Hatshepsut's use of Tuthmosis III in her program of legitimation

Hatshepsut's Use of Tuthmosis III in Her Program of LegitimationAuthor(s): Vanessa DaviesSource: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 41 (2004), pp. 55-66Published by: American Research Center in EgyptStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20297187 .

Accessed: 08/05/2014 12:40

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

American Research Center in Egypt is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toJournal of the American Research Center in Egypt.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 169.229.32.136 on Thu, 8 May 2014 12:40:44 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=arce

http://www.jstor.org/stable/20297187?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


Hatshepsut's Use of Tuthmosis III in Her Program of Legitimation

Vanessa Davies

The reign of Hatshepsut as king with Tuthmosis III has been the inspiration for much scholarly lit

erature addressing the nature of the co-regency. The traditional understanding of Hatshepsut couched her as an overly ambitious woman who wrested authority from her stepson, but more recent

historical studies make only passing reference to the relationship between the co-regents. These his

tories tend to focus on the ways in which Hatshepsut legitimized her rule through ties to her parents,

presenting herself as heir to her father the king and divine offspring of her mother.l Her assumption of power and Tuthmosis Ill's later proscription of her receive heated attention, but little notice has

been paid to the coregents' treatment of one another during the co-regency. For example, one study notes the "apparent bitterness" of Tuthmosis III towards Hatshepsut as reflected in the destruction of

her name and image, while also granting that Tuthmosis III wielded power during the co-regency and

that the co-regency "no doubt generated tension, but it appears to have been fundamentally amica

ble."2 In this paper, I examine Hatshepsut's depictions of Tuthmosis III to determine how she incor

porated him into her artistic program, which will reveal how she intended his role to be perceived. In an effort to understand the artistic trends of this era, some scholars have tracked subtle stylistic

changes in the royal statuary, such as the size of the aperture of the eye, the shape of the nose, and

the length of the flaps of the nemes headdress as they fall upon the shoulders.3 A chronology of an

individual's statuary can then be formulated and current historical knowledge employed to explain the changes in artistic trends. I have done the reverse: rather than look to politics to explain artistic

changes, I have examined artistic motifs and conventions in the hopes of elucidating the political sit

uation of the day. My investigation and the data presented focus solely on major building projects and some smaller inscriptions dated to the period of time when Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III ruled

together as kings. These sources include the Small Temple of Medinet Habu,4 the Chapelle Rouge at

This article is an expanded version of a paper I presented at the 2004 ARCE meeting in Tucson, AZ. I would like to thank

the reviewer and the editor for their comments, which have expanded and improved this article. 1

"Hatshepsut did not attempt to legitimize her reign by claiming to have ruled with or for her husband Thutmose II.

Instead she emphasized her blood line ... At Deir el-Bahri, scenes and texts of Hatshepsut claim that Thutmose I had

proclaimed her as heir before his death, and that Ahmose had been chosen by Amun to bear the new divine ruler." Betsy M.

Bryan, "The 18th Dynasty before the Amarna Period," in Ian Shaw, ed., The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 2000), 238.

"In order to justify this usurpation she effectively ignored Tuthmosis II by inventing a co-regency with her father, Tuthmosis I.

She incorporated this fabrication into a group of texts and representations with which she decorated her mortuary temple . . .

Hatshepsut associated her father with her own funerary cult by dedicating a chapel to him in her temple at Deir el-Bahri."

Nicholas Grimai, trans. Ian Shaw, A History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 1992), 209-10. 2 B. G. Trigger et al, Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge, 1983), 218-19. 3 For examples relating to this time period, see Dimitri Laboury, La statuaire de Thoutmosis III Essai d'interpr?tation d'un

portrait royal dans son contexte historique, Aegyptiaca Leodiensia 5 (Li?ge, 1998); Roland Tefnin, La statuaire d'Hatshepsout:

portrait royal et politique sous la 18e dynastie, Monumenta Aegyptiaca 4 (Brussels, 1979). 4

Only H?lscher's rooms N, O, P, Q, and the west wall and south door of room L date to the co-regency. Uvo H?lscher, The

Excavation ofMedinet Habu. Volume 2: The Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty, OIP 41 (Chicago, 1939).

55



56 JARCE XLI (2004)

Karnak,5 Hatshepsut's mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri,6 the Temple of Buhen,7 and Speos Artemi

dos.8 Also included are various examples of official records found in the Sinai,9 an inscription from

the foundation deposit of a temple in Hierakonpolis,10 and three statues of Tuthmosis III, all of

which can be unequivocally dated to the time of the co-regency on grounds other than the chronol

ogy of artistic detail alone.11 In cataloguing the temple depictions, I have taken care to distinguish between scenes and plates. An individual scene may span more than one plate and conversely, one

plate may depict more than one scene.12 The dataset used in this paper is not entirely inclusive, as

the identification of some figures was questionable, but the conclusions drawn derive from a highly

representative sample.13 The number of scenes examined totals 94, of which 72 depict the figure of

Tuthmosis III and the remaining 22 refer to him only textually. The majority of the scenes portraying or referring to Tuthmosis III are found at Deir el-Bahri (37); after this, the Chapelle Rouge (26) and

Medinet Habu (15) display the most recurrent depictions of him. The data obtained from Buhen,

Speos Artemidos, statuary, and stelae comprise only 16 incidences of his name or figure.

According to Ineni's tomb biography, at the beginning of the reign of the young Tuthmosis III,

the queen Hatshepsut made the decisions of state on behalf of the king.14 When she subsequently claimed kingship alongside Tuthmosis III, one can assume that her decision-making capabilities did

not diminish. Indeed, if any change occurred at all, she would have had more authority in issuing or

ders and authorizing works throughout the kingdom. Thus, the state-sponsored depictions of the two

5 Pierre Lacau and Henri Chevrier, Une chapelle d'Hatshepsout ? Karnak (Cairo, 1997 and 1979). 6

Janusz Karkowski, "Pharaoh in the Heb-Sed Robe in Hatshepsut's Temple at Deir el-Bahari," ?tudes et Travaux 19 (2001); Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, Vols. 1-6, EM 12-29 (London, 1895-1908).

7 No inscriptions from the forecourt are included in this study because the lack of references to Hatshepsut indicates that

the construction of the forecourt occurred either before or after the co-regency period (probably the latter). Since Hatshepsut is depicted as a king in the main building of the temple, the depictions of Tuthmosis III original to these walls must be consid

ered to date to the co-regency period and are thus included in this survey. A particularly prominent depiction of Tuthmosis III

located on the north wall of the barque room was not included in this survey because the appearance of his name in this relief

cannot be positively identified as original to the depiction. See Ricardo A. Caminos, The New-Kingdom Temples of Buhen, II, ASE

34 (London, 1974), 67-68, n. 1. 8 As the forecourt of Speos Artemidos stands today, there are no depictions of Tuthmosis III and the only references to him

are on the faces of two pillars. James P. Allen, "The Speos Artemidos Inscription of Hatshepsut," BES 16 (2002); Jean-Luc Chappaz, "Recherches au Sp?os Art?midos. Fonction et programme ?d?coratif? d'un temple rupestre," in Rolf Gundlach and Matthias

Rochholz, eds., ?gyptische Tempel-Struktur, Funktion und Programm. (Akten der ?gyptologischen Tempeltagungen in Gosen 1990 und in

Mainz 1992), Hildesheimer ?gyptologische Beitr?ge 37 (Hildesheim, 1994); H. W. Fairman and Bernhard Grdseloff, "Texts of

Hatshepsut and Sethos I inside Speos Artemidos,"/?"A 33 (1947); Alan H. Gardiner, "Davies's Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos

Inscription,"y?A 32 (1946); Hans Goedicke, The Speos Artemidos Inscription of Hatshepsut and Related Discussions (Baltimore, 2004). 9 Alan H. Gardiner et al., The Inscriptions of the Sinai I, EM 45 (plates) (London, 1917); Alan H. Gardiner et ai, The Inscrip

tions of the Sinai II, EM 45 (text) (London, 1955). 10

James Weinstein, "A Foundation Deposit from Hierakonpolis,"yARC? 9 (1971). 11 Ricardo A. Caminos, The Shrines and Rock-Inscription of Ibrim, ASE 32 (London, 1968), 50-58; Laboury, La statuaire de

Thoutmosis III. Of the statues in question, one consists merely of two separate pieces, a base and the top part of the backing, each found in a different locale in Luxor. A damaged quintet carved into the interior cave wall of a shrine at Qasr Ibrim

depicts Tuthmosis III and Hatshepsut in the company of two deities. No other names can be found in the shrine to indicate the

sponsor or motivation behind the carving. A statue of Tuthmosis III as a sphinx found at Karnak Temple is in very good con

dition, but is not particularly helpful in adding data to this survey as the king's leonine body is not clothed and the headdress

is predetermined by the stylized depiction of the sphinx. Laboury's statue group C 76-85 (pedestal bases and a crown from the

funerary temple of Tuthmosis III) is not included in this survey even though evidence from the Chapelle Rouge indicates that

construction of the funerary temple of Tuthmosis III began prior to the end of the co-regency. The reason for the exclusion is

the fragmentary nature of the data. 12 For an example of multiple plates depicting a large procession, see Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari 4, EM 16

(London, 1904), pis. 88-91. For an example of one plate depicting multiple pillar faces, see Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir

el-Bahari 3, EM 14 (London, 1898), pis. 65-66. 13 For a plate excluded from the dataset because of uncertain identification of both the kings and the seated figures, see

Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari 5, EM 19 (London, 1906), pi. 123. 14 Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, URK IV/l-4/[l-314] (Leipzig, 1906), 59-61.



Hatshepsut's Use of Tuthmosis III 57

kings would have been executed at the royal command of Hatshepsut, who presumably approved the

design scheme of the depictions and inscriptions.15 The prevalence of construction in the name of

Hatshepsut during the co-regency period and the paltry amount of work attributed to the royal order

of Tuthmosis III suggests that the Sinai inscriptions were also erected under her royal aegis. Since all

of these works can be attributed to her patronage, careful examination of the inscriptions and depic tions will reveal the political and religious ideology she believed to be suitable for monumental

works. In focusing on the illustrations of and references to Tuthmosis III, one can form a picture of

how the female king wanted her stepson, nephew, and co-regent to be understood.

Crowns

The crowns most often worn by Tuthmosis III in the monuments presented here are the nemes

headdress (28%), the blue crown (18%), and the red crown (18%).16 He wears the white crown (6%) far less than the corresponding red crown.17 The double crown (3%) was the symbol of dominion

over all of the land of Egypt and incorporated in its design the idea of duality so prevalent in an

cient Egyptian thought.18 Based on the importance of this crown and the symbolism it carried, it ap

pears significant that Tuthmosis III only wears the double crown in two insistences on the examined

monuments.19 The only other headdresses worn by Tuthmosis III a significant percentage of the

time are the atef crown (10%) and the Nubian wig (9%).20 Others include the khat headdress,21 the

15 Peter F. Dorm?n, "The Early Reign of Tuthmosis III: An Unorthodox Mantle of Coregency," in David O'Connor and Eric

Cline, eds., Thutmose III: A New Biography (Ann Arbor, 2006), 22-28. 16 It has been suggested that the nemes and atef crowns were related to the daily journey of the sun god through the sky, the

former crown being linked with the daytime half of the trip and the latter tied to the nighttime. An association with the

renewal of the sun likewise links these crowns with similar ideas regarding the deceased. Katja Goebs, "Untersuchungen zu

Funktion und Symbolgehalt des nms" Z?S 122 (1995), 180. During the New Kingdom, the king commonly wore the blue

crown, believed to be a more ornate form of the khepresh, when standing before the sacred barque and when depicted as a

child. Sandra A. Collier, The Crowns of Pharaoh: Their Development and Significance in Ancient Egyptian Kingship (Ph.D. disserta

tion, UCLA, 1996), 117. As a symbol of the king's coronation, the blue crown may also have served as a marker of legitimacy for those kings whose succession was somewhat questionable. W V Davies, "The Origin of the Blue Crown," fEA 68 (1982), 75;

Jean Leclant, "Sur un contrepoids de Men?t au nom de Taharqa: allaitement et ?apparition? royale," M?langes Mariette,

Biblioth?que d'?tudes 32 (Cairo, 1961), 266, n. 11. 17 For the association of the white crown with the eye of Horus, see Katja Goebs, "Some Cosmic Aspects of the Royal

Crowns," in O J. Eyre, ed., Proceedings of the 7th International Congress of Egyptologists, Cambridge, 3-9 September 1995, Orientalia

Lovaniensia Analecta 82 (Leuven, 1998), 448-56. 18

Collier, The Crowns of Pharaoh 29; Goebs, "Royal Crowns," 459-60. Although Sch?fer noted that different styles of the

double crown are represented in Egyptian depictions, these differences are not examined in this study due to the difficulty in

physically discerning such details. See H. Sch?fer, "Die 'Doppelkrone' der Pharaonen, ihr Bild und ihr Sinn," OLZ 35 (1932). 19 On a pillar in the middle colonnade of Deir el-Bahri, Tuthmosis III wears the double crown in a scene where Amun-Re

embraces him. Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, pi. 65. At Medinet Habu, the same crown is worn by Tuthmosis III in a similar context.

The scene is duplicated nearby, showing Hatshepsut in the same garb as Tuthmosis III and in the same association with the

god. (See MHB 38.) The publication of the Epigraphic Survey's line drawings from the Small Temple at Medinet Habu is

forthcoming. I would like to thank Peter Dorm?n for making them available to me. For cross-references to the Nelson numbers

given here, see The Epigraphic Survey, The Registry of the Photographic Archives of the Epigraphic Survey with Plates from Key Plans

Showing Locations of Theban Temple Decorations (Harold H. Nelson), OIC 27 (Chicago, 1995). 20 Collier links the atef and the double crown, believing that the atef associates the king with Osiris and the double crown

associates the king with Horus. Collier, The Crowns of Pharaoh 50. See also note 16 above. The hypostyle hall of the Hathor

chapel at Deir el-Bahri contains an early example of Tuthmosis III wearing the atef crown topped by the ished fruit. See Karin

N. Sowada, "Atef Crowns and Tuthmosis III," DE 39 (1997). Mysliwiec noted that Tuthmosis III included the unique detail of a

small falcon with outstretched wings on the lower part of some of his plumed crowns. He believes that Tuthmosis III used that

symbol to show that the kingship was rightfully his and not Hatshepsut's. K. Mysliwiec, "Quelques remarques sur les couronnes

? plumes de Thoutmosis III," M?langes Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, 2, Biblioth?que d'?tudes 97/2 (Cairo, 1985), 156-58. 21 For further discussion, see Marianne Eaton-Krauss, "The Khat Headdress to the End of the Amarna Period," S?K 5

(1977).



58 JARCE XLI (2004)

sidelock of youth, and a headdress consisting of the sun disk, two tall feathers, and two animal horns

(total: 7%). An interesting, if limited, assessment of this data can be made by comparing the figures of Tuthmo

sis III and Hatshepsut in one location. Any study of the figure of Hatshepsut is necessarily constrained

by the erasures that occurred to her depictions. So, the results of this comparison must be viewed

somewhat skeptically because the dataset has been greatly reduced from its original state. Deir el-Bahri

provides the best case for a short comparison because the titles and figure of Hatshepsut appear

throughout the temple and in a wide variety of scenes, including her divine birth scenes, coronation,

and presentation to the gods. In the preserved scenes, Hatshepsut most often wears the atef crown

(10 times), which is the second most commonly worn crown by Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahri (6 times). She is dressed in the white (9 times) and red (8 times) crowns almost equally often, while Tuthmosis III

is depicted in these crowns in a much more lopsided fashion, wearing the red crown more often than

any other at Deir el-Bahri (7 times) and the white crown only 3 times. For reasons discussed later, the

double crown is also represented in an unbalanced manner, with Hatshepsut wearing it more often

(4 times) than Tuthmosis III (1 time). Headdresses worn consistently or close to consistently by the

co-regents include the nemes headdress (Hatshepsut 5 times, Tuthmosis III 4 times) and the khat

headdress (1 time each). The evidence from Deir el-Bahri indicates that both Hatshepsut and Tuth

mosis III are shown in a variety of headdresses. As can be expected from a set of evidence that is in

complete and damaged, the rate of appearance of each crown varies between the two figures. Certain

crowns, such as the blue crown, do not appear at all in Hatshepsut's data set, but this may not reflect

a true absence from the record; the damage in at least one scene suggests that she was wearing this

crown.22 Likewise, she is shown twice in a headdress consisting of two feathers, two horns, and a sun

disk, while Tuthmosis III never wears this at Deir el-Bahri, but he does once at Karnak.23

Costume

Of the various garments worn by Tuthmosis III, the kilt with a triangular front is by far the most

prevalent, accounting for 66% of all his garments that are discernable. The cobra sporran almost

always accompanies this kilt. The king is quite frequently adorned in the Lower Egyptian costume

(10%)24 and the shendyt kilt (9%). He wears the sed festival robe a number of times (7%), primarily at Deir el-Bahri. A garment that seems to be the triangular kilt with a shendyt overtop appears twice

at Deir el-Bahri (3%).25 Garments worn only once include the animal skin of the Iunmutef priest,26 an ornate garment consisting of a kilt and a corselet adorned with two falcons, each one embracing a

22 See Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, pi. 61. 23 See Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle d'Hats heps out, 60. 24

Ray Johnson has pointed out to me that the hip drape, swallow amulet, and beaded apron or sporran were usually executed only in paint so that traces of these elements would not be retained in the relief carvings. See Diana Craig

Patch, "A 'Lower Egyptian' Costume: Its Origin, Development, and Meaning," JARCE 32 (1995). It has been suggested that this kilt and accompanying bull's tail equated the king with the sun and the sun god by adorning him in the guise of

an animal. Dietrich Wildung, "Zur Formegeschichte der Landeskronen," in F.Junge, ed., Studien zu Sprache und Religion

?gyptens. Zu Ehren von Wolfhart Westendorf ?berreicht von seinem Freunden und Schulern, 2: Religion (G?ttingen, 1984),

971-72. 25 The appearance of this unusual kilt on the east wall of the anteroom may be related to the event occurring in the scene,

the "striking of the ball" with Hathor, a rite believed to be associated with victory. Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pis. 92, 100. See also

Carl E. DeVries, "A Ritual Ball Game?," Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, September 12, 1969, SAOC 35 (Chicago, 1969). 26

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 5, pi. 135.




side of the king's body,27 the lower part of the plumed dress,28 and a tight kilt, which perhaps origi

nally mirrored the triangular kilt that Hatshepsut wears on the same stela29 (total: 6%). Various accoutrements adorn the figure of Tuthmosis III, but the details are often lost. In various

locales, the king wears a thick collar, sometimes decorated with a pattern, stripes, or small beads, and

cuff bracelets, which may also be beaded. A scene at Deir el-Bahri depicts Tuthmosis III wearing an

elaborate pectoral consisting of two serpents flanking the central portion, which may be a scarab or

a heart. Each of these three elements of the pendant is topped by a sun disk.30 Finally, Tuthmosis III

is depicted once with a long strand of red ribbon hanging loosely around his neck.31 Two of the most

widespread royal attributes used in depictions of Tuthmosis III are the false beard, appearing in 72%

of discernable depictions, and the bull's tail. The bull's tail was not compatible with some of the cloth

ing worn by the king, such as the animal skin of the Iwnmutef priest, but still, where observable,

Tuthmosis III wears this traditional insignia of the king in the vast majority of depictions examined

(91%).

Ritual Context

Throughout these monuments, Tuthmosis III is depicted in the presence of a variety of deities. He

most commonly stands before Amun, Amun-Min or his statue, barque or barge (75%).32 The preva lence of Amun in scenes with the king is not surprising given the functions and locations of the

monuments studied. For instance, of the 13 scenes showing Tuthmosis III with the barque of Amun, the majority (77%) are found in the Chapelle Rouge in scenes depicting the Opet festival, a context

in which the barque of Amun was an integral feature. Deir el-Bahri is the only other site that contains

portrayals of Tuthmosis III with the barque. A few scenes include the ka of Tuthmosis III, often de

picted as a standard behind his physical person. Only one depiction portrays Tuthmosis III with his

father and a few isolated instances depict non-royal groups, such as dancers, priests, and soldiers,

accompanying the king.33 When Tuthmosis III is depicted in the company of deities, they sometimes address him. The texts

vary, but in general, the deity states what he or she has done for or given to Tuthmosis III with regard to his dominion over Egypt. These statements served to affirm the rule of Tuthmosis III because they defined his authority as having been bestowed by the gods. The gods expressed the power of the king in such endorsements as, "(I) have given to you the kingship of the Two Lands and the years of eter

nity in joy, just as (I) desire, and all health forever," and "(I) give to you the kingship of the Two Lands

27 Found on the west wall of the upper court, the kilt is damaged. Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari 6, EM 27

(London, 1908), pi. 164. This costume may be related to the royal plume dress analyzed by Giza-Podg?rski. According to his

analysis, this feathered clothing associated the king with Horus and was an integral feature of his coronation. See Tomasz Giza

Podg?rski, "Royal Plume Dress of XVIII Dynasty," MDAIK 40 (1984), 119-21. 28 This fragment is located on the north outside wall of the Temple of Buhen. Ricardo A. Caminos, The New-Kingdom Tem

ples of Buhen I, ASE 33 (London, 1974), pis. 27-28. 29 Gardiner et al, The Inscriptions of the Sinai I, pi. 57. Ray Johnson recognized this stela as the fragment pictured in Jeremy

Stafford-Deitsch, The Monuments of Ancient Egypt (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 2001), 30. It is his suggestion that Tuthmosis

III was originally wearing the same kilt as Hatshepsut. 30

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, pi. 82. See Cairo, Egyptian Museum JE 72172 for a similar pectoral belonging to Sheshonq II

with a scarab in the center, although Naville's line drawing seems to depict a heart. 31 MHB 68. 32 This statistic is derived from the total number of scenes in which Tuthmosis III appears alone or with others before a

deity or a group of deities. Included are appearances of Tuthmosis III with Hatshepsut represented as Hathor. 33 The scene depicting Tuthmosis I and III is found at Deir el-Bahri, where Tuthmosis III is also shown once in the company

of Hatshepsut's mother and once with Hatshepsut's daughter. Naville, Deir el-Bahari 5, pis. 135, 143, 164.



60 JARCE XLI (2004)

and the rule of the Two Banks just as I love you."34 In one scene, the deity talks about Hatshepsut without mentioning Tuthmosis III although both kings are depicted in the presence of the deity.35

When in the presence of deities, Tuthmosis III typically offers them some sort of precious good

(57%). The most common offerings are incense, wine, and bread (54%), the last depicted in a variety of shapes. Milk, water, cloth, and foodstuffs (33%) also seem to have been important ritual offerings based on the number of times they are presented to the gods. Among the goods offered only once by Tuthmosis III are a double libation, dough, myrrh, natron, and strong ale (13%). Besides offering to

the gods, Tuthmosis III is also shown in a more general pose described as "worshipping the god"

(4%). Two instances at Deir el-Bahri show Tuthmosis III directing actions of offering and worship to

Hatshepsut, who is associated with Hathor in the scenes.36 Physical contact between the god and the

king is sometimes depicted (15%), most often in the form of an embrace, although occasionally the

deity merely holds the arm of the king. Tuthmosis III is often depicted grasping one or more items that may be symbolically or actually

relevant to the scene. Of all objects in his hands, he most frequently holds offerings, which he ex

tends to the deity (51%). The next most common item held by the king is the ankh, clutched alone or

in combination with other objects (8%).37 Other items grasped by the king are generally unique to an

individual scene. In only a small number of scenes are his hands empty (10%). In these instances, he

is gesturing, either towards another individual or a door, or his arms rest on an altar, by his side, or

in his lap.

Titles and Epithets

Regarding the use of the royal titulary of Tuthmosis III, the Two Ladies name and the Horus of

Gold name were not commonly used to refer to the king, together appearing only 5 times. Con

versely, the Horus name of Tuthmosis III was used 20 times and the king's nomen was used 42

times.38 By far the most common name by which the king was identified is his prenomen, which un

derscored the link between the sun god and the king.39 Based on the depictions included in this study,

Menkheperre was the more common prenomen used for the king (82%), while Menkheperkare was

used the rest of the time (18%). The use of the prenomen Menkheperkare occurs most often on the

walls of Deir el-Bahri (82%). There does not seem to be an overarching pattern to the scenes that

name Tuthmosis III in this way. A scene from the lower colonnade names Tuthmosis III as Men

kheperkare and depicts him seated behind Hatshepsut in a sed festival pavilion. In front of the kings is a procession of fishermen and fowlers carrying their catch.40 On a series of pillars on the middle

platform, Tuthmosis III is labeled Menkheperkare in depictions with Amun-Re.41 In scenes depicting a river procession, Tuthmosis III is named Menkheperkare in a few places.42 Tuthmosis III is intro

34 MHB 52 and Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle d'Hatshepsout, 297. 35 This occurs in the section of the Chapelle Rouge depicting the Opet procession leaving Deir el-Bahri. See Lacau and

Chevrier, Une chapelle d'Hatshepsout, 175. 36

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, 1-2 and pis. 88-89, 92. 37 At times, the king carries both offerings and the ankh, thus five scenes were double counted. 38 For an alteration of the nomen of Tuthmosis III, see Caminos, Buhen II, 14, pis. 17-18. 39

John Baines, "Kingship, Definition of Culture, and Legitimation," in David O'Connor and David P. Silverman, eds.,

Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Probleme der ?gyptologie 9 (Leiden, New York and K?ln, 1995), 9. 40

Karkowski, "Pharaoh and the Heb-Sed Robe in Hatshepsut's Temple at Deir el-Bahari," pi. 1. 41 It is in reference to these scenes that Naville postulates that Hatshepsut inserted the morphological element "ka," already

used in her prenomen, into the prenomen of Tuthmosis III to indicate his inferior status in relation to her. Naville, Deir el

Bahari 3, pis. 65-66. 42

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pis. 89, 90-91.




duced into the Hathor shrine and is labeled Menkheperkare. The entrance hall also shows him iden

tified and addressed in this way as he performs a ritual before Hathor.43 Within the Hathor shrine,

this name is inscribed on the lintel, where Hatshepsut's names have been replaced with Tuthmosis IFs,

and on the shrine doorpost, where it is clear that the relationship between the two kings was being

emphasized because they are dressed identically and are referred to by the same titles.44 In another

depiction of Hathor, this time being worshipped by Hatshepsut, the ka of Tuthmosis III is identified

with this prenomen.45 On the doorway to a small chamber in the upper court, Tuthmosis III is re

ferred to by a variety of titles, all of which are identical to the titles of Hatshepsut in the same scene.

He is named Menkheperkare on the doorpost and Menkheperre on the lintel.46 Two inscriptions from the Sinai dated to years 13 and 16 depict Tuthmosis III offering to the deities and name him

Menkheperkare. At least one, probably both of them, showed Hatshepsut in a similar pose.47 Also, a

statue of Tuthmosis III in the form of a sphinx is inscribed with this prenomen.48 As for other titles and epithets, Tuthmosis III was described as "his beloved," "(my) beloved" or

"beloved of [a certain deity]" over 50 times. He was mentioned in reference to his ka or as "foremost

of all kas" only 10 times, but 8 of these are found at the Chapelle Rouge indicating that perhaps his role in this temple was related to the ka. The most frequently used appellation of the king was

"the good god" (56 times).49 Two titles that reflected the Egyptian idea of duality, King of Upper

Egypt and Lower Egypt (46 times) and Lord of the Two Lands (29 times), were also commonly ap

plied to Tuthmosis III. The title King of Upper and Lower Egypt seems to have referred to the office

of kingship, specifically the divine aspect of this office.50 Thus, when referring to Tuthmosis III

in this manner, Hatshepsut affirmed his role as both authoritative ruler and divine being. Addi

tional epithets stressing his proximity to the realm of the divine were often used to describe him. He

was named as chief religious officiant in the title "Lord of performing rituals" (22 times) and his

divine nature was stressed in such epithets as "son of Re," "son of Re of his body" or "son of my body"

(32 times).51 The frequently employed phrase "given life" was often tagged to the end of a listing of the names

and titles of Tuthmosis III. Many variations of this phrase occur in the depictions, describing the

many virtues that were bestowed on the king, such as stability, dominion, and health. Almost 100

statements following this general syntactical pattern occur throughout the depictions examined in

this study. These incredibly common phrases are sometimes overlooked as mere formulae, but they were important reminders of the source of the king's success and served to reinforce the close rela

tionship between the king and the god, who bestowed all blessings on the king and sanctioned

his rule.

It appears that the workers who labored in the service of the two kings sometimes experienced the

problems modern scholars face in interpreting and understanding the roles occupied by Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III. Occasionally, one finds errors in depictions from this era because either the scribes

or the carvers mistakenly used male grammatical elements for Hatshepsut or female grammatical

43 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pis. 92, 100.

44 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pis. 95, 103.

45 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pl. 104.


47 Gardiner et al, The Inscriptions of the Sinai I, pis. 14:44, 61:180. 48

Laboury, La statuaire de Thoutmosis III, C50. 49 This number includes one occurrence of this title in reference to Tuthmosis III, but bearing feminine suffixes. See

MHB 29. 50 David P. Silverman, "The Nature of Egyptian Kingship," in David O'Connor and David P. Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian

Kingship, Probleme der ?gyptologie 9 (Leiden, New York and K?ln, 1995), 65. 51 For more on the epithet "son of Re," see Silverman, "Egyptian Kingship," 71-72.



62 JARCE XLI (2004)

elements for Tuthmosis III. This is generally attributed to confusion resulting from the fact that a

woman was occupying the role of king. In the inscriptions examined in this study, the feminine suffix

pronouns or feminine verbal endings are only rarely used in descriptions of Tuthmosis III (12 times) and Hatshepsut's Horus name was twice mistakenly applied to Tuthmosis III. Half of these errors,

including the egregious mistake of referring to him by Hatshepsut's Horus name, occur in the

Chapelle Rouge. The others occur either at Deir el-Bahri (5 times) or Medinet Habu (2 times).

Conclusions

Based on the depictions included in this survey, it is clear that Hatshepsut did not purposefully

ignore her co-regent in temple and administrative inscriptions and depictions, although the fre

quency of his inclusion varied greatly.52 Indeed, Tuthmosis III was often depicted as king without

his co-regent present in the scene (62%).53 He appears in the company of a wide variety of deities, as

would be expected of the king, and carries a multitude of royal titles and epithets. These appellations describe his position as supreme ruler of Egypt (King of Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt, Lord of the

Two Lands) and one who had intimate contact with the realm of the divine ("Lord of performing rituals," "the good god," "beloved of [a deity]"). Every reference to Tuthmosis III, whether he is physi

cally depicted or not, affirmed that he was king alongside Hatshepsut simply because he was never

referred to without his royal titles. The myriad postures that Tuthmosis III occupies in the depictions attested to his authority and confirmed his close association with the divine, as illustrated in the

scenes of performing a foundation rite, offering to the gods, and embracing the gods. The presenta tion of the person of the king demonstrates a great variability; he wears a total of 10 different crowns,

headdresses, and hairstyles and at least 8 basic styles of dress. The jewelry that adorns the king is

diverse, including some rather common elements, such as the collar, and others that are more un

usual, such as the elaborate pectoral he wears in an offering scene. The wide ranging iconography associated with Tuthmosis III indicates that his figure was not limited to a few standardized depic tions, but that a certain level of attention and care was taken in representing the king.

In the scenes that depict both Tuthmosis III and Hatshepsut, he is represented behind her 62% of

the time. In the other 38% of the scenes, the two kings generally face each other. Murnane has ar

gued that the position of Hatshepsut's name and figure before Tuthmosis III indicates her superior rank. While recognizing him as king, she relegates him to a subordinate position.54 Because of the

conventions of Egyptian art, a scene showing the one king behind the other could be intended to

indicate that they were positioned side by side. For instance, funerary scenes depicting a husband and

wife generally show the husband in front of the wife, but some examples suggest that they should

be understood as beside one another. A couple seated one in front of the other on the same chair

illustrates them sitting side by side, not the husband in front of the wife.55 Certain depictions of the

co-regents emphasize their sameness, where they are dressed identically, are of equal height, and per form the same actions.56 Because these scenes accentuate

equality rather than the dominance of one

52 See for instance, the many representations of Tuthmosis III at Karnak and Deir el-Bahri versus the few references to him

at Buhen and Speos Artemidos. At least at Buhen, it is possible that Tuthmosis III was originally depicted far more frequently than can be ascertained today because of the current state of ruin of the temple walls.

53 Of the 72 total scenes that depict the figure of Tuthmosis III, 42 show him without Hatshepsut, 26 include Hatshepsut, and 2 are too damaged to know whether she was portrayed in the scene.

54 William J. Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, SAOC 40 (Chicago, 1977), 39-40. 55

Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb ofNakht at Thebes, Albert M. Lythgoe, ed., Robb de Peyster Tytus Memorial Series 1

(New York, 1917), pis. 6-7; Kazimierz Michalowski, Art of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1969), no. 268. 56 For instance, see Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle d'Hatshepsout, 163-64, 174-75, pis. 7:26, 9:126; Naville, Deir el-Bahari

5, pis. 137, 143 among others.




partner over the other, it seems likely that they were meant to portray the kings next to one another

even though Hatshepsut appears to be standing in front of Tuthmosis III.

Besides the relative positioning of the co-regents, other authors have found evidence of what they believed were iconographie representations of the subordination of Tuthmosis III to Hatshepsut.

Among these are the insertion of "ka" into his prenomen, depictions of him wearing the crown of

Lower Egypt while Hatshepsut wears the crown of Upper Egypt, and the appearance of his name

"only on the lintel" rather than the doorposts.57 Based on the data compiled in this study, it does not

seem at all evident that these incidents indicate any type of subordination. It is unclear why two

prenomens were used to identify Tuthmosis III. Naville believed that the use of the less common

prenomen Menkheperkare was begun by Hatshepsut and was related to the fact that "ka" appeared in both her prenomen and that of Tuthmosis I. Naville asserted that the "ka" was included in the

prenomen of Tuthmosis III when he was depicted alone and might have been considered the sole

king, concluding that Hatshepsut used this prenomen as a lexical demonstration of his subordination

to her.58 This theory is not entirely supported by the representations at Deir el-Bahri, as the aberrant

prenomen was sometimes used for Tuthmosis III when Hatshepsut or her emblems are also in the

picture.59 Further, if it is a sign of the supremacy of Hatshepsut over Tuthmosis III, it is not a very

potent symbol as it is used only 18% of the time when he is referred to by his prenomen. One might

just as easily wonder if Hatshepsut added the element of "ka" into his prenomen to create a link

between the two regents, thus reinforcing her claim to the throne via her relationship to him.

It has been suggested that Tuthmosis III wears the red crown because he is only king of the north

and so is subordinate to Hatshepsut.60 In surviving depictions at Deir el-Bahri, Hatshepsut wears the

two crowns almost equally, being shown in the white crown only one more time than the red crown.

It is true that when depicted wearing one of these geographically significant crowns, Tuthmosis III

wears the red crown more often (7 times) than the white (3 times). The association of the red crown

with the ancient institution of kingship complements the symbol of living king, the white or double

crown.61 Although the crowns had equal import, the white crown was perhaps a more compelling as

pect of kingship in an Upper Egyptian context. As the architect of the three major Upper Egyptian

temples included in this study, Hatshepsut seems, by rights, to bear the local crown. There is one in

stance, however, of Tuthmosis III wearing the white crown when Hatshepsut wears the red crown.62

The very fact that it was acceptable for him to be adorned with the white crown while Hatshepsut wears the red crown suggests that the use of the red crown had less to do with signals of subordina

tion than with simple geographical significance. Likewise, no proof has been provided to demon

strate that the lintel was a less prestigious place to display one's name than either doorpost.63

57 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 5, 2.

58 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, 9; Naville, Deir el-Bahari 5, 6. For an argument regarding a later dating of some occurrences of

the Menkheperkare prenomen, see Laboury, La statuaire de Thoutmosis III, 64-65. 59

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pis. 89, 92, 95. 60 Lacau and Chevrier, Une chapelle d'Hatshepsout, 218. This statement refers specifically to an instance of the king wearing

the red crown on a south wall, where one would expect to see the white crown. See also Marcelle Werbrouck, Le temple

d'Hatshepsout a Deir el Bahari (Brussels, 1949), 118. 61 For the opposition of the red crown and the white crown, see John Baines, "Origins of Egyptian Kingship," in David

O'Connor and David P. Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Probleme der ?gyptologie 9 (Leiden, New York and K?ln,

1995), 127. For the red crown and the double crown, see William J. Murnane, United with Eternity: A Concise Guide to the Monu

ments of Medinet Habu (Chicago and Cairo, 1980), 19. 62 This occurs on the inner lintel of the entrance to the western sanctuary in the upper court. Naville, Deir el-Bahari 5,

pl. 138. 63 See also Caminos' suggestion that the statue of Tuthmosis III and Hatshepsut at Qasr Ibrim showed the predomi

nance of Hatshepsut because the text in the center of the two figures, while probably associated with both of them, is com

prised of hieroglyphic signs that are facing her rather than Tuthmosis III. Caminos, Ibrim, 58.



64 JARCE XLI (2004)

Many of the elements believed to be indicative of the superior role of Hatshepsut can be under

stood as mere abnormalities that arose from the unusual situation of having two kings. At Deir el

Bahri, Tuthmosis III wears the double crown only once, on a pillar where he is depicted with Amun,

while Hatshepsut wears it four times. Two of these instances occur in parallel scenes on the north and

south walls of the middle colonnade. Both scenes depict Hatshepsut before the seated figure of

Amun. The decorative scheme on the northern wall involves the divine birth and coronation of Hat

shepsut, a context in which her appearance as the King of Upper and Lower Egypt is expected be

cause she is proclaiming her divine right to rule as king. The opposite scene occurs in the context

of the Punt inscriptions when Amun offers to her all foreign lands, including the land of Punt. The

one occurrence of Tuthmosis III wearing the double crown occurs on a pillar in this colonnade. Since

he is shown wearing the atef or the red crown on the other pillar faces and Hatshepsut also wears the

red crown on one of them, the depiction of the double crown may have been a mistake of the carvers.

The other two instances of the double crown worn by Hatshepsut occur in the northern and south

ern shrines. A depiction of Anubis leading Hatshepsut into his northern shrine shows her wearing this crown. The other appearance of the double crown occurs on the end wall of the inner sanctuary of the Hathor shrine, where Amun gives Hatshepsut the breath of life as Hathor puts her hand on

Hatshepsut's shoulder.64 As the floor plans and decorative schemes of these two shrines are distinct, no evident parallel seems to exist between these two appearances of the double crown.

The double crown's very nature seems to have prohibited its use by the co-regents when depicted

together. The dualism that prevailed in ancient Egyptian thought was physically manifested in this

crown. The coming together of two opposites under the person of the king was a potent reminder

that the king was unifier and supreme ruler. But in the case of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III, it would

be peculiar to depict both kings wearing this crown. The convergence of the two lands was achieved

in one person, not two; the very plurality of kings at this time interfered with the symbolism of this

crown. It appears that in this unique instance of extended co-regency, duality was deemed best ex

pressed by one king wearing the white crown and the other wearing the red crown. In this way, the

two lands were united under the two kings. With the exception of their crowns, the two kings are dressed identically in many of these scenes

and their titles mirror one another's in some of them. Both of these visual indicators underscore

their equality rather than their disparity in rank. This echoing of kingship occurs on a larger scale

when each king appears alone in a setting, but in the same context as the other appears in a

nearby

depiction, thus creating a sense of balance and parallelism that transcends one individual scene. The

circumstances of the co-regency provided a new way to express the idea of

duality that was so preva

lent in ancient Egyptian thought. The use of these images of duality results in scenes that imply that

the two kings functioned equally. Hatshepsut often depicted her younger co-regent in the same man

ner in which she herself was portrayed. These texts and images suggest that the appearance of an

equitable sharing of power was not objectionable to the older member of the co-regency. A small number of the images may cause one to wonder whether Tuthmosis III was intended to

occupy a lesser role in the depicted scenes. In the shrine of Hathor at Deir el-Bahri, Tuthmosis III is

depicted worshipping Hatshepsut.65 This imagery identifying Hatshepsut with the goddess is demon

64 Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari 2, EM 13 (London, 1896), pi. 33; Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, pis. 59, 65-66, 83

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pi. 106. 65

Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pi. 92.




strated in other scenes in the shrine.66 The central theme of these scenes was not the subordination

of Tuthmosis III, but the identification of Hatshepsut with Hathor. The figure of Tuthmosis III wor

shipping and offering to Hatshepsut in this form was meant to signal his acknowledgment of the

divine aspect of his co-regent. In a scene depicting the Punt excursion, Tuthmosis III offers incense to the barque of Amun. As

Naville noted, "Tuthmosis III is worthy only of offering incense to the sacred boat, but the queen

appears before the god himself, who is sitting on his throne, and makes a long speech to her."67 An

other example shows Tuthmosis III fulfilling the role of a priest performing rites on a boat that is

transporting statues of Amun and Hatshepsut.68 These scenes should be understood as essential

tools in the program of legitimation that Hatshepsut undertook in many other venues, such as the

depictions of her divine conception and coronation. Each of these representations lent credence to

Hatshepsut's claim to the throne of Egypt and provided justification for the unusual circumstances of

having two kings simultaneously. The actions and postures of her co-regent in these contexts served

to affirm the divinity of Hatshepsut and the authenticity of her kingship. In his stance of worship and in her appearance before the gods in his presence, his figure sanctioned her role as king and

provided a means of legitimation for her claim to the throne.

In terms of the sheer number of depictions portrayed on these monuments, there are many more

representations of Hatshepsut than of Tuthmosis III. In this study, I examined 37 occurrences of the

figure and titles of Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahri in comparison with 87 of Hatshepsut. This differ

ence can at least be partially attributed to the fact that it is her mortuary temple, so one would expect to find her figure predominating. But a cursory glance at other temples suggests a similar trend

there. There are only 15 scenes at Medinet Habu that contain the name or figure of Tuthmosis III

and can be conclusively dated to the co-regency. Eleven of these are depictions of him and 4 are just textual references. By comparison, Hatshepsut's name and figure originally appeared in 28 scenes, 20

of them depictions and 8 textual references.69 Yet, the very occurrence of Tuthmosis III throughout the monuments constructed during the co-regency attests to the significance of his role as the co

regent of Hatshepsut. The actions he performs and the titles and epithets by which he is identified

indicate that he was recognized as the royal and divine personage of the king. He appears in the pres ence of the gods and interacts with them in an intimate manner as only the king could do. The variety of his dress and of his actions indicate that these portrayals were not mere formulaic displays, but

that a certain level of consideration was invested in the design and implementation of the depictions of Tuthmosis III. He was not a monolithic figure to be discarded in favor of the female king.

When commenting on the appearance of Tuthmosis I at Deir el-Bahri, Naville obliquely referred to

the fact that Hatshepsut used her father's role as king to justify her right to rule. A scene depicting

Hatshepsut presenting offerings to the seated figure of Tuthmosis I elicited this remark from Naville,

"Hatshepsu seems always to have been grateful to her father, probably because in associating her in

the royal power he had tried to make her the legitimate heir of the crown."70 Naville's allusion to the

importance of Tuthmosis I in validating Hatshepsut's rule is substantiated by his earlier observation

in reference to scenes depicting the coronation of Hatshepsut by Tuthmosis I. "In raising his daugh ter to his own rank, Thothmes I clearly acted against the feelings of his people. The Egyptians were

66 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, pis. 104-5.

67 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, 18, pl. 82.


69 These were subsequently replaced with other Tuthmoside royal names and figures or other items, such as offering tables.

70 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 4, 6, pl. 129.



66 JARCE XLI (2004)

averse to the throne being occupied by a woman, otherwise Hatshepsu would not have been obliged to assume the garb of a man; she would not have disguised her sex under male attire, not omitting the beard."71 Because Naville read this scene as a historical record, he assigned the role of kingmaker to Tuthmosis I. Naville acknowledged that Tuthmosis Fs role was important in making her a legiti

mate king, but failed to realize that it was she, not her father, who made him the author of her king

ship. By creating a fictive co-regency with her father, Hatshepsut validated her rule with the figure of

Tuthmosis I. Likewise, she employed the figure of Tuthmosis III, the living king, to achieve the

same end.

During the co-regency, Tuthmosis III was represented as a multi-faceted and powerful figure; thus

one might infer that he actually behaved and functioned in this manner or, at the very least, Hatshep sut intended for him to be viewed in this light. Based on the depictions examined in this study, it is

evident that Hatshepsut did not intentionally portray Tuthmosis III as any less of a king than she

herself was. In fact, she seems to have used his recognized role as king to legitimate her own claims

to the throne.

University of Chicago

71 Naville, Deir el-Bahari 3, 5-6, pl. 61.



Hatshepsut's use of Tuthmosis III in her program of legitimation

Documents

Transcript of Hatshepsut's use of Tuthmosis III in her program of legitimation