Chfeka.mauga. and Chattanooga N~tional Military Park, Ga., and for other purposes; to. the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.

H.R. 14414. A bill to authorize the disposal of certain real property in the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Pll:rk, Ga., under the Federal Property and Administrative Services Act o:l 1949; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.

By Mr. EDWARDS of Louisiana: H.R. 14415. A biH for the relief of the city

of Lake Charles, La.; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. WATTS: H.R. 14416. A bill to provide compensation

in the case i:n which a law enforcement officer or firefighter is killed or disabled in the course of his duties; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. CASEY: H.J. Res. 956. Joint resolution proposing an

amendment to the Constitution of the United States to grant to the Congress the power to establish uniform laws for the loss o! nationality and citizenship; to the Com.;. mittee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. FRIEDEL.~ H. ReS'. Hl03. Resolution providing addi

tional postage for Members and officers of the Honse of Representatives~ to the Committee on House Administration.

H. Res. 1004. Resolution authorizing payment of compensation ot certain committee employees of the House of Representatives; to the Committee on Kouse Adminiatration.

By Mr. BARING: H. Res. 1005. Resolution expressing the

sense of the House a! Representatives. with respect to the responsibie exercise of certain freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

PRIVATE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS

Under clause 1 of rule XXII, Pil'ivate bills and resolutions were introduced and severally refened as follows:

By Mr. ADDABBO: H .R. 14417. A bin for the relief of Calogero

Lauria; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. BRASCO: ~

H.R. 14418. A bill for the relle! of Frances.co Randazzo; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

H.R. 14419. A bill for the relief of Salvatore Nicolosi: to the Committee on the Judfciary.

By Mr. BURTON of California: H.R. 14420. A bill for the reIIe! of· Alexis

J .ack HeIUy; to the Committee on the Judtciary.

By Mr. CONYERS: H.R. 14421. A bill !or the relief or Fausto

Petetti; to- the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr. ESCH:

R.R. 14422. A bill for the relief of Victoria Josefina Perez. Norton; to the Committee on the Judiciary. ·

By Mr. MESKILL: H.R. 14423: A bill !or the relief of Bartol

omeo Alessandra;· to the Committee on the .Judiciary.

By Mr. MURPHY Of Illinois: H.R. 14424. A bill for the relief of Ivica·

Stiplsic; to the Committee on the Judiciary. By Mr.. ROSENTHAL~

H.R. 14~5. A bill for the relief of Giavannl Viviano; to the Commit.tee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. ROTH: H.R. 14426. A bill for the relief of · Car

mine Denza; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. TEAGUE of California: H.R. 14427. A bill for the relief of Comdr.

John N. Gree~. U.S. Navy; to the Committee on the Judiciary.

REGULATION OF LOBBYING ACT In compliance with Public Law 601,

79th Congress, title III, Regulation of Lobbying Act, section 308(b), which provides as follows~

(b) All information required to be filed under the provisions ot this' section with the Clerk of: the Honse of Representatives and the Secretary of the Senate shall be compiled by said Clerk and Secretary, actfng jointly, as soon as practicable after the close of the calendar quarter with respect t .o which such information is filed and sha1:1 be printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.

The Clerk of the House of Representatives and the Secretary of the Senate jointly submit their report of the compilation required by said law and have included all registrations and quarterly reports received.

QUARTERLY REPORTS

The following reports for the second calendar quarter of 1967 were received too late to be included in the published report~ for , that quarter:.

A. Herbert F. Alfrey, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D:C.

B. The National Rural Letter Carriers' Association, 1 '15.0 Pennsylvania. Avenue NW., Washington. D.C.

D. (6) $4<>1. E. ~9'} $21.25.

A. The American Beekeeping Federation, Minco, Okla.

D. (6) $5,516.38. E. (9), $4,053.62.

A. American Carpet Institute, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $295. E. (9) $479.

A. American Civil Liberties Union,. 156 Fifth Avenue, New York, N~Y.

D. (6J $5,054.55. E. (9) $5,054.55.

A. The American College of Radiology, 20 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,356.36. E. (9) $1,356.36.

A. American Dental Association, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, III.

D. (6) $8,040.85. E. (9) . $8,040.85.

A. American Hospital Association, 840 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago. Dl.

D. (6) $14,818..59. E. ,9) $14.818.59.

A. American Humane Association, 5351 South R06lyn Street. Englewood, Colo.

E. (9} $1,500.

A. American Insurance · Association, 85 John Stre.et, New York, N.'Y.

D. (6) 6',927. E. (9) $6,927.

A. Ametlcan Library Association, 50 East Huron, Chicago, Ill. .

D. (6) $747.55. E. (9) $19,061.02.

A. American Merchant Marine Institute, Inc., 11 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $3,048.28 .

36028 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 A. American Taxpayers Association, 326

Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C. D. (6) $2,774.50. B. (9) $1,309.22.

A. Robert E. Ansheles, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Consolidated International Trading Corp., 180 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $187.50. E. (9) $54.64.

A. Arnold & Porter, 1229 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Lawyers Co-operative Publishing Co., Rochester, N.Y.

E. (9) $42.21.

A. Vincent Gerrard Barnett, 1725 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Committee of European Shipowners, 30/32 St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3, England.

D. (6) $1~,296.74. E. (9) $12,296.74.

A. Irvin L. Barney, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood Railway Carmen of America, 4929 Main Street, Kansas City, Mo.

D. (6) $3,600.

A. Michael P. Daniels, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United States-Japan Trade Council, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Daniel S. Bedell, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,642.34. E. (9) $539.69.

A. Harvey M. Berg, 356 SE. Second Street, Fort Lauderdale, Fla.

A. Fred F. Backmon, 405 Luhrs Building, Phoenix, Ariz.

B. Southern Pacific Co., 65 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif., and the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway, 121 East Sixth Street, Los Angeles, Calif.

D; (6) $10. E. (9) $50.50.

A. Charles R. Bragg, 90 Stony Corners Circle, Avon, Conn.

B. Northeast Utilities service Co., 176 Cumberland Avenue, Wethersfield, Conn.

E. (9) $722.01.

A. Wally Briscoe. . B. National Community Television Asso

ciation, Inc., 1634 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $400. E. (9) $37.65.

A. Florence I. Broadwell, 1737 H Street NW., Wa.Shington, D.C.

B. National Federation of Federal Employees, 1737 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,173.10.

A. Derek Brooks, 1025 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retail Furniture Association, 1150 Merchandise Mart, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,500.

A. Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators & Paperhangers of America, 217-19 North Sixth Street, Lafayette, Ind.

E . (9) $6,169.13.

A . Robert J. Brown, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Telephone Cooperative Association, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $137.

A. James E. Bryan, 2000 p Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Blue Shield Plans, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $1,867.83.

A. Lowell A. Burkett, 1025 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Vocational Association, Inc., 1025 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Charles s. Burns, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Mining Congress, Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $584.50. E. (9) $619.83.

A. Robert B. Byrnes, 1514 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Railroad Pension Forum, Inc., 2403 East 75th Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $300. E. (9) $33.13.

A. Canal Zone Central Labor Union-Metal Trades Council. AFL-CIO, Post Office 471, Balboa Heights, C.Z.

D. (6) $1,212.86. E. (9) $7,926.89.

A. Robert S. Carr, 1220 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Hiram Walker & Sons, Inc., 8323 Jefferson Avenue, Detroit, Mich.

A. Casey, Lane & Mittendorf, 26 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

B. South African Sugar Association, Post Office Box 507, Durban, South Africa.

E. (9) $2,150.60.

A. Chamber of Commerce of the U.S.A., 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Donald E. Channell, 1705 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Bar Association, 1705 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $150.

A. Hal M. Christensen, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Dental Association, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,250.

A. Citizens Committee on Natural Resources, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $6,195. E. (9) $6,185.

A. Clark.e & Nevius, 1000 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C . .

B. Association of Mutual Fund Plan Sponsors, Inc., 50 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $3,750. ~· (9) $838.05.

A. Joseph Cohen, National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. The National Association of Retail Druggists, 1 East Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $750.

A. Nicholas S. Coll1ns, 1155 15th Street, NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Committee of American Steamship Lines, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $298. E. (9) $28.09.

A. Committee For a Free Cotton Market, Inc., 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $1292.83.

A. Committee for Study of Revenue Bond Financing, 55 Liberty Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $59,665. E. (9) $7,122.89.

A. Committee for Time Uniformity, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Paul B. Comstock, ·1771 N Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Broadcasters, 1771 N Street NW., Washington, D.O.

A. l3ernard J. Conw.ay, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

B. American Dental Association, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,625.

A. The Council for Exceptional Children, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $1,024.91.

A. Council of Savings & Loan Stock Cos., 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9)$400.

A. Council of State Chambers of Commerce, 1208 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $850.02. E. {9)$850.02.

A. Counihan, Casey & Loomis, 1000 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. Bicycle Manufacturers Association, 122 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Counihan, Casey & Loomis, 1000 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. Linen Supply Association of America, 975 Arthur Godfrey Road, Miami Beach, Fla.

A. Donald M. Counihan, 1000 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. American Corn Millers Federation, 1030 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Donald M. Counihan, 1000 Conn~ticut · Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. Classroom Periodical Publishers Association, 38 West Fifth Street, Dayton, Ohio.

A. Paul L. Courtney, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $300.

A. J. A. Crowder, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National .Association of Wool Manufacturers, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,500.

A. Cuna International, Inc., 1617 Sherman Avenue, Madison, Wis.

D. (6) *1,821. E. (9) $1,216.07.

A. V. M. Delisi, Ridgefield, N.J. B. Pfister Chemical Works, Inc., Ridge

field, N.J. E. (9) $80.

A. Ronald W. De Lucien, 1133 2oth Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Canners Association, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $400. E. (9) $100.

A. Henry I. Dworshak, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $553.14.

A. Eastern Meat Packers Association, Inc., 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $102. E. (9) $36.54.

A. Elliott & Naftalin, . 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Council of Savings & Loan Stock Cos., 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $400.

A. Elliott & Naftalin, 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Business Schools Association, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

D. (6) $750. .

A. John W. Emelg~. 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36029 B. The National Rural Letter Carriers' As

sociation, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $401. E. (9) $15.10.

A. Employee Relocation Real Estate Ad., visory Committee, Inc., 333 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $7,900.

A. Ethyl Corporation, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9} $750.

A. Frederick W. Ford. B. National Community Television Asso

ciates, Inc., 1634 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $834. E. (9) $43.50.

A. Forest Farmers Association Cooperative, Post Office Box 7278, Station C, Atlanta, Ga.

D. (6) $5.48. E. (9) $5.48.

A. David C. Fullarton, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,426.

A. Gadsby, Maguire & Hannah, 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brazilian Embassy, 3007 Whitehaven Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $31.25.

A. William C. Geer. B. The Council for Exceptional Children,

1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $500.

A. Ernest Giddings, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retired Teachers Association, American Association of Retired Persons, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $1,378.35.

A. Royce L. Givens, 224 Seventh Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Conference of Police Associations, 224 Seventh Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Robert J. Grant, 2701 Boston Street, Baltimore, Md.

B. Young An111ne Works, Inc., 2701 Boston Street, Baltimore, Md.

E. (9) $55.50.

A. John F . Griner, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Government Employees, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8,076.95. E. (9) $2,297.74.

A. Wilfred H. Hall, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D .C.

B. National Oil Jobbers Council, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C . .

D. (6) $1,562.51.

A. Charles C. Hartman, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National 011 Jobbers Council, 1'701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Eugene B. Hayden, Jr., 828 Midland Bank Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

B. Crop Quality Council, 828 Midland Bank Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

D. (6) $9,000. E. (9) $1,626.82.

A. Robert B. Heiney, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. 1(6) $875. E. (9) $1',151.66.

A. Noel Hemmendinger, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $30.

A. Christopher 0. Henderson, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Organization of Professional Employees of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $550. E. (9) $25.

A. Maurice G. Herndon, 801 Warner Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Insurance Agents, 96 Fulton Street, New York, N .Y., and 801 Warner Building, Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $448.65.

A. Carey W. Hilliard, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D .C.

B. The National Rural Letter Carriers' Association, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $401. E. (9) $37.50.

A. William Bentley Hitchcock II, 1307 Norwalk Lane, Austin, Tex.

B. International Public Relations, Inc., 315 First National Bank Building, Canton, Ohio.

A. Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, USMC (Ret.), 200 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States.

D. (6) $1,166.67. E. (9) $40.30.

A. David P. Houlihan, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. International Brotherhood of Teamsters, 25 Louisiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) . $10,871.49.

A. Ralph K. James, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $440. E. (9) $41.09

A. Thomas L. Jones, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Oil Jobbers Council, National Federation of State Oil Distributor, Jobber and Marketer Association, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D .C.

A. Mrs. Fritz R. Kahn, 9202 Ponce Place, Fairfax, Va.

B. National Congress of Parents and Teachers, 700 North Rush Street, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $35.85.

A. Karelsen, Karelsen, Lawren~e. & Nathan, attorneys, 230 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $232.96.

A. Howard B. Keck, 1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, Calif.

B. The Superior 011Co.,1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, Calif. · ·

E. (9) $300.

A. Charles C. Keeble, Post Oftlce Box 2180, Houston, Tex.

B. Humble 011 & Refining Co., Post Oftlce Box 2180, Houston, Tex.

E. (9) $12.10.

A. Eugene A. Keeney, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Retail Federation, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A . . Thomas John Kehoe and ·Associates, 1904 Rockwood Road, Silver Spring, Md~

E. (9) $575:

A. John A. Killick, 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, E>.C.

B. Eastern Meat Packers Association, Inc., 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $22.50.

A. John A. Killick, 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Independent Meat Packers Association, 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $27.83.

A. Ralph W. Kittle. B. International Paper Co., 220 East 42d

Street, New York, N.Y.

A. George J. Knaly, 1200 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International BrotherhoOd of Electrical Workers, 1200 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,999.98.

A. Richard M. Lauzier, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Oil Jobbers Council, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $12.75.

A. Lawyers Co-operative Publishing Co., Rochester, N.Y.

A. Robert J. Leigh, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $116.

A. L. Blaine Liljenquist, 917 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Western States Meat .Packers Association, Inc., 917 i5th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $6,562:50. E. (9) $87.70.

A. LeRoy E. Lyon, Jr., Eleventh & L Building, Sacramento, Calif.

B. California Railroad Association, Eleventh & L Building, Sacramento, Calif.

D. (6) $3,437.49. E. (9) $1,918.96.

A. William C. Mccamant, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $300.

A. Jos. R. MacLaren, 4 Linden Drive, Hudson Falls, N.Y.

B. Mountain Fir Lumber Co., Independence, Oreg.

D. (6) $2,000. E. (9) $205.65.

A. Jos. R. MacLaren, 4 Linden Drive, Hudson Falls, N.Y. ·

B. Potlach Forests, Inc., Post Office Box 2591, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6) $1,170. E. (9) $566.87.

A. Albert E. May, 1155 15th Street NW .• Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $436. E. (9) $26.68.

A. Arnold Mayer, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B . Amalgamated Meat Cutters & Butcher Workmen of North America (~IO), 2800 North Sheridan Road, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $4,185. E. (9) $405.

A. Donald Melvin, 20 E Street NW., Washington, D.C.

36030 CONGRESSIONAJ.-_ RECORD- HOUSE December :12, 1967 B. CUNA International, Inc.;- 1617 Sher

man A-venue, Madison, Wis. D. (6) $689. E. (9) $575.37.

A. Alan W. Mercill, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retired Teachers ·Assocla.tl.on, American Association of Retired Persons, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $602.34.

A. Ellis E. Meredith, 2000 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Apparel Manufacturers Association, Inc., 2000 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $2,150.

A. Joseph L. Mlller, 815 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Northern Textile Association, National Parking Association, .and the Maytag Co.

A. Clarence Mitchell, 422 First Street SE., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association for the Adv-ancement of Colored ·People, 20 West 40th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Carlos Moore, 25 Louisiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Brotherhood of Teamsters, 25 Louisiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,750.

A. Jo V. Morgan, Jr., 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Humane Association, Post Office Box 1266, Denver, Colo.

D. (6) $1,500.

A. Murden & Co., Inc., 1616 H Street NW., Washington, .n.c.

B. Ad Hoc Committee of Foreign Passenger Lines, 25 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $10,500. E. (9) $641.43.

A. John J. Murphy, Jr., 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Bricklayers, Masons, & Plasterers, International Union of America, 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,925. E. (9) $354.50.

A. John J. Murphy, Wilelinor Estates, Route 2, Box 113-D, Edgewater, Md.

B. National Customs Service Association.

A. J. Walter Myers, Jr., Station C, Atlanta, Ga.

B. Forest Farmers · Association Cooperative, Post Office Box 7278, Station C, Atlanta, Ga.

A. Micah H. Naftalin, 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Ethyl · Corp., 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750.

A. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 20 West 4oth Street, New York, N.Y.

A. National Associated Businessmen, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,338.90. E. (9) $1,131.64.

A. National Association of Blue Shield Plans, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $1,867.83.

A. National Association of Home Builders of the United States, 1625 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $7,623.11. E. (9) $12,991.44.

A. National Association of Insurance Agents, Inc., 96 Fulton Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $448.65.

~ A.. National Association of Real Estate Boards. 155 East Superior Street, Chicago, Ill. and 1300 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

E : (9) $10,858.20.

A.. National :Assoclatton of Social Workers, Inc., 2 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,828. E. (9) $2,828.

A. National Canners Association, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $597,633.15. E. (9) $6,228.06.

A. National Committee to Abolish HUAC, 555 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $1,536.65. E. (9) $1,535.65.

A. National Council of Naval Air Stations Employee Organizations, 239 Beach Road, Alameda, Calif. ~· (6) $600. E. (9) $524.82.

A. National Counsel Associates, 421 New Jersey Avenue SE., Washington; D.C.

B. Cenco Instruments Co., 2600 South Kastner Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $900. E. (9) $172.22.

A. National Counsel Associates, 421 New Jersey Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. Committee for the Study of Revenue Bond Financing, 55 Liberty Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $108.49.

A. National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs, Inc., 2012 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $84,822.35. E. (9) $4,697.91. -

A. National Federation of Federal Employees, 1737 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $147,146.09. E. (9) $12,751.92.

A. The National Independent Meat Packers Association, 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,615.05. E : (9) $1,938.35.

A. National Oil Jobbers Council, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $10,355.66. E. (9) $2,372.30.

A. National Rehab111tation Association, Inc., 1522 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,869. E. (9) $1,130.

A. National Retail Furniture Association, 1150 Merchandise Mart, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $6,093.13.

A. National Rural Letter Carriers' Association, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8,437. E.(9) $6,004.

A. National Tax Equality Association, Inc., 1000 Connecticut Avenue Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,841.29. E. (9) $3,983.81.

A. National Telephone Cooperative Association, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $1,679.

A. National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1730 Chicago Avenue, Evanston, Ill.

D. (6) $2,194.05. E. (9) $1,194.96.

A. Verlin Nelson, 1223 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Americans for Democratic Action, 1223 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) •t,009.62. E. (9) $14.10.

A. Ivan A. Nestingen, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. CUNA International, Inc., 1617 Sherman Ave., Madison, Wis.

D. (6) $300. E . . (9) _$163.40.

A. Nixon, M~dge, Rose, Guthrie, Alexander, 1701 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Wash-ington, D.C. :,_ .·: _ ..:

B. American Bulk Carriers, Inc., 201 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,250. E. (9) $76.43.

A. Northeast Util1ties Service Co., 176 Cumberland Avenue, Wethersfield, Conn.

E. (9) $722.01.

A : Ira H. Nunn, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Restaurant Association, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C., and .1530 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $3,125. E. (9) $250.

A. Edmund W. O'Brien 204 Great Neck Road, Waterford, Conn. '

B. Northeast Utilities Service Co., 176 Cumberland Avenue, Wethersfield, Conn.

A. John B. O'Day, 11 East Adams Street, Chicago, Ill. . _

B. Insurance Economics Society of America, 11 East Adams Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $6,628.56.

A. Charles T. O'Neill, Jr., 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American Bankers Association, 90 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $57.84.

A. Organization of Professional Employees of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Post Office Box 381, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $831.11. E. (9) $1,112.68.

A. Outdoor Advertising Association of Oklahoma, Inc., 6702 East 11th Street, Tulsa, Okla.

E. (9) $1,656.98.

A. J. Allen Overton, Jr., 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) .1,200.

A. Geo. F. Parrish, Post Office Box 7, Charleston,. W. Va.

B. West Virginia Railroad Association . . D. (6) $5,749.98. E. (9) $259.

A. Normand Phaneuf, 5020 Evanston Avenue, Muskegon, Mich.

B. Lakeway Chemicals, Inc., 5020 Evanston Avenue, Muskegon, Mich.

E. (9) $171.53.

A. Joseph D. Phelan, 485 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Colorado River Association, 417 ~ South H111 Street, Los Angeles, Calif. ·

D. (6) $3,300. E. (9) $1,000.

A. J. Francis Pohlhaus, 422 First Street, SE., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 20 West 40th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Ramsay D. Potts, 910 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Investment Company Institute, .61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,507.92.

A. Ragan & Mason, 900 1'7th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Sea-Land Service, Inc., Post Office Box 1050, Elizabeth, N.J.

D. (6) $900. B. (9) $47.70.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - .HOUSE '3603.l A. Ragan & Mason, 900 17th Street NW.,

Washington D.C. B. South Atlantic & Caribbean Line, Inc.,

250 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y. D. (6) $200.

A. Ragan & Mason, 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Stimson Lumber Co., Post Office Box 68, Forest Grove, Oreg.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $145.24.

A. Carl R. Ramsey, 239 Beach Road, Alameda, Calif.

B. National Council of Naval Air Stations Employee Organizations, 239 Beach Road, Alameda, Calif.

A. Sydney C. Reagan, 6815 Prestonshire, Dallas, Tex.

B. Southwestern Peanut Shellers Association, 6815 Prestonshire, Dallas, Tex.

D. (6) $150.

A. -Record Industry Association of America, Inc., 1 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $16,992.37.

A. Robert E. Redding, 110117th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Transportation Association of America, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $25. E. (9) $2.

A. John Riley, 1625 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Home Builders of the United States, 1625 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $600. E. (9) $58.94.

A. Stephen Philip Robin, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Public Relations Co., Ltd. {N.Y.) d/b/a Japan Steel Information Cen_ter, 230 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. Nathaniel H. Rogg, 1625 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Home Builders of the United States, 1625 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,500. E. (9) $66.46.

A. John F. Rolph III, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $500.

A. Robert A. Saltzstein, 1300 Wyatt Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Business Press~ Inc., 205 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $4,375. E. (9) $1,336.31.

A. Schoene and Kramer, 1625 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Railway · Labor Executives' Association, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D,C.

E. (9) $125.84.

A. C. Herschel Schooley, 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

_ B . . Independent Bankers Association of America, Sauk Centre, Minn.

D. (6) $8,500. E. (9) $2,936.84;

A. Stanley W. Schroeder, 1100 Ring Building, Washillgton, D.C.


D. (6) $300.

A. Carroll M. Shaw, 6326 Southcrest Drive Shreveport, La.

B. Amalgamated Transit Union, AFL-CIO, 5025 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Laurence P. Sherfy, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $575.

A. A. z. Shows, 1010 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Custer Channel Wing ·· Aircraft Corp., Hagerstown, Md.

E. (9) $749.30.

A. David Silver, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

B. Investment Company Institute, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $200. E. (9) $73.25.

A. Single Persons Tax Reform Lobby, 1692A Green Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6) $307.05. E. (9) $210.75.

A. Donald E. Smiley, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Humble Oil & Refining Co. {a Delaware Corp.), Post Office Box 2180, Houston, Tex.

E. (9) $885.03.

A. James E. Smith, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Ariierican Bankers Association, 90 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,000. E. (9) $625.

A. Milan D. Smith, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C. _


A. Dr. Spencer M. Smith, Jr., 1709 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Va.

B. Citizens Committee on Natural Resources, 712 Dupont Circle Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,438.50. E. (9) $2,124.82.

A. Stitt, Hemmendinger & Daniels, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Japan General Merchandise Exporters Association and Japan Rubber Footwear Manufacturers Association of Tokyo, Japan; Miscellaneous Goods Division, Japanese Chamber of Commerce of New York, Inc. and Imported Footwear Group, National Council of American Importers, Inc., N.Y.

D. (6) $200. E. (9) $75.


B. Unione Industriale Pratese, Prato, Italy; American Textile Importers Association, 200 West 34th Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $672. E. (9) $672.

A. Nelson A. Stitt, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. -


A. Philip W. Stroupe, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $450.

A. Noble J. Swearingen, 224 East Capitol Street, Washington, D.C.

B. National Tuberculosis Association, 1740 Broadway, New York, N.Y. ·

D. (6) $400. E. (9) $117.38.

A. Evert S. Thomas, Jr., 20 · E Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. CUNA International, Inc., 1617 Sherman Avenue, Madison, Wis.

D. (6) $832. E. (9) $477.30.

A. Trade Relations Council of the United States, Inc., 122 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Trustees for Conservation, 251 Kearny Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6) $6,929.51. E. (9) $4,093.17.

A. United Business Schools Association, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $750.

A. United States-Japan Trade Council, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. -(6) $30 . . E. (9) $30.

A. Veterans of World War I, USA, Inc., 40 G Street NE., Washington, D.C.

A. Douglas Whitlock II, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Robert P . Will, 487 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. The Metropolitan Water District of Southern California, 1111 Sunset Boulevard, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $3,600. E. (9) $783.68.

A. Francis s. Williams, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.


E. (9) $80.63.

A. Kenneth Williamson, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C. . .

B. American - Hospital Association, 840 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,076.56. E. (9) $488.63.

A. Nathan T. Wolkomir, 1737 H Street NW., Washington, D.C. ,

B. National Federation of Federal Employees, 1737 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,153.86. E. (9) $2,826.49.

.36032 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--HOUSE December 12, 1967 QUARTERLY REPORTS

The following quarterly report.s were submitted for the third calendar quarter 1967:

<NoTE.-The form used for report ls reproduced below. In the interest of economy 1n the RECORD, questions are not repeated, only the essential answers are printed, and are indicated by their respective letter and number.)

FILE ONE COPY WrrH THE SECRETARY OF THE SENATE AND FILE Two COPIES WITH THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF _REPRESENTATIVES:

This page (page 1) is designed to supply identifying data; and page 2 (on the back of this page) deals with financial data.

PLACE AN ''X" BELOW THE APPROPRIATE LETrER OR FIGURE IN THE Box AT THE RIGHT OF THE "REPORT" HEADING BELOW:

"PRELIMINARY" REPORT ("Registration"): To "register," place an ''X" below the letter "P" and fill out page 1 only.

"QUARTERLY" REPORT: To indicate which one of the four calendar quarters is covered by this Report, place an ''X" below the appropriate figure. Fill out both page 1 and page 2 and as many additional pages as may be required. The first additional page should be numbered as page "3," and the rest of such pages should be "4," "5," "6," etc. Preparation and filing in accordance with instructions will accomplish compliance with all quarterly reporting requirements of the Act.

REPORT p

-Y-ear_:_19_-_-_-_-_-_-.... I ~ PURSUANT TO FEDERAL REGULATION OF LoBBYING ACT I 1·· I ::r: I 4th

(Mark one square only)

NoTE oN ITEM "A".-(a) IN GENERAL. This "Report" form may be used by either an organization or an individual, as follows: (1) "Employee".-To file as an "employee", state (in Item "B") the name, address, and nature of business of the "employer". (If the

"employee" is a firm [such as a law firm or public relations firm]. partners and salaried staff members of such firm may join in filing a Report as an "employee".)

(11) "Employer".-To file as an "employer", write "None" in answer to Item "B". (b) SEPARATE REPORTS. An agent or employee should not attempt to combine his Report with the employer's Report:

(1) Employers subject to the Act must file separate Reports and are not relieved of this requirement merely because Reports are filed by their agents or employees.

(11) Employees subject to the Act must file separate Reports and are not relieved of this requirement merely because Reports are filed by their employers.

A. ORGANIZATION OR INDIVIDUAL FILING:-1. State name, address, and nature of business. 2. If this Report ls for an Employer, list names or agents or employees

who will file Reports for this Quarter.

NOTE ON ITEM "B".-Reports by Agents or Employees. An employee is to file, each quarter, as many Reports as he has employers, except that: (a) If a particular undertaking ls jointly financed by a group of employers, the group ls to be considered as one employer, but all members of the group are to be named, and the contribution of each member is to be specified; (b) if the work is done in the interest of one person but payment therefor is made by another, a single Report-naming both persons as "employers"-is to be filed each quarter.

B. EMPLOYER.-State name, address, and nature of business. If there ls no employer, write "None."

NOTE ON ITEM "C".-(a) The expression "in connection with legislative interests," as used in this Report, means "in connection with attempting, directly or indirectly, to influence the passage or defeat of legislation." "The term 'legislation' means bills, resolutions, amendments, nominations, and other matters pending or proposed in either House of Congress, and includes any other matter which may be the subject of action by either House"-§ 302 ( e) .

(b) Before undertaking any activities in connection with legislative interests, organizations and individuals subject to the Lobbying Act are required to file a "Preliminary" Report (Registration).

(c) After beginning such activities, they must file a "Quarterly" Report at the end of each calendar quarter in which they have either received or expended anything of value in connection with legislative interests.

c. LEGISLA'rIVE INTERESTS, AND Pum.l.C.ATIONS in connection therewith:

1. State approximately how long legislative interests are to continue. If receipts and expend! tures in connection wt th legislative interests have terminated,

D place an "X" in the box at the left, so that thls Office will no longer expect to receive Reports.

2. State the general legislative interests of the person fillng and set forth the specific legislative interests by reciting: (a) Short titles of statutes and bllls; (b) House and Senate numbers ()f bllls, where known; (c) citations · of statutes, where known; (ct) whether for or against such statutes and bllls.

3. In the case of those publications which the person filing has caused to be issued or distributed in connection with legislative interests, set forth: (a) Description, (b) quantity distributed; (c) date of distribution, (ct) name of printer or publisher (if publications were paid for by person filing) or name of donor (if publications were received as a gift).

(Answer items 1, 2, and 3 in the space below. Attach additional ps.ges if more space is needed)

4. If this ls a "Preliminary" Report (Registration) rather than a "Quarterly" Report, state below what the nature and amount of anticipated expenses will be; and if for an agent or employee, state also what the daily, mon1;hly, or annual rate of compensation ls to be. If this is a "Quarterly" Report, disregard this item "C4" and fill out item "D" and "E" on the back of this page. Do not attempt to combine a "Prellmlnary" Report (Registration) with a "Quarterly" Report.~

AFFIDAVIT

(Omitted in printing]

PAGE 1~

December 12; 1967 CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD- HOUSE 36033 Non ON ITEM "D."-(a) In General. The term "contribution" includes anytning of value. When an organization or individual uses

printed or duplicated matter in a campaign attempting to influence legislation, money received by such organization or individual-for such printed or duplicated matter-is a "contribution." "The term 'contribution,' includes a gift, subscription, loan, advance, or deposit of money, or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement, whether or not legally .enforceable, to make a contributlon"-Sectlon 302(a) of the Lobbying Act. .

(b) IF THIS REPORT Is FOR AN EMPLOYER.-(i) In General. Item "D" is designed f<>r the reporting of all receipts from which expenditures are made, or will be made, in accordance with legislative interests.

(11) Receipts of Business Firms and InaividuaZs.-A business firm (or individual) which ts subject to the Lobbying Act by reason of expenditures which it makes in attempting to influence legislation-but which has no funds to expend except those which are available in the ordinary course of operating a business not connected in any way with the infiuencing of legislation-will have no receipts to report, even though it does have expenditures to report.

(111) Receipts of Multipurpose OrganiZations.-Some organizations do not receive any funds which are to be expended solely tor the purpose of attempting to lnfiuence legislation. Such organizations make such expenditures out of a general fund raised by dues, assessments, or other contributions. The percentage of the general fund which is used for such expenditures indicates the percentage of dues, assessments, or other contributions which may be considered to have been paid for that purpose. Therefore, in reporting receipts, such organizations may specify what that percentage ls, and report their dues, assessments, and other contributions on that basis. However, each contributor of $500 or more is to ~e listed, regardless of whether the contribution was made solely for legislative purposes.

(c) IF THIS REPORT Is FOR AN AGENT OR EMPLOYEE.-(!) In General. In the case of many employees, all receipts will come under Items "D 6" (received for services) and "D 12" (expense money and reimbursements). In the absence of a clear statement to the contrary, it will be presumed that your employer ts to reimburse you for all expenditures which you make In connection with legislative Interests.

(11) Employer as Contributor of $500 or More.-When your contribution from your employer (in the form of salary, fee, etc.) amounts to $500 or more, it is not necessary to report such contribution under "D 13" and "D 14," since the amount has already been reported under "D 5," and the name of the "employer" has been given under Item "B" on page 1 of this report.

D. RECEIPTS (INCLUDING CoNTRmUTioNs AND LOANS):

Fill in every blank. If the answer to any numbered item is "None," write "None" in the space following the number.

Receipts (other than loans) 1. $--------Dues and assessments 2. •--------Gifts of money or anything of value 3. $--------Printed or duplicated matter received as a gift 4. •--------Receipts from sale of printed or dupllcated matter 5. $--------Received for services (e.g., salary, fee, etc.)

6. *-------TOTAL for this Quarter (Add items "1" through "5") 7. •--------Received during previous Quarters of calendar year

8. •--------TOTAL from Jan. 1 through this Quarter (Add "6" and "7")

Loana Received, "The term 'contribution' includes a ..• loan ••. "-Sec. 302(a).

9. $--------TOTAL now owed to others on account of loans 10. $--------Borrowed from others during this Quarter 11. , ________ Repaid to others during this Quarter

12. $--------"Expense money" and R~imbursements received this Quarter

Contributors of $500 or more (from Jan.1 through thi~ Quarter)

13. Have there been such contributors? Please answer "yes" or "no": --------

14. In the case of each contributor whose contributions (including loans) during the "period" from January 1 through the last days of this Quarter total $500 or more:

Attach hereto plain sheets of paper, approximately the size of this page, tabulate data under the headings "Amount" and "Name and Address of Contributor"; and indicate whether the last day of the period is March 31, June 30, September 30, or December 31. Prepare such tabulation in accordance with the following example;

Amount Name and, Address of Contributor

("Period," from Jan. 1 through------------------• 19----) $1,500.00 John Doe, 1621 Blank Bldg., New York, N.Y. $1,785.00 The Roe Corporation, 2511 Doe Bldg., Chicago, Ill.

$3,285.00 TOTAL

Non: ON ITEM "E".-(a) In General. "The term 'expenditure' includes a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money or anything of value, and includes a contract, promise, or agreement, whether or not legally enforceable, to make an expendlture"-Sectlon 302(b) of the Lobbying Act.

(b) IF THIS REPORT Is FOK AN AGENT OR EMPLOYEE. in the case of many employees, all expenditures will come under telephone and telegraph (Item "E 6") and travel, food, lodging, and entertainment (Item "E 7").

E. EXPENDITURES ('INCLUDING LOANS) in connection with legislative inter~sts:

Fill in every blank. If the answer to any numbered ltem is "None," write "None" in the spaces following the number.

Expenditures (other than loans) 1. $--------Public relations and advertising services

2. •--------Wages, salaries, fees, commissions (other than item "l")

3. $--------Gift.s or contributions made during Quarter 4. $--------Printed or duplicated matter, including distribution

cost 5. $--------Office overhead (rent, supplies, utilities, etc.) 6. •--------Telephone and telegraph 7. $--------Travel, food, lodging, and entertainment 8. $--------All other expenditures

9. $--------TOTAL for this Quarter (Add "l" through "8") 10. $--------Expended during previous Quarters of calendar year

Loans Made to Others "The term 'expenditure' includes a ••• loan ••• "-Sec. S02(b). 12. $--------TOTAL now owed to person filing 13. •--------Lent to others during this Quarter 14. $--------Repayment received during this Quarter

15. Recipients of Expenditures of $10 or More In the case of expenditures made during this Quarter by, or

on behaU of the person filing: Attach j>lain sheets of paper approximately the size of this page and tabulate data as to expenditures under the following heading: "Amount," "Date or Dates," "Name and Address of Recipient/' "Purpose." Prepare such tabulation in accordance with the following example:

Amount .l_.750.00

.. 2.400.00

Date or Dates-Na.me and Address of Recipient-Purpose 7-11~ Roe Printing Co., 3214 Blank Ave., St. Louts,

Mo.-Printing and malling circulars on the "Marshbanks Bill."

"7-16, 8-16, 9-16: 'Britten & Blaten, 8127 Gremlin Bldg., Washington, D.C.-Public relations service at f800.00 .Per mainth.

11. $--------TOTAL from January 1 through this Quarter (Add "9" and "10") .4.150.00 TOTAL

PAGE 2

cxm--2269-Part 26

36034 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 A. Charles D. ·Ablard, 1629 K Street NW.,

Washington, D.C. B. Magazine Publishers Association, Inc.,

575 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y. D. (6) $2,500. E. (9) $438.63.

A. Ad Hoc Committee of the Construction Industry Advancement Funds, 1016 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Aerospace Industries Association of America, Inc., 1725 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) 5,676.19. E. (9) $5,676.19.

A. AFL-CIO Maritime Committee, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,129. E. (9) $3,672.03.

A. Air Traffic Control Association, Inc., 525 School Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Air Transport Association of America, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,950.45. E. (9) $2,950.45.

A. Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association, Post Oftlce Box 5800, Washington, D.C.

A. Mrs. Donna Allen, 3306 Ross Place NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Committee To Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee, 555 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $1,Q40. E. (9) $1,392.98.

A. Kenneth D. Allen, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Health Insurance Association of America, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $50.75. E. (9) $27.02.

A. Louis ·J. Allen, 916 Nashville Trust Building, Nashville, Tenn.

B. Class I railroads.

A. Nicholas E. Allen and Merrill Armour, 806 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Music Operators of America, Inc., 228 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $25. E. (9) $12.98.

A. Amalgamated Transit Union, National Capital Division 689, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Amalgamated Transit Union, AFL-CIO, 5025 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. American Automobile Association, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. The American Beekeeping Federation, Minco, Okla.

D. (6) $2,995. E. (9) ~3,530.91.

A. American Cancer Society, 219 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $6,938.12·.

A. The American College of Radiology, 20 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,167.21. E. (9) $1,167.21.

A. American Committee for Flags of Necessity, 25 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

A. American Dental Association, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $5,110.84. E. (9) $5,110.84.

A. American Farm Bureau Federation, Merchandise Mart Plaza, Chicago, Ill., and 425 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $34,655. E. (9) $34,655.

A. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $38,784.55.

A. American Hospital Association, 840 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, :Pl.

D. (6) $15,940.25 E. (9) $15,940.25.

A. American Hotel & Motel Association, 221 West 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. American Humane Association, 5851 South Roslyn Street, Englewood, Colorado.

E. (9) $2,882.83.

A. American Industrial Bankers Association, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,650. E. (9) $1,650.

A. American Insurance Association, 85 John Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $6,927. E. (9) $6,927.

A. American Veterinary Medical Association, 1522 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $290.

A. American Vocational Association, Inc., 1025 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $35,013.37. E. (9) $500.

A. American Warehousemen's Association, 222 West Adams Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. The American Waterways Operators, Inc., 1250 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,208.67. E. (9) $3,208.67.

A. Cyrus T. Anderson, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Football League, 1 RockeA. American Israel Public Affairs Commit- · felle1' Plaza, New York, N.Y.

tee, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C. · D. (6) $1,380.45. E. (9) $5,272.15.

A. American Justice Association, Inc., Defense Highway, Gambrills, Md.

D. (6) $2. E. (9) $2.

A. The American Legion, 700 North Pennsylvania Street, Indianapolis, Ind.

E. (9) $38,045.25.

A. American Life Convention, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $732.23. E. (9) $40.38.

A. American Medical Association, 535 North Dearborn Street, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $15,329.53.

A. American Mutual Insurance Alliance, 20 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $310.

A. American National Cattlemen's Association, 801 East 17th Avenue, Denver, Colo.

D. (6) $20,439. E. (9) $5,250.

A. American Nurses' Association, Inc., 10 Columbus Circle, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $11,331.90. E. (9) $11,331.90.

A. American Optometric Association, Inc., 4836 Broadway NE., Knoxville, Tenn.

D. (6) $7,561.40. E. (9) $7,561.40.

A. American Osteopathic Association, 212 East Ohio Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. American Petroleum Institute, 1271 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $4,160. E. (9) $6,584.

A. American Podiatry Association, 3301 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $3,968.56.

A. The American Short Line Railroad Association, 2000 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,229.66. E. (9) $1,229.66.

A. American Society of Consulting Planners, Post Oftlce Box 206, West Trenton, N.J.

E. (9) $2,383.13.

A. Cyrus T. Anderson, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Spiegel, Inc., 2511 West 23d Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. Walter M. Anderson, Jr., Montgomery, Ala.

B. Alabama Railroad Association, 1002 First National Bank Building, Montgomery, Ala.

A. Mrs. Erma Angevine, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. George W. Apperson, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Amalgamated Transit Union, National Capital Division 689, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Arkansas Railroad Association, 1100 Boyle Building, Little Rock, Ark.

B. Class one railroads operating in the State of Arkansas.

D. (6) $336.88. E. (9) $1,285.71.

A. Cary F. Arnold, 1101 17th Street NW .. Washington, D.C.

B. American Petroleum Institute, 1271 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $3,000. E. (9) $1,298.50.


B. Commissioner of Baseball, 680 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.


B. Electronic Industries Association, 2001 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,153.75. E. (9) $8.20.

A. Arnold & Porter, 1229 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. The Lawyers Co-operative Publishing Co., Rochester, N.Y.

E. (9) $19.27 . .


A. American Textile Machinery Associa- ·· B. Record Industry Association of America, tion, 224 Ellington Road, Longmeadow, Mass. Inc., 1 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $10.55. · D. (6) $12,499.98. E. (9) $246.43.

A. American Textile Manufacurers Institute, Inc., 1501 Johnston Building, Charlotte, N.C.

D. (6) $15,834.86. E. (9) $15,834.86.

A. American Transit Association, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $400. E. (9) $6,249.

A. American Trucking Associations, Inc., 161 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $10,290.06. E. (9) $13,745.55.

A. The Arthritis Foundation, 1212 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $1,101.71.

A. Associated Railroads of New Jersey, Pennsylvania Station, Raymond Plaza, Newark, N.J.

A. Associated Third Class Mail Users, Room 202, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8.543.56. E. (9) $8,543.56.

December L2, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE A. Association of American Physicians and

Surgeons, Inc.~ 230 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $525. E. (9) $525.

A. Association of' American Railroads, 929 Transportation Building; Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8,087.89. E. (9) $8,087.89.

A. Association on Broadcasting Standards, Inc., 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington D.C.

D. (6) $248.06. E. (9) $1,213.08.

A. Association on Japanese Textile Imports, Inc., 551 Fifth Avenue, New :York, N.Y.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $500.

A. Association of Mutual Fund Plan Sponsors, Inc., 50 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $32,000.

A. Association of Oil Pipe - Lines, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $260.

A. The Association of Western Railways, 224 Union Station Building, Chicago, llL

A. Atlanta Committee for Democratic Republican Independent Voter Education, 2540 Lakewood Avenue SW., Atlanta, Ga.

D. (6) $7,973. E. (9) $6,495.98.

A. The Atlantic Richfield Co., 260 South Broad Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

E. (9) $300.

A. Robert L. Augenblick, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y. .


D. (6) $100~

A. Richard W. Averill, 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chamber- of Commerce of the U.S.A., 1615 H Street NW., Washington; D.C.

A. Michael H. Bader, 1735 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Association on Broadcasting Standard!:l, Inc., 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Harry S. Baer, 1 725 De Sales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Aerospace Services Association, 1725 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $199.

A. Donald Baldwin, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Northern Pacific Railway Co., St. Paul, Minn.; Great Northern RaUway Co., St. Paul, Minn.; Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad Co., Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $352.41. ·

A. Ernest L. Barcena, General Motors Corp., Washington, D.C.

B. General Motom Corp., 3044 West Grand Boulevard, Detroit, Mich:

A. John Barnard, Jr., 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y. ,


E. (9) $11.92.

A. Robert c. Barnard; 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton, _1250 Connecticut Ave:i;i~e NW., Wasl_lington, D.C.

A. Arthur R. Barnett, 1140 Connectlcut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Associa~on o! Electric Com·panies, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $250. E. (£} $12.49.

A.. Vincent Gerrard Bar.nett, 1725 I Street NW., Washington, D.C . .

B. COJllmittee- ot European Shipowners, 30/32 st. M&ry Ave., London, E.C.3, England.

D. (6) $12;610.61. E. (9) $12,610.61.

A. Wesley Barthelmes, 2133 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Insurance company of North America and Life Insurance COmpany of North America, 1600 Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

D. (6) $534.77. E. (9) $312.78.

A. Eugene T. Bartkowiak, 3829 W Street SE., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Association of Polish Americans, Inc., 3829 W Street SE., Washington, D.C.

A. James P. Bass, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Airlines, Inc., 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Roy Battles, 917 Ca.fritz Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Clear Channel Broadcasting Service, 917 Ca.fritz Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Donald S. Beattie, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Railway Labor Executives' Association, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,200.

A. Daniel 8. Bedell, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,415.39. E. (9) $298.42.

A. John H. Beidler; B. Industrial Union Department, AFL

CIO, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $4,751.50. E. (9) $556.12.

A. James F. Bell, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Supervisors of State Banks, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $29.64.

A. Ernest H. Benson, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees, 12050 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Mich. ·

D. (6) $6,000.

A. Reed A. Benson, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The John Birch Society, 395 Concord Avenue, Belmont, Mass.

A. Andrew J. Biemiller, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,525. E. (9) $254.30.

A. Walter J. Bierwagen, 5025 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. John H. Bivins, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Petroleum Institute, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $670.

A. Joel D . Blackmon, 910 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

.B. International :Mailers Union, 2240 Bell Court, Denver, Colo.

D. (6) $100.

A. 'Robert w, Blair. B. New Process Co., W-arren, Pa; E. (9) $567.

A., Wm. Rhea Bl~ke, 1918 North Parkway, Memphis, Tenn.

B. National Cotton council o! America, Post Office Box 12285, Memphi8, Tenn.

A. William Blum, Jr., 1815 H Street NW., Washington, l:>.C. ,

B. Committee for Study of Revenue Bond Financing, 149 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $6,086. E. (9) $1,047.91.

A. Blumberg, Singer, Ross, Diamond & Gordon, 245 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

B. Cigar Manufacturers Association of America, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $6,250. E. (9) $61.32.

A. Fred F. Backmon, 405 Luhrs Building, Phoenix, Ariz.

B. Southern Pacific Co., 65 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif., The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway, 121 East Sixth Street, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $25. E. (9) $14.25.

A . .Eugene F. Bogan, 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


E. (9) $44.

A. Thomas Hale Boggs, Jr., 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Reader's Digest Association, Inc., Pleasantville, N.Y.

D. (6) $600. E. (9) $10.

A. Book Manufacturers' Institute, Inc., 161 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Lyle H. Boren, Seminole, Okla. B. The Association of Western Railways,

224 Union Station Building, Chica.go, Ill. D. (6) $1,500.

A. Robert T. Borth, 777 14:th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. General Electric Co., 570 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,500. E. (9) $230.10.

A. G. Stewart Boswell, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,666.66. E. (9) $125.

A. Mary Ann Boukalis, 1616 H Street NW., WasMngton, D.C.

B. National Grange, 1616 H Street NW., Wa.Shington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,875.

A. Rev. Eugene L. Boutilier, 110 Maryland Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Campaign for Agricultural Democracy, 110 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,469.23. E. (9) $205.60.

A. Melvin J. Boyle, 1200 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B . International Brotherhood Of Electrical Workers, 1200 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,687.25.

A. Samuel E. Boyle, 428 South Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa.

B. The Christian Amendment Movement, 804 Penn Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa.

D. (6) $1,425.99. E. (9) $457.68. -

A. Col. A. A. Brackett, 333 Pennsylvania A venue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. Reserve Officers · Association of the United States, 333 Pennsylvania A-venue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Charles N. Brady, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American· Automobile Association, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

36036 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 A. Joseph E. Brady, 122 Sheraton Gibson

Hotel, Cincinnati, Ohio. B. National Coordinating Committee of the

Beverage Industry. -

A. A. Marvin Braverman, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Motors Corp., 14250 Plymouth Road, Detroit, Mich.

E. (9) $226.85.

A. Parke c. Brinkley, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Agricultural Chemical Association.

D. (6) $20.

A. Noah M. Brinson, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Merchant Marine Institute, Inc., 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 11 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $31.35.

A. David A. Brody, 1640 Rhode Island Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 315 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $200.

A. Milton E. Brooding, 215 Fremont Str.eet, San Francisco, Calif.

B. Del Monte Corp., 215 Fremont Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D . (6) $500. E. (9) $100.

A. Derek Brooks, National Retail Furniture Association, 1025 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retail Furniture Association, 1150 Merchandise Mart, Chicago, Ill.

A. Joseph P. Brosnan, 9160 Springhill Lane, Greenbelt, Md.

B. Air Force Sergeants Association, 960 15th Street SE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $100. E. (9) $1,010.

A. Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America, 217-19 North Sixth Street, Lafayette, Ind.

E. (9) $4,154.40.

A. E. Fontaine Broun, 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

B. Man-Made Fiber Producers Association, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $248.21.

A. J. D. Brown, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Public Power Association, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $200.

A. Brown, Lund & Levin, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American & Foreign Power Co., Inc., 2 Rector Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $812.50.

A. Brown, Lund & Levin, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Electric Companies, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $1,014.07.

A. Robert J. Brown, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., _Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $62.

A. Robert W. Bruce, 140 New Montgomery Street, San Francisco, Calif.

B. The Pacific Telephone & Telegraph Co., 140 New Montgomery Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6) '476. E. (9) $645.

A. Lyman L. Bryan, 2000 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, 666 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. George S. Buck, Jr., Post 01Hce B<>x 12285, Memphis, Tenn.

B. National Cotton Council of America, Post 01Hce Box 12285, Memphis, Tenn.

A. Henry H. Buckman, 54 Buckman Building, Jacksonvllle, Fla.

B. The Canal Authority of the State of Florida, 803 Rosselle Street, Jacksonville, Fla.

A. Henry H. Buckman, 54 Buckman Building, Jacksonvllle, Fla.

B. Florida Inland Navigation District, 2725 Avenue E, Riviera Beach, Fla.

A. Bulgaria Claims Committee, 2 Broadway, New York City.

D. (6) $20. E. (9) $18.01.

A. George S. Bullen. B. National Federation of Independent

Business, 15th Street and New York Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Norman D. Burch, 1317 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retail Merchant Association, 100 West 31st Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $79.75.

A. George J. Burger, 250 West 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

B. Burger Tire Consultant Service, 250 West 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. George J. Burger, 921 Washington Build-ing, Washington, D.C. ·

B. National Federation of Independent Business, 921 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

A. John J. Burke, Finlen Hotel, Butte, Mont.

B. Pacific Northwest Power Co., Post Office Drawer 1445, Spokane, Wash.

E. (9) $500.00.

A. Lowell A. Burkett, 1025 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Vocational Association, Inc., 1025 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C. _

A. c. P. Burks, 2000 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American Short Line Railroad Association, 2000 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $600.

A. Burley & Dark Leaf Tobacco Export Association, Post Office Box 860, Lexington, Ky.

E. (9) $853.82.

A. George B. Burnham, 132 Third Street SE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $190. E. (9) $190.

A. Charles S. Burns, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $584.50. E. (9) $445.21.

A. David Burpee, Fordhook Farms, Doylestown, Pa.

A. Hollis W. Burt, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Supervisors of State Banks, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $67.50.

A. Monroe Butler, 1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, Calif.

B. The Superior Oil Co., 1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, calif.

A. Robert B. Byrnes, 1514 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Railroad Pension Forum, Inc., 2403 East 75th Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $200. E. (9) $19.08.

A. Lydston D. B. Cady, 836 Wyatt Building, Washington, D.C.

B. United Medical Laboratories, Inc., 6060 NE., 112th A venue, Portland, Oreg.

E. (9) $1,851.56.

A. C. G. Caffrey, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Textile Manufacturers Institute, Inc., 1501 Johnston Building, Charlotte, N.C.

D. (6) $760.20. E (9) $85.

A. Gordon L. Calvert, 425 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Investment Bankers Association of America, 425 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,000. E. (9) $1,405.

A. Donald L. Calvin, 11 Wall Street, New York,N.Y.

B. New York Stock Exchange, 11 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Carl c. Campbell, 1200 18th Street ~W., Washington, D.C.

B . National Cotton Council of America, Post Office Box 12285, Memphis, Tenn.

D. (6) $232.32.

A. The Canal Authority of the State of Florida, 803 Rosselle St., Jacksonvllle, Fla.

A. Marvin Caplan. B. Industrial Union Department, AFL-CIO,

815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $1,834.50. E. (9) $134.20.

A. Donald A. Capone, the Farragut Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Committee of European Shipowners, 30-32 St. Mary Ave., London E.C.3, England.

D. (6) $7,500. E. (9) $468.15.

A. Michael H. Cardozo, Washington, D.C. B. Association of American Law Schools,

1521 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Philip Carlip, 650 Fourth Avenue, Brooklyn, N.Y.

B. District 2, Marine Engineers BeneficiaJ Association, AFL-CIO.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $125.

A. Ph111p Carlip, 675 Fourth Avenue, Brooklyn, N.Y.

B. Seafarers International Union. D. (6) $2,500. E. (9) $1,150.

A. Col. John T. Carlton, 333 Pennsylvania A venue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. Reserve 01Hcers Association of the United States, 333 Pennsylvania Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

A. Braxton B. Carr, 1250 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C:

B. The American Waterways Operators, Inc., 1250 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,750. E. (9) $192.38.

A. Richard M. C_arrigan, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Division of Federal Relations, National Education Association, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,899.79. E. (9) $27.77.

December 12, 196.7· CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36037 A. Blue Allan Carstenson. B. The Farmers' Educational & Cooperativ~

·union of America, 1575 Sherman Street, Denver, Colo., 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,299.76. E. (9) $154.51.

A. Eugene C. Carusi, 1629 K Street NW:, Washington, D.C.

B. American Committee for Flags of Necessity, 25 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $100.

A. Ralph E. Casey, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Merchant Marine Institute, Inc., 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C. and 11 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,875. E. (9) $541.60.

A. E. Michael Cassady, 225 South Meramec, St. Louis, Mo.

B. Mississippi Valley Association, 225 South Meramec, St. Louis. Mo.

A. Francis R. Cawley, 15th and H Streets NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Label Manufacturers National Association, Inc., Agricultural Publishers Association, 15th and H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $140. E. (9) $136.68.

A. Central Arizona Project Association, 1124 Arizona Title Building, Phoenix, Ariz.

D. (6) $52,855. E. $24,302.97.

,A. Col. Joseph L. Chabot, 833 Pennsylvania Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. Reserve Officers Association of the United States, 333 Pennsylvania Avenue SE., Washington, :P.C.

A. Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,359,668. E. (9) $17,000.

A. Chapman, DiSalle & Friedman, 932 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Alaska Pipeline Company, · Post Office Box 6554, Houston, Tex.

D. (6) $1,500. E. (9) $39.51.

A. Chapman, DiSalle and Friedman, 932 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. The National Committee for the Recording Arts, 9300 Wilshire Boulevard, Beverly Hills, Calif.

D. (6) $27,666.67. E. (9) $38.94.


B. Newspaper Committee for a Free and Competitive Press, 33 North Dearborn Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $4,000. E. (9) $1,484.70.


B. Strohmeyer & Arpe Co., 139-141 Franklin Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $1.50.

A. James W. Chapman, 1625 I Street ·Nw., Washington, D.C. .

B. Retired Officers Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,125.

A. A. H. Chesser, 400 First Street "NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B . Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. E. (9) $100.

A. Hal M. Christensen, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C .

. B. American Dental . Association, . 1750 Pennsylvania' Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,250.

A. The Christian Amendment Movement, 804 Penn Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa..

D. (.6) $2,714.73. E. (9) $5,110.66.

A. Edwin Christianson. B. The Farmers' Bducational and Co-Oper

ative Union of .America. (National Farmers Unfon), 1575 Sherman Street, De'nver, Colo.; 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Cigar Manufacturers Association of America, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $35,608.15. E. (9) $61.32.

A. Citizens Committee on Natural Resources, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $9,987. E. (9) $6,560.

A. Citizens Foreign Aid Committee, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $14,515.44.

A. Allen C. K. Clark, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Shipbuilders Council of America, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Earl W. Clark. B. Labor-Management Maritime Commit

tee, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1294. E. (9) $57.

A. James E. Clark, Jr., 1308 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Fleet Reserve Association, 1803 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Robert M. Clark, 1100 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway Co., 80 East Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Ill.

A. Clarke & Nevius, 1000 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $10,030. E. (9) $1,003.24.

A. Clay Pipe Industry Depletion Committee, Post Office Box 13125, Kansas City, Mo.

D. (6) $192.22.

A. Clear Channel Broadcasting Service (COBS), 917 Cafritz Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton, 1250 Connectfout Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Synthetic Organic Chemical Manufacturers Association, 330 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $5,000. E. (9) $103.08 . .

A. Earle C. Clements, .1735 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American Tobacco Co.

A. Earle C. Clements, 1735 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brown & Williams.on Tobacco Corp.

A. Earle C. Clements, 1735 K Street NW., WashingtOn, D.c·. -

B. Liggett & Myers Tobacco Co.'

A. Earle C. Clements, 1735 K Street NW., Washington, D.c:

B. Philip Morris, Inc.

A. Earle C. Clements, 1735- K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B.- R .' J. Reynolds To~acco Co.

A. Earle C. Clements, 1735 K Street NW., Washington, D.C. .

Ji3;. 'l',he Tobiwco Institute.

A. David Cohen, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Industrial. Union Department, AFLCIO, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,703. E. (9) .227.70.

A. Edwin S. Cohen, 26 Broadway, .New York, N.Y.


E. (9) $65.70.

A. Coles & Gaertner, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Committee of American Tanker Owners, Inc., 1 Chase Manhattan Plaza, New York, N.Y.

A. William J. Colley, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Pharmaceutical Manufaoturers Association.

A. J. I. Collier, Jr., 2000 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American Short. Line Railroad Association, 2000 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $231.24.

A. Collier, Shannon & Rill, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Broiler Council, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $500.


B. National Footwear· Manufacturers AssociaMon. 842 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $220.


B. Tool and Stainless Steel Industry Committee, care of the Carpenter Steel Co., Reading, Pa.

D. (6) $1,250. E. (9) $460.

A. Paul G. Collins, Sl5 Conne~ticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American Bankers Association, 90 · Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $12fi.

A. Colorado Railroad Association, . 702 Majestic Building, Denver, Colo.

A. Harrison Combs, Jr., 1427 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Mine Workers of America, 900 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,301.98.

A. Committee for Automobile Excise Tax Repeal, 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. The Committee for Broadening Commercial Bank Participation in Public Financing, 50 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,597.

A. Committee for a Free Cotton Market, Inc., 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $6.

A. Committee for an Interstate Taxation Act, 1209 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Ralph T. Compton, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Paul B, Comstock, 1812 K Street NW., Washington, D.C. .

B. National Association of Broadcasters, 1812 K Street NW'., Washington, D.C.

36038 CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD-. HOUSE December 12, 1967 A. Raymond ·F. Conkling, 1001 Connecticut

Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. B. Texaco, Inc., 135 East 42d Street, New

York, N.Y. D. (6) $220. E. (9) $141.82.

A. The Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Oo., 140 Garden Street, Hartford, Conn.

E. (9) $54.49.

A. Howard M. Conner, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Pacific Gas & Electric Co., 245 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6). $625.50 . . E. (9) $591.15.

A. John D. Conner, 1625 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Book Manufacturers' Institute, Inc., 161 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Robert J. Conner, Jr., 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chrysler Corp., 341 Massachusetts Avenue, Detroit, Mich.

D. (6) $365. E. (9) $120.

A. Bernard J. Conway, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

B. American Dental Association, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,625.

A. Harry N. Cook, 1130 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Waterways Conference.

A. Edward Cooper. B. Motion Picture Association of America,

Inc., 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. J. Milton Cooper, 1000 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. New York Stock Exchange, 11 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.

A. J. Milton Cooper, 1000 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Co., WinstonSalem, N.C.

A. Joshua W. Cooper, 626 South Lee Street, Alexandria, Va.

B. Portsmouth-Kittery Armed Services Committee, Inc., Post Office Box 1123, Portsmouth, N.H.

D. (6) $3,750. E. (9) $1,553.66.

A. Mitchell J. Cooper, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. Council of Forest Industries, 1477 West Pender Street, Vancouver, B.C., Canada.

D. (6) $3,000. E. (9) $1.50.

A. Mitchell J. Cooper, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. Footwear Division, Rubber Manufacturers Association, Inc., 444 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $6,000. E. (9) $28.85.

A. Darrell Coover, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.

B. American Medical Association, 535 North Dearborn Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,500. E. (9) $819.60.

A. Thomas L. Copas, 702 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Limestone Institute, Inc., 702 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Allan D. Cors, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Corning Glass Works, Corning, N.Y. D. (6) $125.

A. The Council for Exceptional Children, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $503.

A. Council !or a Livable. World, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $18,972.84.' E. (9) $18,588.43.

A. Council of Mutual 83.vings Institutions, 60 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $353.11.

A. Council of Profit Sharing Industries, 29 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

A. Paul L. Courtney, 1725 K Street NW., W ashington, D.C.

D. (6) $300.

A. Covington & Burling, 701 Union Trust Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Machine Tool Distributors' Association, 1500 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


B. Connecticut General Life Insurance Co. and Aetna Life Insurance Co., Hartford, Conn.

D. (6) $1,114.36. E. (9) $65.58.

· . Covington & Burling, 701 Union Trust Building, Washington, D.C.

B. The Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Co., 140 Garden Street, Hartford, Conn.

D. (6) $3,385.64. E. (9) $34.12.


B. Eugene Meyer III, Katharine Graham, Fredericks. Beebe, and American Security & Trust Co., as trustees under an agreement dated April 25, 1963, between them and Agnes E. Meyer.

A. Covington & Burling, 701 Union Trust B.iilding, Washington, D.C.

B. A. P. Moller, 8 Kongens Nytorv, Copenhagen, Denmark.


B. National Association of Mortgage Insurance Cos., Post Office Box 2976, Raleigh, N .C.

E. (9) $31.59.


B. National Machine Tool Builders' Association, 2139 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


B. National Tool, Die & Precision Machining Association, 1411 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.


B. The Wisconsin Corp., 500 Union Street, Seattle, Wash.

E. (9) $85.07.

A. Oox, Langford & Brown, 1521 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Collegiate Athletic Association, Midland Building, Kansas City, Mo.

A. H. C. Crotty, 12050 Woodward Avenue, De·troit, Mich.

A. Michael B. Crowson, 1132 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Distilled Spirits Institute, 1132 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

A. J. Steele Culbertson, 1614 2oth Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Fish Meal & Oil Association, 1614 2oth Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $150. E. (9) $54.21.

A. CUNA International, Inc., 1617 Sherman Avenue, Madison, Wis.

D. (6) $1,132. E. (9) $4.03.22.

A. John T. Curran, 905 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. Laborers' International Union of North America, 905 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,550. E. (9) $2,119.91.

A. John R. Dalton, 1508 Merchants Bank Building, Indianapolis, Ind.

B. Associated Ra.ilways of Indiana, 1508 Merchants Bank Building, Indianapolis, Ind.

A. Charles A. Darnell, 3129 Brereton Court, Huntington, W. Va.

B. Sheet Metal Workers International Association, 1000 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

A. F. Gibson Da.rrlson, Jr., 1010 Pennsyl" vania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. New York Central Railroad Co., 466 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. Larry C. Davenport, 702 H Street NW., Washington, D .C.


A. John C. Davidson, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Tax Council, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Aled P. Davies, 59 East Van Buren Street, Chicago, Ill.

B. American Meat Institute, 59 East Van Buren Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $2,500. E. (9) $373.17.

A. Charles W. Davis, 1 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

B. Chicago Bridge & Iron Co., 901 West 22d Street, Oak Brook, Ill.


B. Chicago & North Western Railway Co., 400 West Madison Street, Chicago, DI.

D. (6) $2,460. E. (9) $246.52.


B. Inland Steel Co., 30 West Monroe Street, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $284.76.


B. Sears, Roebuck & Co., 925 South Homan A venue, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $295.70.


B. Union Tank Car Co., 111 West Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $700. E. (9) $121.36.

A. Lowell Davis, Box 45682, Houston, Tex. D. (6) $175.90. E. (9) ·$175.90.

A. Donald S. Dawson, 723 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. D .C. Transit System, Inc., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,000.


B. Guild of Prescription Opticians, 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,000.


December 12, 1967. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE" 36039 B. Oceanic Properties, Inc., Post Omce Box

2780, Honolulu, Hawaii. D. (6) $1,250.

A. Dawson, Griftln, Pickens & Riddell, 723 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Air Transport Association, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Dawson, Gr11Hn, Pickens & Riddell, 723 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Nursing Home Association, 1101 17th Street NW., Wa.shington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,750.

A. Dawson, Griftln, Pickens & Riddell, 723 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. C.I.T. Financial Corp., 650 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. Dawson, Gr11Hn, Pickens & Riddell, 723 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Indian Sugar Mills Association, Export Agency Division, Calcutta, India.

A. Charles W. Day, 815 Connecticut Avenue . NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Ford Motor Co., Dearborn, Mich. D. (6) $600. E. (9) $186.30.

A. Debevolse, Plimpton, Lyons & Gates, 320 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

B. Sparrow Pacific Corp., 1 East 66th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Tony T. Dechant. B. The Farmers' Educational and Coopera

tive Union a! America (National Farmers Union), 1575 Sherman Street, Denver, Colo.; 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,875. E. (9) $89.57.

A. L. E. Deilke, 163-165 Center Street, Winona, Minn.

B. The Interstate Manufacturers Association, 163-165 Center Street, Winona, Minn.

D. (6) $1,500.

A. L. E. Deilke, 163-165 Center Street, Winona, Minn.

B. National Association of Direct Selling Co.'s, 163-165 Center Street, Winona, Minn.

D. (6) $3,000.

A. John deLalttre, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. Mortgage Bankers Association of America, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $9,803. E. (9) $5,599.

A. Richard A. Dell, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $150.

A. Ronald W. De Lucien, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $400. E. (9) $100.

A. Franklin W. Denius, Post Omce Box 1148, Austin, Tex.

B. Texas Electric Service Co., Post Office Box 970, Fort Worth, Tex.; Dallas Power & . Light Co., Dallas, Tex.; Texas POwer & Light Co., Post Omce Box 6331, Dallas, Tex.

E. (9) $924.41.

A. Max A. Denney, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Industrial Bankers Association, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $900.

A. Lloyd J. Derrickson, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association a! Securities Dealers, Inc.

A. Russell C. Derrickson, 4000 Cathedral Avenue NW., W·ashington, D.C.

B. Responsive Environments Corp., 1707 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,250 . . E. (9) $320.

A. Cecil B. Dickson, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $900. E. (9) $104.74.

A. George S. Dietrich, 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Association on Broadcasting Standards, Inc., 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Timothy V. A. Dillon, 1001 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Department of Water Resources, State of California, Post Office Box 388, Sacramento, Calif.

D. (6) $2,222.06. E. (9) $197.06.


B. Sacramento Municipal Utility District, Post Office Box 15830, Sacramento, Calif.

D. (6) $1,608.86. E. (9) $58.86.


B. Yuba County Water Agency, Marysville, Calif.

D. (6) $1,214.75. E. (9) $14.65.

A. Disabled American Veterans, 1701 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Disabled American Veterans, 3725 Alexandria Pike, Cold Spring, Ky.

D. (6) $11,791.66. E. (9) $2,320.45.

A. Robert H. Distelhorst, Jr., 812 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. United States Savings and Loan League, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $462.50. E. (9) $2.50.

A. William H. Dodds, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $79.88.

A. James F. Doherty, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $3,913. E. (9) $526.71.

A. Paul R. M. Donelan, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $250.

A. Jasper N. Dorsey, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C. and 195 Broadway, New York,N.Y.

B. American Telephone & Telegraph Co., 195 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $232.20.

A. C. L. Dorson, 501 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Retirement Federation of Civil Service Employees of the U:S. Government, 501 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,800.56. E. (9) $135.

A. Leonard K. Dowiak, 77714th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Hotel & Motel Asoclatlon, 221 Wes'; 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $100.

A. Franklin B. Dryden, 1735 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Tobacco Institute.

· A. Evelyn Dubrow, 1710 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

B. International Ladles' Garment Workers' Union, 1710 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,715.44. E. (9) $1,503.92.

A. William DuChessi, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Textile Workers Union of America, AFLCIO, 99 University Place, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,727. E. (9) $165.

A. J. D. Durand, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $260.

A. Henry I. Dworshak, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $553.14.

A. Robert G. Dwyer, 1511 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Anaconda Co., 25 Broad.way, New York, N. Y.

D. (6) $250.

A. Walter A. Edwards, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chrysler Corp., 341 Massachusetts Avenue, Detroit, Mich.

D. (6) $250. E. (9) $100.

A. George V. Egge, Jr., 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton, 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. J. C. B. Ehringhaus, Jr., Post Ofilce Box 1776, Raleigh, N.C.

B. Southern Railway System, Post Office Box 1808, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,512.50. E. (9) $1,600.46.

A. John Doyle Elllott, 5500 Quincy Street, Hyattsvllle, Md.

D. (6) $4,411.76. E. (9) $2,407.55.

A. John M. Elliott, 5025 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Elllott & Naftalin, 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Scientific Apparatus Makers Association, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750.

A. Elllott & Naftalin, 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Business Schools Association, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750.

A. Warren G. Elllott, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Life Insurance Association of America, 277 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $287.50. E. (9) $27.23.

A. Clyde T. Ellls, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington. D.C.


D. (6) $65.

A. Perry R. Ellsworth, 1025 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Retail Jewelers of America, Inc., 1025 Vermont Avenue ~ .• Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $135. E. (9) $148.85.

A. Ely & Duncan, 1200 Tower Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Public Power Association, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.O.

D. (6) $2,100.

36040 CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD-. HOUSE December 12, 1967 A; Ely & Duncan, 1200 Tower Building,

Washington, D.C. B. Coachella Valley-County Water·Dlstrlct,

Coachella, Galif. D. (6) $1,200.

A. Ely & Duncan, 12.00 Tower Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Department of Water and Power of the City .of Los Angeles, 111 North Hope Street. Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $2,400.


B. East Bay Muncipal Utility District, 2130 Adeline Street, Qakland, Calif.

D. (6) $1,200.

A. Ely & Duncan, 1200 Tower Building. Washington, D.C.

B. Imperial Irrigation District, El Centro, Calif.

D. (6) $2,100.


B. Six Agency Committee, 909 South Broadway, Los Angeles, .Calif.

D. (6) $6,210. E. (9) $175.21.

A. Employee Relocation Real Estate Advisory Committee, Inc., 333 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $4,700. E .. (9) $345.65.

A. Myles W. English, 202 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National Highway Users Conference, Inc., 202 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Grover W. Ensley, 200 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

B. National Association of Mutual Savings Banks, 200 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $760. E. (9) $62.

A. Lawrence E. Ernst; 324 East Capitol Street, Washington, D.C.

B. National Star Ro.ute Mail Carriers' Association, 324 East Capitol Street, Washington, D.C.

E . . (9) $1,521.18.

A. Ethyl Corporation, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $750.

A. John D. Fagan, 200 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. ·

D. ( 6) $2,174. E. (9) $22.50.

A. William J. Fannin, 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chamber of Commerce of the U.S.A.

A. The Farmers' Educational and Co-Operative Union of America (National Farmers Union) 1575 Sherman Street, Denver, Colo., 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $65,645.21. E. (9) 20,309.89.

A. Joseph G. Feeney, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. REA Express, 219 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,200. E. (9) $600.

A. Arthur Fefferman, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American· Life Convention, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

A. Bonner Fellers, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Maxwell Field, 210 Lincoln Street,. Boston, Mass.

·B. New England Footw:ear Association, Inc., 210 Lincoln Street, Boston, Mass.

D. (6) $400.

A. Herbert A. Fierst, 607 Ring Building, Washington, D.C . . B. Council of Forest Industries of British

Columbia, 1477 West Pender Street, Vancouver 5, B.C., Canada..

D. (6) $7,125. E. (9) $130._

A. Herbert A. Fierst, 607 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Joint Committe of Printing and Publishing Industries of Canada, 117 Eglinton Avenue East, Toronto 12, Canada.

D. (6) $1,600. E. (9) $102.93.

A. Mello G. Fish, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Steelworkers of America, 1500 Commonwealth Building, Pittsburgh, Pa.

D. (6) $2,835. E. (9) $1,367,56.

A. William J. Flaherty, 1701 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $3,625. E. (9) $50.18.

A. Florida Citrus l'{[utual, Lakeland, Fla. E. (9) $800.

A. Florida Inland Navigation District, 2725 Aveune E., Riviera Beach, Fla.

A. Gene Fondren, Box 192, Taylor, Tex. B. Texas railroads: D. (6) $902.72. E. (9) $766.86.

A. Gordon Forbes, 207 Union Depot Building, St. Paul, Minn.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $1,723.82.

A. Forest Farmers Association Cooperative, Post Office Box 7278, Station C, Atlanta., Ga.

A. James W. Foristel, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,650. E. (9) $161.61.

A. Charles E. Foster, 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Kaiser Industries Corporation, 900 17th Street NW .• Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $195. E. (9) $371.96.

A. Ronald J. Foulis, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 195 Broadway, New York, N.Y.


D. (6) $40.

A. John G. Fox, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 195 Broadway, New York, N.Y.


D. (6) $398.4Q.

A. Morley E. Fox, 300 New Jersey Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. Central Arizona Project Association, 1124 Arizona Title Building, Phoeniz, Ariz. . D. (6) $210.90. E. (9} $113.20.

A. John George Frain, 1789 Lanier Place NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Eighteenth and Columbia Road Business Association, 2380 Champlain Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $400.

A. Charles A. Franclk, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Corning Glass Works, Corning, N.Y. D. (6) $420.

A. Walter L. Frankland, Jr., 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Silver Users Associationr 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $225. E. (9) $42.50.

A. R. Frank Frazier, 1155 15th Stre.et NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Broiler Council, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $500.

A. James H. French, 1625 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Book Manufacturers' Institute, Inc., 161 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Joseph Freni, Jr., 1619 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Industrial Bankers Association, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $450.

A. Milton Fricke, Papillion, Nebr. B. National Association of Soil & Water

Conservation Districts, League City, Tex.

A. Philip P. Friedlander, Jr., 1343 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Tire Dealers & Retreaders Association, Inc., 1343 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Friends Committee on National Legislation, 245 Second Street NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $123,098. E. (9) $9,170.

A. Frank W. Frisk, Jr., 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $350.

A.. David C. Fullarton, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Telephone Coo.perattve Association, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (<>) $1,165.

A. Garrett Fuller, 836 Wyatt Building, Washington, D.C.

B. United Medical Laboratories, Inc., 6060 NE., 112th Avenue, Portland, Oreg.

D. (6) $2,400. E. (9) $76.29.

A. Gadsby, Maguire & .Hannan, 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brazilian Embassy, 3007 Whitehaven Street NW., Washingt~m. D.C.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $43.59.

A. Gadsby ,Maguire & Hannah, 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washingto~. p.c.

B. Massachusetts Investment. Co., et al. E. (9) $3,390.18.

A. Henry E. Gardiner, 1511 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Anaconda Co., 25 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $550. E. (9) $74.96.

A. William B. Gardiner, 1701 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $3,166.66.

A. Marion R. Garstang, 30 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Milk Producers Federation, 30 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $50.

A. Gas Appliance Manufacturers Association, 2000 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Gas Supply Committee, 1725 DeSaleR Street NW., Washington.'D.C.

D .. (6) $60,550.

December 12, 1-967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36041 A. Aubrey D. Gates_. .:685 North Dearborn

Street, Chicago_, IlL B. American Medical A88ociation, 535

North Dearborn Street, Chicago, ID. D. (6) $170.

A. Wllllam C. Geer. B. National Education Association, 1201

16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $500.

A. Mary Candon Gereau, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Education Association, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,365.70. E. (9) $93.25.

A. Ernest Giddings, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retired Teachers As!:lociation, American Association of Retired Persons.

E. (9) $1,217.75.

A. Arthur P. Gildea, 2347 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

B. International Union o'f United Brewery, Flour, Cereal, Soft Drink & Distillery Workers of America, 2347 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

A. Joseph S. Gill, 16 East Broad Street, Columbus, Ohio.

B. The Ohio Ra1lroad Association, 16 East Broad Street, Columbus, Oh1o.

D. f6) $1,375. E. (9) $221.55.

A. Royce L. Givens, 224 Seventh Street SE., Wa!i!hington, D.C.

B. International Conference of Police As-sociations, 224 .Seventh Street SE., Washington,.D.C.

D. (6) $14,513 . .E. (9) $2,820.26.

A. Glassie & Molloy, 1819 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Eastern Meat Packers Association, Inc., 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5. E. (9) $0.87.

A. Glassie & Molloy, 1819 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Independent Meat Packers Association, 1820 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D:C.

D. (6) $225. E. (9) $2.87.

A. Glenn F. Glezen, 1303 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Fleet Reserve Association, 1303 New Hampshire Avenue NW., W,.ashington, D.C.

A. John Gold~um. Post Office Box 1148, Austin, Tex.

_a T.exas Electric Service Co., .Post 0ffice .Box 970, Fo:r.t Worth, Tex.; Dallas Power & Light Co., Dallas, Tex.; Texas Power & Light Co., Post Office Box 6331, Dallas, Tex.

E. (..9) $274.09.

A. W. s. Gookin, 112 North Central Avenue, Phoenix, Artz.

A . .John A. Gosnell, 1225 19th Street NW., 'Washington, "D.C.

D. (6) $1,883.34.

A. Edward Gottlieb & Associates, Ltd., 485 'Madison Avenue, New York. N.Y.

B. Florists' Transworld Delivery Association, 900 West Lafayette Boulevard, Detroit, .Mich.

A. Lawren~eL.. Gourley, '16251.Street::NW., Washington, n.c.

B. American Osteopathic Association, 212 East Ohio Street, Chi'cago, DI.

A. Government Employes' Council, AFLCIO, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, n.c.

D. (8) $11,MU4. !l. (9) '8,599.64.

A. Harry L. Graham, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Grange, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,375.

A. Grain & Feed Dealers National Association, 500 Folger Building, Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $33.

A. Grand Lodge of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen & Enginemen, 15401 Detroit Avenue, Lakewood, Cleveland, Ohio.

D. (6) $8,921.27. E. (9) $8,921.27.

A. Cornelius R. Gray, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C. •

B. American Automobile Asseciation, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. George 0. Gray, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Legislative Committee, International Economic Policy Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $3,613.21.

A. James A. Gray, 2139 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Machine Tool Builder's Association, 2139 Wisconsin Avenue .NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Mrs. Virginia M. Gray, .3501 Williamsburg Lane NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Citizens Committee for UNICEF, 20 .E Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $71.25. E. (9) $180.84.

A. Samuel A. Grayson, Union Pacific Railroad Co., 611 Idaho Building, Boise, Idaho.

B. Union Pacific Railroad Co., 1416 Dodge Street, Omaha, Nebr.

A. Warren Griffiths, 245 Second ·Street NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Friends Committee on National ~gislation, 24-5 second Street NE., Washing'ton, D.C.

D. (-6) $1,000.

A. J. S. Grigsby, Jr., 1103 'StaJilman Building, Nashville, Tenn.

B. Southern States Industrial Oouncil. .D . .(6) $2,550.

A. John F. Griner, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

13 • .American Federation of Government Employees, 400 First Street ·NW-, Washington, D~C.

D. (.6) .$6,923.10. :E. (9) $1,944.23.

A. Ben H. Guill, 2000 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Automobile Dealers Association and American -Zinc Co.

.D. (6) $4,100. E. (9) $1,800.

A. Jerome R. Gulan. B. National Federation of Independent

..Business, 921 Washington Building, 15th Street and New York Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Lester M. Haddad, '5'005 Wickett Terrace, Bethesda, Md.

·B. Committee 'for the Evaluation of Industrial Aid Financing, 1629 K ·Street NW., Washington, D.C .

D. (6) $8,4-00. E. (9) '$609:07.

A. Hoyt B. Haddock, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.e.

B. AFL-CIO Maritime Committee, 100 'Indiana Avenue NW.,-Washington, D.C.

D. (6) -$600. E. (1J) 1$368.92.

A. Boyt S. Haddock. B. Labor-Management 'Nfarttlme "'Oommtt-

tee, 100 :Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) !tJ..294. E. (9) $284.

A. John R. Haire, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.


A. Hal H. Hale, 421 Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Association of American Railroads, Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Randolph M. Hale, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Electrical Contractors Association, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Harold T. Halfpenny, 111 West Washington Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. J. G. Hall, General Motors Oorp., Detroit, Mich.

B. General Motors Corp., 3044 West Grand Boulevard, Detroit, Mich.

A. E. C. Hallbeck, 817 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Federation of Postal Clerks, 817 14th Street NW., Washi'ngton, D.C.

D. (6) $6,34.6.14.

A. Norman S. Halliday, 1140 C-0nnecti.cut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Ele<:tric Companies, 1140 Connecticut :Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $600. E. (9) $149.95.

A. Hamel, Morgan, Park & Saunders, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National School Supply & Equipment Association, 79 West Monroe Street, Chica-go, Ill.

A. Hamel, Morgan, Park & Saunders, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

·B. Tejon Ranch Co., Post Office Box 1560, Bakersfield, Calif.

n. (6) $900.

A. Hamel, Morgan, Park & Saunders, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, n.C.

B. United Student Aid Funds, Inc., 845 Third Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $250. E. (9) $7.50.

A. Carlton B. Hamm, 1900 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Oceanography Association, 1900 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,500. E. (9) $45.

A. Robert N. Hampton, 12.00 17th street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, 1200 17th StreetNW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,249.98. E. (9) $212.20.

A. Franklin Hardinge, Jr., 1444 Wentworth Avenue, Pasadena, Calif.

B. California Savings and Loan League, 1444 Wentworth Avenue, Pasadena, Calif.

E. (.9) $2,262.52.

A. WllliamE. Hatdman, 14~1 K StreetNW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Tool, Die & Precision Machining Association, 1411 K Street NW., ~ashington, D.C.

A. Eugene J. Hardy, '918 FSth Street NW., Wii;shingt()n, 'D.C.

A. Bryce N. Hatlow, 1.730 X 'Street NW., Washington, D.C.

'13. 'The Procter & 0-a.tnble Manuf"'S.Cturing Oo., 'Sl>1 'EaBt Sixth Street, Ctrrclnnati, Ohio.

E. (9) $28.

36042 ·CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 19 67 A. Mildred B. Harman, 640 Warner Build

ing, 13th and E NW., Washington, D.C. B. National Woman's Christian Temper

ance Union, 1730 Chicago Avenue, Evanston, Ill.

D. (6) $725. E. (9) $489.78.

A. William B. Harman, Jr., 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Life Convention, 211 East Chicago Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $55.33.

A. L. James Harmanson, Jr., 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $6,300. E. (9) $68.75.

A. David Hartsough, 245 Second Street NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Friends Committee on National Legislation, 245 Second Street NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $335.

A. Clifford J. Harvison, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Tank Truck Carriers, Inc., 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Paul M. Hawkins, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $80. E. (9) $15.72.

A. Eugene B. Hayden, . Jr., 828 Midland Bank Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

B. Crop Quality Council, 828 Midland Bank Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

D. (6) $4,500.

A. Hays and Hays, Warner Building, Wash- . ington, D.C.

B. Motor Commerce Association, Inc., 4004 Versailles Road, Lexington, Ky.

D. (6) $300.

A. Joseph H. Hays, 280 Union Station Building, Chicago, Ill.

B. The Association of Western Railways, 224 Union Station Building, Chicago, Ill.

A. John C. Hazen, 1317 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retail Merchants Association, 100 West 31st Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $96.30.

A. Health Insurance Association of America, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $793.34. E. (9) $793.34.

A. Patrick B. Healy, 30 F Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·


D. (6) $200. E. (9) $24.30.

A. Robert B. Heiney, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $875. E. (9) $962.54.

A. Kenneth G. Heisler, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National League of Insured Savings Associations, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D . (6) $1,000.

A. Phil D. Helmig, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW .. Washington, D.C.

B. The Atlantic Richfield Co., 260 South Broad Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

D. (6) $150. E. (9) $150.

A. Mrs. Elizabeth S. Hendryson, 6303 Indian School Road NE., Albuquerque, N. Mex.

A. Edmund P. Heiinelly, 150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

B. Mobil 011 Corp., 150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,125.

A. John K. Herbert, 575 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y. -

B. Magazine Publishers Association, 575 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $3,448.26.

A. Clinton M. Hester, 432 Shoreham Build· ing, Washington, D.C.

B. National Football League, 1 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N.Y.

A. Clinton M. Hester, 432 Shoreham Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Savage Arms, Westfield, Mass.; Redfield Gun Sight Co., Denver, Colo.; 0. F. Mossberg & Sons, Inc., New Haven, Conn.; High Standard Corp., Hamden, Conn.; and Browning Arms Co., Morgan, Utah.

D. (6) $5,416.50. E. (9) $212.59.

A. Hester & Stone, 432 Shoreham Building, Washington, D.C.

B. United States Brewers Association, 535 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $5,000. E. (9) $128.85.

A. John W. Hight, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Legislative Committee of the Committee for a National Trade Policy, Inc., 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $100. ' .

A. Hill & Knowlton, Inc., 150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. William B. Hitchcock II, 1800 Home Federal Tower, Hollywood, Fla.

B. Internatlonal Public Relations, Inc., 315 First National Bank Building, Canton, Ohio.

A. Claude E. Hobbs, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Westinghouse Electric Corp., 3 Gateway Center, Pittsburgh, Pa.

D. (6) $900 . . E. (9) $195.

A. Ralph D. Hodges, Jr. B. National Forest Products Association,

1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Irvin A. Hoff, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. United States Cane Sugar Refiners' Association, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $15.95.

A. Lee B. Holmes, 829 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Mutual . Ill.!?urance Alliance, 20 North Wacker Drive; Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $20.

A. John W. Holton, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,500. E. (9) $34.25.

A. Edwin M. Hood, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C. · ·

B. Shipbuilders Council o! America, 1730 K Street NW., Washingt.On, D.C.

A. Donald E. Horton, American Warehousemen's Association, 222 West . Adams Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. Harold A. Hosier,' 2240 Bell Court, Denver, Colo.

B. International Mailers Union, 2240· Ben Court, Denver, Colo. ·

A. Thomas B. House. B. National Association of Frozen Food

Packers, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $100.

A. Joe L. Howell, 1710 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Allstate Insurance Cos., Allstate Plaza, Northbrook, Ill.

A. Charles L. Huber, 1701 18th Street .NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $5,000. E . . (!1) .$2,270.27.

A. Meryle V. Hutchison, 1030 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Nurses' Association, Inc., 10 Columbus Circle, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,828.

A. Elmer P. Hutter, Post Office Box 2255, Washington, D.C.

B. Miss Alice M. Hesing, Rochester, N.Y. E. (9) $374.

A. Elmer P. Hutter, Post Office Box 2255, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5.

A. Frank N. Ikard, 1271 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.


A. Bernard J. Imming, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. United Fresh Fruit & Vegetable Association, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Independent Natural Gas Association of America, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $875.

A. Industrial Union Department, ~ CIO, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $9,505.02. E. (9) $9,505.02.

A. Harry A. Inman, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $157.50. E. (9) $1.20.

A. Institute of Amateur Radio, Inc.~ Peterborough, N.H.

A. Institute of Scrap Iron & Steel, Inc., 1729 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $300. E. (9) $248.02.

A. International Brotherhood of Teamsters, 25 Louisiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $13,445.38.

A. International Mailers Union, 2240 Bell Court, Denver, Colo.

E. (9) $100.

A. International Union of District 50, United Mine Workers of America, 1435 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $3,444.98.

A. The Interstate Manutacturers Association, 163-165 Center Street, Winona, Minn.

D . (6) $2,975.

A. Iron Ore Lessors Association, Inc., 1000 First National Bank Building, St. Paul, Minn.

D. (6) $15,210.64. E. (9) $9,202.50.

A. Investment Company Instit.ute, 61 Broadway, New York,_N:.Y.

E. (9) $20,766,60.

Rear Adm. Alexander Jackson, Jr., 333 Pennsylvania Avenue SE., ·Washington, D.C.

December 12, 1967 £-<i>NGRESSIONAL R:ECOR:I>- HOUSE 36043 B. Reserve Oftlcera Assocla.tion of -the

United sta.tes, 833 Penns.ylva.nla A~ue .BB., Washingt,on, D.C.

A. Chas. E • . Jackson, 715 Ring BullcUng, Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $567.89.

A. Robert c. Jackson, .1120 Oonnecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Textile Manufacturers Institute, 1501 Johnston Building, Charlotte, N.C.

D. (6) $2,750. ~· (9) $235.40.

A. Raymond M. Ja.oobson, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Soc1ety of Consulting Planners, Post omce Box 206, West Trenton, N.J.

D. (6) $2,250. E. (9) $133.13.

A. Japanese-American Citizens League, 1634 Post Street, San Francisco, Calif.

E. (9) $200.

A. Daniel Jaspan, Post Office Box 1924, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Postal Supervisors, Post Office Box 1924, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,500.51. E. (9) $49.10.

A. Gene Johnson, 814 Fleming Building, Des Moines, Iowa.

B. International Mailers Union, 2240 Bell Court, Denver, Colo.

A. Glendon E. Johnson, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $529.90. E. (9) $2'7.78.

A. Hugo E. Johnson, 600 Bulkley Building, Cleveland, Ohio.

B. American Iron Ore Association, 600 Bulkley Building, Cleveland, Ohio.

A. Reuben L. Johnson. B. The Farmers' Educational and Co-Op

erative Union of America (National Farmers Union), 1575 Sherman Street, Denver, Colo.; 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,46L88. E. (9) $133.14.

A. Spencer A. Johnson, 1025 Vermont Avenue, NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retail Furniture Association, .1150 Merchandise Mart, Chicago, Ill.,

D. (6.) $"2,100.

A. Ned Johnston, 1105 Barr Building, Washington,D.C.

B. International Association of Ice Cream Manufacturers & Milk Industry Foundation, 1105 Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Charles W. Jones, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Carpet Institute, Inc., 350 Fifth Aveune, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $80. E. (9) $128.

A. Geo. Bliss Jones, Montgomery, Ala. B. Alabama Railroad Association, 1002

First National Bank Building, Montgomery, Ala.

A. L. Dan Jones, 1110 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Independent Petroleum Association of America, 1110 Ring Building, W.ashington, D.C.

E. (9) $32.63.

A. Francis M. Judge, 1615 ZI Street NW~, Washington, D.C.

B. Chamber of Commerce of the U.S.A.

A. Karelsen, Karelsen, Lawrene,e & Nathan, 230 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $20.68. .

..A. :Wllllam J. Keating, 500 F.olger Building, "WaShlngton, "D.O. .

B. Grain & ..Feed .D.e.a.lers :Natlonal Association, 500 Fwg.er ..Bllildlnfi, -W-ashington, D.C.

D. (6) $20.

. A. .Ho:ward -B. Keck, ..1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, Calif.

B. The Superior Oil ·co., 1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, Calif.

E. (9) '$300.

A. W. M. Keck, Jr., 1801 Avenue of the Stars, Los Angeles, Calif.

E. (9) $275.

A. Charles C. Keeble, Post Office Box 2180, Houston, Tex.

B. Humble 011 & Refining C.o. (a Delaware Corp.), Post Office Box 2180, Houston, Tex.

A. Eugene A. Keeney, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Retail Federation.

A. Thomas John Kenoe & Associates, 1904 Rockwood Road, Silver Spring, Md.

E. (9) $550.

A. Robert H. "Kellen, 25 East Chestnut Street, Chicago, Ill.

B. Mayonnaise & Salad Dressing Institute, 25 East Chestnut Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. Robert H. Kellen, 25 East Chestnut Street, Chicago, IlL

B. National Preservers Association, 25 East Chestnut, Chicago, Ill.

A. James C. Kelley, 1500 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Machine Tool Distributors' Association, 1500 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. John T. Kelly, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C. . B .. Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association.

A. Thomas A. Kelly, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D .C.

B. Retired Officers Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,200.

A. I. L. Kenen, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Israel Public Affairs Commit'tee, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $180.

A. "Harold L. Kennedy, 420 Cafritz Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Marathon 011 Co., Findlay, Ohio. "E. (9) $96.40.

A. William F. Kenney, New York, N.Y. B. Shell 011 Co., 50 West oOth Street, New

York, N.Y.

A. Kennon, White & Odom, 356 Somerulos .Street, Baton Roµge, La.

B. Connecticut General Life Insurance Co. and Aetna Life Insurance CO., Hartford, Conn. ·

D. (6) $1~000. E. (9) $205.37.

A. Kennon, White & Odom, 356 St. Charles 'Street, Baton Rouge, La.

B. Jefferson Standard Life Insurance Co., .Post Office Box 21008, Greensboro, N.C.

E. (9) $440.50.

A.. Thomas P. Kerester, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washinglon, D.C.

B. Gulf Oil Corp., Pittsburgh, Pa. . . A. J. Don Kerlin, lQO :tndlana Avenue NW-.

Waslitngton, D .C. ·

B. The Reuben H. Donnelley Corp., 235 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) ... $200. E. (9) $100. • '

A. J. Don Kerlin, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C .

B. National Association of Letter Carriers, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $150. E. (9) $85.

A. J. Don Kerlin, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washingotn,D.C.

B. Time, Inc., Rockefeller Center, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $300. E. (9) $150.

A. William J. Kerwin, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Edward W. Kiley, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Wash-ington, D.C. · · ·

A. Kenneth L. Kimble, 1701 K Str-eet NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $475. E. (9) $18.44.

A. T. Bert King, 812 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C. ·

B. United States Savings & Loan League, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago Ill.

D. (6) $750.

A. John M. Kinnaird, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Trucking Associations, Inc., 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $210.83 .

A. A. R. Kirkley, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $331.25. E. (9) $9.86.

A. Clifton Kirkpatrick, 1918 North Parkway, Memphis, Tenn.

B. National Cotton Council of America, Post Office Box 12285, Memphis, Tenn.

D. (6) $690. E. (9) $30.42.

A. Ernest A. Kistler, 901 Hamilton Street, Allentown, Pa.

B. Pennsylvania Power & Light Co., 901 Hamilton Street, Allentown, Pa.

D. (6) $197.20. E. (9) $226.53.

A. Ralph W. Kittle. B. International Paper Co., 220 East 42d


A. Robert E. Kline, Jr., 430 Wyatt Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Fishing Tackle Manufacturers Association, 20 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, IlL

A. Robert E. Kline, Jr., 430 Wyatt Building, Washington, D,<J.

B. Bowling Proprietors' Association of America, Inc., West Higgins Road, Hoffman Estates, Ill.

D. (6) $1,250. E. (9) $46.30.

A. James F. Kmetz, 1427 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $4,802.

36044 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December · 12, 1967

A. George J. Knaly, 1200 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Brotherhood of- Electrical Workers, AFL-CIO & CLC, 1200 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,999.98.

A. Robert M. Kotch, 702 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.


E. (9) $37.80.

A. Wi11iam L. Kohler, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200. E. (9) $491.65.

A. John H. Kostmayer, First Investors Corporation, 120 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.


E. (9) ,2,491.53.

A. June Kysilko Kraeft, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Germaine Krettek, 200 C Street SE., Washington, D.C.

B. American Library Association, 50 East Huron Street, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $5,390.64.

A. Lloyd R. Kuhn, 1725 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Aerospace Industries Association of America, Inc., 1725 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,872. E. (9) $799.24.

A. Labor Bureau of Middle West, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 11 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. Laborers' International Union of North America, 905 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E . (9) . $10,068.09.

A. Labor-Management M·aritime Committee, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8,706. E. (9) $7,014.

A. Laborers' Political League, 905. 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8,433.46. E. (9) $1,300.

A. Julian J. Landau, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Israel Public Affairs Committee, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $240.

A. Richard H. Lane, 1511 K Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. The Committee for Broadening Commercial Bank Participation in Public Financing.

A. Morton Langstaff, 1317 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retail Merchants Assodation, 100 West 31st Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $141.40.

A. Glenn T. Lashley, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. D.C. Division, American Automobile Association, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. L. Edward· Lashman, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations Federation of Trades and Labor Unions, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,913. E. (9) $738.38.

A. Dillard B. Lasseter, 1616 P Street NW .. Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200. E. (9) $525.

A. George H. Lawrence, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $312.50. E. (9) $27.75.

A. John V. Lawrence, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200. E. (9) $16.50.

A. The Lawyers Co-operative Publishing Co., Rochester, N.Y.

A. Robert F. Lederer, 835 Southern Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Association of Nurserymen, Inc., 835 Southern Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $36.25. E. (9) $108.

A. Leonard F. Lee, 402 Solar Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Tenneco Inc., Post Offi.ce Box 2511, Houston, Tex.

E. (9) $93.

A. Legislative Committee of the Committee for ·a National Trade Policy, Inc., 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $260. E. (9) $278.

A. Legislative Committee, International Economic Policy Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $3,613.21.

A. Robert J. Leigh, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $96.

A. Richard Leighton, Munsey Building, Washington, D.C.

A. G. E. Leighty, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Nils A. Lennartson, Railway Progress Institute, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Railway Progress Institute, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $9,249.96.

A. Kenenth D. Lester, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $340.

A. Roy T. Lester, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $437.50. E. (9) $6.52.

A. Mrs. Alfred Letsler, 237 North Galveston Street~ Arlington, Va.

B. National PTA, 700 North Rush Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. Morris J. Levin, 910 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.



B. The Pennsylvania Railroad Co., 6 Penn Center Plaza, Philadelphia, Pa.

A. Estate of Hal Leyshon, 122 East 42<1 Street, New York, N.Y.

B. American Federation of Musicians, 641 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $3,333.32 . . E. (9) $38.

A. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 132 Third Street SE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $15,115. E. (9) $1.4,243.

A. Life Insurance Association of America, 277 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $3,706.32. E. (9) $3,706.32.

A. Blaine Liljenquist, 917 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Western States Meat Packers Association, Inc., 917 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $6,562.50. E. (9) $87.70.

A. Lester W. Lindow, 1735 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $37.50.

A. Charles B. Lipsen, 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Retail Clerks International Association, AFL-CIO, 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,000. E. (9) $1,535.77.

A. Zel E. Llpsen, 1925 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators & Paperhangers of America, AFL-CIO, 1925 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,575.

A. Robert G. Litschert, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Electric Companies, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Waahington, D.C.

D. (6) $375. E. (9) $22.84.

A. Paul H. Long, 1612 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Standard Oil Co., 30 ·Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $64.25.

A. R. C. Longmire, Paulis Valley, Okla. B. National Association of Soil & Water


A. Harold 0 .. Lovre, 1616. P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200. E. (9) $391.25.

A. Otto Lowe, Cape Charles, Va. B. National Canners Association, 1133 20th

Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $1,500.

A. Otto Lowe, Cape Charles, Va. B. Norfolk & Western Railway Co., Roa

noke, Va. D. (6) $600.

A. Scott W. Lucas, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington,·D.C.

B. Mobile Homes Manufacturers Association, 20 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,000.

A. Scott W. Lucas, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Western Medical Corp., 415-423 West Pershing Rd., Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,000.

A. William R. Lucas, Post Office Box 2268, San Antonio; Tex.

B. Non-Commissioned Officers Association of the U.S.A., Post Offi.ce Box 2268, San Antonio, Tex.

E. (9}'$168.

A. Dr. John M. Lumley, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Education Association, Division

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD·- HOUSE 36045 of Federal Relations, 1201 16th St.reet NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,626.50. E. (9) $486.54.

A. Milton F. Lynch, 2029 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Society of Professional Engineers, 2029 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750.

A. John W. Lynham, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Charles and Katrushka J. Parsons, 310 Park Avenue, P.asay City, Manila, Philippines.

E. (9) $300.

A. LeRoy E. Lyon, Jr., 11th and L Building, Sacramento, Calif.

B. California Railroad Association, 11th and L Building, Sacramento, Callf.

D. (6) $3,437.49. E. (9) $1,670.77.

A. Breck P. McAllister, 25 Broadway, New York,N,Y.

B. American Committee for Flags of Necessity, 25 Broadway, New York N.Y.

A. WilUam J. McAullffe, Jr., 1725 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Amercan Land Title Association, 1725 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $11.25.

A. William c. Mccamant, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $300.

A. John A. McCart, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Government Employes' Council, AFL-010, 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,019.22.

A. Alfred R. McCauley, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The ·Magnavox Co., 2'70 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $200.

A. E. L. McCUlloch, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, B. of L. E. Building, Cleveland, Ohio.

D. (6) $284.60. E. (9) $81.50.

A. Albert L. McDermott, 777 14th Street N.W., Washington, D.C.

B. American Hotel & Motel Association, 221 West 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $150.

A. Angus H. McDonald. B. The Farmers' Educational and Co-Op

erative Union of America, 1575 Sherman Street, Denver, Colo., and 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,277.06. E. (9) $212.72.

A. Joseph J. McDonald, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Steelworkers of America., 1500 Commonwealth Building, :Pittsburgh, Pa.

D. (6) $3,625. E. (9) $590.88.

A. Joseph A. McElwain, 40 East Broadway, Butte, Mont.

B. The Montana Power Co., Butte, Mont. E. (9) $179.77.

A. Stanley J. McFarland, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Education Association, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) 2,483.70 . . E. (9) $88.71.

A. Paul J. McGowan, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. - Virgin Islands Legislature, Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands.

D. (6) $3,750. ]!:. (9) $269.01.

A. Marshall C. McGrath. B. International Paper Co., 220 East 42d

Street, New York, N.Y. D. (6) $380. E. (9) $167.86.

A. F. Howard McGuigan, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Labor & Congress of Industrial Organizations, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,049.50. E. (9) $426.42.

A. Clarence M. Mcintosh, 400 F'ixst Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Railway, Airllne & Steamship Clerks, 1015 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

D. (6) $2,524.50. E. (9) $169.35.

A. William F. McKenna, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


A. John S. McLees, 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. William H. McLin, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Education Association, Division of FederaJ. Relations, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,483.70. E. (9) $129.24.

A. William F. McManus, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. General Electric co., 570 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $600. E. (9) $227.15.

A. C. W. McMillan, 801 East 17th Avenue, Denver, Colo.

B. American National Cattlemen's Association, 801 East 17th Avenue, Denver, Colo.

D. (6) $5,250.

A. Clarence M. McMillan, 1343 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Candy Wholesalers Association, Inc., 1343 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $10.

A. Ralph J. McNair, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $387.50. E. (9) $10.19.

A. Shane Maccarthy, 20 Chevy Chase Circle NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Printing Industries of America, 20 Chevy Chase Circle NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $'475. E. (9) $840.

A. William P. MacCracken, Jr., 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Optometric Association Inc., 4836 Broadway NE., Knoxville, Tenn.

D. (6) $2,000.

A. James E. Mack, 1225 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Rolled Zinc Manufacturers Association, 1225 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Macklin, Hanan & McKernan, 99 John Street, New York, N.Y.

B. Fred Alger & Company, Inc., and Falco Associates, Inc., 120 Bro~dway, New York, N.Y. · ·

E. (9) $92.80.

A. H. E. Mahlman, 1026 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Optometric Association, Inc., 4836 Broadway NE., Knoxville, Tenn. - ·

D. (6) $968.75. E. (9). $84.78. .

A. Robert L. Maier, 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Kaiser Industries Corp., 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $62.50. E. (9) $5. . •

A. Carter Manasco, 5932 Chesterbrook Road, McLean, Va.

B. National Coal Association, Coal Building. Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,400. E. (9) $131.45.

A. Rufus W. Manderson, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Electrical Contractors Association, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.<?.

A. Man-Made Fiber Producers Association, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $2,355.31.

A. Olya Margolin (Mrs.), 924 Dupont Circle Building, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Council of Jewish Women, Inc., 1 West 47th Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,296.20. E. (9) $120.15.

A. James Mark, Jr., 1427 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $4,802.

A. Rodney W. Markley, Jr., 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Ford Motor Co., Dearborn, Mich. . D. (6) $100. E. (9) $100.34.

A. Raymond E. Marks, 65 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif.

B. Southern Pacific Co., &5 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif.

E. (9) $697.54.

A. David M. Marsh, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Insurance Association, · 85 John Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $49.05.

A. Edwin E. Marsh, 600 Crandall Buildjng, Salt Lake City, Utah.

B. National Wool Growers Association, 600 Crandall Building, Salt Lake City, Utah.

D. (6) $3,417.77. E. (9) $198.54.

A. Michael Marsh, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $503.96.

A. Winston W. Marsh, 1343 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Tire Dealers and Retreaders Association, Inc.; 1343 L Street NW., Was}l,., ington, D.C.

A. J. Paull Marshall, 925 Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $252.52. E. (9) $196.09.

A. Thomas A. Martin, 1625 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Mid-Continent 011 & Gas Association, 300 Tulsa Building, Tulsa, Okla.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $110.

A. Mike M. Masaoka, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


B. A~iation . o:p. Japanese Textile Imports, Inc., 551 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $500.


36046 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 B. Japanese American Citizens League,

1634 Post Street, San Francisco, Calif. D. (6) $200. E. (9) $200.

A. Walter J. Mason, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Building and Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,499.91. E. (9) $980.

A. P. H. Mathews, 925 Transportation Building, Washington, DC.


D. (6) $206.19. E. (9) $443.32.

A. Charles D Matthews, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,100. E. (9) $77.57.

A. Charles E. Mattingly, 1608 K Street NW., Washington, D .C.

B. The American Legion. 700 North Penn-sylvania Street, Indianapolis, Ind. I

D. (6) $2,820. E. (9) $79.61.

A. C. V. and R. V. Maudlin, 1111 E Street NW., Washington, D.C

B. Georgia Power Company, 270 Peachtree Street, Atlanta, Ga.

A. Mayonnaise· and Salad Dressings Institute, 25 East Chestnut Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. James E. Meals, 1143 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Air Line Pilots Association, 55th Street & Cicero Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $100. E. (9) $100.

A. John S. Mears, 1608 K Street NW., Washington, D .C.

B. The American Legion, 700 North Pennsylvania Street, Indianapolis, Ind.

D. (6) $3,291. E. (9) $104.31.

A. Medical-Surgical Manufacturers Association, 342 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $1,034.38.

A. Carl J. Megel, 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Teachers, AFLCIO, 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $8,800.

A. Kenneth A. Meiklejohn, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. · ·

D. (6) $4,186. E. (9) $322.47.

A. Lawrence c. Merthan, 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW ... Washington, D.C.

B. Chas. Pfizer & Co., Inc., 235 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9') $110.

A. Metropolitan Washington Board of Trade, 1616 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Midland Cooperative Dairy Association, Shawano, Wis.

A. Midwest Federal Savings & Loan Association, Minneapolis, Minn.

E. (9) $656.

A. Capt. A. Stanley Miller, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Committee for Flags of Ne~essity, 25 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $100.

A. ?.filler Associa.tes, Inc.. 1706 DeSe.les Street NW •• Washington, D.C.

B. Associated Telephone Answering Exchange, Inc., 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $937.50. E. (9) $90.

A. Mlller Associates, Inc., 1705 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Music Publisher's Association, 460 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $3,000. E. (9) $295.

A. Dale Miller, 377 Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C.

B'. Dallas, Tex., Chamber of. Commerce. D. (6) $1,650.

A. Dale Miller, 377 Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C.

B. Gulf Intra.coastal Canal Association, 2211 South Coast Building. Houston, Tex.

D. (6) $2,625.

A. Dale Miller, 377 Mayflower Hotel, Wash-ington, D.C. ·

B. Texas Gulf Sulphur Co.,. Newgulf, Tex., and New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,250.

A. Edwin Reid Miller, 1815 Capitol Avenue, Omaha, Nebr.

B. Nebraska Railroads Legislative Commit.tee·, 1815 Capitol Avenue, Omaha, Nebr.

D. (6) $3,900. E. (9) $438.06.

A. Herbert J. Miller, Jr., 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Automatic Phonograph Manufacturers.

A. Joseph L. Miller, 815 17th Street, Washington, D.C.

B. Northern Textile Association, National Parking Association, Maytag Co., and Chicago Bridge & Iron Co.

A. Lloyd S. Miller, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 195 Broadway, New York, N.Y.


D. (6) $357.12.

A. Luman G. Miller, 912 Failing Building, Portland, Oreg.

B. Oregon Railroad Association, 912 Failing Building, Portland, Oreg.

E. (9) $724.95.

A. Luther L. Miller, 1909 Q Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Retired Civil Employees, 1909 Q Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,692.20. E. (9) $45.35.

A. Robert H. Miller. 402 Solar Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Tenneco Inc., Post Office Box 2511, Houston, Tex.

E. (9) $176.82.

A. Jim M. Milllgan, 402 Barclay Building, Bala-Cynwyd, Pa.

B. National Water Company Conference, 402 Barclay Building, Bala-Cynwyd, Pa.

A. Jack Mills, 1735 K Street NW .• Washington, D.C.

B. The Tobacco Institute.

A. Marion Daniel Minchew, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $165. E. (9) $17.94.

A. Othmer J. _Mischo, 5025 Wisconsin, Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Amalgamated 'n'ansit Union. AFL-CIO, 5-025 Wisconsin Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Missouri Railroad Committee, 906 Olive Street, St. Louis, Mo.

A. Carl A. Modeckl, 1712 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Automobile Association, 1712 G stree"t NW., Washington. D.C.

A. Micha.el Monroney. B . Communications Satellite Corp., 1900

L Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $850.

A. G. Merrill Moody, 925 Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $19.90. E. (9) $38.43.

A. Joseph E. Moody, 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $625.

A. Carlos Moore, 25. Louisiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. International Brotherhood of Teamsters, 25 Louisiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,750.

A. Jo V. Morgan, Jr., 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Humane Association, Post Office Box 1266, Denver, Colo.

D. (6) $1,500. E. (.9) $71.59.

A. Morison, Clapp, Abrams & Haddock, The Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. The Sperry & Hutchinson C-0., 330 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $130.

A. Lynn E. Mote, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Automobile Manufacturers Association, Inc., 320 New Center Building, Detroit, Mich.

D. (6) $1,000.

A. Motor Commerce Association, Inc., 4004 Versailles Road, Lexington, Ky.

D. (6) $550. E. (9) $375.

A. T. H. Mullen, 4301 Columbia Pike, Arlington, Va.

B. Union Camp Corp., 233 Broadway, New York,N.Y.

A. John J. Murphy, 2794 Wilelinor Drive, Edgewater, Md.

B. National Customs Service Association, 2794 Wilelinor Drive, Edgewater, Md.

A. William E. Murray, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. J. Walter Myers, Jr., Station C, Atlanta, Ga.

B. Forest Farmers Association Cooperative, Post Office Box 7278, Station C, Atlanta, Ga.

A. Kenneth D. Na.den, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C. .


D. (6) $7,999.98. E. (9) $648.09.

A. Micah H. Naftalin, 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Ethyl Corp.,. 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750.

December .12, .. 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36047 A. John J. Nangle, 2600 Virginia Avenue

NW., Washington, D.C. B. National Association of Independent

Insurers, 30 West Monroe Street, Chicago, Ill. D. (6) $5,000. E. (9) $977.

A. Augustus Na.smith, Pennsylv·ania Station, Raymond Plaza, Newark, N.J.

B. Associated Railroads of New Jersey, Pennsylvania Station, Raymond Plaza, Newark, N.J.

A. Sarah Anne Nation, 917 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Western states Meat Packers Association, Inc., 91 7 15th Street, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,641. E. (9) $18.70.

A. National Agricultural Chemicals Association, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. ~6) $20. E. (9) $20.

A. National Committee to Abolish HUAC, 565 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles, C&llf.

D. (6) $1,392.98. B. (9) .1,392.98. .

A. National Committee for Researeh in Neurological Disorders, University of Minnesota Hospital, Minneapolis, Minn.

E. (9) $5,000.

A. National Conference of Non-Profit Ship.: ping Associations, Inc., 2309 Fannin, Houston, Tex.

D. (6) $525.

A. National Congress of Parents and Teachers, 700 North Rush Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. National Cotton Compress & Cotton Warehouse Association, 1085 Shrine Building, Box 23, Memphis, Tenn.

A. National Cotton Council of America, A. National Association of Direct Selling . Post Office Box 12285, Memphis, Tenn.

Cos., 163-165 Center Street, Winona, Minn. D. (6) $6,728.15. E. (9) $6,728.15. D. (6) $15,000.

A. National Association of Electric Cos., 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,481.74. E. (9) $19,026.09.

A. National Association of Frozen Food Packers, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D .C.

D. (6) $57,402.53. E. (9) $1,644.30.

A. National Association of Margarine Manufacturers, Munsey Building, Washington, D.C.

A. National Association of Mutual Savings Banks, 200 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,211.68. E. (9) $2,211.68 . .

A. The National Association of Polish Americans, Inc, 3829 W St,:-eet SE., Washington, D.C.

A. National Association of Postal Supervisors, Post Office Box 1924, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $30,000. E. (9) $10,649.91.

A. National Association of Soil & Water Conservation Districts, League City, Tex.

D. (6) $383.03. E. (9) $662:70.

A. National Association of Travel Organizations, 1100 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $42,125.97; E. (9) $682.50.

A. National Audio-Visual Association, Inc., 3150 Spring Street, Fairfax, Va.

E. (9) $1,110.13.

A. National Automobile Dealers Association (NADA), 2000 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $30,803.25. E. (9) $30,803.25.

A. National Broiler Council, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $1,000.

A. National Campaign for Agricultural Democracy, 110 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $129.20. E. (9) $8,697.63.

A. National Canners Association, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $522,860.32. E. (9) $5,258.04.

A. National Coal Association, Coal Building, Washington, D.C.

A. National Coal Policy Conference, Inc., 1000 16th Street NW., W&shington, D.C.

E. (9) $5,892.50.

A. National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $6,307.50. E. (9) $6,887.69.

A. National Council, Junior Order United American Mechanics, 3027 North Broad Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

A. National Council of Technical Service Industries, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $645.30. E. (9) $555.52.

A. National Counsel Association, 421 New Jersey Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. Cenco Instruments Co., 2600 South Kostner Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $900. E. (9) $118.67.


B. Committee for the Study of Revenue Bond Financing, 55 Liberty Street, New York, N .Y.

D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $147.04.

A. National Cystic Fibrosis Research Foundation, 202 East 44th Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $1,666.66.

A. National Education Association, · Federal Relations Division, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $18,522.93.

A. National Electrical Contractors Association, Inc., 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. National Electrical Manufacturers Association, 155 East 44th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. National Farmers Organization, 720 Davis Avenue, Corning, Iowa.

E. (9) $3,506.52.

A. National Federation of Independent Business, Inc., 920 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $24,984.79. E. (9) $24,984.79.

A. National Forest Products Association, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D~ (6) $523.67. E. (9) $530.39.

A. National Grange, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $13,350.

A. National Housing Conference, Inc., 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $12,543. E. (9) $15,837.69.

A. National Independent Dairies Associatlon,' 1736 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $262.68.

A. National League of Insured Savings Associations, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) . $1,074.21. E. (9) $1,000.

A. National Limestone Institute, Inc., 702 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,861.15. E. (9) $1,861.15.

A. National Livestock Feeders Association, 309 Livestock Exchange Building, Omaha, Nebr.

D. (6) $3,888.40. E. (9) $3,888.40.

A. National Milk Producers Federation, 30 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $8,351.10. E. (9) $8,351.10.

A. National Multiple Sclerosis Society, 257 Park Avenue South, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $734.47.

A. National Parking Associapion, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $832.81.

A. National Preservers Association, 25 East Chestnut Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. National Rehab111tation Association, 1522 K Street NW., Washington, D.C

D. (6) $568.37. E. (9) $1,130.

A. National Retail Furniture Association, 1150 Merchandise Ma.rt, Chica.go, Ill.

E. (9) $3,884.84.

A. National Retail Merchants Association, 100 West 31st Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $6,989.71.

A. National Rural Electric Cooperative Assocfation, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $2,361.30.

A. National Small Business Association, 1285 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,000. E. (9) $2,562.52.

A. National Society of Professional Engineers, 2029 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $93,372. E. (9) $2,517.

A. National Telephone Cooperative Association, 1000 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E . (9) $1,323.

A. National Tire Dealers & Retreaders Association, 1343 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. National Wool Growers Association, 600 Crandall Building, Salt Lake City, Utah.

D. (6) $17,486.35. E. (9) $4,641.97.

A. The Nation-Wide Committee on Import-Export Policy, 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $9,850. E. (9) $10,594.87.

A. Robert R. Neal, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.


E. (9) $36.74.

A. Alan M. Nedry, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Southern California Edison Co., Post Ofilce Box 351, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $2,500. E. (9) $2,238.65.

A. Samuel E. Neel, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

36048 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 _ B. Mortgage Bankers Assocla.tion of America, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,750. E. (9) $3,059.

_ A. Frances E. Neely, 245 Second Street NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Friends Committee on National Legislation, 245 Second street NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,008.

A. Ivan A. Nestingen, 10.00 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. . B. CUNA International, Inc., 1617 Sherman Avenue, Madison, Wis.

D. (6) $300. E. (9) $118.15.

A. William E. Neumeyer, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. GT&E Service Corp., 730 Third Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $282.50.

A. New England Footwear Association, 210 Lincoln Street, Boston, Mass.

D. (6) $400. E. (9) $400.

A. Sarah H . Newman, 1029 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Consumers League, 1029 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,650.

A. Herschel D. Newsom, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Grange, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $5,000.

A. Miss Judith E. Nies, 120 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 120 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $31,833.53. E. (9) $7,094.73.

A. Patrick J. Nilan, 817 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Federation of Postal Clerks, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,615.38. E. (9) $1,305.57.

A. Stanley D. Noble, 29 North Wa<:ker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

B. Council of Profit Sharing Industries, 29 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

A. Robert W. Nolan, 1303 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Fleet Reserve Association, 1303 New Hampshire Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $100.

A. Non-Commissioned Officers Association of the U.S.A., Post Office Box 2268, San Antonio, Tex.

E. (9) $168.

A. Charles M. Noone, 410 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Small Business Investment Companies, 537 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,500. E. (9) $354.76.

A. Joseph A. Noone, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Agricultural Chemicals Association, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. 0. L. Norman, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $525. E. (9) $18.05.

A. North Carolina Railroad Association, Post Office Box 2635, Raleigh, N.C.

A. Robert H. North,. 1105 Barr Building, .Washington. D.C. ·

B. International Association of Ice Cream Manufacturers and -Milk Industry Founda. tion; 1105 BaIT Building. Was_hlngton, _D.C.

A. Harry E. Northam. 230 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill. ·

B. Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, Inc., 230 North Michigan Avenue, phicago, Ill.

A. Graham T. Northup, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C .

B. Mortgage Bankers Association of America, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C. . D. (6) $5,508. E. (9) $4,260.

A. Michael J. Norton, 30 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $200. E. (9) $161.45.

A. Ira H. Nunn, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Restaurant Assbeiation, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 1530 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $3,125. E. (9) $250.

A. Seward P. Nyman, 3301 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Podiatry Association, 3301 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $650.

A. Leo W. O'Brien, 99 Hawthorne Avenue, Albany, N.Y.

B. Home Rule Committee, Virgin Islands Legislature, Capitol Building, Charlotte Amalle, St. Thomas, V.I.

D. (6) $2,187. E. (9) $1,807.10.

A. Richard T. O'Connell, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B . National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, 120-0 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C. , D. (6) $4,650. E. (9) $283.37.

A. O'Connor, Green, Thomas, Walters & Kelly, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Wash-ington, D.C. ·

B. American Transit Association, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $6,249. E. (9) $135.

A. O'Connor, Green, Thomas, Walters & Kelly, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Barden Investment Management Corp., 18610 James Couzens Highway, Detroit, Mich.

D. (6) $7,500. E. (9) $452.


B. El Paso Natural Gas Co., 1 Chase Manhattan Plaza, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $5,000. E. (9) $505.

A. O'Connor, .Green, Thomas, Walters & Kelly, 1750 Pennsylvania .Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B: Investors Diversified Services, Investors Building, Minneapolis, Minn. ·

D. (6) $4,000. E. (9) $949.


B. Upper Mississippi Towing Corp., 7703 Normandale Road, Minneapolis, Minn.

D. (6) $2,500. E. (9) $95.

A. John B. O'Day, 11 East Adams Street, Chicago, Ill.

B. Insurance Economics Society of America, 11 East Adams St.reet, Chicago. Ill.

D. (6) $16,313.79.

: A . .Tohn A. O'Donnell, American Trucking Associations, Inc., 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C. . B. American Trucking Associations, Inc., 1616 P Street NW.,. Washington, D.C .

D. (6) $~,200.

A. Jane O'Grady, 815 16th Street NW., .Washington, D.C. . B. Amalgamated . Clothing Workers of

. America, AFL-CIO, 15 Union Square, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,080. E. (9) $525.95.

A. Richard C. O'Hare, 1120 Investment Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Harness Tracks of America, 333 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

A. The Ohio Railroad Association, 16 East Broad Street, Columbus, Ohio.

E. (9) $2,030.20.

A. Alvin E. Oliver, 50-0 Folger Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Grain & Feed Dealers National Association, 500 Folger Building, Washington, D.C. . D. (6) $44.80.

A. Robert Oliver, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Sperry and Hutchinson Co., 330 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. Samuel Omasta, 702 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.


E. (9) $18.60.

A. Jerry H. Opack, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Sears, Roebuck and Co., 925 South Homan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

A. Order of Railway Conductors and Brakemen, O.R.C. & B. Building, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

E. (9) $6,963.68.

A. Morris E. Osburn, Central Trust Building, Jefferson City, Mo.

B. Missouri Railroad Committee.

A. Kermit Overby, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $lf:!_5.

A. John A. Overholt, 10400 Connecticut Avenue, Kensington, Md.

B. National Association of Retired Civil Employees, 1909 Q Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,125.

A. J. Allen Overton, Jr., 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200 . .

A. Raymond S. Page, Jr., Mill Creek Terrace, Gladwyne, Pa.

B. Campbell Soup Co., 375 Memorial Avenue, Camden, N.J.

A. Walter · Page, B.ox 128, Cazenovia, N.Y.

A. Nornian Paige, 1132 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Distilled Spirits Institute, 1132 Penn~ylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Lew M. Paramore, Post Office Box 1310, Kansas City, Kans.

B. Mississippi Valley Association, 225 South Meramec, St. Louis, Mo.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAl RECORD - HOUSE 36049 A. J. D. Parel, 244 Transportation Build

ing, Washingt.on, D;C. B. Association of American Railroads,

Transportation Building, Washlngt.on, D.C. D. (6) $316.46. E. (9) $196.

A. James D. Parriott, Jr., 539 South Main Street, Findlay, Ohio.

B. Marathon Oil Co., 539 South Main Street, Findlay, Ohio.

A. Geo. F. Parrish, Post Office Box 7, Charleston, W. Va.

B. West Virginia Railroad Association. D. (6) $5,749.98.

A. Robert D. Partridge, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $28.30.

A. Michael Pasternak, 1435 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Union of District 50, United Mine Workers of America, 1435 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,444.98.

A. Perry S. Patterson, 800 World Center Building, Washington, D .C.

B. Automatic Phonograph Manufacturers.

A. Lynn C. Paulson, 1735 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Independent Dairies Association, 1735 K Street NW., Washington, DiC.

E. (9) $77.

A. E. George Pazianos, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Railway, Airline & Steamship Clerks, 1015 Vine · Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

D. (6) $3,750. E. (9) $2,140.59.

A. Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association, 1155 Fifteenth Street NW., Washington, D.C. _

E. (9) $887.42.

A. Joseph D. Phelan, 485 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Colorado River Association, 417 South Hill Street, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $3,300. E. (9) $1,000.

A. John P. Philbin, 510 Shoreham Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Mobil Oil Corporation, 150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,125. E. {9) $73.20.

A. Richard N. Philleo, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D .C.


D. (6) $1,462.50.

A. Tom Pickett, 944 Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Association of American Railroads, Transportation Building, Washin,gton, D.C.

D. (6) $U.96.

A. Albert Pike, 277 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.


A. · Bruce o: Pike, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $625.

A. James F. Pinkney, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,000. E. (9) $276.60.

A. T. E. Pinkston, 101 East High Street, A. Pennzoll Co., 900 Southwest Tower, - Lexington, Ky.

Houston, Tex. E . (9) $119.15. E. (9) $790.

A. D. V. Pensabene, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Standard Oil Co. of California, 1700 K Street NW, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $50. E. (9) $25.

A. J. Carter Perkins, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Shell Oil Co., 50 West 50th Street, New York,N.Y. .

A. A. Harold Peterson, 715 Cargill Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

B. National R.E.A. Telephone Association, 715 Cargill Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

D. (6) $7,500. E. (9) $3,761.05.

A. J. Hardin Peterson, Post Office Drawer BS, Lakeland, Fla.

B. Florida Citrus Mutual, Lakeland, Fla. D. (6) $800. E. {9) $43.50.

A. Kenneth T. Peterson, 400 First Street, NW., Washington, D.C.

B. District of Columbia Psychological Association, Post Office Box 8227, Southwest Station, Washington, D.C.

A. Kenneth T. Peterson. 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Hotel and Restaurant Employes a:n.d Bartenders International Union, 6 East Fourth Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

D. (a) $2,499.99.

A. Walter T. Phair, 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Kaiser Industries Corp., 900 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

P. (6) $800. E. (9) $250.

CXIII--2270-Part 26

A. James H. Pipkin, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW., Washington, D .C.

B. Texaco Inc., 1~5 East 42d Street, New York,N.Y. ' D. (6) $700. E. (9) $1,460.

A. Plains Cotton Grower.s, Inc., 1720 Avenue M, Lubbock, Tex. _

D. (6) $10,296.05. E. (9) $1,350.

A. Joseph M. Pollard, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B. County of Los Angeles, State of California, Hall of Administration, 500 West Temple Street, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $2 ,250.

A. John W. Pompelli, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.


D. {6) $1,462.50. E. (9) $525.91.

A. Robert R. Poston, 908 Colorado Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National. Association of Mutual SaVings Banks, 200 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $900. E. (9) $372.71.

A. Ramsay D. Potts, 910 l'lth Street, NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $4,406.92.

A. William J. Potts, Jr., 1735 DeSales . Street, NW., Washin,gton, D.C.

B. Association on Broadcasting Standards, Inc., 1741 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Richard M. Powell, 1210 Tower Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Refrigerated Warehouses, 1210 Tower Building, Washing-ton, D.C. ·

A. Graydon R. Powers, Jr., 1735 DeSales _Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. William C. Prather, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.


D. (6) $400. E. (9) $282.71.

A. William H. Press, 1616 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Metropolitan Washington Board of Trade, 1616 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $7,000.

A. Forrest J. Prettyman, 730 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Association of Registered Bank Holding Companies, 730 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $187.50. E. (9) $1.60.

A. Jerry C. Pritchett, 408 New Jersey Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of PlumbingHeating-Cooling Contractors, 1016 20th Street ·NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,205.10. E. (9) $2,205.10.

A. Earle W. Putnam, 5025 Wiscon.sin. Avenue NW., Washington, D .C.


A. William A. Quinlan, l317 F Street.NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $359.62. E. (9) $179.82.

A. Luke C. Quinn, Jr., 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Cancer Society, New York, N.Y., et al.

D. (6) $14,916.63. E. (9) $7,224.11.

A. Thomas H. Quinn, 410 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Committee for Study of Revenue .Bond Financing, 55 Liberty Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $250. E. (9) $148.


B. An Informal Committee of Small Municipal Bond Dealers, 501 Dixie Terminal Building, Cincinnati, Ohio.

D. (6) $500.

A. Alex Radin, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $222.20.

A. Edward F. Ragland, 6917 Marbury Road, Bethesda, Md.

B. The Tobacco Institute, Inc., .1735 K - Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Railway Labor .Executives' Association, · 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Railway Progress Institute, 1140 .Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $15. E. (9) $15.

A. Alan T. Rains, 777 14th Street NW., . Washington, D.C.

B. United Fresh Fruit & Vegetable Association, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $200.

A. William A. Raleigh, Jr., 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

36050 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 B. National Coal Policy Conference, Inc.,

1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. D. (6) $4,375.

A. Donald J. Ramsey, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Silver Users Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $16.19.

A. James A. Ransford, 1701 Pennsylvania. Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Tidewater 011 CQ.

A. Edward M. Raymond, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $4,075.02. E. (9) $89.75.

A. Sydney C. Reagan, 6815 Prestonshire, Dallas, Tex.

B. Southwestern Peanut Shellers Association, 6815 Prestonshire, Dallas, Tex.

D. (6) $190. E. (9) $40.

A. Record Industry Association of America., Inc., 1 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $32,683.56.

A. Campbell L. Reed, 302 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National Lumber & Building Material Dealers Association, 302 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $74.05.

A. W. 0. Reed, 6254 Woodland Drive, Dallas, Tex.

B. Texas railroads.

A. George L. Reid, Jr., 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $799.98. E. (9) $121.19.

A. Reserve Officers Association of the U.S., 333 Pennsylvania Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

A. Retired Officers Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $78,213.46.

A. Retirement Federation of Civil Service Employees of the U.S. Government, 13th and E Streets NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $18,187.43. E. (9) $13,414.69.

A. Theron J. Rice, 1710 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Continental Oil Co., 30 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N.Y.

A. James W. Richards, 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Standard Oil Co., 910 South Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,138.46. E. (9) $11.80.

A. Dorsey Richardson, 61 Broadway, New York,N.Y.


A. Harry H. Richardson, 335 Austin Street, Bogalusa, La.

B. Louisiana Railroads. D. (6) $35.75. E. (9) $135.76.

A. Siert F. Riepma, Munsey Building, Washington, D.C.

A. William Neale Roach, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200.

A. William Neale Roach, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Armament Corp., 10 Prince Street, Alexandria., Va.

D. (6) $1,500.

A. Paul H. Robbins, 2029 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Society of Professional Engineers, 2029 K street NW,. Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $250.

A. Austin L. Roberts, Jr., 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Independent Natural Gas Association of America, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $875.

A. Clyde F. Roberts, 277 Park Avenue, New York,N.Y.

A. Kenneth A. Roberts, 423 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Podiatry Association, 3301 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,200.


B. Animal Health Institute, 1030 1&th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $3,000.


B. College of American Pathologists, 230 North Michigan Avenue, Chica.go, Ill.

D. (6) $3,000.

A. Charles A. Robinson, Jr., 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Rural Electric Cooperative As. sociation, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Wash

ington, D.C. D. (6) $183.

A. Howard O. Robinson, Jr., 905 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Laborers' International Union of North America, 905 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $523.18.

A. John P. ·Roche, 150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

B. American Iron and Steel Institute, 150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $210.

A. Donald L. Rogers, 730 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Association of Registered Bank Holding Companies, 730 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $562.50.

A. Frank W. Rogers, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Western Oil & Gas Association, 609 South Grand Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $526.

A. John F. Rolph ID, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $500.

A. Royall, Koegel, Rogers & Wells, 200 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y. and 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Realty and Petroleum Corp., 16 West 61st Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $950. E. (9) $965.90.


B. Great Salt Lake Mineral & Chemical Corp., 579 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.


B. Power Authority· of the State of New York, 10 Columbus Circle, New York, N.Y.

A. John Forney Rudy, 902 Ring Building, Washington, D .C.

B. The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., Akron, Ohio.

A. Harland J. Rue. B. New Process Co., Warren, Pa. E. (9) $396.07.

A. Albert R. Russell, 1918 North Parkway, Memphis, Tenn.


D. (6) $886.35. E. (9) $330.89.

A. J. T. Rutherford & Associates, Inc., 1555 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American College of Radiology, 20 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $417.21.

A. J. T. Rutherford, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,200. E. (9) $301.50.

A. William H. Ryan, Machinists Building, Washington, D.C.

B. International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers, Machinists Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,875. E. (9) $480.

A. Francis J. Ryley, 519 Title and Trust Building, Phoenix, Ariz.

B. Standard Oil Co. of California, et al.

A. Charles E. Sandler, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $500.

A. Leslie J. Schmidt Associates, 1341 G Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Beer Wholesalers' Association of America, 6310 North Cicero Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $200. E. (9) $15.05.

A. Schoene and Kramer, 1625 K St:- ~et NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $8,21250. E. (9) $36.04.

A. C. Herschel Schooley, 815 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Independent Bankers Association of America, Sauk Centre, Minn.

D. (6) $4,250. E. (9) $2,441.35.

A. Stanle:· W. Schroeder, 1100 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $300.

A. Hilliard Schulberg, 1900 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Washington, D.C., Retail Liquor Dealers Association, Inc., 1900 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $66.88.

A. Scientific App~atus Makers Association, · 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Wash-ington, D.C. ·

E. (9) $750.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 3605l A. Scribner. Hall & casey, 120018th Street

NW., Washington, D.C. B. Jefferson Standard Life Insurance Co.,

Post Office Bt>x 21008, Greensboro, N.C~

A. Scribner, Hall & Casey, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. New Process Co., Warren, Pa. D. (6) $500. E. (9) $3.

A. Durward Seals, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Fresh Fruit & Vegtable Association, 777 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Hollis M. Seavey, 1812 K Street NW., Washington, D .C.

B. National Association of Broadcasters, 1812 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Clayton A. Seeber, 120116th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Education Association, Division of Federal Relations, 1201 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,413.50. E. (9) $49.93.

A. W. 0. Senter, 1725 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Gas Supply Committee, 1725 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Robert L. Shafer, 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chas. Pfizer & Co., Inc., 235 East 42d S t reet, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $500 E. (9) $210.

A. David C. Sharman, 1026 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Optometric Association, Inc., 4836 Broadway NE., Knoxville, Tenn.

D. (6) $1,187.50. E . (9) $707.46.

A. A. Manning Shaw, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brown, Lund & Levin, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D .C., and National Association of Electric Companies, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $835.

A. Arnold F . Shaw, 503 D Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The National Committee for the Recording Arts, 9300 Wilshire Boulevard, Beverly Hills, Calif.

D. (6) $12,333.33.

A. Carroll M. Shaw, 6326 Southcrest Drive, Shreveport, La.


A. Kenneth D. Shaw, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Railway, Airline & Steamship Clerks, 1015 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

D. (6) $750.

A. Shaw, Pittman, Potts, Trowbridge & Madden, Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Doubleday & <Jo., Inc., 277 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. John J. Sheehan, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. United Steelworkers of America, 1500 Commonwealth Building, Pittsburgh, Pa.

D. (6) $3,500. E. (9) $2,757.91.

A. Laurence P. Sher.fy, 1100 Ring BUllding, Washington, D.C.

B. American Mining Congress, Ring Build~ ing, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $575.

A. Ira Shesser, 2000 Florida Avenue 'NW., Washington, D.C.

13. National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Max Shine, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Technical Engineers, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $992. E. (9) $20.

A. Alvin V. Shoemaker, 425 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Investment Bankers Association of America, 425 13th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $805.

A. Robert L. Shortle, 1147 International Trade Mart Tower, New Orleans, La.

B. Mississippi Valley Association, 225 South Meramec, St. Louis, Mo.

A. George Shuff, 916 Nashville Trust Building, Nashville, Tenn.

B . Class I Railroads in Tennessee.

A. Charles B . Shuman, Merchandise Mart Plaza, Chicago, Ill. ·

B. American Farm Bureau Federation, Merchandise Mart Plaza, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $8'75.

A. David Silver, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

B. Investment Company Institute, 61 Broa d way, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $277. E. (9) $156.13.

A . Silver Users Association, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $35. E. (9) $5,013 .37.

A. Six Agency Committee, 909 South Broadway, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $27,200. E. (9) $6,385.21.

A. Carstens Slack, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Phillips Petroleum Co., Bartlesville, Okla .

A. Harold Slater, 1 F arragut Square South, Wash ington, D.C.


D. (6) $900. E. (9) $28.55.

A. Stephen Slipher, 812 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B . United States Savings and Loan League, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $3,125. E. (9) $24.50.

A. Jonathan W. Sloat, 1632 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Grocery Manufacturers of Americ·a, Inc., 205 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Donald E. Smiley, 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Humble Oil & Refining Co., Post Office Box 2180, Houston, Tex.

E. (9) $885.03.

A. Gordon L. Smith, 1145 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Edward Gottlieb & Associa-tes, Ltd., 485 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. Irvin A. Smith, 418 East Rosser Avenue, 1;3ox 938, Bismarck, N. Dak.

E. (9) $78.15.

A. James E. Smith, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $2,000. E. (9) $525.

A. Milan D. Smith, 1133 2oth Street NW., Washington, D.C.

13. National canners Association, 1133 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Robert B. Smith,- 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Rural Electric;: Cooperative Association, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $150.

A. Robert Wm. Smith, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B ., Ford Motor Co., Dearborn, Mich. D. (6) $987. E. (9) $198.

A. Dr. Spencer M. Smith, .Jr., 1709 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Va.

B. Citizens Committee on Natural Resources, 712 Dupont Circle Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,231.90. E. (9) $2,350.

A. Wallace M. Smith, 829 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. American Mutual Insurance Alliance, 20 North Wack.er Drive, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $40.

A. Wayne H. Smithey, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Ford Motor Co., Dearborn Mich. D. (6) $3,575. E. (9) $901.

A. Lyle 0. Snader, 244 Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $265.80. E. (9) $135.

A. Frank B. Snodgrass, 1726 M Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Burley and Dark Leaf Tobacco Export Association, Post Office Box 860, Lexington, Ky.

D. (6) $375. E. (9) $478.82.

A. J. R. Snyder, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B . Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen.

A. Society for Animal Protective Legislation, Post Office Box 3719, Georgetown Station, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $10,251.44. E. (9) $8,675.60.

A. Carl A. Soderblom, 1 East First Street, Reno, Nev.

B. Nevada Railroad Association, 1 East First Street, Reno, Nev.

A. Marvin J. Sonosky, 1225 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. J . Taylor Soop, 400 First Street, Washington, D .C.

B. International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, 330 South Wells Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $999.90.

A. Southern Pine Industry Committee, 520 National Bank of Commerce Building, New Orleans, La.

D. (6) $740.14. E. (9) $118.34.

A. Southern States Industrial Council, 1108-1111 Stahlman Building, Nashville, Tenn.

D. (6) $51,980.34. E. (9) $6,312.82.

A. Southwestern Peanut Shellers Association, 6815 Prestonshire, Dallas, Tex.

D. (6) $190. E. (9) $190.

A. William W. Spear, .214 Fremont National Bank Building, Fremont, Nebr.

B. Standard Oil Co., 910 South Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,030.77. E. (9) $4.78.

A. John F. Speer, Jr., 1105 Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

36052 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 B. International Association of Ice Cream

Manufacturers and Milk Industry Foundation, 1105 Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Lynn E. Stalbaum, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $1,250.

A. Melvin L. Stark, 1725 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Insurance Association, 85 John Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $2,000. E. (9) $250.

A. Newton I. Steers, Jr., 10400 Connecticut Avenue, Kensington, Md.

A. Mrs. Nell May F. Stephens, Post Office Box 6234, Northwest Station, Washington D.C.

A. Steptoe & Johnson, 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. California Olive Growers and Canners Industry Committee, 572 East Shields Avenue, Fresno, Calif., and Green Olive Trade Association, 80 Wall Street, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,000.

A. Steptoe & Johnson, 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. International Telephone & Telegraph Corp., 320 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $150. E. (9) $2.

A. B. H. Steuerwald, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Rallroad Signalmen, 2247 West Lawrence Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $230.

A. Eugene L. Stewart, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B Man-Made Fiber Producers Association, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $1,575. E. (9) $130.28.

A. Dr. Ronald F. Stinnett, 7606 Hogarth Street, Springfield, Va.

B. Midwest Federal Savings & Loan Association, Minneapolis, Minn.

E. (9) $485.


B. American Importers Association, 111 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.


B. Japan General Merchandise Exporters Association and Japan Rubber Footwear Manufacturers Association of Tokyo, Japan; Miscellaneous Goods Division, Japanese Chamber of Commerce of New ""."'ork, Inc. and Imported Footwear Group, American Importers Association, Inc., New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $200. E. (9) $75.


B. Japan Iron & Steel Exporters' Association, 16, 3-Chome, Kayabacho, Nihonbashi, Chuo-ku, Tokyo, Japan.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $500.


B. Unione Industriale Pratese, Prato, Italy; American Textile Importers Association, 200 West 34th Street, New York, N.Y.


B. Vorort des schweizerischen Handelsund Industrie-Vereins, Doersenstrasse 26, Zurich, Switzerland.

A. Sterling F. Stoudenmire, Jr., 61 St. Joseph Street, Mobile, Ala.

B. Waterman Steamship Corp., 61 St. Joseph Street, Mobile, Ala.

A. Francis W. Stover, 200 Maryland Avenue NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,350. E. (9) $268.50.

A. Ronnie J. Straw, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Herald E. Stringer, 1608 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The American Legion, 700 North Pennsylvania Street, Indianapolis, Ind.

D. (6) $4,675.98. E. (9) $439.77.

A. Philip W. Stroupe, 1100 Ring Bullding, Washington, D.C. ·


D. (6) $450.

. A. Norman Strunk, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

B. United States Savings & Loan League, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,875. E. (9) $282.97.

A. Sam S. Studebaker, Tipp City, Ohio. B. National Association of Soil & Water


A. Richard L. Studley, 1400 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Machinery Dealers National Association, 1400 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Walter B. Stults, 537 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Small Business Investment Cos., 537 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $600.

A. Barry Sullivan, 536 Washington Building, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of River & Harbor Contractors, 3900 North Charles Street, Baltimore, Md.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $182.55.

A. Frank L. Sundstrom, 1290 A venue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

B. Schenley Industries, Inc., 1290 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

A. C. Austin Sutherland, 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Tank Truck Carriers, Inc., 1616 P Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Noble J. Swearingen, 224 East Capitol Street, Washington,D.C.

B. National Tuberculosis Association, 1740 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $400. E. (9) $139.11.

A. Monroe Sweetland, 1705 Murchison Drive, Burlingame, Calif.

B. National Education Association, 1201 16th Ctreet NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $335. E. (9) $50.

A. Gary Tabak, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washing ... ,on, D.C. ·

B. National Rural Electric Cooperation Association, 2000 Florida Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $150.

A. Charles P. Taft, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Legislative Committee, Committee for a National Trade Policy, Inc., 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Clarence M. Tarr, 1909 Q Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Retired Civil Empolyees, 1909 Q Street NW., Washington, D.C.

p. (6) $3,365.60. E. (9) $166.31.

A. Warren G. Taylor, 604-5 Central Trust Building, Jefferson City, Mo.

B. Missouri Railroad Committee, 604-5 Central Trust Building, Jefferson City, Mo.

A. Evert S. Thomas, Jr., 20 E Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. CUNA Internati0nal, Inc., 1617 Sherman Avenue, Madison, Wis.

D. (6) $832. D. (9) $285.07.

A. J. Woodrow Thomas, 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Trans World Airlines, 10 Richards Roads, Kansas City, Mo.

A. Clark W. Thompson, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Board of Fur Farm Organiza~ tions, Inc., 152 West Wisconsin Avenue, Milwaukee, Wis.

D. (6) $300.

A. Clark W. Thompson, 1625 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. U.S. Independent Telephone Association.

D. (6) $300.

A. Julia C. Thompson, 1030 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Nurses' Association, Inc., 10 Columbus Circle, New York, N.Y.

D. (6). $3,320.94.

A. Wm. B. Thompson, Jr., 244 Transportation Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $276.14. E. (9) $147.

A. Eugene M. Thore, 277 Park Avenue, New York,N.Y.


A. William H. Tinney, 1223 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.

B. The Pen:1sylvania Railroad Co., 6 Penn Center Pl.aza, Philadelphia, Pa.

A. E. Linwood Tipton, 1105 Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

B. International Association of Ice Cream Manufacturers & Milk Industry Foundation, 1105 Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Tobacco Associates, Inc., 1101 17th Street, NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $1,421.

A. H. Willis Tobler, 30 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $3,125. E. (9) $194.10.

A. John H. Todd, Post Office Box 23, 1085 Shrine Building, Memphis, Tenn.

B. National Cottc>n Compress & Cotton Warehouse Association, 1085 Shrine Building, Box 23, Memphis, Tenn.

A. David R. Toll, 1140 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Electric Cos., 1140 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,687.50. E. -(9) $527.76.

A. Dwight D. Townsend, 1012 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Cooperative League of USA, 59 East Van Buren Street, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) '4,800. E. (9) $2,180.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36053 A. F. Gerald Toye, 777 14th Street NW.,

Washington, D .C. B. General Electric Co., 570 Lextngton

Avenue, New York, N.Y. D. (6) $300. E. (9) $17.25.

A. John P. Tracey, 1705 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Bar Association, 1705 DeSales Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $350. E . (9) $75.

A. Richard S. Tribbe, 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C. ·

B . Trans World Airlines, 10 Richards Road, Kansas City, Mo.

A. Glenwood S. Troop, Jr., 812 Pennsylvania Building, Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $4,375. E. (9) $67.95.

A. Galen Douglas Trussell, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Trustees for Conservation, 251 Kearny Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6) $4,062.50. E. (9) $2,115.60.

A. Dick Tullis, 307 Maple Terrace, Dallas, Tex. ..

B. Superior Oil Company, Houston, Tex., and Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $125. E. (9) $100.

A. A. o. Turek, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Sears, Roebuck & Co., 925 South Homan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

A. William S. Tyson, 821 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Western Range Association, 375 North Fulton Street, Fresno, Calif.

E. (9) $115.39.

A. David G. Unger, Washington, D.C. B . National Association of Soil and Water


A. Union Producing Co., 1525 Fairfield Avenue, Shreveport, La., and United Gas Pipe Line Co., 1525 Fairfield Avenue, Shreveport, La.

E. (9) $997.01.

A. United Business Schools Association, 1101 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $750.

A. United Cerebral Palsy Associations, Inc., 321 West 44th Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $1,224.14.

A. United Federation of Postal Clerks, 817 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $623,713.52. E. (9) $58,109.56.

A. United States Cane Sugar Refiners' Association, 1001 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $196.55.

A. United States Savings and Loan League, 221 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

E. (9) $26,395.52.

A. C. Braxton Valentine, Jr., 1309 StatePlanters Bank Building, Richmond, Va.

B. Theodore A. Mangelsdorf, Cumberland Farm, New Kent County, Va.

A. Theodore A. Vanderzyde, Machinists Building, Washington, D.C.

B. International Association of Machinists, and Aerospace Workers, AFL-CIO.

D. (6) $1,625. E. (9) $480.

A. Charles R. Van Horn, 17th and H Streets NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Co., and Chesapeake and Ohio Railway Co., Charles and Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Md.

A. John M. Vansant, Jr., 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Mrs. Lois W. Van Valkenburgh, 1673 Preston Road, Alexandria, Va.

B. Citizens Committee for UNICEF, 20 E Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $129. E. (9) $7.95.

A. G. W. Vaughan, 233 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

A. Richard E. Vernor, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $147. E. (9) $12.60.

A. L. T. Vice, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Standard Oil Co. of California, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

E. (9) $115.

A. Volume Footwear Retailers Association, Inc., 51 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $662.44.

A. E. R. Wagner, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Council of Technical Service Industries, 888 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $161.55. E. (9) $25.88.

A. Paul H. Walker, 1701 K Street NW., Washington, D .C.


·D. (6) $712.50. E. (9) $33.18.

A. Franklin Wallick, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B . International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace & Agriculture Implement Workers of America, 8000 East Jefferson Avenue, Detroit, Mich.

D. (6) $3,810.17. E. (9) $1 ,026.73.

A. Thomas G. Walters, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Federation of Government Employees, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $2,866.96. E. (9) $7,742.21.

A. William A. Walton, 820 Quincy Street, Topeka, Kans.

B. Kansas Railroad Committee, 820 Quincy Street, Topeka, Kans.

A. Washington Home Rule Committee, Inc., 924 14th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $330. E. (9) $766.74.

A. Jeremiah C. Waterman, 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Steptoe & Johnson, 1250 C-Onnecticut Avenue NW.: Washington, D.C.

b. (6) $1,200.

A. Waterways Bulk Transportation Council, °Inc., 1750 Brentwood Boulevard, St. Louis, Mo.

A. E. E. Webster, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employes, 12050 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Mich.

D. (6) $4,212.62.

A. E. Jerome Webster, Jr. B. National Association of Frozen Food

Packers, 919 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $100.

A. Clarence M. Weiner, 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

B. Cigar Manufacturers Association of . America, Inc., 350 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $8,000.

A. Dr. Frank J. Welch, 3724 Manor Road, Chevy Chase, Md.

B. The Tobacco Institute, Inc., 1735 ·K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Joseph E. Welch, 1630 Locust Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

B. Wellington Management Co., 1630 Locust Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

E. (9) $39.64.

A; Wenchel, Schulman & Manning, 1625 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Motors Corp., 14250 Plymouth Road, Detroit, Mich.

E. (9) $903.27.

A. Don White, 3150 Spring Street, Fairfax, Va.

B. National Audio-Visual Association, Inc., 3150 Spring Street, Fairfax, Va.

D. (6) $956.25. E. (9) $246.80.

A. Donald F. White, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. John C. White, 1317 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Truck Council of America, Inc., 1317 F Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Douglas Whitlock II, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Louis E. Whyte, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Independent Natural Gas Association of America, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Thomas D. Wilcox, 1625 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Pacific American Steamship Association, 635 Sacramento Street, San Francisco, Calif.

D. (6) $750. E. (9) $685.98.

A. Claude C. Wild, Jr., 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Gulf Oil Corp., Pittsburgh, Pa. D. (6) $1,000. E . (9) $250. ·

A. John Wilder, Somerville, Tenn. B. National Association of Soil & Water


A. Wilkinson, Cragun & Barker, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Society of Travel Agents, Inc., 360 Lexington Avenue, New York, N.Y.

E. (9) $7.60.

A. Wilkinson, Cragun · & Barker, 1616 H Street NW., Washington, D.C .

B. Arapahoe Indian Tribe, Fort Washakie, Wyo.


B. Confederated Salish & Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Reservation, Mont.


B. KSL, Inc., 145 Social Hall Avenue, Salt Lake City, Utah.

E. (9) $2.10.


B. J. Ray McDermott & Co., Inc., Houston, Club Building, Houston, Tex.

36054 -- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 A. Wilkinson, Cragun & Barker, 1616 H

Street NW., Washington, D.C. B. National Congress of American Indians,

1846 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.


B. Quinaielt Tribe of Indians, Taholah, Wash.


B. The Three Affiliated Tribes of the Fort Berthold Reservation, New Town, N. Dak.

A. Robert P. Will, 487 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Metropolitan Water District of Southern California, 1111 Sunset Boulevard, Los Angeles, Calif.

D. (6) $3,600. E. (9) $553.29.

A. John Willard, Box 1172, Helena, Mont. B. Montana Railroad Association, Helena,

Mont.

A. Francis S. Williams, 61 Broadway, New York, N.Y.


A. Harding deC. Williams, 918 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. John C. Williamson, 1300 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Real Estate Boards, 155 East Superior, Chicago, Ill., and 1300 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,500. E. (9) $248.14.

A. Kenneth Williamson, 1 Farragut Square South, Washington, D.C.

B. American Hospital Association, 840 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Ill.

D. (6) $1,608.92. E. (9) $563.69.

A. Clark L. Wilson, 1145 19th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Lead-Zinc Producers Committee. D. (6) $600. E. (9) $298.61.

A. E. Raymond Wilson, 245 Second Street NE., Washington, D.C.

B. Friends Committee on National Legislation, 245 Second Street NE., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $1,440.

A. W. E . . Wilson, 1525 Fairfield Avenue, Shreveport, La.

B. Union Producing Co., 1525 Falrfleld Avenue, Shreveport, La., and United Gas Pipe Line Co., 1525 Fairfield Avenue, Shreveport, La.

D. (6) $600. E. (9) $397.01.

A. Roy Winchester, 900 Southwest Tower, Houston, Tex.

B. Pennzoil Co., 900 Southwest Tower, Houston, Tex.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $290.

A. Robert Winter-Berger, 123 East 75th. Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Richard F. Witherall, 702 Majestic Building, Denver, Colo.

B. Colorado Railroad Association, 702 Majestic Building, Denver, Colo.

A. Venlo Wolfsohn, 1729 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Institute of Scrap Iron & Steel, Inc., 1729 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $300. E. (9) $1.50.

A. Nathan T. Wolkomir, 1737 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Federation of Federal Em· ployees, 1737 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

D. (6) $4,846.17. E. (9) $1,048.39.

A. Russell J. Woodman, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Transportation-Communication Em-ployees Union, 3860 Lindell Boulevard, St. Louis, Mo.

D. (6) $250.

A. James Woodside, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $240. E. (9) $20.

A. Albert Young Woodward, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Flying Tiger Line, Inc., Los Angeles International Airport, Los Angeles, Calif.

A. Albert Young Woodward, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Signal 011 & Gas Co., 1010 Wilshire Boulevard, Los Angeles, Calif.

A. Hal J. Wright, 1612 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Standard Oil Co., 30 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, N.Y.

A. John H. Yingling, 905 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Football League, 280 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

D. (6) $500. E. (9) $17.


B. Holly Corp., 1111 West Footh111 Boulevard, Azusa, Calif.; General Development Corp., 2828 Coral Way, Miami, Fla.; and Cherokee Village Development Corp., Cherokee Village, Ark.

D. (6) $250. E. (9) $50.


B. National Association of Business Development Corporations, 45 Milk Street, Boston, Mass. · E. (9) $15.


B. Savings Associates, 315 East Colorado Boulevard, Pasadena, Calif.

D. (6) $250. E. (9) $170.

A. J. Banks Young, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National ·Cotton Council of America, Post Office Box 12285, Memphis, Tenn.

D. (6) $540.

A. Kenneth Young, 815 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


D. (6) $4,049.50. E. (9) $586.28.

A. Robert C. Zimmer, 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Gordon K. Zimmerman, Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Soil and Water Conservation Districts, League City, Tex.

A. Zimring, Gromfine & Sternstein, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C., and 11 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 36055 REGISTRATIONS

The fallowing registrations were submitted for the third calendar quarter 1967:

<NoTE.-The form used for registration is reproduced below. In the interest of economy in the RECORD, questions are not repeated, only the essential answers ~re printed, and are indicated by their respec'tive letter and number.)

FILE ONE COPY WITH THE SECRETARY OF THE SENATE AND FILE Two COPIES WITH THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

This page (page 1) is designed to supply identifying data; and page 2 (on the back of this page) deals with financial data.

PLACE AN "X" BELOW THE APPROPRIATE LETTER OR FIGURE IN THE Box AT THE RIGHT OF THE "REPORT" HEADING BELOW:

"PRELIMINARY" REPORT ("Registration"): To "register," place an "X" below the letter "P" and fill out page 1 only.

"QUARTERLY" REPORT: To indicate which one of the four calendar quarters is covered by this Report, place an "X" below the appropriate figure. Fill out both page 1 and page 2 and as many additional pages as may be required. The first additional page should be numbered as page "3," and the rest of such pages should be "4,'' "5," "6,'' etc. Preparation and filing in accordance with instructions will accomplish compliance with all quarterly reporting requirements of the Act.

REPORT

Year: 19-------1~ PURSUANT TO FEDERAL REGULATION OF LOBBYING ACT p 1,.t I ::r: I •th

(Mark one square only)

NOTE ON ITEM "A".-(a) IN GENERAL. This "Report" form may be used by either an organization or an individual, as follows: (i) "Employee".-To file as an "employee", state (in Item "B") the name, address, and nature of business of the "employer". (If the

"employee" is a firm [such as a law firm or public relations firm], partners and salaried staff members of such firm may join in filing a Report as an "employee".)

(11) "Employer".-To file as an "employer", write "None" in answer to Item "B". (b) SEPARATE REPORTS. An agent or employee should not attempt to combine his Report with the employer's Report:

(i) Employers subject to the Act must file separate Reports and are not relieved of this requirement merely because Reports are filed by their agents or employees. _

(11) Employees subject to the Act must file separate Reports and are not relieved of this requirement merely because Reports are filed by their employers.

A. ORGANIZATION OR INDIVmUAL Fil.ING: 1. State name, address, and nature of business. 2. If this Report is for an Employer, list names or agents or employees

who will file Reports for this Quarter.

NOTE ON ITEM "B".-Reports by Agents or Employees. An employee is to file, each quarter, as many Reports as he has employers, except that: (a) If a particular undertaking is jointly financed by a group of employers, the group is to be considered as one employer, but all members of the group are to be named, and the contribution of each member is to be specified; (b) if the work is done in the interest of one person but payment therefor is made by another, a single Report-naming both persons as "employers"-is to be filed each quar~r.

B. EMPLOYER.-State name, address, and nature of business. If there is no employer, write "None."

NOTE ON ITEM "C".-(a) The expression "in connection with legislative interests," as used in this Report, means "in connection with attempting, directly or indirectly, to influence the passage or defeat of legislation." "The term 'legislation• means bills, resolutions, amendments, nominations, and other matters pending or proposed in either House of Congress, and includes any other matter which may be the subject of action by either House"-§ 302(e).

(b) Before undertaking any activities in connection with legislative interests, organizations and individuals subject to the Lobbying Act are required to file a "Preliminary" Report (Registration).

(c) After beginning such activities, they must file a "Quarterly" Report at the end of each calendar quarter in which they have either received or expended anything of value in connection with legislative interests.

c. LEGISLATIVE INTERESTS, AND PUBLICATIONS in connection therewith:

1. State approximately how long legislative interests are to continue. If receipts and expenditures in connection with legislative interests have terminated,

D place an "X" in the box at the left, so that this Office will no longer expect to receive Reports.

2. State the general legislative interests of the person filing and set forth the specific legislative interests by reciting: (a) Short titles of statutes and bills; (b) House and Senate numbers of bills, where known; (c) citations of statutes, where known; (d) whether for or against such statutes and bills.

3. In the case of those publications which the person filing has caused to be issued or distributed in connection with legislative interests, set forth: (a) Description, (b) quantity distributed; (c) date of distribution, (d) name of printer or publisher (if publications were paid for by person fl.ling) or name of donor (if publications were received as a gift).

(Answer items 1, 2, and 3 in the space below. Attach additional pages if more space is needed)

4. If this is a "Preliminary" Report (Registration) rather than a "Quarterly" Report, state below what the nature and amount of anticipated expenses will be; and if for an agent or employee, state also what the daily, monthly, or annual rate of compensation is to be. If this is a "Quarterly" Report, disregard this item "C4" and fill out item "D" and "E" on the back of this page. Do not attempt to combine a "Preliminary" Report (Registration) with a "Quarterly" Report.~

AFFIDAVIT

[Omitted in printing)

PAGE 1~

36056 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE December 12, 1967 A. Allen & Murden, Inc., 1616 H Street

NW., Washington, D.C. B. Informal Committee of 14 European

and Other Foreign Cruise Ship Lines, 25 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

A. American Society of Consulting Planners, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Association of Mutual Fund Plan Sponsors, Inc., 50 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Barna-Reggitts, 1055 Main Avenue, Clifton, N.J.

A. Mark H. Berens, 231 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill.

B. Oscar Mayer & Co., Inc., 1241 Sedgwick, Chicago, ru., and 910 Mayer Avenue, Madison, Wis.

A. Thomas Hale Boggs, Jr., 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


A. David R. Bowen, Jr., 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chamber of Commerce of the United States, 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Charles R. Bragg, 90 Stony Corners Circle, Avon, Conn.

B. Northeast Ut11ities Service Co., 176 Cumberland Avenue, Wethersfield, Conn.

A. Jeffrey M. Brookstone, 2424 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Kingsbury Browne, Jr., 225 Franklin Street, Boston, Mass.

B. Boston Manufacturers Mutual Insurance Co. and Mutual Boiler & Machinery Insuranee Co., 225 Wyman Street, Waltham, Mass.

A. L. C. Carpenter, 201 South Seventh Street, Columbia, Mo.

B. Midcontinent Farmers Association.

A. Lowell T. Christison, 1026 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Optometric Association, Inc., 4836 Broadway NE., Knoxvme, Tenn.

A. W1lliam J. Colley, 1155 15th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association.

A. Mrs. Margaret B. Coll1ex, 6101 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. James F. Co111ns, 1000 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Iron & Steel Institute, .150 East 42d Street, New York, N.Y.

A. The Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Co., 140 Garden Street, Hartford, Conn.

A. Clayton E. Cook, 1321 West Eleanor Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

A. Allan D. Cors, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Corning Glass Works, Corning, N.Y.

A. John C. Davidson, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Tax Council, 1120 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Michael B. Deane, 1707 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Meat Importers' Council, Inc., 26 Broadway, New York, N.Y.

A. Steven B. Derounian, 815 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Amperex Electronic Corp., 230 Duffy Avenue, Hicksville, N.Y.

A. Russell C. Derrickson, 4000 Cathedral Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Responsive Environments Corp., 1707 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. John Edward Dowling, 404 Stockton Avenue, Roselle, N.J.

A. Milton Eisenberg, 1700 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Dominium International Inc., 1270 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

A. Elliott & Naftalin, 1330 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Scientific Apparatus Makers Association, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Arthur E. Ericson, 910 Mayer Avenue, Madison, Wis.

B. Oscar Mayer & Co., Inc., 1241 Sedgwick, Chicago, Ill., and 910 Mayer Avenue, Madison, Wis.

A. Harold E. Fields, 2142 East Onyx, Orange, Calif.,

B. Hazel's Realty, 7481 La Palma Avenue, Buena Park, Calif.

A. Gene Fondren, Post Office Box 192, Taylor, Tex.

A. John George Frain, 1789 Lanier Place NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Eighteenth and Columbia Road Business Association, Washington, D.C.

A. Neal P. Gillen, 1707 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Cotton Shippers Association, 1707 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Patricia A. Goldman, 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Chamber of Commerce of the U.S.A., 1615 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Lester M. Haddad, 5005 Wickett Terrace, Bethesda, Md.

B. Committee for the Evaluation of Industrial Aid Financing, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Carlton B. Hamm, 1900 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Oceanography Association, 1900 L Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. James L. Hatcher, 4222 Suitland Road SE., Suitland, Md.

A. Mrs. Elizabeth S. Hendryson, 6303 Indian School Road NE., Albuquerque, N. Mex.

A. John E. Horton, 1735 K Street NW., Washington., D.C.

B. National Association of Independent Metal Frabricators, Inc., 48 Nichol Avenue, McKees Rocks, Pa.

A. Harry A. Inman, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


A. Raymond M. Jacobson, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Society of Consulting Planners, 1707 H Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. George J. Kelley, 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Blue Cross Association, 840 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Ill.

A. Krause, Lindsay and Nahstoll, Loyalty Building, Portland, Oreg.

B. Contracting Stevedore's Association of the Pacific Coast. Inc., San Francisco, Calif.

A. Kenneth D. Lester, 400 First street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Railway Labor Executives• Association, 400 First Street NW., Was~ington, D.C.


B. Arden Publishing Co., Tucson, Ariz.

A. Donald O. Lincoln, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. World Trade Committee of Parts Division, Electronic Industries Association, 2001 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Scott W. Lucas, 1028 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Financial General Corporation, 1717 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. William J. McAuliffe, Jr., 1725 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Land Title Association, 1725 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Alfred R. McCauley, 1629 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. The Magnavox Co., 270 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. George E. MacKinnon, 800 Investors Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

B. Investors Mutual, Investors Stock Fund, Investors Variable Payment Fund, Investors Selectors Fund.

A. Harold M. Mayer, 1241 Sedgwick, Chicago, Ill.

B. Oscar Mayer & Co., Inc., 1241 8edgwick, Chicago, Ill. and 910 Mayer Avenue, Madison . Wis.

A. James E. Meals, 1143 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Air Line Pilots Association, 55th Street and Cicero Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

A. Alan W. Mercill, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Retired Teachers Association, American Association of Retired Persons. 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Mid-America CATV Association, 11 North Lee, Post Office Box 1334, Oklahoma City, Okla.

A. Midwest Federal Savings and Loan Association, Minneapolis, Minn.

A. Lynn E. Mote, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.


A. John J. Nangle, 2600 Virginia Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Independent Insurers, 30 West Monore Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. National Association of Margarine Manufacturers, 545 Munsey Building, Washington, D.C.


B. Encylopaedia Britannica, Inc., 425 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill.

A. Verlin Nelson, 1223 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Americans for Democratic Action, 1223 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Louis H. Nevins, 1300 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Real Estate Boards, 155 East Superior Street, Chicago, Ill. and 1300 Connecticut Avenue NW .• Washington, D.C.

December 12, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE 36057 A. The Newspaper Committee for a Free

and Competitive Press, 33 North Dearborn Street, Chicago, Ill.

A. Northeast Utilities Service Co., 176 Cumberland Avenue, Wethersfield, Conn.

A. Edmund W. O'Brien, 204 Great Neck Road, Waterford, Conn.

B. Northeast Utilities Service Co., 176 Cumberland Avenue, Wethersfield, Conn.

A. O'Connor, Green, Thomas, Walters & Kelly, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D .C.

B. Barden Investment Management Corp., 18610 James Couzens, Detroit, Mich.

A. O'Connor, Green, Thomae, Walters & Kelly, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, D.C. and 845 Northwestern Bank Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

B. Fingerhut · Manufacturing Co., 3104 West Lake Street, Minneapolis, Minn.


B. Investors Diversified Services, Investors Building, Minneapolis, Minn.

A. Francis J. O'Rourke, 820 National Press Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Professions Unlimited, Inc., 1430 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Outdoor Advertising Association of Oklahoma, Inc., 6702 East 11th Street, Tulsa, Okla.

A. C. R. Peterson, 812 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

A. Kenneth T. Peterson, 400 First Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Aldens, Inc., 5000 West Roosevelt, Chicago, Ill.

A. Thomas W. Power, 1414 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Southern Furniture Manufacturers' Association.

A. Jerry C. Pritchett, 408 New Jersey Avenue SE., Washington, D.C.

B. National Association of Plumbing-Heating-Cooling Contractors, 1016 20th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


B. Committee of Small Municipal Bond Dealers, 501 Dixie Terminal Building, Cincinnati, Ohio.


B. Committee for Study of Revenue Bond Financing, 55 Liberty Street, New York, N.Y.

A . .John P. Roche, 150 East 42d Street,

B. National Retired Teachers Association, American Association of Retired Persons, 1346 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

A. Charles E. Sandler, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Automobile· Manufacturers Association, Inc., 320 New Center Building, Detroit, Mich.

A. Scientific Apparatus Makers Association, 1140 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Scribner, Hall & Casey, 1200 18th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Record Industry Association of America, Inc., 1 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y.

A. Shaw, Pittman, Potts, Trowbridge & Madden, Barr Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Doubleday & Co., Inc., 277 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. A. Z. Shows, 1010 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Custer Channel Wing Aircraft Corp., Hagerstown, Md.

A. Maynard H. Smith, 329 Eighth Street NE., Washington, D .C.

A. Southern Furniture Manufacturers' Association, Post Office Box 951, High Point, N.C.

A. Samuel E. Stavisky & Associates, Inc., 1250 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Sindicato da Industria de Cafe Soluvel, Sao Paulo, Brazil, Rua 7 de Abril 252, 10 andar, Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil.

A. Eugene L. Stewart, Esq., 1001 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.

B. World Trade Committee of Parts Division, Electronic Industries Association, 2001 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. Ronald F. Stinnett, 7606 Hogarth Street, North Springfield, Va.

B. Midwest · Federal Savings Association, Minneapolis, Minn.


B. American Importers Association, 111 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.


B. Vorort des schweizerischen Handelsund Industrie-Vereins, Boersenstrasse 26, Zurich, Switzerland.

A. Russell D. Tall, 1200 17th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


A. William C. Taylor, 1619 Massachusetts Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Southern Pine Industry Committee.

New York, N.Y. A. L. D. Tharp, Jr., 918 16th Street NW., B. American Iron and Steel Institute, 150 Washington, D.C.

East 42d Street, New York, N.Y. B. Independent Natural Gas Association of

A. Michael J. Romig, 20 E Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. CUNA International, Inc., 1617 Sherman Avenue, Madison, Wis.

A. Royall, Koegel, Rogers & Wells, 200 Park Avenue, New York, N.Y., and 1730 K Street NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Great Salt Lake Mineral & Chemical Corp., 579 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.

A. James S. Rubin, 1346 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

America, 916 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.

A. John D. Tyson. B. International Paper Co., 220 East 42d


A. Verner, Liipfert & Bernhard, 1875 Connecticut Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.

B. Barden Investment Management Corp-.• 18610 James Couzens Highway, Detroit, Mich.

A. James S. Viasto Associates, 417 East 58th Street, New York, N.Y.

B. Dominimum International, Inc., 1270 Avenue of the Americas, New York, N.Y.

A. John S. Walker, 1002 Ring Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Industrial Fasteners Institute, 1505 East Ohio Building, Cleveland, Ohio.

A. Whitlock, Markey & Tait, 15th and H Streets NW., Washington, D.C.

B. American Institute of Laundering, Joliet, Ill. and National Institute of Drycleaning, 909 Burlington Avenue, Silver Spring, Md.


B. J. Ray McDermott & Co., Inc., Oil Division, Houston Club Building, Houston, Tex.

A. Laurens Williams, Kenneth H. Liles and James V. Heffernan, 1200 Farragut Building, Washington, D.C.

B. Mutual Service Casualty, Insurance Co., 1919 University Avenue, St. Paul, Minn.

A. James Woodside, 1126 16th Street NW., Washington, D.C.


A. World Trade Committee of Parts Division, Electronic Industries Association, 2001 I Street NW., Washington, D.C.

•• ••i. •• SENATE

TuESDA Y, DECEMBER 12, 1967

The Senate met at 11 a.m., and was called to order by the President pro tempo re.

The Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown Harris, D.D., offered the following prayer:

Our Father God, whose most searching words are heard in the silences, give, we beseech Thee, to Thy servants who here wrestle with the Nation's problems, quiet hearts and open minds welcoming all truth from whatever direction it may come.

As in reverence we hallow Thy name, so may we hallow our own, keeping our honor bright, our hearts pure, our ideals untarnished, and our devotion to the Nation's weal high and true.

We are grateful for this sweet time of prayer that calls us from a world of care, and bids us at our Father's throne make all our wants and wishes known.

At this altar of devotion we would be sure of Thy presence ere pressing duty leads us back to a noisy, crowded way. Where-

"We are watchers of a beacon whooe light must never die;

We are guardians of an altar that shows Thee ever nigh;

We are children of Thy free men who sleep beneath ttic sod;

For the might of Thine arm we bless Thee: Our Go~. Our fathers' God."

Amen.

THE JOURNAL Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the reading of the Journal of the proceedings of Monday, December 11, 1967, be dispensed with.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES .

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