Funerary practices and body manipulations at Neolithic and Chalcolithic Perdigões ditched...

Recent Prehistoric Enclosures and Funerary Practices in Europe

Proceedings of the International Meeting held at the Gulbenkian Foundation (Lisbon, Portugal, November 2012)

Edited by

António Carlos de Valera

BAR International Series 26762014

Published by

ArchaeopressPublishers of British Archaeological ReportsGordon House276 Banbury RoadOxford OX2 [email protected]

BAR S2676

Recent Prehistoric Enclosures and Funerary Practices in Europe: Proceedings of the International Meeting held at the Gulbenkian Foundation (Lisbon, Portugal, November 2012)

Cover image: Magnetogram from Perdigões enclosure, by Helmut Becker (p. 52, this volume)

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2014

ISBN 978 1 4073 1318 4

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TABLE OF CONTENTS The times and timings of enclosures Alasdair Whittle___________________________________________________________ p. 1 Enclosures &burial in Middle &Late Neolithic Britain Alex Gibson______________________________________________________________ p. 13 The place of human remains anf Funerary practices in Recent Neolithic ditched and walled enclosures in the West of France (IV-III Mill. BC) Audrey Blanchard, Jean-Noël Guyodo, Ludovic Soler ___________________________ p. 19

Funerary practices and body manipulation at Neolithic and Chalcolithic Perdigões ditched enclosures (South Portugal) António Carlos Valera, Ana Maria Silva, Claudia Cunha, Lucy Shaw Evangelista ______ p. 37 Skeletons in the ditch: funerary activity in ditched enclosures of Porto Torrão (Ferreira do Alentejo, Beja) Filipa Rodrigues_____________________________________________________ p. 59 Enclosures and funerary practices: about an archaeology in search for the symbolic dimension of social relations. Susana Oliveira Jorge____ _________________________________________________ p. 71 Human Bones from Chalcolithic Walled Enclosures of Portuguese Estremadura: The Examples of Zambujal and Leceia Michael Kunst, João Luís Cardoso, Anna Waterman ______________________________ p. 83 Human sacrifices with cannibalistic practices in a pit enclosure? The extraordinary early Neolithic site of Herxheim (Palatinate, Germany) Andrea Zeeb-Lanz ________________________________________________________ p. 99 Gendered burials at an henge-like enclosure near Magdeburg, central Germany: a tale of revenge and ritual killing? André Spatzier Marcus Stecher, Kurt W. Alt. François Bertemes____________________ p. 111

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The Copper age ditched settlement at Conelle de Arcevia (Central Italy) Alberto Cazzella, Giulia Recchia ____________________________________________ p. 129 Funerary practices in the ditched enclosures of Camino de las Yeseras: Ritual, Temporal and Spatial Diversity Patrícia Rios, Corina Liesau, Concepción Blasco _______________________________ p. 139 Recent Prehistory enclosures & funerary practices José Enrique Márquez Romero, Vítor Jímenez Jaímez ___________________________ p. 149

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FUNERARY PRACTICES AND BODY MANIPULATION AT NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC PERDIGÕES DITCHED ENCLOSURES (SOUTH PORTUGAL).1

António Carlos Valera2 Ana Maria Silva3 Claudia Cunha4 Lucy Shaw Evangelista5

1. INTRODUCTION

The perception of enclosures as places where complex practices involving funerary procedures and body manipulations were performed during Recent Prehistory is an old issue in European archaeology, but a relatively recent one in Portugal, namely in the South. This is due mainly to the fact that human remains were rare in walled enclosures and to the circumstance that ditched enclosures only recently started to be detected in their real archaeological expression (in the last fifteen years).

In fact, until recently Neolithic and Chalcolithic funerary practices in Alentejo (South Portugal) were thought to be restricted almost exclusively to the megalithic tombs. Being a region where natural caves are almost absent (only one case, Escoural in Montemor-o-Novo was known to have human burials dating from Late Neolithic – Araújo and Lejeune, 1995), the hundreds of megalithictombs (small cist type monuments first and larger passage graves latter) and tholoi (in the Chalcolithic) were seen as the main architectures built for funerary purposes. Scattered over the landscape or clustered in nuclear areas, they were the material expression of Neolithic and Chalcolithic attitudes towards death in the region.

This image has changed considerably over the last decade (Valera, 2012b). Due mainly to emergency Archaeology projects developed especially in South Alentejo, pit graves and hypogea were revealed to be quite common funerary features in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic and inclusively in the Bronze Age, where the exclusivity of cist graves is now being replaced by a more diversified scenario with pits and hypogea maintaining an important presence as funerary architectures.

1 This paper results of the fusion of two talks presented at the meeting “Recent Prehistory Enclosures and Funerary Practices”: “Funerary practices in the Perdigões enclosure: time, diversity and cosmogony in the treatment conceded to the dead” by António Carlos Valera and “Human Bones, Burials and Funerary practices at Perdigões Enclosure” by Ana Maria Silva e Claudia Cunha. New data was added by Lucy Shaw Evangelista. 2 Coordinator of the Perdigões Research Program; coordinator of Era Arqueologia S.A. research unit ([email protected]). 3 Centro de Investigação em Antropologia e Saúde, Universidade de Coimbra. 4 PhD student. Centro de Investigação em Antropologia e Saúde, Universidade de Coimbra. 5 Archaeologist at Era Arqueologia S.A., collaborator of Perdigões Research Program, PhD student. Centro de Investigação em Antropologia e Saúde, Universidade de Coimbra.

Additionally, funerary contexts and body manipulation practices begun to be detected in direct association to ditched enclosures and several of them started to show meaningful articulation with megalithic structures in the construction of what we might call Neolithic landscapes.

Presently, funerary practices and manipulations of human remains in Alentejo are characterized by a considerable diversity that is in clear contradiction with the perception of a certain homogeneity traditionally induced by megalithism. Although the number of enclosures with human remains inside is still relatively low, the available evidence and the theoretical debate that is being generated clearly drifts us from that old and strict dichotomy of settlements as a profane ground versus necropolis as a sacred ground, from the image of megalithic and cave graves as the exclusive spaces for the deceased and from the idea that human body manipulations were confined to funerary rituals.

The first occurrences, as was to be expected, were not interpreted as isolated phenomena or practice. Rather, they tended to be perceived in the framework provided by the interpretation of their contexts and by a particular ontological presumption. What the presence of these human remains means clearly depends on the social role that we conceive for the enclosures and on ideas about the human body and humanity as ontological categories. And this is frequently established a priori without much thought. Therefore, aprioristic perceptions of the context establish the framework for the interpretation of human remains and associated practices, while what we really should be doing instead is looking for the part played by these remains and practices in the construction of the contextual meaning and social role of a particular site.

This is the approach that has been followed at Perdigões enclosure, where these activities concerning death are seen as social practices that, interacting with others, contribute to the site’s social role and meaning and to the construction of a specific local landscape. We shall, then, present the available data regarding funerary practices and human body manipulations at Perdigões and then question the part they might have played in its historical development, taking into account several other evidences provided by the site and the local context.

2. PERDIGÕES FUNERARY FEATURES AND CONTEXTS.

Located in the municipality of Reguengos de Monsaraz, Évora district, in South Portugal (Figure 1:1), Perdigões is a large ditched enclosure that has been investigated for the last 15 years, in a long term program of research led by the Archaeological Research Group (NIA) of ERA Arqueologia S.A., and has an extended list of publications (for general approaches, Lago et al. 1998, Valera et al. 2000, Valera et al. 2007, Valera 2008b, Valera 2010, Valera and Silva 2011, Márquez et al. 2011, Valera et al. 2014).

Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium

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It comprises a set of ditched enclosures with a long period of construction and use. The available chronology (Valera et al., 2014) shows that the site has its origin in the second half of the 4th millennium BC (around 3400-3300 BC) and developed throughout the 3rd millennium BC. Implanted in a natural theatre open to East, the site presents twelve ditches, but only seven have been surveyed and dated so far. The actual image is one of a progressive growth (Figure 1:2), starting with smaller enclosures in the centre of the natural theatre in Late Neolithic and ending with a larger ditch that runs across the top of the slopes of that topographic basin in Late Chalcolithic (the fact that there are ditches still to be surveyed and dated makes this perception provisory). During this time span, funerary practices and body manipulation were always present, but revealing diversified procedures.

2.1 Late Neolithic (3400 - 2900 BC)

Dating from the second half of the 4th millennium/beginning of the 3rd BC (3400-2900 BC) is the central enclosure formed by a larger ditch (Ditch 6) and two smaller ones that run in parallel interiorly (Ditches 5 and 12). The only gate present in this enclosure is aligned with the summer solstice. This central enclosure was surrounded by another one designated Ditch 8, also dating from the Late Neolithic. Several contemporary small and large pits have already been recorded inside these enclosures and it is possible that the eastern cromlech, just 350m away from the enclosures and in the connection between the natural theatre and the valley, was built during this phase (Figure 1:3).

It is clear that the locating of both the enclosures and the cromlech had to do with the visual interaction with the valley, where more than a hundred megalithic tombs existed, and with the eastern the horizon comprised between the topographical opening limits that coincide with the summer and winter solstices, transforming that horizon in an annual calendar at sunrise, with the elevation of Monsaraz in the middle, marking the equinoxes. So, since the beginning, a strong symbolism was embedded in the architecture and location and in the spatial and visual relations established with the local megalithic landscape.

For this period we only have two funerary contexts so far, corresponding to two pits (Figure 2) located outside the enclosures, some 200m to northwest (Valera, 2008a; Godinho, 2008; Valera and Godinho, 2009): pits 7 and 11. Pit 7 is earlier and was slightly cut by pit 11 that wasthen cut by other pits in about two thirds of its area.

In Pit 7 there were no votive artifacts associated to these remains with the exception of a Sus paw. A human bone from the female individual buried in this pit (UE114) was dated by radiocarbon, providing the date 4430 ± 40BP: 3331-2922 BC at 2σ (BETA-289265) (Valera and Silva, 2011; Valera et al, 2014). In Pit 11 the remains were associated once again to a sus paw and to a cockle shell.

A hand bone of individual UE76 was dated and provide the following date: 4370±40: 3096-2901 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-289233) (Valera and Silva, 2011; Valera et al, 2014). That confirms the stratigraphic observation that pit 11 was posterior to pit 7.

2.1.1 Anthropological analyses and inferences

In Pit 7 elements of a left and of right lower limb were exhumed. Despite unearthed from two different stratigraphic levels, morphological and metric data suggest that they are compatible and therefore they were considered to be from the same individual. They belong to an adult female with an estimated height of 157.3 ± 4.75 cm based on the second right metatarsus. No signs of pathology were observed on the recovered bones. In addition to the bones of this individual, fragments of phalanges of non-adult individual and fragments of an adult skull were preserved. These seem to have no relation with the previously described female individual. Their presence may have resulted from post depositional soil movements that displaced them into this pit or to later depositions of bones. Another possibility is that these bones might belong to another burial previously deposited in the pit 7. The practice of depositing parts of bodies or subtraction of bones or parts of skeletons is clear, for natural causes do not explain the absence of bones from the axial skeleton and from the upper limbs of the female.

Pit 11, although cut in a significant part of its area, contained the skeletal remains of three non-adult individuals: UE 76, UE 77 and UE 78 (Figure 2).

Non adult UE76 represents the most incomplete skeleton recovered. It was deposited on his right side and oriented SW – NE. Almost all left hand bones, fragments of the cranium, mandible, vertebrae, ribs, clavicles and humerus were recovered from this skeleton. Dental age assessment based on the root development of the upper left third molar suggests an age at death around 16.2 years according to Smith (1984) and 16.5 – 17.5 years considering the revision of Alqahtani et al. (2010). Concerning skeleton elements, the base and head of metacarpal 1, the bases of the preserved proximal, middle and distal phalanges are completely fused indicating an age at death above 16.5 years (Scheuer and Black, 2000). Therefore, the available age indicators suggest an age at death around 16 – 17 years. No signs of pathology were registered with exception of linear enamel hypoplasia on, at least, 6 teeth: the upper left and right central incisors, upper left canine, lower left lateral incisor, lower left and right canines. Although the precise aetiology of enamel hypoplasia is not well understood, it is accepted that it is related to periodic physiological disruptions of matrix secretion during times that teeth are developing. So, these defects are considered as unspecific metabolic stress indicators. Considering these teeth complete their crown formation between the first and the sixth year of age, factors contributing to the formation these hypoplastic defects might have happened early in this individual’s life.


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Non adult UE 77 represents the most complete recovered skeleton from this pit, although bone fragmentation was high. He was lying on his left side with head orientated to the north. Age at death was estimated to be around 5 years considering the tooth development of several preserved teeth. With exception of linear enamel hypoplasia distinguished in several teeth (crown of the upper right second molar, lower left canine), no other signs of pathology were detected. Finally, non adult UE 78 was lying on its left side, head orientated north. With exception of the lower limbs, which were practically absent, all other skeleton elements were represented. Age at death estimations based on several teeth fall between 12.7 – 14.8 years (Alqahtani et al. 2010; Smith, 1991). The assessment of the post cranial skeletal maturation procuded an estimation of 12 years of age based on the measurements of left radius lead to an estimation of around 12 years (diaphysis length: 167mm Stloukal and Hánákova, 1978). The dental remains also provide insights into the dietary and non-masticatory use behavior of these non-adults. Dental wear is low, in the range expected in non-adult individuals. No cariogenic lesions were detected. The more noteworthy observation of the dental remains of these non-adults, namely in the two older ones, was the presence of antemortem traumatic crown factures, that is, dental chipping. Non adult UE76 (16-17 age at death) exhibit antemortem fracture on 7 teeth including anterior teeth (n=3/11, left upper central incisor is damaged postmortem, not allowing observation) and posterior teeth (n=4/18; right first and second premolars are damaged postmortem, not allowing observation). Crown wear is irregular on the right central upper incisor, both lower central incisors and particularly on the mesial/incisal edge of the lower lateral incisors where dental chipping can be observed. Moreover, on the labial surface of the crown of the right central upper incisor, a very shallow notch originating at the incisal edge of the tooth and extending toward the cemento-enamel junction is visible. Buccal chipping on the posterior dentition was observed for the right first upper premolar and on the buccal-distal cusp of the right second upper molar. Although all teeth display signs of calculus, large deposits are visible on the lingual surface of both lower central incisors, occupying around ¾ of this surface. In the lower lateral incisors the deposits of calculus are visible around half of this surface. Individual UE78 (12.7 – 14.8 years) displays chipping in 5 teeth of the anterior dentition (right upper central incisor is missing postmortem): all lower incisors exhibit chipping (lower canines are still erupting). On the labial surface of the lower left central incisor a small circular defect is visible very near the incisal line. All teeth display signs of calculus, but in this non adult, these deposits are more extensive in the labial surface of the lower incisors. The deposits of calculus are generally related to the consumption of high-protein foods which contributes to increase alkalinity in the mouth, favoring precipitation of minerals in the oral fluids. But other important factors are

poor oral hygiene and the consumption of carbohydrates since the initiation of mineralization is related to the amount of plaque and thus to factors that increase its accumulation. The absence of cariogenic lesions in the teeth of these individuals suggests that carbohydrates did not contribute significantly to their diet, but high-protein foods could be related to the exploitation of cattle resources of these populations. Faunal remains from the ditches and pits in the enclosures reveal an important presence of Sus, Ovis-Capris and Bos, documenting an important pastoralism, also documented by the evidence of surrounding pastures in the pollen record of the site (Danielson and Mendes, 2013). Dental chipping can be related to masticatory and non-masticatory activities. The presence of contaminants, as grains of sand in food like roots and tubers or other hard resistant elements, as well as the habit of cracking and chewing of dried hard seeds and nuts in Mediterranean populations are among the more documented causes of masticatory activities that can cause dental traumas (Alt and Pichler, 1998). Paramasticatory activities, such as breaking hard shells, shattering bones to extract the marrow or chewing of roots or leaves as well as work activities or accidental events can also lead to these antemortem dental traumas. In the present case it is difficult to identify the cause of dental chipping. However, the young age at death of the individuals and the high number of chipped teeth, particularly non-adult UE76, seem to exclude accidental events and suggest that the teeth were subjected to repeated traumas, especially the anterior ones, starting very early in life. Still, more data are necessary to understand the diet, dietary behavior and non-masticatory activities of these past populations. It is also interesting to note that individual UE78 had only the proximal parts of the femurs and that they were in anatomical connection but bent over the abdomen while there were some soft tissues still preserved. In the opinion of the excavators, this suggests that the lower limbs were intentionally turned over the abdomen and that the absence of the rest of the legs and feet are due to anthropic activity occurring during the decomposition process, meaning that these bodies were decomposing in a hollow space inside the pit and they were not initially covered with earth (Valera and Godinho, 2009). Preliminary ancient DNA results indicate that these three non-adults were male and that they did not share any matrilineal relationship since they belong to three different haplogroups. At the present, patrilineal relationships are being evaluated. The strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotope ratio was also assessed to infer about the residence pattern of these non-adults. The strontium isotope value recorded in human teeth reflects residence patterns in the early stages of life when these tissues are forming (compared to bone which remodels throughout life and therefore reflects adolescence and adult residence patterns). For the present study, the selected teeth included lower first molars or second premolars which allow the assessment of mobility between birth and three years of age. The available results show that only the


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87Sr/86Sr ratio of individual UE78 fall within the local Perdigões range. The other two display values below the local range of 87Sr/86Sr suggesting that they are non-local. However, at the moment more fauna samples are being process to elaborate with more precision the biological 87Sr/86Sr ratio for the Perdigões area.

2.2 Chalcolithic

There has been an exponential increase in our knowledge on funerary practices and human body manipulations during the Chalcolithic through work undertaken in recent years, not only in Perdigões but all over the South of Portugal and that has brought to light a number of funerary structures (mostly negative) that include hypogea, pits and ditches that include the deposition of human remains, cremated or not. (Valera, 2012b).

At Perdigões, and according to present data, since the end of the first quarter and until middle 3rd millennium BC the enclosed area grew larger with the construction of Ditch 3 and, later, of ditch 4. They are sinuous ditches that run at middle slope of the natural theatre, defining a sub-trapezoidal enclosure, partially obliterated at East by modern agricultural features. The absolute chronologies obtained in the excavated sections (Sector I) show that Ditch 3 is earlier and that it was half filled when Ditch 4 was opened alongside it, and just 2,5m to the inside, by the end of the first half of the millennium (Valera and Silva, 2011; Valera et al, 2014): two identical dates were obtained for the bottom and middle fillings of Ditch 3 (Beta-285098 and Beta-285096 - 4050±40: 2851-2472 cal BC at 2σ); the date obtained for a upper layer of Ditch 3 (Beta-285095 – 3980±40: 2618-2347 cal BC at 2σ) was identical to one of the two dates from the bottom of Ditch 4 (Beta-285097) and quite similar to the other (Beta-289264 – 3940±40: 2568-2299 cal BC at 2σ).

During this period at least two tholoi type tombs were built in the Eastern side, between the enclosure and the previous cromlech, in the open part of the natural theatre (Figure 1:4), but other funerary structures were identified in surface intervention and in the geophysics magnetogram. At the same time human bones were manipulated and deposited in Ditch 3 and, later, in Ditch 4 in the surveyed area (Sector I), just next to the previous pit graves from Late Neolithic.

2.2.1 – Tomb 1

The construction phase (Phase 1) of Tomb I includes the opening up and digging of the outline of the monument (atrium, corridor and funerary chamber) in soil and bedrock and lining it with schist slabs of at least 1.8 m high with the possible erection of four monoliths similar to those found in Tomb 2, which were probably torn out when an olive tree was planted in the corridor area. The access to the Tomb’s circular chamber which is about 3.5m in diameter was made through the small corridor (1.5m long), and a circular atrium (2m diameter) also partially excavated in the bedrock. The monument is orientated at 90º (sun rise at equinoxes). During this first

construction phase, a trapezoidal compartment was also attached to the North side of the chamber defined by three other schist slabs that was probably in use for a short period before being partly dismantled. It is also important to notice that although at a certain moment the chamber starts to collapse, with the lateral schist slabs falling inwards in pieces, the use of the chamber for depositions continued without any repairing of the structures (Valera et al, 2000).

The human remains in the chamber were associated to quite rich material assemblages, composed by a large number of long blades, arrow heads, small pots, necklace beads and a great diversity of bone and ivory objects, some reused decorated schist plaques and a fragment of a copper object. In the atrium, where almost no human remains were found, there was a flint dagger, a set of arrow schist arrow heads, a set of limestone small pots, a ceramic pot with a pedestal and a Pecten maximus shell. Given the apparent secondary nature of the funerary depositions, it becomes impossible to associate individuals with specific artifacts. Consequently it is unknown whether a specific group of grave goods is associated to one sex group, one age group, or one individual. In some bone clusters, however, it is clear the association between a group of bones and a set of grave goods.

The chamber depositions of Tomb 1 have now four radiocarbon dates (Valera et al, 2014): 4030±40: 2830-2470 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-327750), corresponds to an intermediate layer of the depositions before the first episodes of ruin of the lateral slabs; 3990±30: 2570-2460 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-311480) corresponds to the final depositions of that previous moment; 4060±30: 2830-2490 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-327748) corresponds to a deposition already over the first episodes of ruin; 4130±30: 2870-2580 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-327747) corresponds to a layer of plain use in ruin.

It is interesting to notice that the dates from the “use in ruin” phases are not different from the older date of the use “previous to ruin” and older than the date from the end of that first phase. We might propose two hypothesis to explain this contradiction between the two latter dates and their stratigraphic position: one might consider that during the use and reuse of the monument, two bones from previous depositions were pushed up in the sequence by human activity; the other might suggest that, if Tomb 1 was used for secondary depositions, that older bones were brought to the tomb in later moments or at the same time as more recent ones, suggesting that bone transportation could mixtures different individuals that died in significant different times. All together, these dates place the construction of the monument clearly in the first half of the 3rd millennium BC and its use until the middle of that millennium.

2.2.1.1 - Anthropological analyses and inferences

Although in formal terms some of these Tombs may be said to belong to the megalithic tradition of orthostatic


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funerary construction with a chamber and a corridor, (the atrium is only present in particular cases), they nonetheless possess very specific architectural characteristic and their use must be understood as part of the highly complex funerary practices known for the Southwest of the Iberian Peninsula during recent Pre-History. In fact, the paradigm for burial ritual in this region is changing drastically, not only from the point of view of archeology but mainly in terms of Funerary Anthropology.

Regarding Tomb1, the laboratorial work is still in progress and follows the different archaeological phases defined for this structure that seems to have a long and complex history of utilization that continued even after it began to fall into disrepair.

In general terms, a preliminary analysis of the human remains recovered indicates an overall poor bone preservation level and a high degree of fragmentation. All skeletal parts seem to be present although with very different levels of preservation. There seems to be a predominance of long bones and cranial fragments and a poorer preservation of more fragile portions of the human skeleton. The first phases of utilization indicate the presence of adults (both sexes) and non-adults. The provisional minimum number of individuals (MNI) rises up to 106 (Cunha in preparation; Evangelista in preparation). Because all age groups are present and both sexes appear to be equally represented, we must assume that there are no restrictions of age nor sex in what concerns the use of this tomb.

The archaeological definition of several different moments of use of this structure through time is being confirmed by the study underway and allows us to assess potential differences in the funerary strategies regarding number of individuals, sex or age distinctions, associated objects and gestures.

It is clear that phase 2 was a period of intensive use of the tomb which is evident from the great scatter and fragmentation of the osteological remains and votive material, in spite of the poor state of the bone fragments collected. This may possibly be explained by occasional collapses of the slabs covering the walls of the monument.

When the monument began to being used for the deposition of human remains in this Phase 2, the internal chamber/compartment was no longer in use. Its limits were still defined by the remaining slab and by the footing of another. In that specific area only a few teeth and long bones were recovered including elements belonging to an under 6 year old. We cannot tell if these are what was left of the first depositions in the compartment, although the lack of evidence for the use of this space raises questions as to its purpose. It is possible that nothing survived from the first utilizations of the monument or that this space was no longer used for its original purpose.

The oldest human depositions with clear evidence of intentional deposition of votive material are set in the transition area between the corridor and the chamber. This deposit contained two sets of artifacts, one which included a ceramic pot and the other an arrow head. The human remains include the presence of an individual less than 2 years old and several adult bones (especially carpals and tarsals). At the same time, in a very distinct area of the chamber, behind the remaining slab of the original compartment a few adult bones and a tooth belonging to a two year old child were identified.

Following these initial depositions, an intense use of the chamber is recorded throughout this phase 2. There were many deposits of a heterogeneous nature, including large numbers of human bones of varying concentrations spread over different areas amongst abundant slight traces of ochre and a large number of votive objects. For the most part, they were in a very poor state of conservation. It was nonetheless possible to identify the presence of a minimum number of 11 adult individuals (of both sexes). The MNI was based on the count and simple repetition of Upper Right Second Premolars. The presence of the remains of at least 4 nonadults was also registered (three under ±5 year olds and one ±1.5).

No anatomical connections were identified during fieldwork at Tomb I. No articulations, even the more persistent, were present at the feature and virtually all uncovered bones seemed to be in total disarray. Therefore, preliminary field data seems to indicate the presence of secondary depositions. The presence of small bones, like distal phalanx, carpals and tarsals cannot be interpreted as an unquestionable indicator for primary depositions. In fact, in another area of Perdigões where the remains of hundreds of cremated human bones were identified in what is unmistakably a secondary deposit, a large quantity of small bones were recovered (Silva et al, 2010) revealing a great care in the collection of bones between the previous and their final resting place.

If the secondary nature of these depositions is confirmed by the anthropological study underway (Evangelista in preparation), several important questions are raised. Where might the first depositions have been? Is there a prolongation of the ritual of death, which implies a primary deposition of bodies with characteristics we know little about, followed by the repetition of similar acts with the deposition of parts of bodies in other structures, which were specially built for this purpose? (Valera et al, 2000:101 and following.) . 2.2.2 – Tomb 2

Tomb 2 (Figure 4) is also constituted by a circular chamber of about 3m diameter partially excavated in the bedrock, with walls covered by schist slabs. It has a 1m orthostatic corridor (two pillars each side), an ellipsoidal atrium also excavated in the bed rock whose walls were also covered by schist slabs (and one small pillar). It is orientated at 130º (Valera et al., 2000).


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The anthropological study of the human remains is still to be done, but no primary depositions were recognized during the excavation and only a foot was recovered in anatomical connection, deposited in the first layer in the center of the atrium. In contrast, several ossuaries were identified, indicating some bone selection.

The stratigraphy and the available absolute chronology clearly show two general moments of use. The first was probably restricted to the chamber (as in Tomb 1). At a given moment the some lateral slab start to fall in and the chamber suffered an emptying process, and only some partial contexts of that first phase were preserved in the bottom and bellow some of the broken schist slabs. This phase was dated from the first half of the 3rd millennium (Beta-308791 - 4090±30: 2860-2500 cal BC at 2σ), show that the construction and first use was contemporaneous with Tomb 1.

After the emptying process, the chamber was reused for secondary depositions (namely with a quadrant being bordered and filled predominantly with long bones and a complete dear antler). The atrium was also used for funerary depositions in this phase, and two moments were clearly defined: one before the falling of the slab that closed the entrance of the corridor; and other after the falling of that slab over the first layers of depositions in the atrium.

We have three radiocarbon dates related to this second phase (Valera et al, 2014): 3890±30: 2470-2290 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-308792) was obtain for the chamber; 3970±30: 2570-2460 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-308793) was obtained for the later depositions in the atrium (after the fall of the slab); 3840±30: 2460-2200 cal BC at 2σ (Beta-308789). Once again, there is a situation where the dates are contradicting the stratigraphy: the dated bone recovered in the deposits before the fall of the slab is more recent that the bone dated in the deposits over the slab. The same two hypotheses might be discussed, but due to the position of the slab and the absence of evidences of significant disturbance of the previous deposits, the second possibility (the mixture of bones from different times) gains more credit.

In the chamber, the materials associated with the first phase are some pots, arrow heads, some ivory and bone objects and beads. Related to the second phase we have some thin gold blades, and ivory button, ivory lunulae and zoomorphic figurines and idols, limestone idols and pots and arrow heads.

2.2.3 – Depositions of human remains in ditches 3 and 4

So far, of the seven ditches already submitted to archaeological survey, only in ditches 3 and 4 the presence of human bones was documented (Valera and Godinho 2010). The deposits of the first filling sequence of Ditch 3 revealed the presence of some human bones. A radius fragment was recovered in a lower layer in association

with a formal deposition of stones, faunal remains and pottery shards and at middle depth of the ditch, in a niche excavated in the eastern wall, a cranial fragment was recorded. As referred above, two identical radiocarbon dates for the first half of the 3rd millennium were obtained for the bottom and top of this first half sequence of the ditch 4050±40 (Beta-285096) and 4050±40 (Beta-285098) : 2840-2480 cal BC at 2σ.

In Ditch 4 the human remains were collected in a bottom deposit and correspond to hand phalanges (possibly from the same hand) while another phalange was recovered in an upper layer of that ditch. The lower deposit of provenance of the human bones was dated from the middle / third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC (Beta-289264 – 3940±40: 2568-2299 cal BC at 2σ and and Beta-285097 - 3980±40: 2580-2450 cal BC at 2σ).

The human remains in this ditches share a same general treatment conceded to faunal remains, pottery shards, some rare lithic material and bits of copper, forming horizontal depositions of anthropic origin that were interspersed by earth layers that were filling the bottom half of both ditches. Their formation was contemporary with the use and reuse of the tholoi type tombs.

2.2.4 – Depositions of cremated human remains in the central area

During the middle and third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC the manipulation of human remains in Perdigões was getting quite diversified. As depositions of human bones were taking place in Ditch 4, Tomb 2 was partially emptied and reused and Tomb 1 was receiving its last depositions, in the centre of the enclosures, cutting previous Late Neolithic structures, an intense Chalcolithic occupation was developed and cremated human remains were deposited in pits and in open air and a cist grave was built (Silva et al., 2013; Valera, 2010; 2012a, 2012b; Valera et al., 2014).

2.2.4.1 Pit 16

Pit 16 is located in the centre of the enclosure. It was partially excavated in sediments (of a Chalcolithic occupation that interfered with previous Late Neolithic structures) and partially in the underlying bedrock, and it is the only chalcolithic funerary context completely studied in anthropological terms in Perdigões so far.

The stratigraphy showed the sedimentation of two thin layers in the bottom of the pit, followed by a “dumped” deposit with a conical shape of cremated remains that includes abundant charcoal fragments and ashes, human bones, fauna (Sus, Ovis-Capra, Bos, Canis, Cervus and rabbit), fragments of pottery, ivory idols, arrow heads and a metal awl, all submitted to fire. Evidence of ochre was found only on human remains, suggesting that these were sprinkled with this pigment. This deposit was then covered by two layers with abundant faunal remains and broken pottery with no evidences of firing and, at the top of the pit, by two more thin layers also with some fauna


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and fragments of pottery. The stratigraphic evidence shows that the cremation took place elsewhere and that the remains were carefully collected, transported and deposited in the pit.

A radiocarbon date was obtained based on a human bone: Beta-289262 - 3990±40: 2621-2350 cal BC at 2σ (Valera and Silva, 2011; Valera et al, 2014), and shows contemporaneity (in radiocarbon terms) with the latest human bones depositions in Ditch 4, with the reutilization of Tomb 2 and with the later use of Tomb 1.

2.2.4.1.1 - Anthropological analyses and inferences

The human bone assemblage represents highly burned human remains. In total, around 2404 bone fragments and 63 dental remains were recorded. The cremated human bone assemblage displays heterogeneous color variation indicating that different elements of the body were exposed to different temperatures during distinct lengths of time. Most of the fragments are greyish (incompletely oxidized) or whitish (> 600º) confirming the exposition to high temperatures during some time, but black, brown and blue-grey bone fragments were also scored. The burnt bones fragments exhibit warping and several types of heat fissures such as transverse, longitudinal and thumbnail fractures in long bones (Figure 6:2), patina fractures in articular surfaces and delamination and dendritic fractures in cranial fragments. Thumbnail fractures are generally associated with the burning of fleshed and green bones, suggesting that at least some individuals were cremated as fleshed bodies. However, recently Gonçalves (2012) demonstrated that this type of fracture can also appear in burning of dry bones suggesting that it may be related to the preservation of collagen (Gonçalves et al., 2011) instead of pre-cremation state. Unfortunately, no data about the pre-cremations conditions of the human remains are available, so it is not possible to exclude that the cremation was performed on individuals in different stages of decomposition.

The human remains represent a minimum of nine individuals, six adults and three non-adults, these later ones with age at death estimation of 6-7 years, 11-12 years and around 14 years (all assessed by methodology on teeth development by Smith, 1991). Among the adult sample the presence of two lumbar vertebrae without fusion of the vertebral arch and the epiphyseal line of iliac crest still visible in a fragment of ilium, suggest the presence of at least one young adult (20-25 years) in this assemblage. Evidence of mature adults was also noticed by the advanced obliteration of the sagittal suture in a parietal bone fragment. No inferences about sex were possible. Among the morphological analysis, two non-metric characters were registered: complete supraclavicular perforation in a right clavicle diaphysis (Figure 6:1) and the presence of supranasal suture in a small frontal bone fragment. The former one is considered a rare anatomical variant of the clavicle. This canal seems to result from an unusual supraclavicular

nerve course and it is mainly studied due to its potential relation to supraclavicular nerve entrapment (Jelev and Surchev, 2007). For human past populations this morphological trait is also rarely described. According to Saunders (1978) its frequency varies between 1.6% and 6.7%, with a strong genetic determinism. In Portuguese Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic populations the frequency of this trait varies between 0% and 16.7%. The exact meaning of this higher frequency in some Portuguese prehistoric samples is unknown but it could be an indicator of greater genetic relatedness of these individuals.

Evidence of diseases, as oral pathology, degenerative, traumatic and infectious diseases were observed in bone fragments, all belonging to adult individuals. The dental remains, mainly represented by loose teeth fragments, displayed severe damage. Usually the crown was split into several pieces and are very incomplete, being impossible to recognize dental pathologies, such as cariogenic lesions or deposits of calculus. Among the few maxilla fragments, antemortem tooth loss of both right premolars of a mandible fragment was observed. This specimen was send to strontium analyses to infer about mobility of this individual. Unfortunately, no enough enamel was preserved to obtain strontium isotopic data. Signs of non-specific infectious diseases (periostosis) were observed in 6 fragments of long bones. Degenerative diseases (osteoarthritis) were observed in a lumbar vertebra and in a proximal foot phalange. In a cranial fragment, a circular depression (diameter of around 10 mm and about 1 mm depth,) was located near the lambda suture. The most probable diagnosis of this remodelled lesion is depressed cranial fracture, although an incomplete trepanation cannot be excluded.

In order to infer on the thoroughness of the retrieval of human remains from the cremation site and their subsequent deposition into this pit, bone representation of adult individuals was assessed. The methodology used for this assessment is based on the representativeness of each bone class in the total weight of a sample (Silva et al., 2009). Following that approach, bones are weighed according to their category and the obtained values are converted to percentages. These are compared with the references values to check for deviations (Silva et al., 2009) in order to observe any possible irregularity in the composition of the sample. Few studies have documented skeletal weight from burned remains (Gonçalves, 2012; Herrmann, 1976; Malinowski and Porawski, 1969; McKinley, 1993). Recently, Gonçalves et al. (2011), recorded weight of two samples (cadavers and skeletons) from contemporary cremations of Portuguese individuals. However, the proposed reference values are difficult to apply in archaeological cremations, particularly in secondary contexts, once we do not know the sex of the individuals or even the pre-cremation conditions (cadaver or dry bones). We cannot dismiss the possibility that this and other collective cremated deposits in the site might contain individuals in different pre-cremation conditions. Therefore, we chose to use the reference values of Silva et al. (2009) since they represent the results from the


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skeletal weight of a Portuguese sample dated of the 20th century in which both sexes were pooled together although these were obtained from unburned skeletons. Non adult bones had to be excluded from this analysis since no reference values are available.

An amount of 4845.18 g of human bones was recovered from this pit. Among them, 339.58 g correspond to unidentified bone fragments and 69.1 g to non-adult bone fragments. The remaining 4436.50 g belong to adult bone fragments. This last value was used in the analysis of bone representation to check for possible irregularities of the different parts of the skeleton in the sample. Bone weight of the five categories (cranial bones, long bones, hand bones, foot bones and other - remaining skeletal bones - bones) was converted to percentages in order to be compared to the reference values. As observed in Figure 6:4, the distribution of percentages for most bone categories are similar to the expected values with some derivations in the categories of “other bones” and foot bones, being these less represented than expected. For the former one, the nature of the bones with higher content of trabecular structure can probably explain poorer preservation due to taphonomic factors. The lower values for foot bones are more difficult to explain, since these are usually well preserved and easily identified, at least in unburnt bones. One possible explanation could be related to a more deficient recovering of this terminal part of the skeleton: foot bones could be less accessible for gathering.

According to the literature, archaeological cremations of adult individuals vary from 375 g to around 1200 g (Cullen, 1995; Grévin et al. 1998; McKinley, 1993). These values are lower than modern cremations, since they were subjected to post cremation taphonomic disturbance. Thus, if we considered the bone weight of the adult sample, 4436.5 g, bearing in mind that the NMI for the adults in this sample is 6, the mean weight per individual would be 807.5 g, a value that falls within the expected weight range of archaeological human cremations.

The presence of bones from all parts of the skeleton, including small hand and foot bones, and the results of bone weight analysis, reveal some care in the recovery of the cremated remains (as well as of the fauna and artefacts) prior to their final deposition in the pit. We might probably infer that complete bodies had been burnt, instead of disarticulated body parts, as sometimes suggested for prehistoric deposits of cremated bones, generally incomplete and underweight bone assemblages (Duffy and MacGregor, 2008). It is unclear why and where were these individuals cremated. However, there seems to be no doubt that they were intentionally cremated, carefully collected and finally deposited in this pit, by all the mentioned evidences. Moreover, the level of cremation suggest a significant effort to reduce these remains to very small fragments, although some fragmentation probably results from post-depositional disturbance and mechanical pressure related, for example,

with the picking and transport of the burned human bones.

2.2.4.2 – Pit 40, cist and open air depositions

Nearby pit 16, just 5 meters east, there is an area that revealed a sequence of structures and contexts with several deposits of human cremated remains (Figure 5). The sequence is composed by a pit (Pit 40), a cist integrated in a semicircular stone cairn and several episodes of depositions of cremated remains in open air over the cairn structure.

Pit 40 is 2.70m diameter and is still under excavation. So far, it has about 40cm deep and is excavated in deposits of previous chalcolithic occupations in the central area of the enclosures, just like the top half of Pit 16. At the present depth an apparently disturbed primary burial of an adult male individual with partial connections was uncovered. Until now, no signs of submission to fire were detected. This deposition was surrounded and covered by deposits of human cremated remains, mixed with ashes and faunal remains and archaeological material also burned. Those deposits filled the pit, spilling over in some areas.

When Pit 40 was filled a stone cairn forming a semi-circular plan was built, overlapping a small part of the pit and surrounding on the south side. This cairn contain a rectangular cist made with a schist slab in one side and blocks of local stone (diorites and gabros) in the others. Inside there were several river pebbles, some faunal remains and a human long bone, covered by other schist slabs.

Finally, covering part of the cairn there was a sequence of thin deposits (Ambiance 1) with abundant cremated human bones, fauna and archaeological material also burned.

The archaeological material associated with these contexts is abundant, but highly selected. There are several hundreds ivory burned fragments, several of them of anthropomorphic figurines (Valera and Evangelista, 2014), burned limestone and marble idols, burned arrow heads, burned beads, a marble pot, some burned metal awls and fragments of pottery.

So far, only the open air deposits have been dated (Valera et al, 2014). The top layers provide dates from the third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC (Beta-308784 - 3900±30 BP 2470-2290 BC at 2 s and Beta-313720 - 3850±30BP 2460-2200 BC at 2 s) and the lower layers dates from the middle third millennium (Beta-308785 - 3970±30BP 2570-2460 BC at 2 s and Beta-313721 - 4000±40BP 2620-2460 BC at 2 s). It is interesting to note that, although these layers are extremely thin, the two sets of dates are statistically different. This could mean two things. One might be that the depositions in open air occur during a long period. This is neither consistent with the thin thickness of the layers nor with the circumstance of the open air depositions (it is not credible that those


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contexts would be preserved for long periods of time in an open air situation). The second possibility is that the depositions were made in a short period of time, but contained bones cremated in different moments or bones from different times were cremated together and then deposited there. Since we do not know the provenance of these cremated remains it is not possible to establish the precise significance of this data. Further dates must be obtained before we can be more conclusive about the procedures that gave origin to this complex context.

One interesting fact, though, is that this set of dates is identical to the one obtain for the last use of Tomb1 and reutilization of Tomb 2 located in the eastern limits of the site. By radiocarbon standards they are contemporaneous, during the middle / third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC. But the architectures, the involved treatment of the human remains and the associated votive material are substantially different, as well as their relative location in the site, raising interesting questions regarding the nature of these differences.

2.2.4.2.1 - Anthropological analyses and inferences

The MNI has already surpassed 150, with a high number of bones belonging to non-adults. Once again, color changes suggest bones submitted to high temperatures. Also the presence of many small skeleton bones suggested great care in the collection of the human bones, which includes distal phalanges of hands and feet, sesamoid bones among other small skeletal elements that were not burned there. So far, the most striking find from the context is a circular hole in a cranial fragment, with a diameter of around 10 mm (Figure 6:3). Although this remodeled lesion can be considered a complete depressed cranial fracture, trepanation is another possible diagnosis. If the later could be confirmed, this would be relevant, since all confirmed cases of trepanation dated from the Late Neolithic through to Bronze Age, were recovered from coastal samples in present Portuguese territory. Also, scraping was the predominant method used in all cases known (Silva, 2003), but this new case used a drilling technique, less frequent and apparently only described for earlier findings (Middle Neolithic – Boaventura et al. 2013).

Although still under excavation, pit 40, underlying the previous context, continues to reveal human burned bones along with few non cremated bones.

These new findings in Perdigões enclosure highlight the importance of fire in mortuary practices during the Chalcolithic period. Evidence of burnt bones from Portuguese Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic funerary contexts are described since the end of the 19th century (Boaventura, 2009; Silva, 2002, 2003; Silva et al. 2013). These findings were recovered from collective burials of different types: natural caves, rock shelters, dolmens, tholoi, stone structures in walled enclosures, etc. Such diverse depositional contexts have fuelled the discussion whether burning was accidental or intentional, and promoted by practical or ritual considerations (Weiss-

Krejci, 2005). The major problem with these funerary contexts is that most were excavated many years ago and nowadays there is no or very little information about the disposition of the recovered human remains. The lack of radiocarbon dates of the burnt and unburnt human bones from the same sites hinder the chronological interpretation of this kind of burial. Hence interpretations of these funerary contexts are limited.

A review of Portuguese Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic burials suggests that when burned bones are present, they are usually a small part of the recovered human remains. Moreover, the dominant colors of the fragments are black and brown, indicating they were mostly charred human bones (exposed to low temperatures around 300ºC). This kind of data is not enough allow a proper interpretation of these contexts, namely to decide if they are accidental or intentional burning. The Dolmen of Cabeço dos Moinhos (Figueira da Foz), the cave of Cova da Moura and the tholos of Paimogo 1 are examples of tombs where few burned human bones (with black color) were recovered when compared with unburnt ones. More recently, more evidence of cremated bones was published: in Olival da Pega 2b (OP2b), a context located a few kilometers from Perdigões. A mass of in loco cremated human bones was excavated inside the OP2b tomb. They were covered by thin slabs and the tomb presented sequent funerary use. This was interpreted as a form of “sanitizing” the space, although the burnt bones were not removed from the tomb (Gonçalves, 1999). At the site of Monte do Carrascal 2, one of the most recently discovered burials sites, an ossuary with cremated or charred human bones was excavated from a ditch near a set of hypogea (Valera, 2012b). The funerary contexts here described are different from all the above mentioned cases. They can be characterized as being collective and secondary contexts of cremated bones.

Recent review of the osteological samples from the ‘tholoi’ 1 and 2 of Perdigões also revealed some burnt fragments of bones and teeth. Their limited number and the lack of evidence of in loco fire in the tombs indicate that they might have been incorporated into the deposits of unburnt remains instead of cremated inside the monuments.

A survey of the literature on cremated remains in collective Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic funerary contexts from other parts of Iberian Peninsula and France revealed that this practice is not so unusual. Human bones with signs of exposition to fire are documented in several caves from the Northwest of Catalonia (Agustí I Farjas, 2002), Southwest of Spain (Gutiérrez Sáez et al. 2002; Idáñez Sanches, 1984) and several regions of France - such as in the North-central, region of Loiret (Chambon, 2003) and the Southwest (region of Var; Agustí I Farjas, 2002; Chambon, 2003). In most cases human remains were cremated in loco (primary deposits) with different levels of exposition to fire. Some fragments of bones are only charred or blackened, while others are white and they seem to have been calcined. Evidence of collective secondary cremations is less frequent but it has been


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documented for Spain and France. In Cueva de la Mostela, located near Barcelona, the presence of cremated human bones without the presence of ashes was interpreted as such. In this case the cremation would have taken place outside the cave. That was followed by a selective recovery of the human remains that were then deposit inside the cave. Similar contexts were described for other Spanish caves as Cueva de Can Sadurní and Cueva de la Guia (Agustí I Farjas, 2002: 66). The Dolmen II of San Sébastien (Var) is an example from Southwest of France (Chambon, 2003; Gatto, 2007). This secondary context includes a minimum number of 78 individuals, with differential representation of skeleton elements, in favor of skull parts (Chambon, 2003). These examples, far from representing an exhaustive list of sites with cremated bones dated to the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic, show the diversity of mortuary practices linked with cremation. Moreover they strengthen the unparalleled collective secondary cremation contexts here described for Perdigões Enclosure.

3. MANIPULATING HUMAN REMAINS AT PERDIGÕES

The general picture in Perdigões, particularly during the 3rd millennium BC, is of a progressive diversification of rituals and places involving the deposition of human remains. If for the Neolithic we still have scarce information, pointing to primary depositions in pits (with the possibility of post depositional manipulations of the bodies), possibly outside the enclosures, during the 3rd millennium things seem to have changed and funerary practices and body manipulation emerge as major practices being carried out at Perdigões. If during the second quarter of the 3rd millennium tholoi type tombs were built and used for secondary and eventually primary depositions in the eastern side of the natural theatre, apparently still outside the new and larger enclosure defined by ditch 3 (and a bit later by ditch 4), more or less at the same type manipulated human bones start to be deposited in structured depositions inside those ditches, beginning (?) a process that would merge the spaces of the living and of the dead. By the middle of the millennium, we would have secondary depositions in the tholoi tombs, scattered bones being deposited in the ditches, the construction of cists, cremated remains being deposited in pits in the central area of the enclosures and the outside ditch was open, respecting and enclosing the tombs still in use in the eastern area.

But not just different places and containers were being used. Different ritual were performed and diversified material assemblages were constituted. In the ditches, human bones and other materials shared a similar status in the construction of the meaning of those formal deposits. It is clearly not a situation where human remains are escorted by votive material, but rather a circumstance where they participate as one more element in the construction of contextual meaning. In the eastern side, the tholoi in ruin were still being used for secondary depositions associated with large amounts of votive

material such as lithic artifacts, ivory objects, gold, beads and limestone idols and pots. In the center, though, the depositions were of cremated remains associated with typologically different arrow heads and beads, metal awls, anthropomorphic figurines in ivory or bone and a variety of stone idols. Here, not just the treatment conceded to the body was drastically different (with ontological implications) but the material assemblages were also contrasting with what was being deposited in the eastern tombs, suggesting the expression of diverse group identities.

In order to understand these practices, though, we have to link them to several other characteristics of the enclosures, such as the location chosen for the site, the architectonic design of the enclosures, the specific practices of filling ditches with intentional and formal deposits, the absence of clear evidences of residential structures and the meaningful relationship the place establishes with the local terrestrial and celestial landscape.

Let us start with topography. Following the available chronological sequence (Valera et al. 2014), the Late Neolithic enclosures were built in the center of the natural theatre, in a location that only has visibility to the cromlech and to the valley behind it, full of contemporary megalithic monuments. No defense strategy or a large visual control of surrounding landscape was intended. On the contrary, the enclosure itself would be a sort of stage for people standing around it in the higher parts of the local slopes. Visibility was clearly conditioned to East and in a way where the rising sun declination is captured by the limits of topography between the two annual solstices, transforming the horizon in a sort of a timetable.

We may argue the same scenario for the middle sinuous enclosures built in the first half of the 3rd millennium, and only with the outside ditches, in the beginning of the second half of that millennium, does the site reach the top of the slopes. But whoever was inside still had the visibility restricted to East. We should also draw attention to the fact that the geological area of the weathered gabbros and diorites is much bigger and covers the top of the hill where the natural theatre is located, which is exactly limited by the granites. So, the location of the site was clearly selected by the topography and the visibility conditions it presented, and both have nothing to do with defense or territorial control.

Using that topographical gap to the East, there is an astronomic orientation of the gates. In the Chalcolithic outside enclosures the two eastern gates are orientated to the summer and winter solstices at sun rise and the two western gates mark the area of the same moments of the year at sunset. The gates of the Neolithic enclosures are facing the summer solstice. There is almost a millennium between the building of the first and the last of these structures, but a same general concept seems to be present: Perdigões was being built to face the rising sun


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all over the year and capture its annual declination in its eastern topographical gap (Valera, 2008b) and between that horizon and the enclosures we have a highly symbolic landscape, full of megalithic funerary and none funerary monuments. Perdigões architecture was impregnated of cosmological meaning and it is clear that the site had an important role in the construction of a meaningful local landscape.

Another important issue is the ditches and what got out and in. From only seven ditches we estimate that almost 22.000 cubic meters, corresponding to almost 63.000 tons of removed bedrock. This amount of geological material is not present at the site. Not inside the ditches and not outside them, and we are just talking about a half of the ditches and forgetting the hundreds of pits. So, it seems that a large enterprise of moving out bed rock was accompanying the opening of ditches and pits.

Inside the ditches, we find some evidences of natural processes of filing, but they are filled mainly by human activity, resulting in structured depositions of selected material, not compatible with ordinary trash assemblages. This is evident since the Neolithic, where we have ritual depositions of Almerienses idols in the bottom of ditch 12 that was closed with the depositions of an “avenue” of pottery shards (Valera, 2012c), a practice also documented in several layers of the filling of ditch 8. During the 3rd millennium, horizontal depositions of stones, pottery shards and faunal remains were also recorded in the lower deposits of ditches 3, 4 and 1. This data suggests that the intentional filling of the ditches was a regular routine that took place during the time span of the site and was probably related to ritualized social practices that were carried on inside the enclosures.

But apart from what is inside ditches, their design is also something to take into account. If some are linear, several present sinuous patterns that seem to be, until further information, a particularity of western Iberia. This layout does not respond to traditional functionalities of defense or to a modern rationality of economy of effort. From that point of view they just don’t make sense. Furthermore, in some recently identified enclosures (Valera and Becker, 2011; Valera, 2013) there is evidence that some of the wavy ditches were cut by sections in a sequence and that the enclosing just happened at the end of the sequence. This sinuous design responds more to ideologies that to practical functionalities and only that can explain why, in Perdigões, ditch 4 was opened just two meters inside ditch 3 when this ditch was just half filled.

Coming back to certain particularities of the funerary contexts, namely to the use of the tholoi tombs, what we see is a continuing use of these structures while they became progressively in ruin. This suggests a prolonged, but intermittent, use that is compatible with the idea that they were used by people coming to Perdigões from time to time, bringing remains of their deceased and use particular tombs. And this becomes more credible if we add the fact that secondary depositions are present.

This perspective is reinforced by some archaeometric studies of pottery (Dias et al., 2008). They have shown that a specific production of pots with weathered schist clays with a provenance from more than 5 kms away from Perdigões is only present at Tomb 1, suggesting that the use of that tomb was in part due to a foreign, but regional, group.

Preliminary studies of human remains also point to significant mobility. Strontium isotopic analyses of several individuals showed that only three presents values that fit the local range. All the others showed values that put their birth outside the region and one of them is closer to Lisbon Peninsula values (Hillier et al., 2010). This high mobility is also consistent with the presence of artifacts and raw materials that are foreign, showing links, especially during the 3rd millennium, to other regions of Iberia an even North Africa. Perdigões shows signs of a strong capacity of attracting people and things.

Finally, we have to pay attention to the evidences that we have about the way the human body is treated in social practices at Perdigões as in other similar sites. We have evidences of body manipulation after the first deposition on the Late Neolithic funerary pits. During the 3rd millennium, we have evidences of manipulation of bones and parts of bodies and finally of cremation. This diversity implies attitudes towards the human body far more complex and diversified than just the simple integrity of a deposition of a diseased in its own particular territory. On the contrary, the manipulations of the dead and of human remains seem to be an active part of the whole activity that was occurring in Perdigões, especially during the 3rd millennium, assuming diversified ways, apparently mixed in time and space with whatever else was occurring there. And they probably means quite different ontologies, where animistic fluidity between categories was not yet restricted by more recent religious thought.

In his famous essay on the gift in Polynesian societies, Marcel Mauss built a portrait that might be useful to understand what was happening in Perdigões. He noted about their practices that in the end they were mixtures. Souls were mixed in things and things were mixed in souls. People and things were getting out of their natural sphere and combined. And he goes further, stressing that the facts we study are total social facts, for they put in movement the totality of the society and its institutions: all of these phenomena are simultaneously juridical, economical, religious, esthetical, morphological, etc. (Mauss, 2008).

In a mixing context, another circumstance that needs to be stressed is that during the Chalcolithic funerary practices and body manipulations clearly invaded the enclosures in Perdigões. If the in Late Neolithic the pit graves are out of the known enclosed areas for that chronology, in the second quarter of the 3rd millennium human bones started to be deposited inside the ditches and by the middle of the millennium the tholoi, still in use, were embraced by the outside ditch and the cremated


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remains started to be deposited in the center of the enclosures. It seems that a clear frontier between the space of the living and the space of the dead started to fade way. Recently approaches to this subject were developed for de enclosures of Valencina de la Concepción (Costa Camaré et al., 2010). There, 25% of the minimum number of individuals (NMI) recorded so far (135) came from features inside the enclosures, question the notion of a clear demarcated necropolis area as opposed to a settlement area. A similar analysis is developed for Porto Torrão (Rodrigues, in this volume). Here, and according to presented data, only 6% of the MNI (238) came from the enclosed area, suggesting that a clear spatial demarcation exists (and there is evidence of a grate concentration of funerary monuments not excavated around the enclosure). In Perdigões, however, and taking into considerations the features that were outside in a moment and inside and in use after the building of new ditches, the situation is quite different: in a NMI of 272, 70% were located in features inside the enclosures and amongst the remains no primary depositions were recorded (except the male individual in pit 40). Although the excavated area is still relatively small in Perdigões, this data suggests that, at least since the second third of the 3rd millennium, human remains became common inside the enclosures.

In summary, funerary practices and body manipulations seem to have been a main activity in Perdigões and, related to all the other enumerated elements (topography and visibility, cosmological architecture, formal depositions, capacity of attracting people), they helped to build a space that reflects what might be called a Neolithic cosmogony, a world view organized through architectures and perpetuated through social practices, with a strong capacity for communal aggregation. If we assume this general picture, then it is interesting to come back to the location of Perdigões in the context of the Álamo valley occupation. It is as if the concept of a megalithic passage grave was transferred to the landscape and Perdigões was a large ceremonial chamber that, with the valley as a passage was orientated to East.

All the aspects discussed are parts of a mosaic that reflects a symbolic construction of a local landscape that seems to have a cosmogonic meaning and funerary practices and body manipulations at Perdigões might have been central in that scenario.

In fact, while dealing with a specific part of what was going on we must not forget the social role of the site. Independently of the general social framework, of European or more regional scale, that we might assume to explain this kind of sites, we must bear in mind that the whole is more than an addition of the parts and that a part is a singular way of expressing the whole. That is to say: parts, although similar, cannot be submitted to a process of simplistic homology. Independently of the theoretical background we choose to support, ditched enclosures can hardly be seen as the same and one reality, with an absolute identical social meaning and function.

In fact, in western Iberia, the presence of body manipulation practices seems to be restricted to some enclosures, especially the ones that grew to large proportions (Perdigões, Porto Torrão, Alcalar, San Blás, Pijotilla, Valencina de la Concepción and possibly Salvada). If that is an historical fact or just a distortion of research, in time we will hopefully know. But what the available data suggests is that those practices assumed an important role in some enclosures, especially during the 3rd millennium, and not in others. And that has implications in the meanings and social roles we may assume to these sites. Without disregard for the general picture, we focus in trying to understand those particular roles in Perdigões: how the site, through its life and in its singularity, expresses and assumes a general Neolithic tradition that we can observe all over Europe.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

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Figure 1 – 1. Perdigões in Iberian peninsula; 2. Magnetogram of Perdigões enclosures; 3. Enclosures during Late Neolithic; 4. Enclosures during Chalcolithic; 5. Enclosures during Late Chalcolithic.


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Figure 2 – Pit graves from Late Neolithic and humans remains from pit 11.


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Figure 3 – Sequence of excavation of Tomb 1 and some votive materials.


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Figure 4 – Sequence of excavation of Tomb 2 and some votive materials. 2. Corresponds to remains of the first phase of use and 3. to remains of the reuse of the chamber.


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Figure 5 – Deposition of cremated remains over a primary deposition in pit 40 at the center of the enclosures and some associated votive materials.


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Figure 6 – 1. Complete supraclavicular perforation of a right clavicle recovered from Pit 16 from Perdigões Enclosure; 2. Thumbnail fracture on a long bone fragment from Pit 16 from Perdigões Enclosure; 3. Cranial fragment recovered from ambience 1 with a circular hole. Possible diagnosis include complete trepanation or depressed cranial fracture; 4. Comparison of the weight percentage of bone fragments recovered from Pit 16 with the reference values (Silva et al. 2009).


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