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Sawila

František Kratochvíl1 Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

Table of contents 1.   The  language  scene   3  

2.   Phonology   3  2.1.   Consonant  phonemes   4  2.2.   Vowel  phonemes   5  2.3.   Phonotactics   6  2.4.   Syllable  structure   7  2.5.   Stress   8  2.6.   Morphophonemics   9  2.6.1   Word-­shape  alternations   9  2.6.2   Vowel  harmony   11  2.6.3   Reduplication   12  2.6.4   Fusion  of  verbal  prefixes   13  2.7.   Orthography   13  

3.   Basic  clausal  syntax   14  3.1.   Verbal  predicates   14  3.1.1   Monovalent  predicates   14  3.1.2   Bivalent  predicates   15  3.1.3   Trivalent  and  augmented  predicates   16  3.2.   Locative,  existential,  and  possessive  predicates   16  3.3.   Non-­verbal  predicates   18  3.4.   Negation   19  3.5.   Questions  and  directives   19  

4.   Noun  phrases   21  4.1.   Demonstratives   21  4.2.   Modifiers   24  4.3.   Relative  and  nominalized  clauses   25  4.4.   Quantifiers  and  Numerals   26  4.5.   Possessors   29  

5.   Free  Pronouns   30  

1 I dedicate this sketch to the memory my Sawila teachers: two brothers, Bpk. Anderias Malaikosa (1964-2011) and Bpk. Aprianus Malaikosa (1979-2011), and Bpk. Isak Bantara (†2013), whose encouragement, support, and repeated hospitality made the research into Sawila possible. My gratitude goes also to Antoinette Schapper, Gary Holton, Nick Williams, Randy LaPolla, Hiram Ring, and two anonymous reviewers who commented on earlier drafts and helped to structure the sketch. Finally, I thankfully acknowledge the financial support that I have received from La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia, and Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

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5.1.   Agentive  paradigm   31  5.2.   Potentive  paradigm   32  5.3.   Unrestricted  paradigm   33  5.4.   Pronominal  doubling   33  

6.   Verbal  morphology   34  6.1.   Person  marking  prefixes   34  6.2.   Applicative  prefixes   35  6.2.1   Applicative  prefix  ma-­   37  6.2.2   Applicative  prefix  li-­   38  6.2.3   Applicative  prefix  wii-­   39  6.3.   Inverse  prefix   39  6.4.   Verbal  inflectional  classes   42  6.4.1   Class  I  verbs   43  6.4.2   Class  II  verbs   44  6.4.3   Class  III  verbs   45  6.4.4   Class  IV  verbs   48  

7.   Predicate  modifying  particles   50  7.1.   Postverbal  aspect  particles   50  7.2.   Mood   52  7.3.   The  intesifier  particle  boorana   56  

8.   Serial  verb  constructions   56  8.1.   Narrative  serialization   56  8.2.   Serial  verb  constructions  adding  arguments   57  8.3.   Directional  serialization   58  8.4.   Manner  serialization   59  8.5.   Resultative  serialization   60  8.6.   Aspectual  serialisation   61  

9.   Discussion   62  

Abbreviations   62  

References   63  

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1. The language scene Sawila (iso 639-3:swt) is spoken in the east of Alor Island. It is classified as belonging to

the East Alor branch with the neighbouring Wersing language (Holton et al. 2012) and displays many regular sound correspondences with the montane Kula language (Williams and Donohue n.d.). The Sawila villages are located on the dry, hot, and dusty coast with little or no water during the dry season. Traditional food sources are in the mountains, far away from the coastal villages.

According to the Ethnologue, there are about 3,000 speakers of Sawila; I have not been able to obtain a more precise count. Bilingualism and multilingualism are the norm: most Sawila speakers are fluent in Wersing and/or Kula. Knowledge of Malay is also widespread and there is an ongoing shift to it, resulting in increasing endangerment of Sawila.

Sawila speakers refer to their own language as Manata. The name Sawila is allegedly from Kula. The neighbouring Wersing refer to Sawila as Wullili or Sawali. The neighbouring dialect of Kamang is called Manet or Manetee.

There are three major dialect groups of Sawila, each of which contains several related communities, originally located in the mountains. After the 1960’s resettlement, new villages were founded on the coast. The number of speakers of each dialect and the nature of linguistic differences remains unclear. The northern dialects (in the original mountain villages Manase, Lalamana, Kanaumana) are spoken nowadays in Kiralela, Aura, and Kolana; the central dialects (Salimana and Kilaara) are spoken in Maritaing and Yesu; the southern dialects (Saliira, Loona, and Lamotena) are spoken in Warendo, Krangle, Erana, and Kunatena.

There is little previous work on Sawila. Stokhof (1975) does not contain any Sawila data, nor does Donohue (1997a, b) – these sources only discuss Kula and Wersing. As mentioned above, Sawila has been included in the recent classification by Holton et al. (2012). A team led by Neil Johnston from the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) has almost completed a translation of Genesis, the Gospel of Mark, Acts, as well as a number of SIL materials promoting literacy, modern agricultural and hygienic practices, which are included in the corpus.

The data in this sketch was collected between 2007 and 2013. Currently, the corpus counts approximately 108,000 words; the dictionary contains about 2,100 entries. Data comes from the villages of Lalamana and Kanaumana - often referred to as “bahasa Kolana”, though this can also be used for the Wersing dialect spoken in Kolana village (see Schapper and Hendery, this volume). The differences between these are minimal – they are limited to a simple vowel shift. Kanaumana [ɔ] or [əә] corresponds to Lalamana [ɑ] (for more details, see section 2.6). The shibboleth is the question word ‘what’: naadu (Lalamana) ~ noodu (Kanaumana). This sketch also includes some data from a single speaker of the Warendo dialect of Saliira, spoken to the southeastern tip of Alor.

2. Phonology Distinguishing features of Sawila phonology are: (i) the restricted number of fricatives

(only native /s/), (ii) the emerging close front round vowel /y/, (iii) phonemic length and stress, and (iv) vowel harmony triggered by the high vowels /i/ and /u/.

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2.1. Consonant phonemes

Sawila segmental inventory consists of fifteen native consonants and four borrowed consonants [f], [c], [ʝ] and [h], listed in Table 1. The phonetic symbol is followed by its orthographical representation in round brackets where there is a difference.

labial alveodental palatal velar glottal plosive p b t d k g ʔ (‘) fricative s nasal m n ŋ (ng) trill r lateral l approximant w j (y)

Table 1: Sawila consonant inventory

Oppositions between the Sawila consonants are illustrated in the following minimal pairs. Contrasts in plosives are shown in (1), contrasts for fricatives and nasals in (2). The glottal stop is restricted to onset positions and is audible if a person prefix is attached to the word.

Minimal pairs for plosives (1) /di/ ‘so that’ /ˈtiː/ ‘dig’

/gaˈdiːla/ ‘it hangs’ /ˈtiːla/ ‘speak’ /ˈbaːli/ ‘care for, raise’ /ˈpaːli/ ‘green junglefowl’ /ˈbaːsa/ ‘platform’ /ˈpaːsa/ ‘bind, roll up’ /ˈkaːli/ ‘painful’ /gaˈli/ ‘pass to’ /kaˈwaː/ ‘shout’ /gaˈwa/ ‘his/her teeth’ /ʔiˈru/ ‘bee’ /kaˈru/ ‘sprout’ /ˌʔakaˈla/ ‘pandanus’ /ʔaˌgaruˈno/ ‘rough, wild’

Minimal pairs for fricatives and nasals (2) /ˈsaːbu/ ‘wear (trousers)’ /ˈkaːbu/ ‘herder, n.’

/ˌʔakiˈsi/ ‘dish up’ /ˌʔakiˈki/ ‘locust’ /maˈna/ ‘there’ /ˈnana/ ‘everything’ /ŋaˈna/ ‘such’

In the majority of Alor-Pantar languages, there is a phonological distinction between /l/ and /r/. This is also the case in Sawila, although /r/ is not found in word-initial onsets of native words. Word-initial /r/ is found only in a handful of Malay loans and Christian names such as Rut. In neighboring Kula, word-initial /r/ is found also only in loans (Williams and Donohue n.d.).

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Minimal pairs for liquid consonants

(3) /raˈpata/ ‘meeting, Mly.’ /laˈpa/ ‘new’ /roˈti/ ‘bread’ /ˈloːta/ ‘in vain, for nothing’ /gaˈpoːpol/ ‘his waist’ /ˈpoːpor/ ‘damp, slightly wet’ /ˈpaːli/ ‘make rope, twist’ /ˈpaːru/ ‘greet’

2.2. Vowel phonemes

The Sawila vowel inventory consists of six vowels found in pairs distinguished by length. The vowel inventory is given in Table 2. Orthographic representations are in round brackets.

front mid back [-rounded] [+rounded] close i iː (ii) y (uy) yː (uyi) u uː (uu) mid e eː (ee) [əә] o oː (oo) open a aː (aa)

Table 2: Sawila vowel inventory

Short vowels are pronounced as [ɪ, ɛ, ɑ, ɔ, ʊ]. The rounded high front vowel /y/ occurs only in a small number of words and is written with the digraph uy. Some speakers prefer the digraph ij instead. The vowel likely originates in the diphthong [ʊɪ]. The length distinction is attested in the pair /ʔaˈby/ abuy ‘dust’ and /ʔiˈkyːla/ ikuyila ‘grass’.

Sawila short vowels are characterized as lax and are generally lower than the long vowels, which are tense. However, the distinction does not yield a phonological contrast additional to the quantity. Minimal pairs for Sawila short vowels and for vowel length distinction are listed below.

Minimal pairs for short vowels

(4) /baˈla/ ‘broken’ /ˈbola/ ‘betelnut basket’ /ˈkaːli/ ‘painful’ /ˈkala/ ‘subsequently’ /ˈkalu/ ‘pandanus rain screen’ /ˈʔani/ ‘pus’ /ʔaˈneː/ ‘you drink’ /ˈʔana/ ‘on, above’ /ˈʔanu/ ‘you’

Minimal pairs for vowel length

(5) /maˈna/ ‘there’ /maˈnaː/ ‘village’ /te/ particle /ˈteː/ ‘paddle; go back’ /po/ ‘but’ /ˈpoː/ ‘break, v.’ /luˈku/ ‘deep’ /ˈluːku/ ‘hole’ /ʔaˈby/ ‘dust’ /ʔiˈkyːla/ ‘grass’

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2.3. Phonotactics

Coda position in Sawila allows only liquids, nasals, /k/ and /s/; all remaining stops and glides are not attested. The liquids /l/ and /r/ are in complementary distribution in word-initial onset and word-medial coda: /r/ is not found in the word-initial onsets, /l/ is not found in medial codas. Consonant clusters, although rare, occur both in native words as well as in borrowings. The first member of such clusters is always a stop (attested stops are shaded in the table), which must be followed by a liquid. In word-medial clusters, only /b/ followed by /r/ is attested. A summary is given in Table 3; relevant examples can be found in section 2.4.

p b t d k g ʔ s m n ŋ r l w j

initial C in word-initial onset + + + + + + + + + + + - + + +

medial C in word-initial onset - - - - - - - - - - - + + - -

initial C in word-medial onset + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +

medial C in word-medial onset - - - - - - - - - - - + - - -

medial coda - - - - + - - + + + + + - - -

final coda - - - - + - - + - + + + + - -

Table 3: Distribution of Sawila consonants in onset and coda

Sawila vowels occur in both rising and falling sequences. Only /a/ and /u/ occur regularly as V2; /o/ is rare. Neither /y/ nor long vowels participate in vowel sequences, suggesting that the nucleus of the Sawila syllable contains maximally two morae and that the phonological status of /y/ requires further research. As mentioned in section 2.2, the vowel /y/ likely originates in the diphthong /ui/ - presently missing in the diphthong inventory. As explained above, the reason to consider the sound /y/ to be a single vowel is the presence of its long counterpart.

i e a o u ei ai i uo o ia ea oa ua a

Table 4: Sawila vowel sequences

Rising vowel sequences are rare; native words containing them are exhaustively listed below: /ai/ and /ui/ occurred once, /ei/ was found twice.

Rising vowel sequences

(6) /ˈlaisoŋ/ ‘onion’ /ˈbui/ ‘female name’ /liˈmei/ ‘greet’ /ˌtaraˈbei/ ‘clan name’

Among the falling vowel sequences, the /ea/ sequence is frequent. Some of the /ea/ sequences could also be analyzed as outcomes of vowel harmony where the low vowel /a/ is pronounced as [ɛɑ] when it follows a syllable that contains /i/ (see section 2.6). Words with a vowel sequence realizable as [ɛɑ], [ɛjɑ], or [ɪjɑ] are analyzed as containing the sequence /ia/. As more becomes known about the neighboring Kula and Wersing, it will be possible to

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distinguish inherited vowel sequences from outcomes of Sawila vowel harmony.2 The remaining vowel sequences /ia/, /oa/, /ua/, and /uo/ are exemplified exhaustively in (7).

Falling vowel sequences

(7) /miˈrea/ ‘inside’ /tiˈpea/ ‘new’ /biˈria/ ‘stable’ /ʔiˈria/ ‘water’ /ʔaˈpoa/ ‘fine’ /ˈsuaka/ ‘crawfish’ /ˈtua/ ‘three’ (Lalamana) /ˈtuo/ ‘three’(Kanaumana) /kaˈbua/ ‘cassava sp.’

2.4. Syllable structure

Sawila words consist of open and closed syllables, minimally built up from just a single vowel. The nucleus may contain a second vowel (constituting a long vowel or diphthong). Native consonant clusters, found in a handful of words, are limited to onsets (C1 must be a stop; C2 a liquid). Consonant clusters are found in recent loans such as plaastik ‘plastic (bag)’. The primary stress is indicated by <ˈ> placed before the onset of the stressed syllable; <ˌ> marks secondary stress.

(8) CV ˈpi ‘pig’ CVː ˈwiː ‘blood’ CVV ˈbui female name CVC ˈkuŋ ‘gong’ CCVC [not attested] Vː.CV ˈiː.ŋi ‘cave’ CV.CV su.ˈwi ‘arrive’ CV.CVː ma.ˈnaː ‘village’ CV.CVV ʔa.ˈpoa ‘fine’ CVː.CV ˈnaː.nu ‘not’ CVV.CV ˈlea.ra ‘tell, narrate’ CVː.CVː [not attested] CV.CVC na.ˈmok ‘my cousin’ CVːC.CCV ˈmaːn.tri ‘nurse’ < Mly. manteri CCVːC.CVC ˈplaːs.tik ‘plastic (bag)’ < Mly. plastik CV.CV.CV ˌli.ti.ˈki ‘mortar’ CV.CVː.CV ʔa.ˈboː.ra ‘droplet’ CVː.CVː.CV ˌta:ˈmaː.ka ‘tamarind’ CV.CVV.CV li.ˈkea.ta ‘break open’ CVː.CV.CV ˈloː.ta.ˌra ‘rattan’ < Mly. rotan

2 An example of this process is the Sawila reflex of the proto-Alor-Pantar *siba ‘new’ (Holton et al. 2012: 115) – the vowel sequence /ea/ in /tiˈpea / was innovated in Sawila.

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CVC.CVː.CV ben.ˈdaː.ra ‘town’ < Mly. bandar ‘port’ CV.CVːC.CCVC ga.ˈtaːm.braŋ ‘kick it’ CCVC.CV.CVC ˈklaŋ.la.ˌnur ‘small black ant sp.’ CV.CVC.CV.CV ʔa.ˌbum.bu.ˈlu ‘side roof’ CVː.CV.CV.CV ˈmaː.ka.ˌnu.to ‘hammer’

There is a preference for open syllables, particularly obvious in the process of loan word adaptation. Word-medial and word-final codas in loans are removed by either vowel epenthesis or by deletion.

Adaptation of Malay loans to the preferred CV(V) structure

(9) /ˈbakti/ → /ˈbaːkaˌti/ ‘serve devotedly’ < Mly. bakti /kərˈbau/ → /kaˈbo/ ‘buffalo’ < Mly. kerbau

In addition to coda deletion and epenthesis, some loans have undergone syllable deletion or metathesis to conform to Sawila syllable structure; in some cases several alternatives are found, such as pareenta and pemareenta ‘government’.

(10) /ˌpemeˈrintah/ → /paˈreːnta/ ‘government’ < Mly. pemerintah /kalˈsaːdu/ → /sakˈlat/ ‘shoe’ < Port. calçado

2.5. Stress

Stress in Sawila coincides with long syllables (including those with a nucleus filled with vowel sequences) and is lexicalized for short ones. The phonetic correlates of stress are higher pitch and intensity. In disyllabic words, there is a contrast between the trochaic pattern (heavy-light) and iambic pattern (light-heavy):

HL ~ LH minimal pairs

(11) /ˈtuku/ ‘palm wine’ /tuˈku/ ‘peck’ /ˈtako/ ‘lizard sp.’ /taˈko/ ‘steal’ /ˈkalu/ ‘bamboo lashing’ /kaˈlu/ ‘rain screen’ /ˈmaːni/ ‘wear’ /maˈna/ ‘there’ /ˈmaːna/ ‘cook’ /maˈnaː/ ‘village’ HL ~ HL minimal pairs contrasting in vowel length

(12) /ˈboːla/ ‘blind’ /ˈbola/ ‘basket’ In trisyllabic words, a variety of patterns is attested, as shown in (13). A handful of words

trisyllabic words such as /ˌta:ˈmaːka/ ‘tamarind’ contain two consequent long syllables, where the second one seems to carry the primary stress. No roots are attested where the two long syllables are separated by a short one.

LHL ~ LLH trisyllabic minimal pairs

(13) /taˈtaːku/ ‘find, meet’ /ˌtatuˈku/ ‘talk, tell’ HLL ~ LHL trisyllabic minimal pairs /ˈdaːkaˌra/ ‘bamboo comb’ /daˈgara/ ‘eucalyptus sp.’

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A large number of four-syllable words display the LLLH pattern but the LLHL pattern is only attested in a small number of words.

LLLH LLHL

(14) /kaˌdamaˈra / ‘scorpion’ /ˌkikiˈleawa/ ‘flower’

HLLL LHLL /ˈmaːkaˌnuto/ ‘hammer’ /naˈmoːluˌku/ ‘my neck’ /niˌkariˈke/ ‘my toe’ /naˈsaːlaˌra/ ‘my lungs’

2.6. Morphophonemics

There are four morphophonemic processes in Sawila: (i) word-shape alternations, (ii) vowel harmony, (iii) reduplication, and (iv) verbal prefix fusion.

2.6.1 Word-shape alternations

About 25% of Sawila lexical roots have two forms: the ‘final’ and ‘non-final’ form; the remaining 75% only have a single form. The ‘final’ form ends in an open syllable, but in the ‘non-final’ form the final vowel is dropped and the consonant onset becomes the coda of the preceding syllable. The largest group of alternating roots ends in /a/; several examples can be seen in (15).3 With the exception of /n/, which often (but not always) becomes /ŋ/, the final consonant is unchanged.

final ~ non-final final ~ non-final

(15) arakeesa ~ arakees ‘rice’ caamata ~ caamat ‘district head’ atooka ~ atook ‘intestine’ tapukona ~ tapukong ‘burst’ ga-diila ~ ga-diil ‘hang’ dinela ~ dinel ‘window, Mly.’ kandera ~ kander ‘chair, Port.’ yoora ~ yoor ‘scrape’

The alternation affects nouns, verbs, adverbs, conjunctions, and aspectual markers. Diachronically, the development of the ‘final’ and ‘non-final’ alternation is not simple. On one hand, reconstructed proto-Alor-Pantar forms, such as atooka < pAP *tok ‘stomach’ (Holton et al. 2012:115) and loans such as caamaata < Mly. camat ‘district head’ confirm the historicity of the non-final form. On the other hand, other inherited forms such as yaati < proto-Alor-Pantar *yasi ‘bad’ (Holton et al. 2012:115) and loans such as kandera < Port. cadeira ‘chair’ have undergone backformation.4 As shown in (16), words ending in other vowels are also affected by lexical alternation, and their non-final form is not always predictable, such as -di ‘see’ or naan ‘not’.

3 Similar alternations have been reported for other East Indonesian languages. The term ‘echo vowel’ was introduced to refer to the final vowel that disappears in the shorter form. Kaera (Klamer, this volume) has two suffixes distinguishing the final and non-final position of verbs in the phrase. 4 Since the final form occurs in phrase-finally, it is possible to hypothesize that the final vowel in the final form originates in the demonstrative root *a, because demonstratives are found in the final position of the Sawila NP. Given the lack of diachronic data, we are unable to assess whether lexical alternation is still spreading throughout the Sawila lexicon, or whether the change is no longer active.

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final ~ non-final final ~ non-final

(16) -dea ~ -di ‘see’ wiya ~ wii ‘use’ adiisine ~ adiising ‘forest’ susuro ~ susur ‘candy, Port.’ muno ~ mung (IPFV) ilukuno ~ ilukung ‘pestle’ naanu ~ naan ‘not’ daapuru ~ daapur ‘kitchen’ yaru ~ yar ‘push’ yaati ~ yaat ‘bad’ taani ~ taan ‘release, drop’ madaarini ~ madaaring ‘crawl’ manni ~ mang ‘arrive’ sirei ~ sire ‘come down’ -rani ~ -ran ‘give’

Whether a final or non-final form is to appear depends on the syntactic position of the root.5 Phrase-final position requires the final form, while the non-final form occurs elsewhere. Both content and function words occurring in NPs, VPs, and AspPs are listed in Table 5 and exemplified below.

FINAL NON-FINAL GLOSS PHRASE EXAMPLE araasine araasing ‘house’ NP (17) gadiila gadiil ‘hang’ VP (18) muno mung IPFV AspP (19)

kaana kaan COMPL AspP (20)

Table 5: Examples of syntactically triggered lexical alternation

Lexical forms of the Sawila noun ‘house’ are contrasted in (17). In (17a), the final form araasine is the final constituent of a noun phrase and is preceded by a possessor. In (17b), the non-final form araasing is followed by the modifier waansa ‘big’ and is therefore not the final constituent of the noun phrase. In (17c), the non-final form araasing suggests that the noun is either incorporated inside the VP or does not project a phrase. The final form would be ungrammatical for both (17b-c). In glossing, ‘FIN’ (final) and ‘NFIN’ (non-final) indicate the root type.

(17) a. Iyaa Sine araasine yaato. i-yaa Sine araasine yaa =to 1PL.INCL-go.down [[Chinese]PossP FIN.house]NP go.down=too ‘(There was really no food in 1977), even if we went to the shop.’ [HM.2]

b. Maddu pike tatuku ngana, ganawaansa masi, girra araasing waansa gapi. maddu pike tatuku ngana, ga-na-waansa masi, girra araasing child small tell DEF 3I-INV-adult if 3AGT [NFIN.house waansa ga-pi big]NP 3I-make ‘The boy said, when he will grow up, he will build a large house.’ [CC.89]

5 The lexical alternation and its function in Sawila resemble initial consonant mutations (ICM) discussed for a variety of languages such as Nias (Austronesian; Brown 1997), Insular Celtic languages, Fula, and various other languages (Iosad 2010). Their triggers are complex and presently not well understood. Anderson et al. (2005) give an explanation for syntactically triggered alternations by linking them to more standard EDGE phenomenona such as the English ‘group genitive’ in the King of England’s crown. The analysis covers both NPs and other phrase types; it is compatible with our analysis of Sawila.

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c. Katu araasing magamuri. katu araasing ma-ga-muri dog [NFIN.house APPL-3I-run]VP ‘The dog ran into the house.’ [A87]

The final form of the verb gadiila ‘hang’ in the clause final position in (18a) contrasts with the non-final form gadiil found preceding the linker tana in the subsequent clause of the same text, in (18b).

(18) a. Game tana, mu likka dang gaapama, girra gade tana, iru danang gadiila. ga-me tana,# mu likka dang gaapa=ma,# girra 3I-come same.time tree large NFIN.one shadow=be.PROX 3AGT ga-de tana, iru dan=ang ga-diila 3I-NFIN.see same.time [bee NFIN.one=DIST 3I-FIN.hang]CP ‘He came under a large tree, he looked up, a bee swarm was hanging there.’ [FS.CB.22]

b. Gadiil tana, gikatu girra ligelu. ga-diil (*ga-diila) tana,# gi-katu girra li-ga-lu [3I-NFIN.hang 3I-FIN.hang same.time]CP 3II-dog 3AGT APPL-3I-bark ‘As [the bees] were hanging [there], his dog started barking at them.’ [FS.CB.23]

Final forms of the aspectual markers muno or kaana are shown in (19). The non-final forms mung and kaang would be ungrammatical in this position but are attested in non-phrase-final positions, as can be seen in (20), where each of the aspectual markers is follow by either a clause linker or a realis marker.

(19) A: Ebaadu ikeba nooli muno? e-baadu ike=ba nooli muno? (*mung) 2SG.II-shirt red=TOP [where FIN.IPFV]VP NFIN.IPFV ‘Where is your red shirt?’

B: Nibaadu ikeba sideari keana! ni-baadu ike=ba sideari kaana! (*kaang) 1SG.II-shirt red=TOP [torn FIN.COMPL]VP NFIN.COMPL ‘My red shirt is torn up.’ [D5-6]

(20) a. Naanu, paatara munteana, ayaa mi eamade! naanu, paatara mun (*muno)=tana, a-yaa mi not FIN.soon [NFIN.IPFV FIN.IPFV=same.time]CP 2SG.I-go.down take a-made! 2SG.I-come.up ‘No, you better go soon and bring it.’ [C2.6]

b. Niya, arammu kaanda. ni-ya, a-rammu kaan (*kaana)=da 1SG.II-mother [2SG.I-die NFIN.COMPL FIN.COMPL=REAL]CP ‘Mother, you are dead.’ [AB.45]

2.6.2 Vowel harmony

Besides phonemic vowel sequences discussed in 2.3, vowel sequences may arise as result of vowel harmony, which affects vowel height in Sawila. The triggers of the vowel harmony

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are the three cardinal vowels (/i/, /u/, and /a/) which cause their low or high opposites to be realized as mid vowels or vowel sequences. As can be seen in (21), the vowels /a/ and /aː/ in da and waansa respectively harmonize with the preceding /i/ and are realized as [dɛɑ] and [ˈwɛansɑ]. Throughout this sketch, the effects of vowel harmony are captured in the orthography in the first example line. The underlying form is captured in the second line.

(21) erra nooning gapidea, api weansaong tataaku? erra nooning ga-pi=da api waansa=ong tataaku? 2SG.AGT NFIN.how 3I-make=REAL fish big=PROX find ‘How could you catch this big fish?’ [QVP.76]

Sawila vowel harmony operates across both morpheme and word boundaries and applies from left to right: the trigger /i/ in the first syllable affects the realization of the subsequent /a/ to be [ɛɑ]. Examples of derived or inflected words displaying vowel harmony are in (22).

(22) /ga- ˈniːri ˈkaːna/ [gɑˌniːrɪˈkɛɑnɑ] ga-niiri-keana ‘woke up’ 3I-eye-FIN.good

/ʔaˈjaː gi- jaˈri/ [ʔɑˌjaːgɪjɛɑˈrɪ] ayaa gi-yeari ‘source of rain’ rain 3II-root

/ʔi- ˈpaːti/ [ʔɪˈpɛɑtɪ] i-peati ‘we eat’ 1PL.INCL-eat

/liˈwaːka/ [lɪˈwɛɑkɑ] li-weaka ‘wait for it’ APPL-wait

/ˈwiː+jaˈku/ [ˈwi:jɛkʊ] wii-yeku ‘the second one’ APPL-two

Examples of vowel harmony operating across word boundaries can be seen in (23).

(23) /ˈmi ˈnaːnu/ [mɪˈnɛɑnʊ] mi neanu (take not) ‘did not take [it]’ take FIN.not /liˈja ˈnaːnu/ [lɪjɛˈnɛɑnʊ] liye neanu ‘did not hit it’ hit FIN.not

/ˌli- maˈli ˈlaːwa/ [ˌlɪmɑˌlɪˈlɛɑwɑ] li-mali leawa ‘pick tasty food’ APPL-tasty search

Examples of vowel harmony triggered by the low cardinal vowel /a/ are less common. In all instances the trigger is long and stressed, as in (24).

(24) /ʔaˈjaː ʔiˈria/ → [ʔɑˌjaːəˈrɛɑ] ayaa iria > ayaa irea ‘rain water’

2.6.3 Reduplication

Sawila nominal and verbal roots and stems may undergo reduplication. Partial reduplication of a root is not attested, but it is common in verbal stems, where often only the root undergoes reduplication. Table 6 lists the attested patterns and their meaning. Reduplication of nominal roots derives collective nouns; reduplication of verbal roots indicates extended duration or iterativity.

TYPE EXAMPLE GLOSS MEANING

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a. RED[ROOT] manaa-manaa RED[village] ‘countryside’ ta-na-noosa-noosa UND-INV-RED[alone] ‘each individually’ wii-tapo-tapo APPL-RED[add] ‘more and more’ ta-li-diimu-diimu UND-APPL-RED[press] ‘push each other’ b. RED[STEM] ga-mayii-ga-mayii RED[3I-sound] ‘keep sounding’

Table 6: Sawila reduplication patterns

2.6.4 Fusion of verbal prefixes

The last morphophonemic process to be discussed here is verbal prefix fusion. In rapid speech certain types of verbal prefixes may be fused, as in (25). Vowel harmony is usually part of the fusion process: the underlying forms of the fused prefix lee- are li- + ga-.

(25) Masing leekala yaana niko. masing li-ga-kala yaana ni-ko [hunger APPL-3I-hold]manner FIN.go 1PL.EXCL-stay ‘Ignoring the hunger we kept going’ [NB4.073]

All instances of verbal prefix fusion involve an applicative prefix (discussed in section 6.2) followed by a person-marking prefix (6.1). The trigger of the vowel harmony (in bold) may be the applicative prefix or the verbal root, as can be seen in (26).

(26) /li- ga- miˈti/ → [ˌleːmɪˈtɪ] li-ga-miti > lee-miti ‘he sits on it’ /ˌwiː-ga- ˈpi/ → [ˈweːpɪ] wii-ga-pi > wee-pi ‘make it with st.’ /ˌwiː-garaˈni/ → [ˌweːrɑˈnɪ] wii-ga-rani > wee-rani ‘give it to him’ /li- ga- ˈtaːni/ → [lɛˈtaːnɪ] li-ga-taani > le-taani ‘shot it’ /ˈma- ga- ˈdiːla/ → [mɔˈdiːlɑ] ma-ga-diila > mo-diila ‘chase after it’

2.7. Orthography

The practical orthography used for Sawila in this sketch was designed by the Summer Institute for Linguistics team members Anderias Malaikosa, Isak Bantara, and Apris Malaikosa. The main concern was to stay as close as possible to the Standard Indonesian orthography and to avoid diacritics. The orthography has been used in the Sawila dictionary, corpus and in the ongoing Bible translation work.

The system draws from the orthography of Standard Malay/Indonesian in using the graphemes y for [j], ng for [ŋ], and uy/ij for [y]. The vowel length is captured by doubling the grapheme, such as aa for [aː], as in naanu ‘not’, which is pronounced as [ˈnaːnʊ]. The primary challenge is how to capture the difference between pairs such as /ˈna.nu/ (1SG) vs. /ˈnaː.nu/ ‘not’, where the stressed syllable is non-final. Since the doubling of the vowel is used to mark a long vowel, non-final stressed short syllables have to be marked differently. Currently we distinguish pairs such as /ˈna.nu/ (1SG) vs. /ˈnaː.nu/ ‘not’ as nannu (1SG) vs. naanu ‘not’: we double the onset consonant immediately following the stressed short non-final syllable.

Vowel harmony and dialectal differences are always captured in the orthography. So, for example, the combination of the words mi ‘take’ and naanu ‘not’ is written as mi neanu to mean ‘did not take’. Clitics are written together with their host words.

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3. Basic clausal syntax

This section discusses the structure of verbal (3.1), locative, existential, possessive predicates (3.2), non-verbal predicates (3.3), and structure of questions (3.4). Basic Sawila clauses consist of a predicate (PRED) preceded by its arguments (ARG), and followed by aspectual (ASP) and mood (MOOD) markers, as shown in (27).

(27) SAWILA CLAUSE STRUCTURE: ARG1 ARG2 PRED ASP MOOD

3.1. Verbal predicates

Sawila verbal predicates can be divided according to their valence properties into two types, shown in Table 7. Monovalent predicates combine with a single argument (S), sometimes co-indexed on the verb (AGR). Bivalent predicates combine with two arguments (A stands for the agent-like argument, P for the patient-like argument). Trivalent predicates admit A, P, and E arguments and index the P argument on the verb. Arguments whose referent is recoverable from the context may be omitted. Monovalent and bivalent arguments can be extended with applicative prefixes and admit an additional E argument (see sections 6.2 and 6.4).

VALENCE REALIZATION EXAMPLE i. MONOVALENT S V (28) S AGRS-V (29) ii. BIVALENT A P V (30) A P AGRA-V (31a) A P AGRP-V (31b) iii. TRIVALENT A P E AGRP-V (33)

Table 7: Overview of Sawila verbal predicate types

3.1.1 Monovalent predicates

The single argument of a monovalent verb (S) always precedes the verb and may be realized as a noun phrase, free pronoun, or can be dropped if it is recoverable from the context. Third person pronouns may occur apposed to NPs, as can be seen in (28b).

(28) a. Ayaakani iduni, ka ayaa me girra. ayaakani iduni ka ayaa me girra [sky]S dark IRR [rain]S come certainly ‘The sky is clouded, it will certainly rain.’ [D.Iduni.1]

b. Kaluno se saaku girra kiikara kaana. kaluno se saaku girra kiikara kaana FIN.now [chicken old 3AGT]S FIN.crow FIN.COMPL ‘The rooster has just crowed.’ [NB4.167]

Person prefixes cannot be dropped. Throughout this section the arguments are indexed and where an argument has been omitted, this is indicated with a Ø. Person prefixes carry a subscript label indicating which argument is indexed.

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(29) a. Nirra ninee nipeati. (niira) ni-nee ni-paati [1PL.EXCL.AGT]S 1PL.EXCLS-consume 1PL.EXCLS-eat ‘We (exclusive) eat and drink.’ [NB5.231]

b. Nannu namiirine. c. Nikatu garammu. (nannu) na-miirine ni-katu ga-rammu [1SG]S 1SG.IS-FIN.fear [1SG.II-dog]S 3.IS-die ‘I am scared.’ [N12.45] ‘My dog died.’ [D.Ni1]

3.1.2 Bivalent predicates

Bivalent predicates combine with two arguments, labeled here as A and P. Most commonly, the A argument precedes the P, as in (30a). As can be seen in (30b), third person pronoun girra can be apposed to the NP expressing the A argument.

(30) a. Niya di patara ma maana. ni-ya di patara ma maana [1SG.II-mother]A still [corn edible]P FIN.cook ‘My mother is (still) cooking rice.’ [N12.64]

b. Ekatu girra namaddu paati. e-katu girra na-maddu paati [2SG.II-dog 3AGT]A [1SG.I-child]P bite ‘Your dog bit my child.’ [CC.102]

Sawila verbs may combine with person prefixes indexing either the A or P argument. As shown in (31), the verbs nee ‘consume’ and punni ‘hit’ may combine with the person prefix na- (1SG) to index the A and P argument respectively. Whether a verb takes person prefixes is determined lexically and will be discussed in section 6.4, however, there seems to be a general preference for indexing human participants.

(31) a. Nannu tukku nanee niwuli. nannu tukku na-nee ni-wuli [1SG]A [palm.wine]P 1SG.IA-consume 1SG.IIA-desire ‘I want to drink palm wine.’ [NB5.245]

b. Girra napunni. girra na-punni [3.AGT]A 1SG.IP-hit ‘He hit me.’ [D.Punni.1]

Besides the unmarked AOV word order, illustrated in the examples above, OAV is available when the A argument is backgrounded. The backgrounded A argument immediately precedes the verb. The P argument can be marked with the particle to, as shown in (32b). Focussed A arguments are marked by pronominal doubling (see section 5.4).

(32) a. Niselu aning tii lee. ni-salu aning tii lee [1SG.II-yam]P [NFIN.person]A dig PFV ‘My yams are all harvested.’ [N12.66]

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b. Seto girra baali, pito girra baali, weto girra baali. se=to girra baali, pi=to girra baali, we=to girra baali [chicken=too]P [3AGT]A feed pig=too 3AGT feed goat=too 3AGT feed ‘He was breeding chickens, pigs, and even goats.’ [TF.10]

3.1.3 Trivalent and augmented predicates

Sawila verbs yaayi ‘ask for, request’ and -suwaara ‘show’ may combine with three arguments, termed here as A, P, and E. Sawila shows differential treatment of recipients (see Noonan 1992:121; Kittilä 2008). The third person recipient is treated as a P, while first and second person are treated as E and require an applicative prefix (see section 6.2). The third person P may require the inverse prefix na- (for details see 6.3) with yaayi ‘ask, request’ but not with -suwaara ‘show’.

(33) a. Namaddu patama yaayi. na-maddu patama yaayi 1SG.I-childA foodP ask ‘My child is asking for food.’ [D.Yaayi]

b. Namaddu girra giya seena ganeyaayi. na-maddu girra gi-ya seena ga-na-yaayi [1SG.I-child 3AGT]A 3II-motherP FIN.moneyE 3IP-INV-ask ‘My child is asking her mother for money.’ [D.Yaayi]

c. Namaddu girra seena aliyaayi tirea! na-maddu girra seena a-li-yaayi tirea [1SG.I-child 3AGT]A [FIN.money]P 2SG.IE-APPL-ask PROH ‘My child may not ask money from you.’ [D.Yaayi]

Applicative prefixes can be used to extend the valence of many Sawila verbs (see sections 6.2 and 6.4 for detailed discussion).

3.2. Locative, existential, and possessive predicates

Locations are encoded with locative verbs, spatial deictics, and positional words. Locative verbs take arguments and finction as predicates but spatial deictics and positional words have to first be combined with a locative verb to become the predicate. Locative verbs are ma ‘be.PROX (adjacent)’, li ‘be.DIST (in open space)’, and mara ‘be.in (inside, exist)’. As can be seen in (34), ma is used when the location is in the proximity of the speaker, either physically or metaphorically. Ma is used with delimited locations such as houses, holes, forests, windows, doors, etc. When the locations are not in the speaker’s proximity or lack clear spatial limits, li ‘be.DIST’ is used. The verb mara can be used to indicate goal locations (35a), but sometimes the motion verb is repeated (35b). Mara is also used as an existential verb, as in (36).

(34) a. Se mu annama gamiti wuno. se mu anna=ma ga-miti wuno chicken tree above=be.PROX 3I-sit FIN.DUR ‘the chicken is sitting here on the tree’ [LOC.5]

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b. Se mu annali gamiti. se mu anna=li ga-miti chicken tree above=be.DIST 3I-sit ‘the chicken is sitting on the tree (over there)’ [LOC.3]

(35) a. Nasuwi nearaasine mara kaana. na-suwi ne-'araasine mara kaana 1SG.I-arrive 1SG.II-FIN.house be.in FIN.COMPL ‘I have come back home’ [NB5.122]

b. Nayaa Kalambaasa nayaa. na-yaa Kalambaasa na-yaa 1SG.I-go.down FIN.place.name 1SG.I-go.down ‘I go down to Kalahabi’ [D.Yaa.1]

Spatial deictics and positional words are listed in Table 8. With the exception of oli and ali, spatial deictics and positional words combine with li ‘be.DIST’ to denote locations; li is not used when directions are denoted, instead a directional or motion verb is used.

DEICTIC CLOSE REMOTE HORIZONTAL oli ‘here’

ali ‘there’ mana ‘over there [visible]’ tana ‘over there [invisible]’

VERTICAL anna ‘above there’ yana ‘below there’

POSITIONAL WORDS mirea ‘inside’

tawaaka ‘outside’ anna ‘top’ apa ‘below’ iduko ‘belly downwards’

Table 8: Sawila spatial deictics and other positional words

Existential predicates, such as mara ‘exist’ (36), awatu ‘be absent’ (37), or naanu ‘not exist’ (37), do not combine with person prefixes.

(36) Gannu giriang mara. gannu gi-iria=ang mara. [3 3II-water=DIST]S exist ‘That water [of the banana sp. storing water in its trunk] will be there.’ [SC.055]

(37) Manaa dana angsi anina awatu. manaa dana ang=si anina awatu village FIN.one DIST=TOP [FIN.person]S absent ‘As for that village, there are no people.’ [D.Si.133]

(38) Di araasing dana waka naanu. di araasing dana waka naanu. still [[NFIN.house FIN.one]S put.in.fire]RC=S FIN.not.exist ‘There is no house that burned down.’ or ‘A single house did not burn down yet.’ [QNP.2]

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There is a dedicated free possessive pronoun, functioning often as a nominal predicate to express possession, as in (39) and (40). The genitive paradigm is homophonous and likely historically related to the agentive paradigm discussed in section 5.1.

(39) Araasine ang nirra. araasine ang nirra FIN.house DIST 1SG.GEN ‘That house belongs to me.’ or ‘I own that house.’ [D.Ni.2]

(40) Namaddu yaalara ama angana nirra we'arani, erra. na-maddu yaalara ama a=ngana nirra wii-a-rani erra 1SG.I-child FIN.female DIST.VIS DIST.DEF 1SG.AGT APPL-2SG.I-FIN.give 2SG.GEN ‘That daugher of mine, I will give you to have [as your wife].’ [KD.28]

Sawila genitive pronouns are not used frequently, and tend to occur in the clause final position, as shown above. However, a few instances where a genitive pronoun expresses one of the arguments are attested, as in (41).

(41) Kaluno waari niira wiitiila. kaluno waari niira wii-tiila FIN.now again 1PL.EXCL.GEN APPL-speak ‘I will retell it in ours [i.e. our language, Sawila].’ [KD.4]

3.3. Non-verbal predicates

Noun phrases can be used a predicates without a copula, as in (42), where the NP ga-takka kaasala is the predicate. In (43), the predicate is a numeral phrase (NumP).

(42) Namaddu nanna gatakka kaasala. na-maddu nanna ga-takka kaasala [1SG.I-child all]S [3I-head hard]predicate ‘All my children are very naughty.’ [QNP.13]

(43) Gamaddu ngana yaku. ga-maddu ngana yaku [3I-child DEF]S [two]predicate ‘They have got two children.’ [KM.4]

Nominal predicates are compatible with the completive marker kaana, which indicates that the argument has assumed the state described by the predicate, as in (44a). The negation with naanu follows the pattern of verbal predicates (44b-c). Nominal predicates are compatible with the durative wuno (44d). Some nominal predicates, such as yaala murra ‘little girl’, are not compatible with the imperfective muno (44e).

(44) a. Nannu guuru kaana. b. Nannu guuru naanu. nannu guuru kaana nannu guuru naanu [1SG]S [teacher]predicate FIN.COMPL [1SG]S [teacher]predicate FIN.not ‘I became a teacher.’ [N12.76] ‘I am not a teacher.’ [N12.77]

c. Nidana di guuru naanu kaana. ni-dana di guuru naanu kaana [1SG.II-friend]S still [teacher]predicate FIN.not FIN.COMPL ‘My friend has not become a teacher yet.’ [N12.75]

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d. Gannu kaana murra wuno. e. *Nannu yaala murra muno. gannu kaana murra wuno nannu yaala murra *muno [3]S may [kid]predicate FIN.DUR [1SG]S [female kid]predicate FIN.IPFV ‘She may still be a kid.’ [AB.66] intended: ‘I am still a young girl.’ [N12.69]

Weather and time predicates are either nominal (morning, evening, night – these take no S argument) or describe the passage of the heavenly bodies either with a motion verb (sunrise) or with a stative verb (sun is hot, etc. – the heavenly body is the S argument). These predicates are compatible with a greater range of aspectual markers, such as the perfective lee, completive kaana, gapi ‘almost’ (45) or the imperfective muno (46).

(45) Iduni, iduni lee, iduni lee kaana, iduni gapi. iduni, iduni lee, iduni lee kaana, iduni gapi night night PFV night PFV FIN.COMPL night almost ‘It is night, it is already night, it is night, it’s almost night.’ [N12.35-36]

(46) Iduni muno, yaang kaang-kaana! iduni muno, yaang kaang-kaana! night FIN.IPFV NFIN.travel FIN.well ‘It is still night, so travel carefully.’ [N12.41]

3.4. Negation

The negator naanu occurs in the final position of the clause. Naanu can be also used as a negative existential verb ‘not exist, not be’, as discussed in section 3.2.

(47) Siribisiang di gapi lee naanu. siribisi=ang di ga-pi lee naanu [work=DIST]S still 3IS-make PFV FIN.not ‘That work is not ready yet.’ [WVP.132]

(48) Gannu api paati neanu, ang noonine, di ganamasine neanu. gannu api paati naanu, ang noonine, di ga-na-masine naanu [3]A [fish]P eat not because still 3IS-INV-FIN.hungry FIN.not ‘He is not eating fish because he is not hungry yet.’ [QVP.72]

The prohibitive particle tirea occurs in imperatives (49) and suggestions (50).

(49) Yamiiring tirea! ya-miiring tirea 2PL.IS-NFIN.fear PROH ‘Don’t you be scared!’ [KM.87]

(50) Kaluno waari ineku tanamatataaku tirea! kaluno waari i-n-yaku ta-na-ma-tataaku tirea FIN.now again 1PL.INCLS-together-two DISTR.IE-INV-APPL-meet PROH ‘Now let the two of us not meet again!’ [MC.33]

3.5. Questions and directives

Questions in Sawila are marked with a final rise in intonation and in some cases with the question marker te. Sawila question words share the initial nV- syllable, likely related to the

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indexical root nV ‘like’, and occur either in-situ or fronted. Naadu ~ noodu ‘what’ is used to ask about things (51), namala ‘who’ about persons (52). To inquire about locations, noo is combined with the location verb li (53). When noo occurs pre-nominally, it inquires about the kind of the referent, as in (54).

(51) Niya garammu, nannu ka naadu gapi? ni-ya ga-rammu, nannu ka naadu ga-pi [1SG.II-mother]S 3IS-die [1SG]A soon [what]P 3IP-make ‘My mother died, what shall I do?’ [Q.35]

(52) Erra tatuku ngana, namala Moona gapunni? erra tatuku ngana, namala Moona ga-punni [2SG.AGT]S tell DEF [who]A [Moona]P 3IP-hit ‘Who did you say beat up Moona?’ [QVP.83]

(53) Nooli araasing ma-ta-miti? nooli araasing ma-ta-miti where [NFIN.house]E APPL-DISTR.IA-sit ‘Where is a house for us to stay the night?’ [N12.3]

(54) Annu noo dara du dara? annu noo dara du dara [2SG]A [which song PL]P sing ‘Which songs will you sing?’ [Q.46]

Sawila wh-words can be used as indefinite pronouns. In (55), the question word noonine ‘how’ is used to refer to a description provided earlier on.

(55) Anta noonine erra tatuku, amanto mara. anta noonine erra tatuku, aman=to mara or FIN.how [2SG.AGT]S talk [NFIN.DIST.like=as.well]S be ‘Or like you say, that’s also a possibility.’ [BDPK.37-038]

Directives (imperatives, hortatives, and prohibitives, cf. Mauri and Sansò 2012) are marked by high pitch contour falling on the last syllable and regularly also by the mood particles da, di, dapa and tirea (the first three possibly historically related; for more details see 7.2).

(56) a. Yanee yapaati dea! b. Ka nayaadi! ya-nee ya-paati da ka na-yaa=di! 2PL.I-consume 2PL.I-eat REAL soon 1SG.IS-go.down=REAL ‘Please eat and drink!' [D.Nee.1] ‘I better get going!’ [C2.13]

c. Esaapang mi me dapa! e-saapang mi me dapa 2SG.II-dipperP take come PRIOR ‘Bring your dipper (before anything else)!' [D1]

d. Amayii tirea! a-mayii tirea 2SG.IS-sound PROH ‘Don’t make any noise!’ [FSYB.38]

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4. Noun phrases Sawila noun phrases consist maximally of the head noun (N), which may be indexed for

the possessor (POSS), and followed by a modifier (MOD), quantifier or numeral (QUANT), and a demonstrative (DEM), as shown in (57). Roots displaying alternation (discussed in 2.6.1) will appear in their full form in the phrase-final position and in their non-final form elsewhere. The topic marked gana precedes the NP, the other topic markers ba and si, and the focus marker po follow the NP.

(57) NP → [POSS-N MOD NUM QUANT DEM]

In the remainder of this section, I will discuss modification with demonstratives (4.1), modifers (4.2), relative and nominalized clauses (4.3), quantifiers (4.4), and possessive constructions (4.5).

4.1. Demonstratives Sawila has a complex demonstrative paradigm, formed around a two-way contrast

between proximate o and distal a forms, shown in Table 9. Syncretism can be observed in some of the forms derived with roots containing nasals. In terms of reference, there are distinct deictic, definite, spatial, and manner/kind forms, sometimes with visibility contrasts. Various types can be stacked, as will be shown later in this section. Forms in bold face are also attested in clause final position as nominalizers or evidential markers. There is a transparent morphological relationship with corresponding wh-words derived from the root noo ‘what’, listed in the rightmost column.

ROOT PROXIMAL (o + ROOT) DISTAL (a + ROOT) WH-WORD (noo + ROOT) ong~om ‘PROX’ ang~am ‘DIST’ noong ‘which’ na ‘VIS’ ona ‘PROX.VIS’ ama ‘DIST.VIS’ noona ‘which’ awa ‘DIST.NVIS’ ngana ‘DEF’ ongana ‘PROX.DEF’ angana ‘DIST.DEF’ wiina ‘DEF.NVIS’ awiina ‘DIST.DEF.NVIS’ nooyiing ‘which.NVIS’ onine ‘PROX.like’ amane ‘DIST.like’ noonine ‘how’ amanu ‘DIST.like’ li ‘be.DIST’ oli ‘here’ ali ‘there’ nooli ‘where’

Table 9: Sawila demonstratives

Demonstratives ong (PROX) and ang (DIST) are often used with a pointing gesture. When they are part of an NP, they are found in its final slot, typically cliticizing to the previous word, as in (58). Besides the spatial interpretation, both demonstratives can also be interpreted anaphorically.

(58) a. Araasingong nirra. b. Araasingang nirra. araasing=ong nirra araasing=ang nirra [NFIN.house=PROX]NP 1SG.GEN [NFIN.house=DIST]NP 1SG.GEN ‘This house belongs to me.’ [P.212] ‘That house belongs to me.’ [P.213]

Their allomorphs om and am occur when the demonstratives are followed by the topic marker ba. The conversation fragment discussing the RM cigarette brand in (59) shows that both ong and ang can be used as third person pronouns: the cigarette brand is introduced by

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the speaker A, who refers to it in the following turn with the distal form am, undergoing assimilation triggered by the following topic marker ba. Speaker B takes up the topic and refers to the brand only with the proximal ong.

(59) A: Eh, annu RM aning yoo? RM amba apaali-tulori lu muno. eh,# annu RM aning yoo?# RM am=ba INTER 2SG RM NFIN.person PART RM DIST=TOP

apaali-tulori lu muno yesterday-two.days.ago that.time FIN.IPFV ‘So you are an RM guy (someone smoking only the RM brand cigarettes)? That RM is an old brand, from a long time ago.’

B: Ong kaluno mara naanu. ong kaluno mara naanu PROX FIN.now be FIN.not ‘This [brand] does not exist nowadays anymore.’ [BPDK.266-268]

The demonstratives ona (PROX.VIS) and ama (DIST.VIS) refer to visible locations. The form ona (3 occurences in the corpus) is shown in (60). The form ama is quite frequent (136 occurrences). In (60b), the speaker uses ama to point at the recorder in front of him and explains to a friend the red light on the recorder signals recording. When used in the NP, the referents marked with ama do not have to be immediately visible, but a previous sighting is required, as can be seen in (60c), where the speakers discuss buildings on the other side of the island.

(60) a. Katu pike ona ame dapa! katu pike ona a-me dapa [dog]S just PROX.VIS 2SI-come PRIOR ‘Dog, just come over here!’ [AL.29]

b. Laampuro ike gate tana ama tamaka ba mi keana. laampuro ike ga-te tana, ama ta-maka ba mi kaana lamp red 3I-lie same.time [DIST.VIS]A [DISTR.I-voice TOP]P take FIN.COMPL ‘While the red light is on, our voices are recorded by that [thing].’ [NB4.47]

c. Eh, bupati garaasine ama ali, kaantora ali! Eh, bupati gi-araasine ama ali, kaantora ali! INTER [regent 3II-FIN.house DIST.VIS]NP there office there ‘No, there in the regent’s house, that’s where the office was.’ [BDPK.218]

The root form na is not attested in noun phrases, but is used as a nominalizer. To distinguish it from other demonstratives, which can also be used in clause final position, the gloss VIS is kept. Subordinate clauses marked with na often indicate reason, as shown in (61). Insubordinate uses of na and other demonstrative roots although attested and documented in related languages (Kratochvíl 2011; Schapper and San Roque 2011), are not discussed in this sketch.

(61) a. Araasing mirea iduni nea, laampuro mataani. araasing mirea iduni na laampuro mataani NFIN.house inside dark VIS lamp light ‘It is dark inside the house, so switch on the lamp.’ [D.Iduni.01]

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b. Girra aning kiibi nea, gimaarang laawa. girra aning kiibi na gi-maarang laawa 3AGT NFIN.person pay VIS 3II-NFIN.together search ‘She hired people to search together with her.’ [D.Kiibi.526]

The distal visible ama has a non-visible counterpart awa (DIST.NVIS), which is used to refer to objects invisible to the addressee. In discourse, awa may mark new topics, as in (62).

…There were two boys, friends, who together grew up and lived in the village.

(62) Gidena awa, ang gannu gigako-giamiti ngeana suraata daadu du magako-magamiti. gi-dana awa, ang gannu gi-ga-ko-gi-ga-miti ngana suraata-daadu du 3II-friend DIST.NVIS DIST 3 3II-3I-stay-3II-3I-sit DEF cards PL ma-ga-ko-ma-ga-miti APPL-3I-stay-APPL-3I-sit ‘That [other] friend, that one all he did was just play cards.’ [TF8]

The use of the definite demonstrative ngana (DEF) is illustrated in (63) with a fragment taken from the beginning of a story, where the main characters are introduced.

…They had two children, one was a girl, and the other was a boy.

(63) Yaalara pike ngana madumma, imyaalara pike ngana ikisiila. yaalara pike ngana madumma,# imyaalara pike ngana ikisiila [FIN.female small DEF]S senior [FIN.male small DEF]S junior ‘The girl was older, the boy was younger.’ [KM4-6]

The definite forms ongana and angana are used with pointing, as in (64), where the speaker is choosing between two objects, one in his own hand and one on the table in front of him. Both forms are used pronominally here.

(64) Q: noong li-a-na-maro? which APPL-2SG.I-INV-want

‘which one do you want?’

A1: ongana PROX.DEF

‘(I want) this one (holding it in the hand)’

A2: angana DIST.DEF

‘(I want) that one (somewhat further away) [N12.138-140]’

That both demonstratives may also be part of an NP can be seen in (65).

(65) a. Araasine ongana nirra gapi nanapaniki boorana. araasine ongana nirra ga-pi na-na-paniki boorana FIN.house PROX.DEF 1S.AGT 3I-make 1SG.I-INV-pay.effort FIN.very ‘I have built this house with a lot of effort.’ [D.Paniki.4.17]

b. Ada angana taling dapa warana. ada angana taling dapa warana firewood DIST.DEF NFIN.tie.up PRIOR FIN.carry.on.shoulder ‘That firewood has to be tied together before you carry it.’ [D.Taling.502]

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The definite demonstratives have their non-visible counterparts wiina (DEF.NVIS) and awiina (DIST.DEF.NVIS). In the fragment below, both the root wiina and the distal awiina are used to describe the importance of rain, in a discussion of the weather. While the speaker points to the visible clouds with ama, the rainwater and its benefits are marked with the contrasting non-visible forms.

(66) Sakapullo ama angana ayaa giyeari, awiing taang-mading waari, we-pito gikaang wiina amane. sakapullo ama angana ayaa gi-yari, awiing cloud DIST.VIS DIST.DEF rain 3II-root NFIN.DIST.DEF.NVIS taang-mading waari we-pi=to gi-kaang wiina amane [NFIN.plants again animals=as.well 3II-NFIN.good DEF.NVIS]NP DIST.like ‘Those clouds [there] are the source of rain that is to the benefit of both plants and animals.’ [S6]

Yet another set of demonstratives points to properties of referents; such as their size, colour, number, etc, similar in meaning to English so or such. The proximal form onine ‘PROX.like’ in (67) is used to point to the size of the fish, not to the fish itself. The fish is either directly visible or has to be clearly introduced in discourse.

(67) Erra nooning gapi ka api waansa onine ataaku onu? erra nooning ga-pi ka api waansa onine a-taaku onu 2SG.AGT how 3SG.I-make soon fish big PROX.like 2SG.I-obtain PROX.VIS ‘How would you get a fish this big?’ [QVP.77]

The distal amane, as shown in (68), refers to the size of a giant taro described earlier in the story. Besides their reference to nominal modifiers, the forms onine, amane, and amanu may also refer to manner.

(68) Angmasi, waari gana alaata amane ama, ang di matataaku naanu du. ang=masi, waari gana alaata amane ama, ang di DIST=until again 3TOP [taro DIST.like DIST.VIS]NP DIST still ma-tataaku naanu du APPL-find FIN.not ITER ‘But then that taro was so [big] that [such] has not been found before.’ [AL8]

Sawila demonstratives can be stacked, in which case the definite demonstratives occur last, preceded by deictic or visible demonstratives, as in (66), and (68) above and in (69).

(69) Kuda atu likka duama angana, galoomang mi. kuda atu likka du ama angana,# ga-loomang mi [[horse excrements very PL FIN.DIST]NP DIST.DEF]DP 3I-pick.up take ‘[He] picked up [all] that horse shit there.’ [KS.15]

Table 9 also contains the dectic forms oli ‘here’ and ali ‘there’. Unlike the other forms, these never modify an NP, but occur as an independent constituent in the clause, referring to locations.

4.2. Modifiers

Modifiers are intransitive verbs denoting a descriptive property of the head noun; there is no distinct morphosyntactic class of adjectives in Sawila. Modifiers always follow the head noun (N), and their category determines their relative ordering. As can be seen in (70), the

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COLOR modifier siila ‘white’ has to precede the SIZE modifer likka ‘large’. SHAPE modifiers have to precede SIZE modifiers, as shown in (71).

(70) Se siila likka dana angana iring… se siila likka dana angana iring [chickenN whiteMOD largeMOD FIN.oneQUANT DIST.DEFDEM]NP fly ‘That large white rooster flew…’ [KM.78]

(71) Plaastik loora lamu likka dana angana wiya lee. plaastik loora lamu likka dana angana wiya lee [plasticN straightMOD longMOD largeMOD FIN.oneQUANT DIST.DEFDEM]NP put.in PFV ‘[They] fill that large long straight plastic bag [with the pounded peppers].’ [MS.46]

In nominalized structures, modifier verbs may combine with aspectual markers, as in (72).

(72) Luuli aruka kaana ngana, kiira madang taang… luuli aruka kaana ngana kiira ma-dang taang [peppersS dryMOD FIN.COMPLASP DEF]NMLZ flat.basket APPL-one pound ‘As soon as the peppers are dry, she pounds each basket...’ [MS.46]

4.3. Relative and nominalized clauses

Sawila has internally-headed relative clauses. The shared argument (in bold face) - the head noun of the relative clause (NREL) - is the S or A argument of the RC, as in (73) - (74).

(73) Imealar dana apee eesa gamiti galila dooka yaana. imyaalar dana apee eesa ga-miti ga-lila dooka yaana [[NFIN.man FIN.one]S wall lean.on 3I-sit]RC 3I-lift stand FIN.go ‘The man, who was leaning on the wall, got up and walked away.’ [S.AM.96]

(74) Aning sibe wise nannu matataaku neanu. aning sibe wise nannu ma-tataaku naanu [NFIN.personA back.basketP carry.on.back]RC 1SG APPL-meet FIN.not ‘I haven’t met the person, who was carrying the basket.’ [CC.97]

The reference of the NREL can vary in terms of number between the RC from the mai clause (MC). In (75), the NREL aning refers to ‘people’ inside the RC, but when further modified with the numeral sundana ‘one’ in the MC, its reference is to a single person.

(75) Aning baala gapi dooka, sundana me. aning baala ga-pi dooka,# sundana me [NFIN.personA ballP 3I-make stand]RC FIN.one come ‘One of the people who were playing [soccer] came.’ [MPI.FbPF.3]

Most Sawila RCs are unmarked, but in some cases, the focus particle po (FOC) may follow them, as shown in (76).

(76) Aning yaku boorana kinkala gamidde po, ganaliya naanu. aning yaku boorana kinkala ga-midde po, ga-na-liya naanu [NFIN.person two FIN.only FIN.jump.over 3I-go.up]RC FOC 3I-INV-hit FIN.not ‘Those two men who jumped up were not hit [by the ball].’ [MPI.FbHoTF]

In a very few cases, the NREL is the P argument of the RC, as in (77). It is presently unclear whether the presence of the inverse marker on the verb paati changes the syntactic

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status of aning dana into the syntactic subject of the RC and whether consequently only syntactic subjects can be relativized in Sawila.

(77) Aning dana katu ganapaati po, nite gadea naanu. aning dana katu ga-na-paati po, nite ga-dea naanu [[NFIN.person FIN.one]P dogA 3I-INV-bite]RC FOC 1SG.POT 3I-FIN.see FIN.not ‘I haven’t seen the person who was bitten by the dog.’ [CC.36]

Additional information about participants can also be provided in nominalized clauses, marked by demonstratives, as in (78) - (79). A variety of demonstratives are attested, but ama and ngana occur most frequently.

(78) Araasing likka dana tingkaata gamiti ama, di gamiti muno? araasing likka dana tingkaata ga-miti ama, [NFIN.house large FIN.one FIN.storey 3I-sit DIST.VIS]NMLZ di ga-miti muno still 3I-sit FIN.IPFV ‘Is that big house with two floors still there [or was it demolished]? [BDPK.234]

(79) Katu daapuruma dooka ngana, gatiira gamuri! katu daapuru=ma dooka ngana, ga-tiira ga-muri [dogS FIN.kitchen=be.PROX stand DEF]NMLZ 3I-drive.out 3I-run ‘Chase the dog standing in the kitchen!’ [QVP.143]

The argument status of the nominalized clause inside the main clause may be unclear, and require resumptive pronouns. In (80), the resumptive ang, which follows the pause, serves to activate the reference to the ‘uninfected chickens’. In (81), the barking dog is referred to with the resumptive pronoun gannu. Nominalizations have uses beyond supplying additional information about participants; they can be used to encode reason, or stimulus.

(80) Se di mate gamantaani neanu du ama, ang nirre suwe girre. se di mate ga-mantaani naanu du ama, ang nirra suwe girra [chicken still disease 3I-infect FIN.not PL DIST.VIS]NMLZ DIST 1SG.AGT inject must ‘the chickens not infected by the disease, those I will vaccinate’ [BF.52]

(81) Katu gamayii gako ngana, nekatu gannu neanu. katu ga-mayii ga-ko ngana, ne-katu gannu naanu [dog 3I-sound 3I-stay DEF]NMLZ 1SG.II-dog 3 FIN.not ‘The barking dog is not my dog.’ [QNP.5]

4.4. Quantifiers and Numerals

The following quantifiers are common: nanna ‘all’ (85), -ninale ‘all’ (91), du ‘PL’ (86), pike ‘a bit’, the adjective likka ‘large’ used as intensifier ‘very’, luri ‘many’, and maarang ‘together’ (87), and numerals (88) - (90). The distribution of several Sawila quantifiers is a diagnostic for noun classes. Dana, the short form of the numeral sundana ‘one’ combines with count nouns and often also indicates specific reference (82). The original numeral meaning is also available, as can be seen in (83), where the form dan in the quantifier slot is followed by the demonstrative ang. The form dana can also be used as a quantifier meaning ‘together’, and may combine with other numerals, which must precede it, as shown in (84).

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(82) Imyaala saaku dana suwi. imyaala saaku dana suwi [man old FIN.one]NP arrive ‘A [grown-up] man arrived.’ [MPICW.1]

(83) Aning danang gani ngena Yohanis. aning dan=ang ga-ni ngana Yohanis [NFIN.person NFIN.oneQUANT=DISTDEM 3I-name DEF]NP Yohanis ‘The name of that one man was John.’ [Mk1:7]

(84) Imyaalara yaku dana angana dooka biseara gako. imyaalara yaku dana angana dooka biseara ga-ko [FIN.man twoNUM NFIN.oneQUANT DIST.DEFDEM]NP stand FIN.talk 3I-stay ‘Two men together are talking.’ [MPI.TBTB]

The total quantifier nanna ‘all’ combines exclusively with animates (85).

(85) Gamaddu nanna. a. ga-maddu nanna b. *yu nanna

[3I-child all]NP [granary all]NP ‘All his children.’ [QNP.12] intended reading: ‘all grannaries’

The plural marker du combines with any countable noun and may even be used with nouns denoting professions such as polisi du ‘the police, policemen’, as in (86).

(86) Polisi duba made niliweaka lamana. polisi du=ba# made ni-li-waaka lamana [police PL]NP=TOP come.up 1PL.EXCL-APPL-watch FIN.immediately ‘The policemen, they immediately came up to guard us.’ [SOS2.11]

The quantifier pike refers to a small quantity, as in (87), and may also quantify events. Quantifiers likka and luri precede the plural marker du, as shown in (87b). The quantifier likka ‘very’ intensifies the meaning of the quantifier luri ‘many’, but regularly also occurs alone as an existential quantifier, as in (87c) where reference is made to a particular type of banana. The quantifier maarang ‘together’ follows the quantified constituent, as in (87d), where it follows the pronoun tannu ‘all of us’.

(87) a. Eroti padiki dang pike. b. Aning likka luri du ama. e-roti padiki dang pike aning likka luri du ama 2SG.II-bread a.bit NFIN.one just NFIN.person very many PL DIST.VIS ‘Just a bit of your bread.’ [WWH.37] ‘Very many bodies.’ [SOS3.69]

c. Maaka likka dana. d. Tannu maarang. maaka likka dana tannu maarang

[banana very FIN.one]NP [DISTR together]PRO ‘This banana [bunch].’ [KSWS.32] ‘All of us together.’

Sawila NPs may contain numerals to indicate the exact number of referents. The system is quinary (base 5 in 6 and above) and decimal (base-ten), as can be seen in (88). The numeral riibu ‘1000’ is a Malay loan.6 Note also that the numeral yaku ‘two’ has an allomorph raku in ma-raku ‘twenty’.

6 Sawila numerals are cognate with the other AP languages except for sundana ‘one’.

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(88) sundana ‘1’ yaku ‘2’ tua ‘3’ araasiku ‘4’ yootine ‘5’ yootingsuno ‘6 (5+1)’ yootingyaku ‘7 (5+2)’ yootingtuo ‘8 (5+3) yotaraasiku ‘9 (5+4)’ adaaku ‘10’ adaaku maraku ‘20’ adaaku matua ‘30’ asaka ‘100’ riibu ‘1000’

The connector garising is used to link basic cardinals with decimals. In higher numbers, sundana ‘1’ is shortened to dana, as can be seen in (89). Ordinal numerals are derived with the prefix wii-.

(89) Riibu dana asaka yootaraasiku adaaku maraku garising yaku. riibu dana asaka yootaraasiku adaaku ma-yaku ga-rising yaku thousand FIN.one hundred nine ten APPL-two 3I-increase two ‘1922’

In enumeration, the numeral phrase (NumP) may sometimes be separated from the NP and function as a non-verbal predicate, as in (90). The NumP may contain an optional classifier-like constituent, such as aning ‘person’, or kiki ‘seed’.

(90) Juraagana aning sundana, murra ngana (aning) yootingsuno. juraagana aning sundana, murra ngana [FIN.captain]NP [NFIN.person FIN.one]NumP [servant DEF]NP (aning) yootingsuno [NFIN.person FIN.six]NumP ‘[we were issued our travel permits:] one captain, the crew six [men]’ [HM.084]

A number of quantifiers, such as -ninale ‘all’ combine with person prefixes co-indexing the quantified entity. (91) shows that ga-ninale is not sensitive to animacy.

(91) a. Yaninale. b. Araasing mana ganinale. ya-ninale araasing mana ga-ninale [2PL.I-all]PRO [house DIST 3I-all]NP ‘All of you.’ [BDPK.7] ‘All the houses over there.’ [L15]

Forms -ning/ni/na- ‘together’ and -noosa ‘alone’, shown in (92), indicate a precise number; -waa ‘jointly’ is underspecified. The numeral root yaku undergoes shortening to ku.

(92) a. Gimale ganaku. b. Nanoosa kide. gi-male ga-na=yaku na-noosa kide 3II-servant [3I-together=two]QuantP [1SG.I-alone]QuantP only ‘[The king] with his servant.’ [KAS.8] ‘Just me alone.’ [Q.45]

c. Ganaku tawaa garammu. ga-na=yaku ta-waa ga-rammu 3I-together=two [DISTR.I-same]QuantP 3I-die ‘Both of them alike died.’ [NB4.176]

To inquire about the number of participants, the question word diini is placed in the quantifier slot of the NP, as shown in (93).

(93) Q: Erra pi diini wusi? A: Nirra adaaku wusi! erra pi diini wusi? nirra adaaku wusi! 2SG.AGT pig how.many shoot 1SG.AGT ten shoot

Q: ‘how many pigs have you shot?’ A: ‘I have shot ten!’ [QVP.92-93]

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4.5. Possessors

The possessive relationship can be marked on the possessed noun by four sets of person prefixes, shown in Table 10. In addition to possessor marking prefixes, there is also a genitive paradigm of free pronouns, discussed in sections 3.2 and 5.

PERSON a-SET ang-SET i-SET e-SET 1SG na- nang- ni- ne- 2SG a- ang- e- DISTR ta- tang- ti- te- 3 ga- gang- gi- ge- 1PL.EXCL ni-/niy- ning- ni-/niy- 1PL.INCL i- ing- i- 2PL yi- ying- yi- POSSESSOR INALIENABLE ALIENABLE

Table 10: Sawila possessive prefixes

The a- and ang- sets are obligatory and mark inalienable possession. The ang- forms occur with /k/-initial roots and can be considered allomorphs of the former. The class of inalienably possessed nouns contains most body parts, and several kinship terms.

(94) a. na-mang b. a-limpuru c. ga-yiiri 1SG.I-neck 2SG.I-tongue 3I-mouth ‘my neck’ ‘your tongue’ ‘his mouth’

d. nang-kari e. ang-kalla f. gang-kise 1SG.I-forehead 2SG.I-shoulder 3I-back ‘my forehead’ ‘your shoulder’ ‘his back’

The e- and i- sets mark alienably possessed nouns, which can be divided into two subclasses, as shown in (95). A relatively small set of nouns combines with the e- set (95a-d). The set contains inherently possessed kinship terms such as ne-pa ‘my father’. The great majority of Sawila nouns combines with the i- set prefixes, which are always optional (95e-h).

(95) a. ne-pa b. *pa c. e-ya d. *ya 1SG.II-father father 2SG.II-mother mother ‘my father’ ‘your mother’

e. ni-katu f. e-kine g. gi-male h. i-manaa 1SG.II-dog 2SG.II-knife 3II-servant 1PL.INCL-village ‘my dog’ ‘your knife’ ‘his servant’ ‘our villages’

Relational concepts are expressed by simple juxtaposition of two nouns, in which the first noun specifies the type of the head, as in (96a-b). Part-whole relationships, such as in (96c), regularly require the possessive construction.

(96) a. baasara araasing b. se atu c. arakeesa ga-apaala FIN.market NFIN.house chicken shit FIN.rice 3I-chaff ‘market houses’ ‘chicken shit’ ‘rice chaff’

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The Sawila possessive construction is used to construct predicates of bodily condition, emotion, cognition, and perception. The literal usage describing physical characteristics or bodily condition can be seen in (97). It is ungrammatical to raise the possessor and drop the noun denoting the body part, as shown in (97b), or to add a free pronoun after the body part noun (97c).

(97) Gawaari muko. a. ga-waari muko b. *na-muko c. *ga-waari gannu muko

3I-ear deaf 1SG.I-deaf 3I-ear 3 deaf ‘He is deaf.’ [P.150]

Bodily processes and states are expressed in a similar way, as can be seen in (98). The human experiencer is expressed only indirectly as a possessor.

(98) a. Naniiri keana. b. Naniiri keankaana. na-niiri kaana na-niiri kaan-kaana 1SG.I-eye FIN.good 1SG.I-eye RED[FIN.good] ‘I am alive.’ [P.77] ‘I have woken up.’ [P.78]

5. Free Pronouns Sawila has three paradigms of free pronouns, listed in Table 11. The number distinction is

neutralized in the third person.7 Distributive forms are used with collective and generic reference. First person plural forms distinguish inclusive and exclusive reference. The agentive paradigm shows formal irregularity in first plural exclusive, where the first syllable is lengthened. The genitive forms are homophonous and likely historically related to agentive forms. More details on their use can be found in section 3.2. The potentive paradigm displays variation too, presently not well understood. The CVta forms may be outcomes of the language contact with the neighboring Wersing (see Schapper and Hendery, this volume).

PERSON AGENTIVE/GENITIVE POTENTIVE UNRESTRICTED 1SG nirra nite/neta nannu 2SG erra ete/eta annu 3 girra gite/geta gannu DISTR tirra tite/tita tannu 1PL.EXCL niira nite/niita ninnu 1PL.INCL irra ite/ita innu 2PL yirra yite/yita yannu 3PL gandu

Table 11: Sawila free pronouns

The distribution of the free pronouns in Sawila is according to a semantic alignment (Donohue and Wichmann 2008). The distinctions between these paradigms become obvious when alternations, which are common, are contrasted, as in (99) - (100). The agentive forms highlight volitional and controlling involvement of the agent; potentive forms indicate agent’s

7 The number opposition in the unrestricted paradigm is not used consistently; the form gannu may have a plural reference.

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ability or a decreased degree of volition or control; the unrestricted forms admit all argument types and are the only possibility to realize P and SP arguments.

(99) a. Nirre namade. b. Nite namade? nirre na-made nite na-made? 1SG.AGT 1SG.I-come.up 1SG.POT 1SG.I-come.up ‘I shall come up.’ ‘Should I come up?’

c. Nannu namade. d. Namade. nannu na-made na-made 1SG 1SG.I-come.up 1SG.I-come.up ‘I am coming up.’ [NB4.25] ‘I am coming up.’

(100) a. Nirra nasoorana. b. Nite nasoorana. Nirra na-soorana. Nite na-soorana. 1SG.AGT 1SG.I-FIN.angry 1SG.POT 1SG.I-FIN.angry ‘I am [deliberately] raging.’ ‘I feel angry [capable to show anger].’

c. Nannu nasoorana. d. Nasoorana. nannu na-soorana na-soorana 1SG 1SG.I-FIN.angry 1SG.I-FIN.angry ‘I am angry.’ [N12.22] ‘I am angry.’ [NB4.65]

While some verbs are compatible with all three free pronoun paradigms, other verbs are more restricted, due to semantic incompatibility of the verb and either the agentive or potentive paradigm. Such behavior is typical of intransitive verbs whose single argument is not a semantic agent, as in (101).

(101) a. Nannu nayaati. b. Nayaati. c. Nirre nayaati. nannu na-yaati na-yaati nirra na-yaati 1SG 1SG.I-FIN.sick 1SG.I-FIN.sick 1SG.AGT 1SG.I-FIN.sick ‘I am sick.’ [N12.027] ‘I am ill’ [BP.228] ‘I pretend to be sick.’ [N12.027]

d. Nannu narammu. e. Narammu. f. *Nirra narammu. nannu na-rammu na-rammu *nirra na-rammu 1SG 1SG.I-die 1SG.I-die 1SG.AGT 1SG.I-die ‘I am dying.’ ‘I am dying/dead.’ [N12.025]

All of the examples above show that free pronouns may cooccur with coreferential person prefixes. However, the distribution of person prefixes is not determined by the same semantic alignment; it is lexicalized and discussed separately in section 6.

5.1. Agentive paradigm

Sawila agentive pronouns express semantic agents (both transitive A or intransitive SA) as in (102). Third person forms may occur in apposition to coreferential NPs, which they must always follow (102f).

(102) a. Nirra tiimu masaara. b. Erra loora. nirra tiimu ma-saara erra loora [1SG.AGT]A [yard]P APPL-sweep [2SG.AGT]S FIN.right ‘I am sweeping the yard.’ [N12.171] ‘You are right.’ [NB5.215]

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c. Erra asiina dana tatuku. d. Girra namasaraana naanu. erra asiina dana tatuku girra na-ma-saraana naanu [2SG.AGT]A [FIN.fable FIN.one]P tell [3AGT]A 1SG.I-APPL-FIN.ask FIN.not ‘You are telling a fable.’ [NB4.044] ‘He didn’t ask me.’ [NB4.018]

e. Girra buku mi wiiyreani. f. Aning du girra parra laata. girra buku mi wii-i-rani aning du girra parra laata 3AGT book take APPL-1PL.INCL-FIN.give [NFIN.person PL 3AGT]A [field]P burn ‘He gave us a book.’ [N12.173] ‘People are burning fields.’ [NB4.015]

In addition to agents, agentive pronouns can express forces, such as wiiki ‘flood’ in (103).

(103) Wiiki girra giyaraasing gabungala. wiiki girra gi-araasing ga-bungala flood 3AGT 3II-NFIN.house 3I-wash.down ‘The flood washed down their houses.’ [N12.176]

Under negation, agentive pronouns stress the active refusal of the actor to participate in the event, as in (104). Otherwise, unrestricted forms are preferred, as in (105).

(104) a. Lalama nirre siribisi neanu. lalama nirra siribisi naanu tomorrow [1SG.AGT]S work FIN.not ‘Tomorrow I will not work (because I have decided so).’ [N12.020]

b. Lalama nannu siribisi neanu. lalama nannu siribisi naanu tomorrow [1SG]S work FIN.not ‘Tomorrow I will not work (I have been told not to).’ [Q.030]

(105) a. Nirra apunni. b. Nannu apunni neanu. nirra apunni nannu (?nirra) a-punni naanu [1SG.AGT]A 2SG.I-hit [1SG]A 1SG.AGT 2SG.I-hit FIN.not ‘I hit you.’ [P.105] ‘I did not hit you.’ [P.105]

c. Ang nannu di mayiin neanu. ang nannu (?nirra) di mayiin naanu [DIST]P [1SG]A 1SG.AGT still NFIN.hear FIN.not ‘That I haven’t heard before.’ [BDPK.091]

5.2. Potentive paradigm

Potentive pronouns differentiate semantic agents that have the ability or intention to perform an action. As such, their grammatical function extends to mood marking, encoding unactualized situations (irrealis).

(106) a. Nite namidde. b. Eta mayiina? nite na-midde eta mayiina? 1SG.POT 1SG.I-go.up 2SG.POT FIN.hear ‘I am just leaving.’ [KM.074] ‘Can you hear?’ [BDPK.314]

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c. Nite anatulong naanu, arammu! nite a-na-tulong naanu, a-rammu! [1SG.POT]A 2SG.I-INV-NFIN.help FIN.not 2SG.I-die ‘I don’t intend to help you, you drop dead!’ [MT.067]

Potentive forms are also regularly used to express experiencers, whether they are involved in the event voluntarily or not, as in (107).

(107) a. Giya gite iyera. gi-ya gite i-yara [3II-mother 3POT]A 1PL.INCL-laugh ‘Her mother was laughing at us.’ [MS.039]

b. Ekatu girra namaddu peati ete gadea? e-katu girra na-maddu paati, ete ga-dea [2SG.II-dog 3AGT 1SG.I-child bite]P [2SG.POT]A 3I-FIN.see ‘Did you happen to see your dog biting my child?’ [CC.102]

5.3. Unrestricted paradigm

Unrestricted pronouns are admitted to all argument positions (S, A, P) and regularly also encode possessors. They are the only paradigm that can express the transitive P argument, as shown in (108).

(108) Nirra gannu gapunni. nirra gannu (*girra) ga-punni [1SG.AGT]A [3 3AGT]P 3I-hit ‘I hit him’ [N12.018]

The unrestricted paradigm is also the default choice to realize the S of unaccusative verbs, as shown in (100) - (101) above and in (109) below.

(109) a. Nannu miilana. nannu (*nirra) miilana [1SG]S 1SG.AGT FIN.threaten ‘I am scared’ [P064]

b. Bangko gannu gayaati wanti. Bangko gannu (*girra) ga-yaati wanti [Bangko 3]S 3AGT 3I-FIN.sick REPORT ‘Bangko is reportedly ill’ [CC.062]

5.4. Pronominal doubling

Free pronouns realizing semantic agents (A or S) may undergo doubling. The first pronoun must come from the unrestricted paradigm, followed by the agentive or potentive form; the reverse order is ungrammatical. Doubling never occurs with P and SP arguments. Pronominal doubling is used to put the agent in focus, as can be seen in (110).

(110) a. Aning mu tukki dooka, nannu nite gadea naanu. aning mu tukki dooka nannu nite ga-dea naanu [person wood cut stand]P [1SG 1SG.POT]A 3I-see FIN.not ‘I haven’t been able [but someone could] to see the person who was cutting the wood. ’ [CC.098]

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b. Kaana, nannu nirra nooning liteani. kaana, nannu nirra nooning li-taani? FIN.good [1SG 1SG.AGT]A NFIN.how APPL-answer ‘Well, how should I answer then?’ [SOS3.085]

c. Ninnu nirre yamsalu mading siida. ninnu niira yaamusalu mading siida [1PL.EXCL 1PL.EXCL.AGT]A [cassava]P NFIN.plant finish ‘We have planted all cassava [others may be still planting].’ [D.Madine.1]

Pronominal doubling is also available to topical agents, but the unrestricted pronoun is left-dislocated and followed by a pause. The topical status of the argument can be overtly marked, as shown in (111).

(111) Nannu, nirraba we lee awa. nannu# nirra=ba we lee awa [1SG] [1SG.AGT]A=TOP leave PFV DIST.NVIS ‘Me, I am actually out of [stories].’ [KSWS.3]

6. Verbal morphology Sawila verbs combine with prefixes which mark the relationship between the verb and its

arguments. Besides two paradigms of person marking prefixes (AGR), there is one inverse prefix (INV) and three distinct applicative prefixes (APPL). The longest attested form contains five prefixes, whose ordering is shown in (112).

(112) MAXIMUM VERB STEM: APPL-AGR-INV-APPL-AGR-V

Which of the prefixes appears with a particular verbal root is lexicalized, allowing us to identify several inflectional subclasses, further discussed in section 6.4.

6.1. Person marking prefixes

There are two paradigms of person marking prefixes, which can be seen in Table 12.8 The two sets show a clear morphological correspondence with each other, differing just in the vowel quality in singular and being homophonous in plural. As discussed in section 4.5, the person prefixes also mark possessors on nouns.

PERSON SET I SET II 1SG na- ni- 2SG a- e- DISTR ta- ti- 3 ga- gi- 1PL.EXCL ni-/niy- ni-/niy- 1PL.INCL i- i- 2PL yi- yi-

Table 12: Sawila person prefixes 8 The Sawila person prefix paradigm resembles systems found other languages of the Alor-Pantar family. The system is organized in a similar way as the reconstructed Trans-New Guinea systems - consonant indicates person, vowel records number (see Ross 2005; Kratochvíl et al. 2011).

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Set I person prefixes mark all core argument types (S, A, P). First and third person forms can be seen in (113).

(113) a. Napaati. b. Nannu tukku nanee niwuli. na-paati nannu tukku na-nee ni-wuli 1SG.IS-eat 1SGA palm.wine 1SG.IA-consume 1SG.II-desire ‘I eat’ [P.203] ‘I want to drink arak.’ [NB5.245]

c. Katu pi gakuna. katu pi ga-kuna dog pigP 3IP-bite.to.death ‘The dog bit the pig to death.’ [P.204]

Distributive prefixes are used with generic refence (114a) and with reciprocals (114b-c).

(114) a. Angana gidawana ngana tate. angana gi-dawana ngana ta-te DIST.DEF 3II-FIN.medicine DEF DISTR.IS-lie ‘For that the only remedy is that one sleeps.’ [BDPK.033]

b. Ganaku tataani neanu. ga-n-yaku ta-taani naanu 3I-together-two DISTR.IS-FIN.fall FIN.not ‘They always stick together.’, lit. ‘They do not drop each other.’ [NB5.011]

c. Imyaalara yaalara ganaku tanami. imyaalara yaalara ga-n-yaku ta-na-mi man female 3I-together-two DISTR.I-INV-take ‘The man and the woman married each other.’ [NB5.079]

While set I prefixes combine with the majority of Sawila verbs, set II prefixes are attested only with the following ten verbs: -ku ‘fart’, -laadi ‘ashamed’, -wuli ‘desire’, -suko ‘like’, -litinga ‘understand’, -wiita ‘call’, -tatuku ‘tell’, -tekuli ‘do on purpose, -mu ‘help’, -suwaara ‘show’.

(115) Ganintuba gilaadi wiigawaari. ga-nin-tua=ba gi-laadi wii-ga-waari 3I-together-three=TOP 3II-ashamed APPL-3I-return ‘All three of them returned ashamed.’ [WWH.047]

(116) Gannu ganamulaana gibuku mi linisuwaara. gannu ga-na-mulaana gi-buku mi li-ni-suwaara 3 3I-INV-FIN.not.want 3II-book take APPL-1SG.II-show ‘He doesn’t want to show me his book.’ [NB5.249]

6.2. Applicative prefixes

The Sawila applicative prefixes ma-, li-, and wii- have two main functions.9 The first one is to mark an increased or decreased effect of the event on the P argument. The second one is to extend the valence of the verb by adding a new argument, which will be labelled as E (for extension), following Dixon (2010). With monovalent verbs, the prefix ma- regularly

9 The applicative prefixes grammaticalized from the verbs ma ‘be.PROX’, li ‘be.DIST’, and wii ‘use’.

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indicates a greater intensity of the event but usually does not extend the valency, unlike the prefix li-, which adds a beneficiary or location to the argument structure. With verbs that do no combine with person prefixes, applicative prefixes attach directly to the root.

(117) a. Laampuru ilo. b. Laampuru mailo. laampuru ilo laampuru ma-ilo lampS bright lampS APPL-bright ‘The lamp is bright.’ [A.022] ‘The lamp is brighter/turned up.’ [A.024]

c. Laampuru liilo. Laampuru li-ilo lamp APPL-bright ‘The lamp is shining for someone/at something.’ [P.204]

If person prefixes are present, applicative prefixes must precede them, as in (118). The meaning of applicative prefixes remains similar; ma- again indicates a greater intensity, while li- and wii- add E denoting the stimulus.

(118) a. Nasoorana. b. Erra gapi manasoorana. na-soorana erra ga-pi ma-na-soorana 1SG.IS-FIN.angry 2S.AGT 3I-make APPL-1SG.I-FIN.angry I am angry. [A.117] ‘You are making me more angry.’ [A.119]

c. Nirre linesoorana. nirra li-na-soorana 1S.AGT APPL-1SG.I-FIN.angry ‘I am angered about it.’ [A.118]

d. Erra tulori napunni ngana, kaluno wiinesoorana. erra tulori na-punni ngana kaluna wii-na-soorana [2S.AGT two.days.ago 1SG.I-hit DEF]E FIN.now APPL-1SG.I-FIN.angry ‘You hitting me that time, is making me angry now.’ [A.120]

With bivalent verbs, as in (119), the prefix ma- indicates that the event is carried out with a greater effect on the same P. The prefixes li- and wii- promote locations and instruments to E arguments. The P argument luuku ‘hole’ may be dropped.

(119) a. Nirre luuku tii. b. Nirre luuku matii. nirra luuku tii nirra luuku ma-tii 1SG.AGT holeP dig 1SG.AGT holeP APPL-dig ‘I dig a hole.’ [A.9] ‘I dig a hole deeper.’ [A.012]

c. Nirre siripine litii. d. Nirre mu madiirana wiitii. nirra siripine li-tii nirra mu madiirana wii-tii 1SG.AGT FIN.rootE APPL-dig 1SG.AGT [wood FIN.sharp]E APPL-dig ‘I dig [a hole] along a root.’ [A.011] ‘I dig [a hole] with a sharp wood.’ [A.014]

On person-marked bivalent verbs, applicative prefixes also must attach before person prefixes, as can be seen in (120). The person-marking prefix cannot be dropped.

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(120) a. Girre niwiite. b. Girre maniwiite. girra ni-wiita girra ma-ni-wiita 3AGT 1SG.IIP-call 3AGT APPL-1SG.IIP-call ‘He is calling me.’ [A.035] ‘He keeps calling me.’ [A.037]

c. Girre liniwiite. girra li-ni-wiita 3AGT APPL-1SG.IIP-call ‘He is calling me to it [to take some fish].’ [A.036]

As mentioned above, the prefix ma- indicates an increased effect on the P. With some verbs, the increased effect simply means repetition, as with the pairs ga-pi ‘build’ ~ ma-ga-pi ‘rebuild, repair’ in (121). The prefix li- may indicate a lesser effect, as in ga-pi ‘build’ ~ li-ga-pi ‘extend, build at’, where no E argument is introduced.

(121) a. Nirra araasing gapi. b. Nirra araasing magapi. nirra araasing ga-pi nirra araasing ma-ga-pi 1SG.AGT NFIN.house 3I-make 1SG.AGT NFIN.houseP APPL-3I-make ‘I build a house’ [A.5] ‘I rebuild [repair] a house.’ [A.6]

c. Nirra araasing ligapi. d. Niaraasine mu wiigapi. nirra araasing li-ga-pi ni-araasine mu wii-ga-pi 1SG.AGT NFIN.houseE APPL-3I-make 1SG.II-FIN.houseP woodE APPL-3I-make ‘I extend [build at] a house.’ [A.7] ‘My house is built with wood.’ [A.8]

The applicative morphology is a productive part of Sawila grammar. As illustrated in (122a), the applicative prefix li- can combine with Malay loans such as paarlu ‘need’ (from Mly. perlu ‘need’) and with complex verbs such as maali=leawa ‘indulge oneself’ (122b).

(122) a. Nannu iria lipaarlu boorana. b. Gannu limalileawa. nannu iria li-paarlu boorana gannu li-mali=laawa 1SG waterE APPL-need FIN.very 3 APPL-tasty=search ‘I really need water.’ [QVP.43] ‘He always indulges himself.’ [A.71]

6.2.1 Applicative prefix ma-

As illustrated above, the applicative prefix ma- usually indicates the increased effect of an event on P. In some cases, however, the prefix is used to mark an unexpected P argument, such as gibalisi ‘rice packet [boiled or steamed rice wrapped in leaves], as in (123).

(123) a. Alawurukola araaka tuku gako mana. alawurukola araaka tuku ga-ko mana zebra.finch riceP peck 3I-stay over.there ‘Zebra finches are pecking rice over there.’ [D.Tuku.1]

b. Se siila dana angana gibalisi matuku. se siila dana angana gi-balisi ma-tuku chicken white FIN.one DIST.DEF 3II-packetE APPL-peck ‘The white rooster was pecking in his (steamed rice) package.’ [NB4.163]

When attached to monovalent verbs describing properties, the prefix ma- indicates that the described property exceeds the standard.

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(124) a. Nannu marung pike. b. Nannu mamarung. nannu marung pike nannu ma-marung 1SGS small just 1SGS APPL-small ‘I am very small.’ [N12.184] ‘I am the smallest (among all).’ [N12.183]

The Sawila prefix ma- only rarely adds a location to the argument structure, unlike in Kula, where this use of ma- is common (Williams and Donohue n.d.). In Sawila, such uses usually involve a shift in meaning, as can be seen in (125), where the meaning of miti shifts from ‘sit’ to ‘stay’.

(125) a. Nepa gamiti. b. Nepa magamiti. ne-pa ga-miti ne-pa Ø ma-ga-miti 1SG.II-fatherS 3I-sit 1SG.II-fatherA APPL-3I-sit ‘My father is sitting.’ [A.51] ‘My father is staying [here].’ [A.53]

c. Noong araasing matamiti. d. Nepa ligamiti. noong araasing ma-ta-miti ne-pa Ø li-ga-miti which NFIN.houseE APPL-DISTR.I-sit 1SG.II-fatherA APPL-3I-sit ‘In which house shall we stay?’ [N12.3] ‘My father is sitting [on it].’ [A.52]

6.2.2 Applicative prefix li-

The applicative prefix li- promotes a non-argument to a core argument position and often replaces the original P argument, which has to be expressed in a separate clause, as can be seen in (126).

(126) a. Girra we paasa. b. Girre we mi aka lipeasa. girra we paasa girra we mi aka li-paasa 3AGT goatP bind 3AGT goatP take fenceE APPL-bind ‘He has bound up the goat.’ ‘He has tied the goat to the fence.’ [A.16]

Applicative prefixation with li- is often accompanied by a slight meaning shift, such as king ‘cut’ ~ li-king ‘shave (i.e. cut a bit)’.

(127) a. Iloola mi king mi isuwi maaka ka maana inee-ipeati. i-loola mi king mi i-suwi maaka ka maana 1PL.INCL-walk take cut take 1PL.INCL-arrive banana IRR FIN.cook ‘Having gone, cut, and brought back, we will cook and eat that banana.’ [SC.61]

b. Napiini madi liking. na-piini madi li-king [1SG.I-lip body.hair]E APPL-NFIN.cut ‘I shave my beard’ [NB5.174]

With some verbs, the applicative li- encodes a meaning similar to a partitive - it marks a partially affected P, as in (128), where examples (b,d) imply that the banana is not going to be entirely eaten and the church not going to be entirely painted.

(128) a. Maaka itiina nanee lee. b. Maaka itiina linanee. maaka itiina na-nee lee maaka itiina li-na-nee [banana ripe]P 1SG.I-consume PFV [banana ripe]E APPL-1SG.I-consume ‘I have eaten up a banana.’ [P.125] ‘I ate a bit of banana.’ [N12.102]

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c. Imyaalara mura du putaraasine ceeta. imyaala mura du putaraasine ceeta boy PL [FIN.church]P FIN.paint ‘The boys are painting the church.’ [A.3]

d. Imyaalara mura du putaraasine maceeta. imyaala mura du putaraasine li-ceeta boy PL [FIN.church]E APPL-FIN.paint ‘The boys continue to paint the church.’ [A.2]

6.2.3 Applicative prefix wii-

The applicative prefix wii- usually promotes an instrument to the E argument of the verb, while the original P may be dropped.

(129) a. Girre natang paasa. girra na-tang paasa 3AGT [1SI-arm]P bind ‘He has bound up my hand.’ [NB4.147]

b. Karupo angana kape wiipaasa. karupo angana kape wii-paasa [wound DIST.DEF]P [rope]E APPL-bind ‘The wound has to be bound with a rope.’ [A.18]

c. Saaku tiila masi, angana pang-kadeli. saaku tiila masi angana pang-kadeli old speak if DIST.DEF season.name ‘When old people speak, [they call] that [season] pang-kadeli.’ [SC.69]

d. ‘Anjing’ ngana titatuku wiitiila masi? ‘anjing’ ngana ti-tatuku wii-tiila masi [dog DEF ]P [DISTR.II-languge]E APPL-speak if ‘How do you say the [word] ‘dog’ in our language?’ [QVP.89]

In addition to instruments, the applicative prefix wii- always combines with the transfer verb -rani ‘give’ to add the transferred theme to its argument structure, as in (130). More details can be found in section 8.2.

(130) Liiri nesu ngana: “We adaaku mi wiinarani!” liiri na-su ngana: “we adaaku mi wii-na-rani” ruler 1SG.I-order DEF goat ten take APPL-1SG.I-FIN.give ‘The chief ordered me saying: “give me ten goats!” ’ [QVP.9]

6.3. Inverse prefix

Sawila prefix na- indicates the presence of an affected human. Following Donohue’s (1997b) description of a cognate prefix in closely related Kula (referred to as Tanglapui in Donohue’s paper), the prefix is labeled INV (for inverse), but its distribution is not the same as in Tanglapui. Donohue (1997b: 105-107) states that Tanglapui na- is restricted to transitive affective verbs, i.e. ‘verbs in which the affected argument undergoes a change of state, or is adversely affected by the completion of the action’. The Tanglapui na- is used when third person acts on first or second person (3>1/2), or second person acts on first person (2>1), but

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not in cases where first person acts on second or third person (*1>2/3), or when second person acts on third (*2>3).

The main function of the Sawila na- is to indicate the presence of an affected human argument in a marked scenario, (3>1/2, 2>1, or even 3/2/1 >3human), as in (131). The human argument is always co-indexed with a set I person prefix.

(131) a. Erra noonine tulante? b. Asire nanatulong dapa! erra noonine tulong=te a-sire na-na-tulong dapa 2SG.AGT FIN.how NFIN.help=Q 2SI-come.down 1SI-INV-NFIN.help PRIOR ‘How will you help?’ [MS.40] ‘Come down and help me!’ [MT.66]

Sawila prefix na- is not restricted in terms of referential hierarchy; it is irrelevant whether the acting argument is ranked higher or the same on the referential hierarchy: second person acts on third in (132b), third person acts on third in (132c), distributive refers to first person in reciprocal construction in (132d). In all cases, the function of na- is to disambiguate the role of the human participants, as whether or not affected by the event. This is particularly obvious in cases, where the human participant is affected only indirectly, as in (132c). The sentence describes a man taking a cup from a woman, who has to be indexed with the inverse prefix, not the theme ‘cup’.

(132) a. Yaala saaku dawang mi, gatangmaala gawaali garammu. yaala saaku dawang mi ga-tangmaala ga-waali ga-rammu female old NFIN.medicine take 3I-daughter-in-law 3I-treat 3I-die ‘The old lady took the medicine to poison her daughter-in-law.’ [QVP.67]

b. Gannu game munteana ganami dapa game. gannu ga-me mun=tana ga-na-mi dapa ga-me 3 3I-come IPFV=same.time 3I-INV-take PRIOR 3I-come ‘If he wants to come, take him and come.’ [QVP.63]

c. Yaala saaku iria wunni dooka, imeala saaku me girra ganemi. yaala saaku iria wunni dooka imyaala saaku me girra ga-na-mi lady water hold stand guy come 3AGT 3I-INV-take ‘A lady was holding a cup; a guy who came in took [it] from her.’ [SAL2.38]

d. Imyaalara dana nineku tanami. imyaalara dana ni-n-yaku ta-na-mi man FIN.one 1PL.EXCL-together-two DISTR.I-INV-take ‘I got married to a man.’ lit. ‘We took each other with one man.’ [N12.95]

In Tanglapui the prefix na- is restricted to ‘transitive affective verbs’, but Sawila allows certain verbs to occur with and without the inverse prefix. When the alternations are contrasted, as in (133), the inverse prefix is used when the P argument is affected in an irreversible or not easily repeated way (scold vs. ask to marry).

(133) a. Nannu Sawila tiila limei. nannu Sawila tiila limei 1SG language.name speak learn ‘I learn to speak Sawila.’ [CC.94]

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b. Girra natiila. c. Girra nanatiila. girra na-tiila girra na-na-tiila 3AGT 1SG.I-speak 3AGT 1SG.I-INV-speak ‘He is scolding me.’ [NB4.70] ‘He asked to marry me.’ [N12.97]

The verb wunni displays a similar alternation, but the meaning shift is greater (hold vs. hide vs. catch).

(134) a. Nanala wunni kaang-kaana! naanala wunni kaang-kaana something hold FIN.well ‘Hold it properly!’ [D.Wunni.1]

b. Nirra gawunni. c. Nirra ganawunni. nirra ga-wunni nirra ga-na-wunni 1SG.AGT 3I-hide 1SG.AGT 3I-INV-catch ‘He hid it away.’ [BP.122] ‘I caught him.’ [BP.123]

Some bivalent verbs index the A argument when the P is non-human. However, with human Ps, the inverse prefix na- is required. As can be seen in (135).

(135) a. Nidana pu gapaati. ni-dana pu ga-paati 1SG.II-friend betel.nut 3I-eat ‘My friend is chewing betel nut.’ [N12.123]

b. Waawa anapaati girre nea. waawa a-na-paati girra na crocodile 2SG.I-INV-eat certainly VIS ‘The crocodile will certainly eat you.’ [A.10]

The inverse prefix does not occur with verbs that index their P argument (class III), such as kinyaala ‘cheat’, shown in (136). More information about this verb class can be found in section 6.4.3.

(136) a. Girra nakinyaala. b. Nirra akinyaala. girra na-kinyaala (*na-na-kinyaala) nirra a-kinyaala (*a-na-kinyaala) 3AGT 1SG.I-cheat 1SG.I-INV-cheat 1SG.AGT 2SG.I-cheat 2SG.I-INV-cheat ‘He cheated me.’ [NB4.102] ‘I cheated you.’ [N12.99]

As can be seen in (137), na- also attaches to monovalent predicates describing states that have some adverse effect on the participant (a-d) or permanent state (e-f). Similar group of intransitive verbs are also reported to combine with na- in Kula (Donohue 1997b: 110-111; Williams and Donohue n.d.).

(137) a. Nanasaaku. b. Nanamate. na-na-saaku (*na-saaku/ *nannu saaku) na-na-mate 1SG.I-INV-old 1SG.I-old 1SG old 1SG.I-INV-hurt ‘I am old.’ [N12.71] ‘I feel sick.’ [P.112]

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c. Nanamasing. d. Nana'eesala. na-na-masing na-na-'eesala 1SG.I-INV-NFIN.hungry 1SG.I-INV-gasp.for.breath ‘I am hungry.’ [P.122] ‘I am exhausted.’ [WWH.34]

e. Nannu nana'akana. f. Nannu nanamareeka. nannu na-na-'akana nannu na-na-mareeka 1SG 1SG.I-INV-black 1SG 1SG.I-INV-yellow ‘I am black (Papuan).’ [P.18] ‘I am white (Eurasian).’ [P.22]

6.4. Verbal inflectional classes

Sawila verbal inflectional classes are distinguished by the attested combinatory behaviour of verbal roots with verbal prefixes (person prefixes, applicative prefixes and the inverse prefix na-) discussed above. There are four major classes: classes I-III are relatively large, but class IV contains just about two dozen verbs.

CLASS APPL5 AGR4 INV3 APPL2 AGR1 I.A APPL S/Phuman INV I.B Ehuman INV APPL II APPL Ehuman INV APPL S/(A) III.A Ehuman INV/APPL S/P III.B E1-2.I APPL P3.II IV.A Ehuman APPL S IV.B Ehuman APPL IV.C APPL Shuman INV IV.D SII SI

Table 13: Distribution of Sawila verbal prefixes

Class I verbs do not index their core arguments but have to combine either with the inverse na- to index highly ranked Ps (Ia), or add an E argument with an applicative prefix (Ib). Class II verbs index the S/A argument and may take on applicative prefixes. Class III verbs obligatorily index the S/P argument and do not require the inverse prefix na- when the P is highly ranked on the referential hierarchy. Class IV verbs are monovalent, but display considerable variation in indexing the S argument. Most class IV verbs are compatible with applicative prefixes, but do not require the inverse prefix na- to index a human E. Whether the applicative prefixes are present or not has no consequence for the person prefixes in the first agreement slot (AGR1).

Some Sawila verbs display defective or fossilized agreement. The verb magadiila ‘pursue’ is derived with the applicative prefix ma- attached before the third person prefix ga- on the root -diila ‘hang, hang on’, which is a class II verb. However, when ma-ga-diila ‘pursue, chase’ is inflected, the person agreement is no longer active, and the verb patterns as a class Ia verb, as shown in (138).

(138) a. Nirra mura magadiila. b. Nirra ganamagadiila. nirra mura magadiila nirra ga-na-magadiila 1SG.AGT kid FIN.pursue 1SG.AGT 3I-INV-FIN.pursue ‘I am chasing children’ [P.178] ‘I am chasing him/her/them’ [P.183]

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c. Nirra anamagadiila. d. Girra nanamagadiila. nirra a-na-magadiila girra na-na-magadiila 1SG.AGT 2SG.I-INV-FIN.pursue 3AGT 1SG.I-INV-FIN.pursue ‘I am chasing you’ [P.182] ‘he/she/they is/are chasing me' [P.180]

6.4.1 Class I verbs

Class I verbs, both monovalent and bivalent, either appear bare or admit person and applicative prefixes. Class Ia admits person prefixes, indexing the human S/P, only in combination with the inverse na-. Class Ib requires an applicative prefix to be attached before the inverse na-. Examples of verbs belonging to Class I can be seen in (139).

Class Ia Class Ib

(139) tabiila ‘wrong’ aruko ‘dry’ akana ‘black’ tee ‘paddle’ labaani ‘go along’ taani ‘fall’ maduro ‘check, spy’ tubutili ‘go around, tighten, wrap’ taaru ‘oppose’ yaana ‘go’ alaata ‘make fall’ yoodang ‘stumble’ baali ‘feed’ ayatara ‘pay, compensate’ baleeta ‘carry out’ kakara ‘rinse’ laawa ‘search’ kupi ‘fold’ luusi ‘measure’ maki/maky ‘save, store’ mi ‘take’ sumo ‘watch’

An example of the use of the monovalent Ia class verb akana ‘black’ can be seen in (140). The inverse prefix na- is required to index the human S, but not needed with the inanimate S.

(140) a. Gatakka-lakka akana. b. Nanaakana. ga-takka-lakka akana na-na-akana [3I-head-leaf]S black 1SG.I-INV-black ‘His hair is black.’ ‘I am black.’

The bivalent root maduro ‘check, spy on’ is contrasted in (141). The inverse na- appears when the P is human.

(141) a. Namidde parra maduro. b. Dokotoora nanamaduro. na-midde parra maduro dokotoora na-na-maduro 1SG.I-go.up [field]P check [doctor]A 1SG.I-INV-check ‘I went up to check the fields.’ ‘I am examined by the doctor.’

Monovalent class Ib verbs denoting states, such as aruko ‘dry’ or bireasa ‘collapsed’ remain monovalent when they take on applicative prefixes, as in (142).

(142) a. Ilu aruko. b. Karupo li’aruko. ilu aruko karupo li-aruko riverS dry woundS APPL-dry ‘The river is dry.’ ‘The wound healed, lit. dried out.’

c. Araasing bireasa. d. Araasing amba mabireasa boorana. araasing bireasa araasing am=ba ma-bireasa boorana NFIN.houseS collapsed [NFIN.house DIST=TOP]S APPL-collapsed FIN.very ‘The house collapsed.’ ‘That house is getting ever more desolate.’

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Monovalent class Ib denoting activities such as tee ‘paddle’ regularly increase their valency when combined with the applicative prefix, as in (143).

(143) a. Tee di sipera yaang woo! b. Kaadang matee midde. tee di sipera yaang woo kaadang ma-tee mid de paddle REAL FIN.boat NFIN.go INC canoeE APPL-paddle go.up ‘Paddle so that the boat moves on!’ ‘They paddled a canoe to the shore.’

Bivalent verbs belonging to class Ib may add an E argument, usually denoting a location, when an applicative prefix is attached.

(144) a. Girra kaada luuting dana maki. b. Gimirea mamaki kaang-kaana. girra kaada luuting dana maki gi-mirea ma-maki kaang-kaana 3.AGT cloth couple FIN.one save 3II-insideE APPL-save FIN.well ‘She keeps some traditional clothes.’ ‘She kept it inside her heart.’

When the E of a class Ib verb is human, the inverse na- is required. Verbs such as tataaku ‘find, meet’ display this pattern, as shown in (145).

(145) a. Ang nooli tataaku? ang nooli tataaku? DISTP where find ‘Where did you find it?’ [BDPK.299]

b. Kaluno waari ineku tanamatataaku tirea! kaluno waari i-n-yaku ta-na-ma-tataaku tirea! FIN.now again 1PL.INCL-together-two DISTR.I-INV-APPL-find PROH ‘From now on, let the two of us not meet again!’ [MC.33]

6.4.2 Class II verbs

Class II verbs index the S/A argument. A number of verbs belonging to this class are listed in (146). Many of these verbs refer to what is known as middle situations (Kemmer 1993, 1994), including (i) grooming, (ii) body care, (iii) change in bodily posture, (iv) translational motion, (v) emotions, and (vi) cognition. Note that some of the class II verbs index the S/A argument obligatorily, while for other verbs the indexing is optional.

(146) -wile ‘bathe’ kiita ‘defecate’ -ku ‘fart’ te ‘lie, sleep’ -pama ‘eat’ nee ‘consume, inhale’ -rammu ‘die’ miti ‘sit, sit down’ dooka ‘stand, stand up’ we ‘leave’ -ko ‘stay, dwell’ luku ‘bend, bow’ welaaka ‘look back’ wiiwi ‘turn away’ baabala ‘stumble’ -diila ‘hang’ pulo ‘blow’ -soorana ‘be angry’ laadi ‘ashamed’ litinga ‘understand’ -te ‘know’

Monovalent verbs belonging to class II index their S argument and admit applicative prefixes to add the E argument, as in (147).

(147) a. Nawile wuno. b. Saabang wiigawile lee. na-wile wuno saabang wii-ga-wile lee 1SG.IS-bathe FIN.DUR soapE APPL-3IS-bathe PFV ‘I am bathing.’ [D.Wile] ‘They washed themselves with soap.’ [BF.22]

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c. Oli gako. d. Koolang manako. oli ga-ko Koolang ma-na-ko here 3IS-stay village.nameE APPL-1SG.IS-stay ‘He lives here.’ [D.Ko.1] ‘I stay in Kolana.’ [D.Ko.2]

Monovalent verbs such as miti ‘sit’ can admit up to five prefixes and two E arguments, as can be seen in (148c), the maximum attested among Sawila verbal classes.

(148) a. Amiti kaang-kaana. b. Adala suwi mu gawa maruna leemiti. a-miti kaang-kaana adala suwi mu ga-wa maruna li-ga-miti 2SG.IS-sit FIN.well birdS arrive [tree 3I-branch FIN.small]E APPL-3IS-sit ‘Seat yourself comfortably.’ ‘The bird sat on the tree branch.’

c. Sakiila wiitanamagamiti-gamiti amane. sakiila wii-ta-na-ma-ga-miti-ga-miti amane antE2 APPL-DISTR.IE1-INV-APPL-RED[3IS-sit] DIST.like ‘They crowded around us as ants.’ [NB5.125]

Bivalent verbs, such as the verbs of consumption nee ‘consume’ or paati ‘chew’, admit person prefixes indexing the A argument, as can be seen in (149). The meaning of paati shifts to ‘bite’ with human Ps, which require the inverse na- and pattern as class Ia. The inverse prefix does not occur with inanimate Ps and the person indexing is dropped to indicate habitual events but has to appear to refer to events that are actualized.

(149) a. Tapaati. b. Katu nanapaati. ta-paati katu na-na-paati DISTR.IS-eat dogA 1SG.IP-INV-bite ‘We are eating.’ [Paati.1] ‘The dog bit me.’ [Paati.2]

c. Nidena pu gapaati. d. Nidena pu paati ni-dana pu ga-paati ni-dana pu paati 1SG.II-friendA betel.nutP 3IA-chew 1SG.II-friendA betel.nutP chew ‘My friend is chewing betel nut.’ ‘My friend (habitually) chews betel nut.’

Emotion and cognition verbs belonging to class II pattern like -yoopana ‘forget’ in (150). The applicative prefix li- adds an E argument, while ma- indicates the non-standard effect of the event.

(150) a. Nayoopana. b. Nirra manayoopang padiki dana. na-yoopana nirra ma-na-yoopang padiki dana 1SG.IS-FIN.forget 1S.AGTS APPL-1SG.IS-NFIN.forget a.bit FIN.one ‘I forgot.’ [A.113] ‘I have forgotten a bit.’ [A.116]

c. Buku linayoopana. buku li-na-yoopana bookE APPL-1SG.IS-FIN.forget ‘I forgot about the book.’ [P.135]

6.4.3 Class III verbs

Sawila class III verbs obligatorily index the S/P argument and may extend their valency with applicative prefixes. A number of verbs belonging to this class, all of them bound roots

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requiring person prefixes marking S/P, can be seen in (151). Many class III verbs denote events affecting the P argument.

(151) -taala ‘stack up, praise’ -yooka ‘shake’ -mari ‘quarrel’ -ri ‘scold, argue’ -mantaani ‘hit, infect’ -dea ‘see’ -kinyaala ‘cheat’ -kuna ‘bite to death’ -su ‘order’ -leng ‘fight, attack’ -lila ‘lift, pick up’ -loomana ‘collect, pick’ -miikana ‘pull’ -mu ‘help’ -punni ‘hit’

Class III verbs do not admit the inverse prefix na- with human Ps. Various types of P arguments of -lila ‘lift’ are shown in (152).

(152) a. Nannu nalila penetua iloola yootingtua gimirea meka-ka. nannu na-lila penetua iloola yootingtua gi-mirea ma-ga-ko-ga-ko 1SGP 1SG.I-lift elders year eight 3II-inside APPL-RED[3I-stay] ‘I was elected in the elders council for eight years.’ [NB5.238]

b. Suwi arakeesa galila suwi, pitamanka. suwi arakeesa ga-lila suwi pi ta-mangka arrive FIN.riceP 3I-lift arrive pig DISTR.I-replace ‘They brought rice and bartered it for pigs.’ [HM.5]

c. Mootor-laut magalila tiwenti. mootor-laut ma-ga-lila tiwenti boat.with.engineE APPL-3I-lift PART ‘They will load it on a boat [reportedly].’ [NB4.81]

In (153), the verb -punni ‘hit’ is exemplified with a single P argument and with each of the three applicative prefixes, adding an E argument.

(153) a. Giira napunni. b. Gangkari magapunni tirea! girra na-punni gang-kari ma-ga-punni tirea 3AGT 1SG.I-hit 3I-faceE APPL-3I-hit PROH ‘He hit me.’ [Punni.1] ‘Don’t hit him on his face.’ [Punni.2]

c. Katu api tako ngana ligepunni! d. Girra gisi wara wiigapunni. katu api tako ngana li-ga-punni girra gi-si wara wii-ga-punni [dog fish steal DEF]E APPL-3I-hit 3AGTA 3II-bodyP stoneE APPL-3I-hit ‘Hit the dog for stealing fish.’ [A.26] ‘He was hitting himself with stones.’

When combined with affected human arguments, interpersonal variation can be observed with some class III verbs, as shown in (154). While some speakers prefer to use the applicative li- to add a human participant as an E argument, others use the inverse na- instead. It is yet unclear, whether the inverse alternative should be considered as an instance of ‘double-indexing’ of the human P, or as a type of defective agreement (class Ia), analogous to -magadiila ‘chase’ discussed in (138).

(154) a. Annu namiikana. b. Kape gate litamiikang! annu na-miikana kape ga-te li-ta-miikang 2SG 1SG.I-FIN.pull [rope 3I-lie]E APPL-DISTR.I-NFIN.pull ‘You are pulling me.’ [SOB.3] ‘Pull on that rope!’ [M.124]

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c. Aning yaku talitamiikana. aning yaku ta-li-ta-miikana NFIN.person two DISTR.I-APPL-DISTR.I-FIN.pull ‘Two people pull each other.’ [C1p25o]

d. Aning yaku tanetamiikang. aning yaku ta-na-ta-miikang NFIN.person two DISTR.I-INV-DISTR.I-NFIN.pull ‘Two people pull each other.’ [C1p25a]

Several class III verbs, such as tatuku ‘tell’, wiita ‘call’, or tuwang ‘shout, announce’, do not index the inanimate P argument or may be used as intransitives without any pronominal indexing, as shown in (155).

(155) a. Girra niwiita. b. Eya wiita na awaari. girra ni-wiita e-ya wiita na a-waari 3AGTA 1SG.IIP-call 2SG.II-motherS call VIS 2SG.I-FIN.return ‘He called me.’ [D.Wiita] ‘Your mother calls you home.’ [D.Wiita]

c. Erra asiing dan tatuku dapo! erra asiing dan g tatuku dapo 2S.AGTA [fable NFIN.one]P tell PRIOR ‘Tell me a fable!’ [D.Tatuku]

d. Nepa gigawurine po, nitatuku naanu ne-pa gi-ga-wurine po, ni-tatuku naanu 1SG.II-father 3II-3I-dream FOC 1SG.IIP-tell FIN.not ‘My father didn’t tell me about his dream.’ [D.Tatuku]

The verb -suwaara ‘show’ (single member of class IIIb) alternates the way the human recipient is expressed depending on its position in the noun phrase hierarchy (Silverstein 1976, 1981). While third person recipients can be expressed as Ps with set II prefixes, first and second person recipients are expressed as E arguments and require the applicative prefix li-, as in (156).

(156) a. Nannu suraata mi ligisuwaara. nannu suraata mi li-gi-suwaara 1SG letter take APPL-3IIP-show ‘I show him the letter.’ [D.Suwaara]

b. Gannu ganamulaana gibuku mi nalisuwaara. gannu ga-na-mulaana gi-buku mi na-li-suwaara 3 3I-INV-FIN.not.want 3II-book take 1SG.IE-APPL-show ‘He doesn’t want to show me his book.’ [D.Suwaara]

c. Nibuku mi alisuwaara nanamulaana. ni-buku mi a-li-suwaara na-na-mulaana 1SG.II-book take 2SG.IE-APPL-show 1SG.I-INV-FIN.not.want ‘I don’t want to show you my book.’ [D.Suwaara]

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6.4.4 Class IV verbs

Class IV verbs are monovalent, displaying a great variation in indexing the S argument, subdividing the class of two dozen verbs into four subclasses. Class IVa contains three verbs: -lu ‘bark’, -waawang ‘remember’ and -welaaka ‘look back, consider’; both index the S argument with a set I prefix and admit applicative prefixes to add the E argument. No inverse prefix is required when the E argument has a human reference, as can be seen in (157b-c).

(157) a. Liawaawang kaang-kaang! b. Alinawaawang. li-a-waawang kaang-kaang a-li-na-waawang APPL-3IS-NFIN.remember NFIN.well 2SG.IE-APPL-1SG.IS-NFIN.remember ‘Remember this well!’ [D.Waawang] ‘I remember you.’ [D.Waawang]

c. Nooningda niliawelaaka naanu? nooning da ni-li-a-welaaka naanu NFIN.how REAL 1PL.EXCLE-APPL-2SG.IS-look.back NFIN.not ‘Why don’t you have any concern for us?’ [Mk4.37]

There are about twenty IVb verbs in the Sawila corpus, many of which are bound roots, never attested without applicative prefixes, as shown in (158).

(158) -biina ‘forbid’ -biki ‘trust, rely on’ biseara ‘talk, gossip’ -diimu ‘press, squeeze’ -ilela ‘look, browse’ luusi ‘measure, consider’ parisine ‘chat, protest’ pane ‘touch’ -saraana ‘ask’ -waaka ‘watch, guard’ sako ‘embrace’ yaayi ‘ask for, request’

Unlike class IVa verbs, class IVb verbs do not index the S argument bu do admit applicative prefixes and index Es, as shown in (159).

(159) a. Gannu du libiina. gannu du li-biina [3 PL]E APPL-forbid ‘Those are forbidden.’ [D.Biina]

b. Dokoteera nalibiina tabaaku maduli naanu. dokoteera na-li-biina tabaaku maduli naanu FIN.doctorS 1SG.IE-APPL-forbid tobacco smoke FIN.not ‘The doctor forbids me to smoke.’ [D.Biina]

The same pattern can be observed with the verb -biki ‘trust, rely on’ which takes the applicative prefix li- to add the E argument. Only human Es are indexed, with set I prefixes.

(160) a. Nayaati masi, namaddu du libiki. na-yaati masi na-maddu du li-biki 1SG.I-sick if [1SG.I-child PL]E APPL-trust ‘If I will fall ill, I will rely on my children.’ [D.Biki]

b. Erra nalibiki tirea! erra na-li-biki tirea 2SG.AGT 1SG.IE-APPL-trust PROH ‘Do not rely on me! [I will not help you.]’ [D.Biki]

Class IVc contains ten bound verbs, listed in (161). The subclass lacks a common semantic core, but several verbs form antonymous pairs (-kaali ‘refuse’ vs. -maro ‘agree’).

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(161) -kaali ‘refuse, not want’ -maro ‘agree, want’ -madukona ‘hiccup’ -marungki ‘care no longer’ -masine ‘suffer hunger’ -mulaana ‘avoid, not want’ -noosa-noosa ‘be/do alone, individually’ -punara ‘menstruate’ -sirei ‘give birth’ -waana ‘gather, do/be together’

Class IVc verbs require the inverse prefix na- if the S argument is to be indexed. Applicative prefixes can be attached before the person prefix, to add an E argument, as shown in (162).

(162) a. Singko game ganakaali. Singko ga-me ga-na-kaali Singko 3I-come 3IS-INV-refuse ‘Singko refuses to come’ [QVP.25]

b. Tatuku ako tupara gapi mananakaali. tatuku a-ko tupara ga-pi ma-na-na-kaali talk 2SG.I-stay random 3I-make APPL-1SG.IS-INV-refuse ‘Your nonsense talk makes me even more reluctant [to listen to you].’ [A.124]

Class IVd allows double indexing of the S argument (set I and II prefixes). This subclass contains only two verbs: -waawang ‘think’, and -wurine ‘dream’, exemplified in (163).

(163) a. Nawaawang. b. Ninawaawang naanusi, annu ayaati. na-waawang ni-na-waawang naanu=si annu a-yaati 1SG.IS-NFIN.think 1SG.II-1SG.I-NFIN.think FIN.not=TOP 2SG 2SG.I-sick ‘I am thinking.’ [D.Waawang] ‘I don’t think you are sick.’ [D.Waawang]

Sawila verbal classes are not entirely discrete but allow some fluidity: a small number of verbs display patterns fitting into several classes described above. The verb mayiina ‘hear, listen’ can pattern as a monovalent or bivalent verb of class Ib, leaving its S, A, and P arguments unindexed.

(164) a. Eta mayiina? b. Yite mayiina! eta mayiina yite mayiina 2SG.POTS FIN.hear 2PL.POTS FIN.hear ‘Can you hear [it]?’ [NB4.41] ‘You listen!’ [D.Mayiina]

c. Yannu luwara mayiina anta naanu? yannu luwara mayiina anta naanu 2PLA newsP FIN.hear or FIN.not ‘Did you hear the news or not?’ [D.Mayiina]

d. Murra pike du, asiing dana tatuku girra na limayiina. murra pike du asiing dana tatuku girra na li-mayiina kid small PL [fable FIN.one tell certainly VIS]E APPL-FIN.hear ‘Children, I will tell you a story, so listen to it.’ [D.Na]

As shown in (165), -mayiina ‘hear’ also patterns as a verb from class Ia, requiring the inverse prefix na- to index its S argument and admitting applicative prefixes.

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(165) a. Nanamayiina. b. Linanamayiina dapa! na-na-mayiina li-na-na-mayiina dapa 1SG.IS-INV-FIN.hear APPL-1SG.I-INV-FIN.hear PRIOR ‘I hear, let me hear.’ [N12.182] ‘Let me hear about it!’ [A.129]

c. Mananamayiina asire wuno. ma-na-na-mayiina a-sire wuno APPL-1SG.I-INV-FIN.hear 2SG.I-NFIN.come.down FIN.DUR ‘I have been hearing repeatedly that you were coming.’ [A.130]

7. Predicate modifying particles Sawila predicates can be modified with particles encoding aspect (7.1) and mood (7.2). A

generalized template is given in (166). Any of the particles can be followed by the intensifier boorang ‘very, indeed’, which also combines with nouns and nominal modifiers (7.3).

(166) MOOD1 VERB ASPECT1 ASPECT2 NEGATION MOOD2 INTENSIFIER The distribution of the mood particles is sensitive to the syntactic position of the clause in

the sentence, as either medial of final, as will be illustrated in 7.2.

7.1. Postverbal aspect particles

Aspectual modification is achieved by particles, discussed in this section, and auxiliaries discussed separately in section 8.6. In both cases, the aspectual word follows the modified verb. An overview of the aspectual particles is given in Table 14.

FORM GLOSS FUNCTION HISTORICAL SOURCE EXAMPLES lee PFV perfective lee ‘finish’ (167a, d) kaana COMPL completive kaang ‘good’ (167b-d) wuno DUR durative wunni ‘hold’ (168) muno IPFV imperfective unclear (169) mawo PRF perfect unclear (170) woo INC inchoative woo ‘hit’ (171)

Table 14: Sawila aspectual particles

The perfective lee immediately follows the verb and may be followed by other markers (no instances attested for PFV+INC). The completive kaana can be followed by mawo (PRF) but never by lee (PFV). Durative wuno may be followed by muno (IPFV).

The perfective lee in (167a) indicates that an event is viewed as a simple whole. The completive kaana indicates that the event has been carried out thouroughly and to its completion, as in (167b-c). The perfective and completive are not in complementary distribution, but if they co-occur, the perfective has to precede the completive, as in (169d).

(167) a. Gawaawang duba yarammu lee. ga-waawang du=ba ya-rammu lee 3I-think PL=TOP 2PL.I-die PFV ‘They thought that you had already died.’ [D.12]

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b. Nibaadu ikeba sideari kaana. c. Girra tatuku sinnang kaana. ni-baadu ike=ba sideari kaana girra tatuku sinnang kaana 1SG.II-shirt red=TOP torn FIN.COMPL 3AGT talk stop FIN.COMPL ‘My red shirt is torn up.’ [D.6] ‘He has stopped talking.’ [NB4.135]

d. Laampuru, paada-maadana madiika lee kaana. laampuru, paada-maadana madiika lee kaana lamp lamp glow PFV FIN.COMPL ‘(All) lamps and lights were lit.’ [KM.103]

The durative wuno marks ongoing events and is compatible with a wide range of predicates including nominal predicates (see section 3.3).

(168) a. Nawile wuno. b. Ame dapo! Name wuno. na-wile wuno a-me dapo na-me wuno 1SG.I-bathe FIN.DUR 2SG.I-come PRIOR 1SG.I-come FIN.DUR ‘I am bathing’ [D.Wuno.1] ‘Come here!’ ‘I am already coming!’ [P.99]

c. Wadi-piisa galo lapoong gapulo wuna. wadi-piisa ga-lo lapoong ga-pulo wuno sun-ascend 3I-follow NFIN.breeze 3I-blow FIN.DUR ‘The wind is blowing from the east.’ [D.Galo.1]

The imperfective muno marks events that have not reached their final boundary, as illustrated in (169), being either existential or locative predicates. The marker cannot occur with some nominal predicates, but can be used with weather and time predicates, as discussed in section 3.3.

(169) a. Ekatu nooli muno? e-katu noo=li muno 2SG.II-dog where=be.DIST FIN.IPFV ‘Where is your dog?’ [QVP.98]

b. Ang ganiiri-uupuru ampo Toombangma gate muno. ang ga-niiri-uupuru am=po Toombang=ma ga-te muno DIST 3I-grave DIST=FOC Tombang=be.PROX 3I-lie FIN.IPFV ‘Those [men], their graves are (still) in Tombang.’ [SOS3.32]

The perfect marker mawo indicates that the event ended in the past.

(170) a. Nannu maninge-pike mawo. b. Gannu maninge-pike. nannu maninge-pike mawo gannu maninge-pike 1SG small-very.little PRF 3 small-very.little ‘I was very young [then].’ [NB5.214] ‘She is very young.’ [NB5.214]

The inchoative particle woo occurs in encouragements (weak imperatives), such as (171a). In self-directed encouragements woo is replaced by di combined with the adverbial ka, as in (171b).

(171) a. Ayiina tatuku woo! b. Ka nayaadi! a-yiina tatuku woo ka na-yaa=di 2SG.I-FIN.self tell INC soon 1SG.I-go.down=REAL ‘Tell something yourself!’ [BDPK.81] ‘I better get going!’ [C2.13]

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7.2. Mood

Sawila predicates may be marked for mood, i.e. the difference between actualized and non-actualized situations (Mauri and Sansò 2012:147). The Sawila mood marking is idiosyncratic, i.e. the mood is not only encoded by mood particles but also by potentive pronouns. The mood marking is organized in a non-joint and non-binary system; the occurrence of mood particles is not bound to any other grammatical category and besides realis and irrealis, other moods are distinguished (cf. Palmer 2007:145-161). Finally, Sawila mood marking is restricted to certain clause types and constructions. The mood particle inventory is given in Table 15; the potentive pronouns are discussed in 5.2.

FORM GLOSS FUNCTION SYNTAX EXAMPLE da REAL realis, directive V MOOD (172), (174), (175) di REAL realis, directive V MOOD (173) - (174) dapo PRIOR prioritive, condition V MOOD (176) - (177) tirea PROH prohibitive V MOOD (49) - (50) ka IRR future MOOD V (178) ara IRR irrealis V MOOD AUX.ASP (179)

Table 15: Sawila mood particles

Some of the markers accumulate several grammatical functions in some of their uses (cf. Palmer 2007:150). In addition to marking mood, particles da, di, and dapa also specify the chronological order and resemble therein conjunctions: di encodes sequence, da both sequence and overlap, dapa condition.

Actualized situations (realis) are marked by the particles da and di in two clause types: declaratives and directives. In declaratives, both particles are restricted to linked clauses; they occur in medial (non-final) clauses and in addition to mood also distinguish chronological sequence and overlap (cf. Palmer 2007:152-154; Mithun 2006:176-177). Clauses marked with da are followed by a clause denoting actualized situations (present or past; overlap or sequence), as can be seen in (172).

(172) a. Nayaada gari mi made girra. na-yaa=da ga-ri mi made girra 1SG.I-go.down=REAL 3I-tell take come.up must ‘I am going down and tell them (that) they should bring it up.’ [BDPK.358]

b. Nepa gasuwi wooda tatong yootine. ne-pa ga-suwi woo=da tatong yootine 1SG.II-father 3I-arrive INC=REAL NFIN.half FIN.five ‘My father came at half past four. (lit. My father arrived and it was half past four.)’ [D.Tatong.1]

c. Arammu kaanda, kaluno analuuki! a-rammu kaan=da, kaluno Ø a-na-luuki! 2SG.IS-die NFIN.COMPL=REAL FIN.now [1SG]A 2SG.IP-INV-bury ‘You died, (and so) now I bury you!’ [AB.37]

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Medial clauses marked with di are followed by clauses denoting non-actualized situations. The chronological order of the linked clauses is that of a sequence, where the second clause describes purpose or intended future situations, as in (173).

(173) a. Nirra siiking mi api suwedi, lidiirana. nirra siiking mi api suwe=di, li-diirana 1S.AGT fork take fish skewer=REAL APPL-FIN.grill ‘I skewered a fish on a bamboo fork to grill it.’ [D.Suwe.1]

b. Iria tawiledi, tamidde parang luuki. iria ta-wile=di, ta-midde parang luuki water DISTR.I-bathe=REAL DISTR.I-go.up dead.body bury ‘We wash ourselves and then we will go up to the funeral.’ [D.Tawile.1]

Besides declaratives, particles da and di occur in directives (imperatives, hortatives, or permissives). Sawila groups directives with other realis situation, displaying a cross-linguistically less common pattern (Mauri and Sansò 2012:151). In directives, da is restricted to the sentence-final position, but di is attested in both medial and final clauses. Medial uses may have been extended through insubordination to sentence-final uses (Evans 2007, 2009).

(174) a. Erra etaama nineku ninetulongdi, alaataong patingda. erra e-taama ni-n-yaku [2SG.AGT]A [2SG.II-grandparent]P 1PL.EXCLA-together-two ni-na-tulong=di Ø alaata=ong pating=da 1PL.EXCLP-INV-NFIN.help=REAL [1PL.EXCL]A [taro=PROX]P pull.out=REAL ‘Help your grandparents (so that we get) to harvest the taro.’ [AL.18]

b. Sipeera libaraasadi, takiida madung tirea! sipera li-baraasa=di, takiida madung tirea FIN.boat APPL-balance=REAL leaning sink PROH ‘Balance the boat, it must turn over and sink!’ [D.Baraasa.1]

c. Hoi! Yamedi nalomuridi! Hoi ya-me=di na-lo-muri=di hey 2PL.I-come=REAL 1SG.I-follow-run=REAL ‘Hey, come, follow me!’ [Mk1:17]

The particle da has developed a discourse function in forgrounding constituents within the clause, such as question words and manner phrases, as can be seen (175). Similar discourse function of realis is also documented in Teiwa (Klamer 2012:223-227).

(175) a. Beekalelle!# Nooli munda ete mite? beekalelle! nooli mung=da ete Ø mi=te? INTER where NFIN.IPFV=REAL [2SG.POT]A [your.food]P take=Q ‘You fool! Where is it that you can get [your food]?’ [MC.29]

b. Nooningda annu apama anakaali? nooning=da annu a-pama a-na-kaali NFIN.how=REAL 2SG 2SG.I-eat 2SG.I-INV-refuse ‘Why (is it that) you refuse to eat?’ [D.Nooning.216]

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c. Annu mapadikidea saakara! annu ma-padiki=da saakara 2SG APPL-tweak=REAL FIN.offended ‘You are easily offended. (lit. You are teased a bit and get offended.)’ [BDPK.160]

The prioritive particle dapo/dapa marks predicates prior in chronological order to predicates that follow them. Such predicates describe conditions that have to be met before the second event can occur. Besides predicates, dapo combines with adverbials and nominals to mark time (176c) or object (176d) required for the event to be actualized. The range of use of dapo/dapa corresponds to the Alor Malay markers dulu (baru).

(176) a. Gannu gawile dapa anda, nanamaro ineku iwe sikola. gannu ga-wile dapa anda, na-na-maro i-n-yaku [3]S 3IS-bathe PRIOR so 1SG.IS-INV-agree 1PL.INCLS-together-two i-we sikola 1PL.INCLS-leave school ‘After he had a shower, I would want us to go to school together.’ [CC.87]

b. Erra tamisi dapa, mu dinni. erra tamisi dapa, mu dinni 2SG.AGT strong PRIOR wood lift.up ‘You have to be strong to lift a log.’ [D.Tamisi.1]

c. A: Lalama ayaa liiri araasinema siribisi anta naanu? lalama a-yaa liiri araasine=ma siribisi anta naanu tomorrow 2SG.I-go.down ruler FIN.house=be.PRX work or FIN.not A: ‘Will you go work by the king tomorrow or not?’

B: Yoo, lalama dapa nayaa, kalunosi nisi mateda nate. yoo lalama dapa na-yaa, kaluno=si ni-si yeah tomorrow PRIOR 1SG.I-go.down FIN.now=TOP 1SG.II-body mate=da na-te hurt=REAL 1SG.I-lie B: ‘Yes, tomorrow I will go, (but) today I am tired and rest.’ [Q42-43]

d. Iyaala-takura kaang dapa galongmuri. Iyaala-takura kaang dapa ga-longmuri way-crossroad NFIN.good PRIOR 3I-follow ‘Follow the good path.’ [D.Iyala.1]

In the final clause, dapa marks situations certain to be actualized in the future and bound to occur before anything else. This use naturally extends to directives, in which dapa can be followed by the inchoative particle woo, and is therefore not in the sentence-final slot. Similarly to the Indonesian dulu, Sawila dapa can be used to fend off directives by pointing out situations with even higher priority.

(177) a. Roti ali dapa woo! b. Nawe na-wata dapa. roti ali dapa woo na-we na-wata dapa bread buy PRIOR INC 1SG.IS-leave 1SG.IS-urinate PRIOR ‘Buy some bread!’ [D.Ali.1] ‘I am going to pee first.’ [P.11]

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c. Ninanamarosi, gannu gawile dapa. ni-na-na-maro=si gannu ga-wile dapa 1SG.II-1SG.I-INV-agree=TOP 3 3I-bathe PRIOR ‘He will bathe when I want it.’ [CC.81]

The irrealis particle ka prededes the predicate and indicates unactualized future situations where there is a stong expectation that they will occur. Ka occurs in clauses describing impending events (178a-b), resolutions for the future (178c), predictions based on provided and acceptable evidence (178d), and in warnings (178e). Ka also occurs in non-factive complements of speech verbs (178f), as well as in questions targeting future (178g).

(178) a. Ninnu ka ninee-nipeati gapi. ninnu ka ni-nee=ni-paati gapi 1PL.EXCL IRR 1PL.EXCL-drink=1PL.EXCL-eat almost ‘We are about to eat.’ [QVP.27]

b. Nannu kinkala ka nana’eesala. c. Nannu ka waari siribisi neanu. nannu kinkala ka na-na-eesala nannu ka waari siribisi naanu 1SG FIN.jump IRR 1SG.I-INV-tired 1SG IRR again work FIN.not ‘I am almost tired of jumping.’ [P.220] ‘I will not work again.’ [Q.32]

d. Ayaakani iduni, ka ayaa me girra. ayaakani iduni, ka ayaa me girra sky dark IRR rain come certainly ‘The sky is clouded, it will certainly rain.’ [D.Ayaakani.1]

e. Erra wiitaani tirea angma ka bireasa! erra wii-taani tirea ang=ma ka bireasa 2S.AGT APPL-FIN.release PROH DIST=when IRR split ‘Don’t throw it over or it would break.’ [D.Ka.1]

f. Gannu nari ngana, gayo waari ka gamade. gannu na-ri ngana, ga-yo waari ka ga-made 3 1SG.I-tell DEF 3I-wife again IRR 3I-come.up ‘He told me that his wife will/should come.’ [Q.56]

g. Gannu ka lalama gamade?. gannu ka lalama ga-made 3 IRR tomorrow 3I-come.up ‘Will he come tomorrow?’ [Q.39]

The irrealis particle ara has to precede aspectual particles and auxiliaries, as shown in (179).10 It marks unactualized situations (often expected to occur in the past or present).

(179) a. Ineaku tatuku ngana, erra seeng tasu ara mawo. i-ning-yaku tatuku ngana erra seeng tasu ara mawo 1PL.INCL-together-two talk DEF 2S.AGT NFIN.money send IRR PRF ‘We made a deal that you would send money (but you didn’t).’ [QVP.16]

10 According to some speakers, who criticize its usage as code-mixing, the irrealis marker ara is a loan from Kula spoken in the neighboring Kiralela.

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b. Gannu nari ngana, gasuwi ara gako. gannu na-ri ngana, ga-suwi ara ga-ko [3]A 1SG.IP-tell DEF 3IS-arrive IRR 3IS-keep ‘He told me that he would be coming.’ [QVP.2]

7.3. The intesifier particle boorana

The intensifier particle boorana ‘only, very, really’, cognate with the Wersing borong (Schapper and Hendery 2014:8), occurs in the sentence final position (180a), following all other post-verbal particles, including the negator naanu (180b).

(180) a. Kaluno arammu, kaluno edamara napaati boorana. kaluno a-rammu, kaluno e-damara na-paati boorana FIN.now 2SG.IS-die FIN.now [2SG.II-liver]P 1SG.IA-eat FIN.very ‘Now you will die, this is really my chance to eat your heart.’ [MC.15]

b. Amba seena yaniina naanu boorana. am=ba seena ya-niina naanu boorana DIST=TOP [FIN.money]P 2PL.IA-FIN.have FIN.not FIN.very ‘You people surely had no money at all.’ [BDPK.112]

8. Serial verb constructions This section deals briefly with multi-verb constructions. In terms of headedness, two types

can be distinguished, namely symmetrical and asymmetrical constructions. In symmetrical constructions (8.1), none of the participating verbs can be identified as the syntactic or semantic head of the complex. The ordering is best captured by a list of procedural templates associated with particular complex event types, as has been found for other Papuan languages (see Pawley and Bulmer 2011).

Asymmetrical constructions come in a great variety. In augmented predicates (8.2) one of the verbs, belonging to a closed set, realizes an additional argument. Directional serial verbs contain a motion verb describing the direction or path of the event (8.3). Resultative and manner serialization closely resemble each other (8.4 - 8.5). Aspectual serialization is discussed in (8.6).

8.1. Narrative serialization

Narrative serial verb constructions describe complex events - individual verbs carve out a part of the macro-event and their linear ordering is in iconic relation to the course of the event. For example in (181), where the verbs gayaru ‘push it’, gamidde ‘go up’, and gate ‘lie’ describe how a ladder is pushed back to the large granary house. Granaries are built on stilts with the floor of the house at about a man’s height, so one needs a ladder to get inside. The ladder is put up each time one goes in or out and then placed back to keep mice out. The event is a conceptual equivalent of closing the door. As shown in (182), a single verb equivalent also exists.

(181) Nirra adiing gayaru gamidde gate. nirra adiing ga-yaru ga-midde ga-te 1SG.AGT NFIN.ladder 3I-push.forward 3I-go.up 3i-lie ‘I closed the (floor) door.’ lit. ‘I pushed the ladder up into the house.’ [DC.1]

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(182) Nirra adiing kooya. nirra adiing kooya 1SG.AGT NFIN.ladder push.up ‘I closed the (floor) door.’, lit. ‘I pushed the ladder up in the house.’ [N12.191]

In (183), the addressee is to accompany the speaker, which is captured by two verbs - the loan verb antara ‘accompany, come with’ and the motion verb yaa ‘go down’, co-indexed for the first person plural.

(183) Erra nanaantara iyea. erra na-na-antara i-yaa 2SG.AGT 1SG.I-INV-accompany 1PL.INCL-go.down ‘You have to accompany me going down together.’ [MC.10]

8.2. Serial verb constructions adding arguments

In addition to applicatives, additional arguments can be expressed by using serial verb constructions to describe complex events, such as those involving external cause, target, or transferred theme. The verb -pi ‘make’ is used to introduce external cause (184-185), -dea ‘see’ introduces experiencers, stimuli, and targets (186-187), wii ‘use’ instruments (188), and mi ‘take’ themes of transfer or locomotion (189-190).

Sawila verbs, such as -rammu ‘die’ or -yaati ‘sick’ are strictly monovalent. The only way to realize the causer of the death or disease is create a serial verb with -pi ‘make’. In (185), the phrase tapi tarammu refers to ‘being killed’, while the verb gataani describes the declaration of that punishment and takes the serial verb tapi tarammu as its argument.

(184) Girra gapi nayaati. girra ga-pi na-yaati 3AGT 3I-make 1SG.I-FIN.sick ‘He made me sick.’, lit. ‘He made it [that] I am sick.’ [P.116]

(185) Amang lee dakalla, tapi tarammu gataani. amang lee da=kalla, ta-pi ta-rammu ga-taani NFIN.DIST.like PFV REAL=subsequently [DISTR.I-make DISTR.I-die]P 3IP-release ‘After that happened so, they sentenced us to be killed.’ [NB5.206]

The experiencer of anger is co-indexed on the class IV.a verb -soorang ‘angry’. Serialization with -dea ‘see’ is needed to realized the stimulus, as in (186).

(186) a. Nirra adea nasoorana. b. Girra nadea gasoorana. nirra a-dea na-soorana girra na-dea ga-soorana 1SG.AGT 2SG.I-FIN.see 1SG.I-FIN.angry 3AGT 1SG.I-FIN.see 3I-FIN.angry ‘I am angry with you.’ [NB4.066] ‘He is angry with me.’ [NB4.066]

The verb yara ‘laugh’ also combines with ‘see’ to express the stimulus or target (187).

(187) a. Erra nadi yara. b. Nirra gadi yara. erra na-di yara nirra ga-di yara 2SG.AGT 1SG.I-NFIN.see laugh 1SG.AGT 3I-NFIN.see NFIN.laugh ‘You are laughing at me.’ [NB4.071] ‘I am laughing at him.’ [NB4.071]

Instruments are expressed as arguments of the verb wii, which is also the source of one of the applicative prefixes. An example of its use can be seen in (188), where the breaking is done with bare hands - ga-tang wii.

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(188) Yaalar dang gatang wii mu gawingkili gapunni poo. yaalar dang ga-tang wii mu ga-wingkili ga-punni poo NFIN.female NFIN.one 3I-arm use wood 3I-knot 3I-hit break ‘A woman broke a stick with her bare hands.’ [AM002.0026]

In Alor-Pantar languages, reflexes of the proto-Alor-Pantar *med ‘take’ are used to realize themes (T) of transfer and locomotion (Klamer and Schapper 2012:183). The Sawila reflex mi is serialized with the verb describing the transfer/motion, as in (189). In several Alor-Pantar languages, reflexes of *ma ‘come’ are flagging the T (Klamer and Schapper (2012:199). Sawila uses the applicative prefix wii- (< wiya~wii ‘use’) in its transfer construction. The transfer verb -rani ‘give’ displays person marking of the recipient (R) fused with the applicative wii- as wee-. In combination with other person prefixes, the fused prefix takes another shape, as can be seen in (190). Finally, the verb -rani ‘give’ can be serialized with other verbs than mi ‘take’ to indicate the benefactor (BEN), as in (191).

(189) Dawang makala mi eayaa yanang weerani. dawang makala mi a-yaa yana=ang wii-ga-rani [NFIN.medicine FIN.bitter]T take 2SG.I-go.down [DIST.L=DIST]R APPL-3IR-FIN.give ‘Deliver the poison to him down there.’ [KS.046]

(190) Girra buku mi wiireni. girra buku mi wii-i-rani 3AGTA bookT take APPL-1PL.INCLR-FIN.give ‘He gave us a book.’ [A.19]

(191) Gatiimu naanu girra boorang magapi wiirani. ga-tiimu naanu girra boorang ma-ga-pi wii-a-rani 3I-pay FIN.not 3AGT NFIN.only APPL-3I-make APPL-2SG.IBEN-FIN.give ‘You will not pay, he will just fix it for you [for free].’ [BDPK.346]

8.3. Directional serialization

The direction of a motional event may be specified by another verb. Labaani ‘pass, traverse’ indicates the trajectory and takes a nominal complement, as in (192).

(192) Bangko nearaasine labaani midde. Bangko ne-araasine labaani midde Bangko 1SG.II-FIN.house pass go.up ‘Bangko is going up along the upper side my house.’ [NB4.062]

There is a set of directional verbs describing the direction of an event. The basic vertical verbs midde ‘go up’, made ‘come up’, yaa ‘go down’, and sire ‘come down’ only refer to climbing or descending of a slope at any angle in the most direct line downwards or upwards. The paths with any oblique angle are referred to with the forms glossed with ‘at an oblique angle’, which are historically compounds. The morpheme ma- in mamade and masire preserves the vowel of the original proto-Alor-Pantar *mai ‘come’ (Holton et al. 2012: 115); the modern Sawila reflex is me. The morphemes made ‘come up’ and midde ‘go up’ likely originate in the proto-Alor-Pantar *mid ‘climb, go up’ (Holton et al. 2012: 115). The entire system is shown in Figure 1, including the spatial deictics (see also section 3.2).

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Figure 1: Sawila directional verbs and spatial deictics

The verb midde ‘go up’ indicates upward direction (193), the verb yaa ‘go down’ is used to indicate downward direction (194). Other verbs such as me ‘come’ and we ‘leave’ are also used. In (193), the verb mada ‘climb’ may refer to motion in any direction but is specified by midde ‘go up’ as upwards.

(193) Amada midde nitiing lamiti. a-mada midde ni-tiing li-a-miti [2SG.I-climb1 go.up2]motion 1SG.II-back APPL-2SG.I-sit ‘Climb up and sit on my back!’ [NB4.98]

Example (194), which comes from a fable, describes a son putting his father in the grave. The verb taani ‘release’ is specified for direction by yaa ‘go down’ (as V2) and by dooka ‘stand’ (as V3) for resulting position. All three verbs together translate as ‘bury’.

(194) Gabokela luuku mataani yaa dooka. ga-bokela luuku ma-taani yaa dooka 3I-embrace grave APPL-release1 go.down2 stand3 ‘He embraced him and released him (standing) down in the grave.’ [NB4.117]

Some combinations are highly conventionalized, such as (195), where the directional sire ‘come down’ has lost some of its spatial meaning and is conventionalized for the modern concept of ‘sending’, usually of goods from East Alor ‘down’ to Kalabahi.

(195) Aning tasusire kaana? aning ta-su=sire kaana? NFIN.person DISTR.I-order=NFIN.come.down FIN.COMPL ‘Did they send it yet?’ [NB5.100]

8.4. Manner serialization

Serialization expressing manner can be seen in (196). When the manner verb occurs before the lexical verb, it refers to participant-oriented manner, as in (196a-c). Manner verbs located after the lexical verb are event-oriented (196d).

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(196) a. Masing leekala yaana niko. masing li-ga-kala yaana ni-ko [NFIN.food APPL-3I-hold]manner FIN.go 1PL.EXCL-stay ‘Resisting the hunger we kept going.’ [NB4.72]

b. Maaka itiina anoosa anee! maaka itiina a-noosa a-nee! banana ripe [2SG.I-alone]manner 2SG.I-consume ‘Eat the banana yourself!’ [MT.63]

c. Annu mapadiki masaakara. annu ma-padiki ma-saakara 2SG [APPL-tweak]manner APPL-FIN.offended ‘You are easily offended.’ lit. ‘You are offended from being tweaked.’ [NB4.67]

d. Girra pata ma maana padoota boorana. girra pata ma maana padoota boorana 3AGT corn edible FIN.cook [long FIN.very]manner ‘She is cooking the food for very long time.’ [NB4.1]

Manner, reason, and causes may be expressed by separate clauses requiring the lexical verb to take on an applicative prefix, as in (197).

(197) a. Nimuku manimiti. ni-muku ma-ni-miti [1PL.EXCL-stupid]manner APPL-1PL.EXCL-sit ‘We were sitting unconcerned.’, lit. ‘We were sitting stupidly.’ [N12.201]

b. Tukku nanee linawaala. tukku na-nee li-na-waala [palm.wine 1SG.I-consume]manner APPL-1SG.I-drunk ‘I got drunk drinking palm wine.’ [N12.24]

8.5. Resultative serialization

Serial verb constructions are frequently used to encode resultatives. It is always the V2 that describes the resulting state. For person-marking verbs, co-indexed participants are marked with subscript “i” in the gloss line.

(198) Girra napunni mate boorana. girra na-punni mate boorana 3AGT 1SG.I-hit [hurt FIN.very]result ‘He hit me [to the extent] that it hurts.’ [P.115]

(199) Gasoorana gakiina gapi dooka. ga-soorana ga-kiina ga-pi dooka 3I-FIN.angry [3I-FIN.breathi 3Ii-make stand]result ‘They gasped in rage.’, lit. ‘they were [so] angry [it] made their breath stand’ [NB5.115]

Resultatives may be also encoded with a set of posture verbs, which refer to the end result. The most commonly used verbs are dooka ‘stand’(200), miti ‘sit’ (201), and -te ‘lie’ (202). Each of the verbs may be co-indexed for the participant assuming the resulting state.

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(200) Oningba Koolang mara mang idooka. oning=ba Koolang mara mang i-dooka NFIN.PROX.be.like=TOP Kolana be.in NFIN.arrive [1PL.INCLA-stand]result ‘Around this time [of the day] we arrived in Kolana.’ [BDPK.161]

(201) Nirra wara taaba gamiti. nirra wara taaba ga-miti 1SG.AGT stonei pile.up [3Ii-sit]result ‘I have piled up stones.’ [NB4.78]

(202) Seto yaati, wiikipo sire gate. se=to yaati,# wiiki=po sire ga-te swim=too FIN.bad floodi=FOC NFIN.come.down [3Ii-lie]result ‘He could not swim, a flood inundated [the river bed].’ [MT.12]

The verb kasa ‘come off’ serializes with a small set of verbs to denote events that brought about some permanent change and where no further continuation is possible. Besides the verb tuku ‘peck’, kasa occurs in the corpus with the verbs pareesa ‘investigate < Mly. periksa’, li-kiipa ‘block out, lock up’, ga-pi ga-rammu ‘slaughter off’, ma-ga-ko ‘settle in, occupy’, mading ‘plant out (the whole field)’, pake ‘use up < Mly. pakai’, and li-ga-diika ‘shave off’. The literal meaning of kasa is ‘(come) off’.

(203) Balisi angba se girra tuku kasa. balisi ang=ba se girra tuku kasa [packet DIST=TOP]P [chicken 3AGT]A peck [come.off]result ‘That (steamed rice) package, the chicken pecked (it) completely.’ [NB4.165]

8.6. Aspectual serialisation

Two Sawila posture verbs have grammaticalized into aspectual auxiliaries placed after the lexical verb. Ongoing events are marked with -ko ‘stay’, which is co-indexed for the A/S argument of the main predicate, as in (204). The form ga-ko retains its literal meaning of ‘stay in a place, live, dwell’.

(204) a. Nannu buku limei nako. b. Gannu buku limei gako. nannu buku limei na-ko gannu buku limei ga-ko 1SGi book read 1SG.Ii-stay 3i book read 3Ii-stay ‘I am reading a book.’ [N12.203] ‘He is reading a book.’ [Q.50]

Momentary events, limited to a short time spam, can be marked with dooka ‘stand’. The verb dooka occurs with its original meaning ‘stand’ as well. The prospective auxiliary ga-pi marks the impending occurrence of an event.

(205) a. Gannu daamata laka dooka. gannu daamata laka dooka 3 FIN.door open stand ‘He is opening the door.’ lit. ‘He stands opening the door.’ [Q.52]

b. Gannu yaang gapi dooka. gannu yaang ga-pi dooka 3 NFIN.go 3I-make stand ‘He is about to leave.’ lit. ‘He stands making-it going.’ [Q.48]

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9. Discussion Sawila is a language with an interesting phonological system where the interaction

between the stress and length requires further study. The language has innovated a system of final and non-final roots, whose distribution depends on their syntactic position. The system is somewhat similar to that of Kaera (Klamer, this volume), Wersing (Schapper, this volume) and Kula (Williams, p.c.). Their relationship with the echo vowel systems reported in various languages of Timor is not presently understood, but appears to be an areal feater of East Timor, Kisar, and East Alor.11

In Sawila noun phrases, the head noun occurs initial and may be followed by its modifiers. Demonstratives occur in the final position. Sawila seems to have only internally headed relative clauses, allowing only S and A as shared arguments.

Sawila has three pronominal paradigms, and two series of person prefixes indexing both possessors and arguments, related in a transparent manner. Two of the pronominal paradigms mark agents, while the third is not restricted to any argument type. The unrestricted paradigm can be used in pronominal doubling.

The person prefixes distinguish roughly inalienably possessed nouns from alienably possessed, although many relational nouns are marked as inalienable. The paradigm shows some influence from the contact with Wersing (cf. Schapper, this volume).

The combinatorics of verbal prefixes (person, applicative, and inverse prefixes) is taken here to define four inflectional subclasses. Only two out of four classes share a semantic core. Class II contains verbs that refer to what is known as middle situations (Kemmer 1993, 1994), while class III contains verbs that combine with ‘affected’ arguments. Similar to Kula, Sawila has an inverse prefix used to mark the presence of an affected human undergoer (both S and P).

Sawila predicates are marked for aspect and mood and may join into serial verbs constructions to (i) describe complex events, (ii) add arguments, (iii) specify direction, (iv) manner, (v) result, or (vi) aspect.

Abbreviations Leipzig Glossing Rules (http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php) are

used in this sketch with the following additions: A – the most agent-like argument of a transitive verbs; AGT - agentive free pronoun; Du - Dutch loan word; FIN - final root form (phrase final); I – pronominal prefix set I; II – pronominal prefix set II; INC – inchoative; INTER – interjection; INV – inverse prefix na-; ITER – iterative particle du; Mly – Malay loan word; NFIN – non-final root form (phrase medial); NVIS – non-visible; P – the most patient-like argument of a transitive verb; PART – discourse particle (meaning unclear); Port – Portuguese

11 Echo vowels have been reported in several languages of the neighboring islands of Timor and Kisar: Fataluku (van Engelenhoven 2009:240-241), Fataluku and Waima’a (Himmelmann 2012), Makalero (Huber 2011:80-86), and Meher (Samloy 1998:10). The insertion of echo vowel is treated as a phonological process producing the preferred open syllables. In Makalero, echo vowels are added to closed syllables in the final position of a phonological phrase and the addition of the echo vowel is generally followed by a compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel (Huber 2011:83-86). The echo-vowel insertion may be historically related to the emergence of metathesis found in West Timorese languages such as Helong (Balle and Cameron 2012), or in the Uab Metoq dialect complex (Grimes et al. 2012).

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loan word; POT – potentive free pronoun; PRIOR – prioritive dapa; REAL – realis particles da and di; S – single argument of an intransitive clause; VIS – visible.

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