From Kleitias and Ergotimos to Marcus Perennius Tigranus and Friends: Six Centuries of the...

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CAHIERS DU CORPVS VASORVM ANTIQVORVM FRANCE N°2 LE CVA AUJOURD'HUI LE CRATERE A VOLUTES DESTINATIONS D'UN VASE DE PRESTIGE ENTRE GRECS ET NON-GRECS Actes du Colloque international du Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum organise par 1' Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Juliette de La Geniere) l'lnstitut national d'histoire de l'art (Martine Denoyelle) l'Universite libre de Bruxelles (Athena Tsingarida) et le Centre Jean Berard de Naples (Claude Pouzadoux) Paris, 26-27 octobre 2012 Edites par Juliette de La Geniere DU CVA DU MUSEE POUCHKINE AUX FOUILLES DE PANTICAPEE ACADEMIE DES INSCRIPTIONS ET BELLES-LETTRES DIFFUSION : DE BOCCARD PARIS· 2014

Transcript of From Kleitias and Ergotimos to Marcus Perennius Tigranus and Friends: Six Centuries of the...

CAHIERS DU

CORPVS VASORVM ANTIQVORVM

FRANCE

N°2

LE CVA AUJOURD'HUI

LE CRATERE A VOLUTES DESTINATIONS D'UN VASE DE PRESTIGE

ENTRE GRECS ET NON-GRECS

Actes du Colloque international du Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum organise par 1' Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Juliette de La Geniere)

l'lnstitut national d'histoire de l'art (Martine Denoyelle) l'Universite libre de Bruxelles (Athena Tsingarida)

et le Centre Jean Berard de Naples (Claude Pouzadoux) Paris, 26-27 octobre 2012

Edites par Juliette de La Geniere

DU CVA DU MUSEE POUCHKINE AUX FOUILLES DE PANTICAPEE

ACADEMIE DES INSCRIPTIONS ET BELLES-LETTRES DIFFUSION : DE BOCCARD

PARIS· 2014

Table des matieres

Preface 5 Michel Zink

-1-Le CVA aujourd'hui

CVA Today. Some Remarks 9 Stefan Schmidt

-11-Le cratere a volutes

Destinations d'un vase de prestige entre Grecs et non-Grecs

Introduction 15 Juliette de La Geniere

The Recipients of the Volute-Kraters in Greece 27 Maria Pipili

The Symbolic Krater 43 Despina lgnatiadou

Entre Grecs et non-Grecs. Quelques usages du cratere a volutes en Mediterranee archai"que 61 Athena Tsingarida

From Kleitias and Ergotimos to Marcus Perennius Tigranus and Friends: Six Centuries of the Volute-Krater in Etruria 77

Jasper Gaunt

Contesto e funzione di un vaso (quasi) unico nella produzione pestana: il cratere a volute da Tempa Rossa di Roccadaspide 99

Marina Cipriani

Il cratere a volute del Pittore di Talos da Serra di Vaglio: il contesto di rinvenimento e nuovi frammenti 119

Giovanna Greco

I crateri a volute a Metaponto: i dati della chora 133 Francesca Silvestrelli

Il cratere a volute a Taranto: forme e contesti 14 7 Amelia D'Amicis

Formes et usages des crateres en contexte funeraire en Daunie: de !'exception ala standardisation 163

Claude Pouzadoux, Marisa Corrente

310 TABLE DES MATIERES

Diffusione ed uso del cratere a volute in Peucezia 179 Ada Riccardi

11 cratere a volute in Messapia: forma, funzione e contesti 201 Katia Mannino

Cratere a volute attico a figure nere dal centro messapico di Muro Leccese (Puglia, I talia) 215 Liliana Giardino

Due crateri a volute attici da centri indigeni ellenizzati della Sicilia 225 Rosalba Panvini

Crateres a volutes en metal et en ceramique, entre Calabre et Sicile Donnees anciennes et nouvelles attestations 235

Valeria Meirano, Diego Elia

Crateres a volutes et manifestation du rang dans la necropole aristocratique de Trebeniste (FYROM) 253

Stephane Verger

-111-Du C VA du musee Pouchkine

aux fouilles de Panticapee

Avant-propos 280 Juliette de La Geniim

Introduction 281 Vladimir P. Tolstikov

Excavations at Panticapaeum 285 Olga V. Tugusheva, Vladimir P. Tolstikov

From Kleitias and Ergotimos to Marcus Perennius Tigranus and Friends:

Six Centuries of the Volute-Krater in Etruria

Jasper Gaunt

Our understanding of the volute-krater1 in Etru­ria is built up from several strands of evidence. For ceramic kraters, the material divides into kraters imported from various parts of Greece and Magna Graecia in the sixth and fifth centuries; and later, locally made versions during the fourth and third, sometimes clearly in response to these imports, or perhaps their unavailability. The scale of local ma­nufacture pales in comparison with the imports. For bronze kraters, we have archaic and classical repre­sentations, and native Etruscan productions of the classical and Hellenistic periods. Throughout our entire period, from the sixth to the first centuries B.C., we encounter representations of volute-kra­ters on wall-paintings, vase-paintings, relief ware, engraved mirrors and occasionally even in sculp­ture. This approach is chronological.

First, however, we address the uses of volute­kraters in Etruria, their circulation among the living, and their distribution. Broadly, the contexts seem similar to Greece and Magna Graecia. Volute-kra­ters appear often in representations of symposia on wall-paintings at Tarquinia of the late sixth century (pl. 1.1 ). 2 Related images include them as furniture for the kamas, both on Tarquinia wall-paintings3 and many pictures on so-called Pontic vases (pl. 1.2).4

Sometimes an outdoor setting is intended. 5 In the fourth century Tomba degli Hescanas at Orvieto, sympotic vessels for the rituals of the deceased have been brought together in an olive grove. 6 This out­door setting reminds us that the Franc;:ois Vase was found in the dramas of a tomb, where it had been used for the last time and broken after the funeral rites. 7 More importantly, it recalls the canonical visit to the tomb of the deceased on the reverse of Apu­lian volute-kraters. These images are clearly Greek or emulate Greek customs. .

Evidence suggests that volute-kraters were so­metimes dedicated in Etruscan sanctuaries. Frag­ments of Laconian black-figure8 and Attic red-figure kraters at Gravisca9 complement images on Etrus­can red-figure and Arretine pottery which some­times show volute-kraters in sanctuaries. Thus, for example, a nestoris in the Vatican by the Painter of the Vatican Biga shows a volute-krater on a pedestal (indicating a sanctuary) in the presence of Dionysos, Ariadne a satyr and animals. 10 Four centuries later, compositions by Marcus Perennius Tigranus show a volute-krater that stands on the ground beside a statue of Dionysos on a column, which may be flan­ked by Dionysos, satyrs or Apollo. 11 On a version by Publius Cornelius, the sanctuary is conveyed by

1 The term "volute-krater" is applied here also to kraters that have traditionally be termed "Chalcidian". Since the Chalcidian black-figured kraters of that shape are later than their Laconian, Corinthian and Attic counterparts, the designation is anachronistic. The two terms describe what should be considered a single production, but the term "proto­volute-krater" is cumbersome. 2 On these: Hitzl 1982, pp. 149-162; Weber-Lehmann 1985; Schleiffenbaum 1989, pp. 423-428. For a survey of Etruscan wall-painting: Steingraber 1985. 3 E.g. the Tomb a delle Leone sse: Steingraber 1985, pp. 324-325 no. 77 . 4 E.g. oinochoe, London, British Museum 1926.6-28.1: Martelli 1987, pp. 304-305 no. 111, 159 fig. 111. Stemmed chalice, Bourges, musee du Berry 883.71.1: CVA France 30, Tours et Bourges, pl. 19.1-3 (P. Rouillard). Oinochoe, once Zurich, Hirschmann G 42: Bloesch 1982, pp. 42, 98 no. 18 . Oinochoe, once Oxford, Ashmolean L 1976: Stibbe 1977, pl. 5 (now New York market, Royal Athena). Oinochoe, Tampa, Museum of Art 1984.13 . Other examples: Gaunt 2002, pp. 692-693. 5 E.g. Tomba dei Vasi Dipinti: Steingraber 1985, pp. 361-362 no. 123. 6 Steingraber 1985 , p. 288 no. 34. 7 Marzi 1980 and 2013. 8 Boitani 1990, pp. 43-44 no. 40. 9 Huber 1999, pp. 128-129 nos. 684-685. 10 Rome, Vatican MuseumsAB 13: Beazley 1947, p. 47 (Painter of the Vatican Biga); Trendall 1955, pp. 226-227, pl. 58. Beazley and Trendall both describe the vase as a volute-krater: the roundels attached to the base of the handles, however, show that this was a nestoris. 11 Porten Palange 2009, pp. 74-75, pis. 36-37 (Komb. Per. 52, 54). She questions the reconstruction of the former composition but not the krater beside the statue.

78 JASPER GAUNT

a tripod set on an elaborate base with relief decora­tion. This central element is flanked by satyrs, and framed by volute-kratersY On a chalice in Florence by Cnaeus Ateius, volute-kraters have been placed on columns, articulating the space through which the Seasons move. 13 Images that are closest parallels come from Apulia, although the practice is one that goes back to the mainland Greek tradition of using marble vessels as grave-markers. 14

The vast majority of clay volute-kraters were, of course, eventually consigned to graves. Evidence for their enjoyment by the living exists in many forms. Some, like the Frans:ois Vase were repaired, and show signs of wear. 15 Grave groups at Spina show, as Adrienne Lezzi Hafter has pointed out, that the major vases are often at least a decade older than the minor. 16 Representations of volute-kraters some­times appear to depict heirlooms. The great krater in the To mba delle Leon esse at Tarquinia (pl. 1.1) was painted towards the end of the sixth century. 17 The massive, beaded rim and colossal handles show that the artist had a metal version in mind. Profile and echinus foot suggest, however, that it had been made at least a generation or so earlier, on the analogy of the bronze krater from Capua. 18 Hardest is to assess the question of model and copy. If Sir John Beazley was correct in thinking that the Etruscan Sommavil­la and Perugia Painters were drawing on Attic vases from as early as 420 B.C., and if Fernando Gilotta is correct in assigning the vases by these painters to the early fourth century, then we must assume many Attic vases remained in circulation for a generation or more. 19 Furthermore, elements in the potting and patternwork of the famous kraters by the Aurora and Alcestis Painters seem archaistic: potters and painters presumably had access to earlier versions that would have been understood by their patrons.

12 Porten Palange 2009, p. 265, pl. 124 (Komb. Cor 9). 13 Porten Palange 2009, pp. 185-188.

Volute-kraters imported from Greece enter Sou­thern Etruria around 600 B.C. The earliest examples are Laconian (pl. 11.1), black-glaze and black-figure, which have been ably studied by Conrad Stibbe and Massimo Nafissi. 20 The overall distribution of La­conian fictile kraters suggests that they were initially destined primarily for customers in Greece (Samos in particular), or Southern Italy and Sicily, where plentiful local imitations of Spartan black-glazed pottery have been recovered. 21 Nonetheless, once Laconian black-glaze and black-figure volute-kra­ters start arriving in Etruria, they become popular: customers in Cerveteri alone purchased fully one third of their entire, substantial production.ZZ

Late Corinthian volute-kraters appear slightly after the Laconian series begins (pl. 11.2). They represent, however, only a small production: fewer than twenty all told are known to me.23 Their distri­bution is somewhat more diffuse than Laconian. It is clear that Italy was the principal market, and that examples were exported both to Etruria and Magna Graecia. The lack of secure provenances within the Italian peninsular, however, makes it unclear whe­ther or not most were intended for Magna Graecia or Etruria.24

Our earliest Etruscan representation of a volute­krater, on an Etrusco-Corinthian pilgrim flask in Berlin, is contemporary. 25 Two bearded komasts, wearing stiff clothing or perhaps cuirasses, flank a volute-krater that rests either on a table or just pos­sibly, as Marina Martelli has suggested, a stand on the analogy of the bronze krater in Belgrade. 26 If the latter, a metal krater would be intended.

Athenian potteries, however, provided the Etrus­cans with the longest and most fruitful relationships. An amphora fragment in Leipsic by the Nettos Pain­ter may count among the earliest Attic black-figured

14 For stone vessels of various shapes as grave-markers in S'h-4th c. mainland Greece: Pandermalis 1997, p. 94 (volute­krater); Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2006, pp. 306-307 (hydriai); Valavanis 2000 (panathenaic amphorae); Andreou 1978 (pyxides); Von Mercklin 1926 (griffin kraters); Schmalz 1970 (lekythoi); Prukakis-Christodulopulos 1970 (lekythoi); Kokula 1964 (loutrophoroi); Lembesi 2003 (loutrophoroi) . 15 Iozzo 2013, pp. 54-60. 16 Lezzi Hafter 1988, pp. 11-23. 17 Steingdiber 1985, pp. 324-325 no. 77 . 18 Godart 2010, p. 79. Excavation: Johannowsky 1974. 19 Beazley 1947, pp. 36-37; Gilotta 1988. 20 Stibbe-Nafissi 1989. 21 Stibbe 1984. 22 Stibbe, Nafissi 1989, pp. 68-88. 23 Corinthian volute-kraters: Payne 1931, p. 330; Amyx 1988, pp. 511-512; Von Bothmer 1986. List: Gaunt 2002, pp. 415-420. 24 The Corinthian krater in Florence (Museo Archeologico 3786: Payne 1931, p. 330, no. 1484) was presumably found in Etruria; possibly Rome, Museo dei Conservatori 28 : Amyx 1988, p. 268 A 9. 25 Berlin, Staatliche Museen 31270: Martelli 1987, pp. 106,274-275 no. 56. 26 Martelli, loc. cit above. A later Laconian cup in London shows a volute-krater resting on a table: British Museum, B 3: Stibbe 1972, p. 286 no. 308, p l. 109. Belgrade krater: Godart 2010.

SIX CENTURIES OF THE VOLUTE-KRATER IN ETRURIA 79

vases to reach Cervetri. 27 For early mixing vessels, the traditions of creation and export unfold most clearly with dinoi, such as the Gorgon Painter's in the Louvre,28 followed by examples by Sophilos and his contemporaries,Z9 and thence to Ergotimos and Kleitias.

Ergotimos and Kleitias' masterpiece, the Fran­<;ois Vase, is the first Attic volute-krater known to have reached Etruria (pl. 11.3).30 How and why it came to Etruria, and how it was received are im­portant questions that lie beyond the scope of this paper. 31 Fragments of two other volute-kraters by Kleitias (and presumably Ergotimos) have been found, one at Luxor in Egypt, the other at Huelva in Spain. 32 That the Fran<;ois Vase was the largest, and most magnificent of the three, indicates the status accorded Attic pottery in Etruria at this date.

During the sixth century, first Corinthian and then Laconian black-figure and black-glaze volute­kraters gradually ceased production. In the third quarter of the century, the black-figure school in Reggio was begun. The earliest artist, the Inscrip­tions Painter, decorated a number of volute-kraters, several which made their way to Vulci (pl. II.4). 33

These early sales seem to have led to a Chalcidian artist emigrating to Cerveteri in the late sixth cen­tury where he made the first "pseudo Chalcidian" kraters potted on Etruscan wheels. 34

In Athens, ceramic volute-kraters begin to be made in quantity only around 530 B.C., the first black-figure followed shortly after by red-figure. Their presence in Etruria is substantial. So far, our evidence for volute-kraters imported from Sparta, Corinth and Reggio di Calabria, their representa­tions and imitations, has been largely confined to the West coast of Etruria, and the occasional find inland, at somewhere like Chiusi. 35 We would expect the new wave of Attic volute-kraters to build on this existing tradition. Some late archaic Attic volute­kraters have indeed been found in Tarquinia, 36 but the apparent scarcity at Cerveteri37 and absence at Vulci may well in part be a function of vases found in these places but which entered the market. 38 Fur­thermore, we find several volute-kraters making their way inland, to Civita Castellana,39 Orvieto,40

and Arezzo. 41 These markets persist into the middle of the fifth century, but in terms of Athenian production, become marginal when compared to

27 Leipsic, Kunstgewerbemuseum: Beazley 1956, p. 5, 3; Beazley 1986, pl. 11, 1. BAPD 300027. 28 Paris, Musee du Louvre E 874: Beazley 1956, p. 8, 1; Denoyelle 1994, pp. 58-59, no. 24. BAPD 300055. 29 E.g.: Florence, Museo Archeologico 19341 fr, from Castel Nuovo Berardenga: Mangani 1990; BAPD 19341. Iozzo 2009 (new dinos, Chiusi, Museo Archeologico 67371: BAPD 9022267) . The find spot of the early volute-krater by Sophilos, New York Metropolitan Museum 1977.11.2 (Von Bothmer, 1986; BAPD 9989) is not known. 30 Florence, Museo Archeologico 4209: Beazley 1956, p. 76; Shapiro, Iozzo, Lezzi 2013; BAPD 300000. 31 Reusser 2013; Isler-Kerenyi 1997. 32 Luxor: Moscow, Pushkin Museum 2986 and Basel, Cahn 1418: Von Bothmer 1981 ; Hirayama 2010, pl. 28; BAPD 7383. Huelva, Museo Provincial6803: Hirayama 2010, pl. 17d; BAPD 16091. Both: Gaunt 2013b, p. 78. 33 Brussels, Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire A 135: Rumpf 1927, p. 13 no. 13, pis 27-30. Wurzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum 315: Rumpf 1927, pp. 13-14 no. 14 pis 31-34. London, British Museum B 15: Rumpf 1927, p. 27, no. 113, pis 126-128. Wurzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum L 159: Rumpf 1927, p. 27 no. 114, pis 129-130. Also Florence, Museo Archeologico 76167/7 fr: lozzo 1996, pp. 25-27 no. 2. 34 Cerveteri, Museo Nazionale 46596: Ricci 1955, p. 39 no. 1, fig. 144; Iozzo 1992, p. 111. 35 Frans;ois Vase, above note 30. 36 Some examples. Black-figure: Bonn, Akademisches Kunstmuseum 62f (white ground). Heidelberg S 39 fr: CVA 4 [Germany 31] pl. 146 nos. S-6; BAPD 3872. Red-figure: Gravisca fragments, 72/3204, 74/9427 + 9429: Huber 1999, pp. 128-129 nos. 684-685. Paris, Cabinet des Medailles 383 + Bonn 1436 frr: Beazley 1963, p. 186 no. SO (Kleophrades Painter); BAPD 201702. 37 Rome, Villa Giulia V 99: Beazley 1963, p. 206 no. 131 (Berlin Painter); CVA 4 [Italy 64] pis 14-16; BAPD 201940. 38 Many volute-kraters from the Campana collection are likely from Etruria. Black-figure: Paris, musee du Louvre F 198: Beazley 1956, p. 280, 55; CVA 2 (France 2) pl. 3; BAPD 320216. Louvre Cp 11290 fr: CVA 12 (France 19) pl. 190-191. Louvre Cp 12291 fr: CVA 12 (France 19) pl. 190 no. 2; BAPD 12240. St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum 1526: BAPD 8733. Red-figure: Louvre G 166 + Malibu, Getty Museum 77.AE.11, 86.AE.S87: Beazley 1963, p. 186 no. 51 (Kleophrades Painter); Greifenhagen 1972; BAPD 201703. Two other examples from unknown find spots in Etruria: Berlin 2181 (lost) + Villa Giulia frr: Beazley 1963, p. 23 no. 4 (Phintias); BAPD 200119. Florence PD 507 (inv. 151250): Beazley 1963, p. 187, no. 52 (Kleophrades Painter); BAPD 201704. Doubtless also some fragments in the market: Gaunt 2002,pp. 506-508,544-546. 39 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 95.58 fr: Beazley 1963, p. 552, no. 21; BAPD 206296. 40 Copenhagen, National Museum 3835: CVA 3 [Denmark 3] pl. 124.2; BAPD 2532. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 90.153: CVA 2 [USA 19] pis 62-63; BAPD 2414. Red-figure: Bologna PU 283: Beazley, 1963,260 no. 7; Boardman 1975, fig. 203; BAPD 202962. 41 Arezzo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 1465 : Beazley 1963, p. 15 no. 6 (Euphronios); Denoyelle, Pasquier 1990, pp. 115-122, no. 13; BAPD 200068.

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Southern Italy and Northern Italy.42

Just a little later, a second Etruscan market for Athenian volute-kraters develops along the Adria­tic.43 For the late sixth century, only fragments -both black- and red-figure - have been found at Adria.44 It is from these beginnings, however, that the truly magnificent series that have been reco­vered from Bologna and Spina will grow. As with Adria, the volute-kraters enter Bologna in the late sixth century, with black-figure examples. There is then a gap of two generations, when the imports resume with Niobidian kraters and remain plentiful thereafter until the time of the Group of Polygno­tos.45 The imports of volute-kraters to Spina begin somewhat later. Just before the middle of the fifth century there is a sudden explosion, with vases from the workshop of the Niobid Painter and they conti­nue until the very end, with the famous reeded kra­ter complete with stand (pl. III.1).46 This Adriatic market can also be detected a little further south, near Ancona, where a concentration of red-figure volute-kraters of the early classic period has come to light, including a very rare example with its neck in white-ground and one whose decoration on the body is arranged in two registers. 47 The effort to develop this market may be related to the political situation in Southern Etruria and the expulsion of Tarqui­nius Superbus from Rome. It may also reflect efforts to widen access to Celtic Europe, for a number of

late Attic black-figure volute-krater fragments have been found at Heuneburg in Southern Germany.48

Throughout the sixth century, we should ima­gine bronze volute-kraters circulating in Etruria in considerable numbers, whether imported or locally made. An admiring Etruscan response to these ma­gnificent works of art occurs on a Pontic oinochoe in London, where the Amphiaraos Painter has been impressed by the sheer size and the luxuriant scrol­ling motifs in the handles (pl. 1.2).49 Maria Pipili has suggested imaginatively that the Laconian cup from Cerveteri that gives the Typhon Painter his name must have been painted with the gorgon handles of contemporary bronze kraters in mind, because of the way the serpents below the waist fork outwards. 50

This effect was presumably not lost on the Etrus­can purchaser. Further evidence for the presence of bronze volute-kraters in archaic Etruria is found in wall paintings at Tarquinia of the late sixth and ear­ly fifth centuriesY In Tarquinia T 4780, a large cup rests on top of a volute-krater, suggesting the artist intended that the viewer should understand a sieve or strainer resting on top, an ne)l6c; EmKprrrnptOtOc; of the kind regularly provided for bronze volute­kraters, most famously the one from VixY Archaic Etruria should probably be added to Sicily and Sou­thern Italy as a likely place of manufacture for such vessels. 53

During the first half of the fifth century, a na-

42 Paris, Musee du Louvre G 482 by the Geneva Painter (Beazley 1963, 615 above; BAPD 207117) is from Tarquinia. Not clear whether the unattributed krater from Gualdo Tadino (near Perugia) in the Villa Giulia (LIMC V, p. 867 Kadmos I 16 [M. Tiverios]) would have come this way or via the Adriatic: see below. 43 On the question of whether this is a new Adriatic market or merely a secondary transmission from Etruria, see Shefton 2001; Shefton 2003; Cvjeticanin 2007. 44 Adria, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, black figure: I.G. 22918 fr: CVA 2 [Italy 65] pl. 2 no.l. BAPD 17981. I.G. 22810 and 22590 frr: .CVA 2 [Italy 65] pl. 2 nos. 2-3. Red-figure : B 515 + B 1412 frr: CVA 1 [Italy 28] pl. 5,4. 45 Early examples: Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico inv. 58 (inv. 17251): Hitzl1985, pl. 40a; BAPD 12685. Inv. 59 (GM 5), 60 (Ar 6), 60 his (Ar 7) : CVA 2 [Italy 7] pis 28-29; BAPD 13038, 4800, 13037. Late ones: inv. 275 (16557): Beazley 1963, 1029, 18 (Polygnotos); Matheson 1995, pp. 69-71, pis 54-55. BAPD 213400. Inv. 278 (17685): CVA 5 (Italy 33) pis 105-107; BAPD 14107. Inv. 280 frr: Beazley 1963, p. 1052,27 (Polygnotos, undetermined); BAPD 213656. Inv. 282 (16498): Beazley 1963, p. 1036, 11 (Hector Painter); Matheson 1995, p. 105 pl. 82; BAPD 213482. Inv. 283 frr: Beazley 1963, p. 1151,1 (Dinos Painter); Matheson 1995, pp. 160-161, pis 138-139; BAPD 215253 . 46 Early examples: Ferrara Museo Archeologico Nazionale 3169 (T 124): Beazley 1963, p. 590, 9 (Aitamura Painter); Prange 1989, pl. 48; BAPD 206826. T 231 VT: Beazley 1963, p. 590, 10 (Aitamura Painter); CVA 1 (Italy 37) pl. 5 1-2 BAPD 206827. Inv. 9355 : Beazley 1963, p. 600, 14 (Niobid Painter); BAPD 206942. The latest: inv. 5081 (T.136 A VP): CVA 1 (Italy 37) pl. 13; Barr-Sharrar 2008, 69 fig. 68; BAPD 5041. 47 Museo Archeologico 20514: Lollini 1991, pp. 28-29; BAPD 46986. Inv. 3122: Beazley 1963, p. 511, 1 (Painter of Bologna 228); Lollini 1991, pp. 26-27; BAPD 205734. Inv. 25000: Lollini 1991, pp. 30-31; BAPD 46156. Compare also New York, Metropolitan Museum 07 .286.84, from Numana: Beazley 1963, 1 (Painter of the Woolly Satyrs); BAPD 207099. 48 Ti.ibingen, Institut fi.ir Vor- und Fri.ihgeschichte frr: Shefton, Bohr 2000, pp. 2-7 nos. 1-3; BAPD 20088, 21450, 21449. For the distribution, see also several essays in Parlavecchia 1992; Shefton 1995 . 49 British Museum 1926.6-28.1 : above, note 4. 50 Cerveteri, Museo Nazionale 67658: Stibbe 1972, pp. 185-186; Pipili 1987, p. 69; Mertens 2012. 51 Cf. Jannot 1995. 52 Rolley 2003, pp. 86-88; Gaunt 2013a, pp. 43-45. 53 Perhaps local creations are Syracuse, Museo Archeologico 3122 (from San Mauro; Von Bothmer 1986, pp. 111 -114 figs 6-7) and a fragment once in the market (Gaunt 2013b, p. 72).

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tive Etruscan production of bronze volute-kraters emerges in a workshop assigned to Vulci (pl. III.2). 54

The known findspots include Orvieto, Volterra and Spina. Only ornate cast elements have been preser­ved. The Etruscan craftsman has gone well beyond the latest gorgon-handled kraters, where a harmo­nious unity between the sculptural elements and the handle proper had been maintained even when the handle became a platform for sculpture: 55 by contrast, the Etruscan bronze worker has separa­ted almost entirely the handle from sculpture. The idea of casting a section of the rim integrally with figures has parallels on bronze fragments from Del­phi and Olympia, whose function is not certain.56

Modelled in the round on the Etruscan handles, the Dioskouroi lead horses on either side and serve to connect the rim to the handle strap. The handle flanges, inside and out, are decorated with tongues in relief that recall the archaic bronze gorgon kra­ters, but the more freely modeled palmette festoons at the base of some handle straps are novel. 57 Novel too are the lions, sometimes cast integrally with the handle, which attach from the flanges at the rim. They may have been inspired by the rampant lions in the handle blinkers of archaic kraters such as the one from Vix. 58 Occasionally, we also encounter ani­mals in relief on the inside of the strap, overlooking the krater itself. 59 The presence of the Dioskou­roi on the rim of a krater may allude to their pri­mary function as protectors of sailors, and thence, by metaphorical extension, of symposiasts. As the twin sons born to Leda, one by Zeus, the other by

Tyndareus king of Sparta, the Dioskouroi were also associated with Laconia, and hence to be welcomed on a Kparnp A.aKroVtK6c;. These Etruscan kraters are the last expression of archaic exuberance on bronze volute-kraters; their later examples probably over­lap with the first of the Greek Severe-Style version, the one with scrollwork handles. 60

Notwithstanding all the imported ceramic black­and red-figure volute-kraters, and their bronze counterparts, and the local production of bronze kraters in the fifth century, it is striking that signifi­cant local Etruscan ceramic versions do not emerge until the fourth century. 61 In Athens, production of red-figure volute-kraters shrank dramatically in the late fifth century to a trickle of spectacular vases, doubtless special commissions, at whose core were kraters by the Talos and Pro nomos Painters. 62

After this group, Athenian production of volute­kraters was sporadic, although influential. None, to my knowledge, have been found in Etruria, except Spina.63 Etruscan potters and painters must there­fore have looked to Magna Graecia at least in part for inspiration.

The earliest Etruscan example, and certainly the most "Greek", is a red-figured krater in l\1el­bourne by the Perugia Painter (pl. IV.l ). 64 "The Perugia Painter", as Beazley saw, "atticises with ease and success ... [he] imitates the style of the Talos Painter and of the Meidian circle ... [and] artists such as the Kadmos Painter. "65 Martine De­noyelle has shown reason to believe that this artist is none other than the Lucanian Arno Painter, who

54 For discussions, see Hitzl1985, pp. 160, 230-231; Gaunt 2002, pp. 660-664; De Puma 2013, pp. 158-160. For a list, see LIMC IV, pp. 599 sv Dioskouroi Tinias/Cliniar 17 (R. De Puma). To these may be added handle fragments, Volterra 1911/2 (Fiumi, 1978, fig. 155); once Basel market, MuM (Auktion 18, 29 November 1958 no. 34 pl. 1 0); once Lucerne market, Hirsch (Bedeutende Kunstwerke aus dem Nachlass Dr Jacob Hirsch, 7 December 1957, no. 51 pl. 24, said to be from Orvieto); once Dallas, private (Von Bothmer, Gnomon 57 (1985) 71 (perhaps belonging with the last). The foot, Spina 2320 is of the same type as a pasticcio in the Vatican: Neugebauer, Jdl 58 (1943), p. 241 fig. 29. 55 Paris, Musee du Louvre Br 4467; St Petersburg 1870 1/1 (+Odessa): Rolley 2003, pp. 99-100 figs 56-57. 56 Rolley 2003, p. 121 figs 73 -74. 57 Particularly the handles in the Louvre, Ferrara and New York. 58 Rolley 2003, pis 100-101. 59 Clay volute-krater handle-straps are sometimes painted, for example the Fran9ois Vase (above, note 29). For a list , see Gaunt 2002, pp. 197-199. 60 On there, see Barr-Sharrar 2008, pp. 48-72. 61 For the vase in the Vatican (AB 13) attributed to the Painter of the Vatican Biga (Beazley 194 7, p. 4 7), see above, note 10. 62 The principal kraters are: Naples, Museo Archeologico H 3240 (81673): Beazley 1963, p. 1336, 1 (Pronomos Painter); Hart 2010, pp. 94-95; BAPD 217500. Ruvo, Museo Archeologico J 1501 (36933): Beazley 1963, p. 1338, 1 (Talos Painter); De Palma 1993; BAPD 217518. Potenza, Soprintendenza 51532 + frr: Oakley, Sinos, 1993, p. 52 fig. 2 (drawing); BAPD 43429 (Talos Painter). Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 158: Beazley 1963, p. 1408, 1 (Meleager Painter); CVA 3 (Austria 3) pl. 139; Curti 2001, 107, 1 pis 1-2; BAPD 217917. Malibu, Getty Museum 87.AE.93: Burn 1991; Curti 2001, p. 107, 2 pis 3-7; BAPD 44230. Ferrara 5081 (with reeding) : above, note 46 . For other fragments, see Gaunt 2002, pp. 613-624. 63 Ferrara 5081 (reeded): above, note 46. Black glaze krateriskos: Barr-Sharrar 2008, p. 95 fig. 84. 64 Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria D 87/1969: Gilotta 1988; Blanck 2009; LIMC III p. 288 Chrysippos I 6, pl. 227 (K. Schefold); LIMC V p. 439 Hippodameia I 41 (M. Pi pili); LIMC VI p. 372 Marsyas I ad 34c (A. Weis); LIMC VI p. 682, Mousa Mousai (in Etruria) 7, pl. 406 (M. Bonamici); LIMC VIII p. 406 Zeus/Tinia 67 (G. Camporeale) . 65 Beazley 1947, pp. 36-37.

82 JASPER GAUNT

moved northwards from Magna Graecia to Etru­ria.66 The potter's models were Attic kraters from the Group of Polygnotos as transmitted via Luca­nia and Apulia:67 The handles treated with traditio­nal spiral roundels, offset lip, neck in three degrees (the central element here very narrow), ovoid body and the foot in two degrees. The wide propor­tions of the body find parallels in early Lucanian kraters. 68 In the subsidiary ornament, the ivy on the upper neck is canonical, and the tall enclosed upright palmettes seem a logical step beyond the early Lucanian examples by the Amykos Painter, and those by the Apulian Painter of the Birth of Dionysos.69 The composition of the pictures, with several small figures on one side but fewer and lar­ger on the other, is also familiar from South Italian volute-kraters. 70

Here may be introduced an Etruscan red-fi­gured calyx-krater by the Sommavilla Painter in Genoa.71 Beazley pointed out that some of this painter's vases "must be founded on Attic origi­nals of about 420 B.C."72 The Dionysiac cortege on the reverse of the calyx-krater in Genoa includes a satyr, his face in three quarter view, who carries a volute-krater over his shoulder. Mario Iozzo has rightly compared this motif with Attic black-figure examples. 73 The motif, not known to me in South

66 Denoyelle 1993 . 67 Denoyelle, lozzo 2009, pp. 106-107.

Italian iconography, persists into late Attic red-fi­gure, whence the Sommavilla Painter presumably adopted it.74

We come, after a gap, to the famous Faliscan red­figured volute-kraters by the Aurora and Alcestis Painters. Beazley noted that the shapes and schemes of decoration of early Faliscan cups depend on Attic work by the Jena Painter, the mastery of Faliscan relief line technique raising the possibility that some of the potters might have been imrnigrants.75 It is with Faliscan pottery alone that we sense a tradition of ceramic volute-kraters, for, as we shall see, the kraters of the Vanth Group and the Group of Villa Giulia 2303 may be assigned to this fabric.

The Aurora Painter's volute-krater of the mid fourth century in the Villa Giulia (pl. IV.2) includes many decorative elements inspired by South Ita­lian traditions. 76 Beazley noticed the stars and birds above, the sea creatures below and the small human face set within the coil of the handle snake. 77 We can add that the three animals on the lower neck of each side continue a tradition favoured on Apu­lian volute-kraters by the Iliupersis and Lycurgus Painters- all somewhat resembling Tarentine terra­cotta appliques. 78 Furthermore, the treatment of the handle roundels, where the background has been cut away leaving the spiral in high relief is frequently

68 E .g. Taranto, Museo Archeologico 8263 : Trendall1967, pp. 55,280 pl. 24 (Carneia Painter); Hart 2010, pp. 15-16. Ruvo, Museo Archeologico J 1095 (with different handles) : Trendall 1967, pp. 47, 243 (Amykos Painter); Sichtermann 1966, pis 64-65 . 69 E.g. Taranto, Museo Archeologico IG 8264: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 35,6. Brussels, Musees Royaux A 1018: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 35, 9. 70 Some examples: Taranto, Museo Archeologico 8263 (Carneia Painter): above, note 68) . London, British Museum F 158: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, pp. 20-21, 90; Williams 1985, p. 57 fig. 63 (A); Von Bothmer 1983, p. 36 fig. 19 (B). Warsaw, National Museum 142296: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 16, no. 53; CVA 1 [Poland 1] pl. 48. Toledo Museum of Art 81.110: Trendall 1983 pp. 66, 82, pl. 7; Mayo 1982 pp. 63-66 no. 6. These in turn go back to the composition on the Pronomos kater in Naples (above note 62). 71 Civico Museo di Archeologia Ligure, Genova, inv. FT 81 : Melli 2009; lozzo 2013, p. 58 . 72 Beazley1947,p. 37 . 73 lozzo 2013, p. 58. 74 E .g. Athens, National Museum, bell-krater fragments from Perachora near the Pronomos Painter: Beazley 1963, p. 1337, no. 7; Dunbabin 1962, 354 no. 3852, p is 148-150. 75 Beazley 1947, p. 70 . On early Faliscan, see also Stenico 1958; Martelli 1987, pp. 314-320; Adembri 1981; Bertoletti­Zanchi 1989. 76 Villa Giulia 2491, from Civita Castellana (Falerii): Beazley 1947, pp. 80-84, pl. 20,1; Martelli 1987, pp. 199, 317, no. 147; LIMC III p. 794 Eos/Thesan 22, pl. 584 (R. Bloch, N . Minot); LIMCV, p. 265 Peleus 195 pl. 202 (R.Volkommer). 77 Beazley 1947, pp. 82, 84. 78 Some examples by the lliupersis Painter: St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum 577 : Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 192, 1 pl. 60 . Milan, H .A . 377: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, 193,2; CVA 1 (Italy 49) p is 5-6. Milan HA 239: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 193, 4; CVA 1 (Italy 49) pis 1-2. Milan HA 285 : Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 194,10; CVA 1 (Italy 49), pis 3-4. Princeton University Art Museum 1989.40: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1992 p. 47, ch. 8 no. 6a, p l. 6. Once Melbourne, Geddes: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1992, p. 49 ch. 8 102d, pl. 5 (associated with Iliupersis Painter). Some examples by the Lycurgus Painter: London, British Museum 1931.5-11.1: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 416, no. 10, p l. 149, 1-2 . Adolphseck, Schloss Fasanerie 178 : Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 416, 2; CVA 2 (Germany 16) pls 76-79. Animals on the necks of other South Italian: Copenhagen, National Museum: Trendall1967, p. 121, no. 614 (Choephoroi Painter, Lucanian); CVA 6 (Denmark 6) pl. 240. In South Italian, this goes back to kraters like Malibu, Getty 85.AE.102: CVA 4 (United States 27) p is 190-192. For Tarentine appliques: Lullies 1962.

SIX CENTURIES OF THE VOLUTE- KRATER IN ETRURIA 83

encountered on Apulian kraters. 79 The ovolo that tips the shoulder tongues is another South Italian motif. 80 On the other hand, the deer-head protomes at the handle roots that substitute for the classical Greek swan heads are a mark of local patriotic pride, for they, together with other animals, are frequently modeled in Faliscan handles. 81 They acknowledge metal work, without necessarily quoting directly from it, as does the painted palmette at the base of the handle flanges. They may be compared with the bronze volute-krater in Berlin that sports Tritons.82

Perhaps the most interesting element in the pat­ternwork is found on the echinus below the mouth on the obverse. For this writer it most clearly evokes a faceted or prismatic ornament occasionally en­countered on cast elements of archaic Greek bronze vessels of the highest quality, including the Vix kra­ter. 83

The krater in Paris by the Alcestis Painter is later (pl. IV.3). 84 Elements in the architecture of the vase like the heavy mouldings of the neck and the small foot, indeed the proportions in general, recall Luca­nian examples two generations earlier.85 The treat­ment of the massive handles emulate the classical Greek bronze krater type that will long be influen­tial in Etruria. 86 From the late fifth century until the second half of the fourth, potters in various parts

of Magna Graecia (Lucania, Apulia and Paestum) regularly provided ceramic versions of this type of bronze handle. 87 Etruscan imitations are much less precise: here, the extensions on the shoulder ter­minate in kete rather than swan heads, while later Etruscan versions in works assigned to the Vanth Group and the Group of Villa Giulia 2303 degrade quickly (below).

A number of late red-figure Etruscan volute­kraters may be assigned to Beazley's Vanth Group. 88

Beazley's conclusion after initial hesitation that these should be Faliscan, is supported by newcomers. Particularly clear is a volute-krater evidently fired in the same kiln and later buried in the same tomb as a pair of manifestly Faliscan stamnoi whose twisted handles terminate in ketos heads (pl. IV. 4). 89 The series begins with a krater in Baltimore (pl. V.1). 90

The height of the upright neck, and treatment of the handles may be compared with later Apulian examples. 91 Amidst the scrolls on the handles ap­pear small flowers that may be compared with those painted on the ribbed volute-krater from Ferrara and the Derveni krater. 92 The treatment of the foot, which resembles the profile of stamnos feet, seems to reference, as if by short-hand, metalwork examples that were equipped with stands made separately.

With a pair of late fourth century vases from Bo-

79 A few examples: Taranto: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 32, 1, pl. 8 1-2 (Gravina Painter). Taranto I.G. 8264: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982 p. 35, 6; Trendall, JHS 54 (1934) pis 8-9 (Painter of the Birth of Dionysos) . Brussels, Musees royaux A 1018: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 35, 9; CVA 1 (Belgium 1), pl. 1 (Painter of the Birth of Dionysos). Milan, H.A. 239: above note 76. Iliupersis Painter. St Petersburg 1714: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 416, 12; Vian 1951, pl. 47. Lycurgus Painter. Ruvo 1097: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 417, 16, Lycurgus Painter. Sichtermann 1966, pis 119-122. Geneva 15046: Trendall1967, p. 144, 788; Rom. Mitt. 35 (1957) pl. 35 . Painter of Naples 1959. This practice goes back to Attic examples like the Talos Painter's krater in Ruvo (36933 [J 1501]: above note 62) and the ribbed krater in Ferrara (above note 46). 80 A few examples: Milan, HA 239 (above note 78). St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum 1714 (above note 79). Ruvo, Museo Jatta J 1097 (above note 79). Geneva, Musee d'art et d'histoire 15046 (above note 79). 81 Faliscan animals modeled on vases include kete, deer heads and rooster protomes. 82 Berlin, Staatliche Museen 1392, 1392a, 1654: Neugebauer 1924, pp. 97-98. 83 For a discussion of this pattern, found for example on the Vix krater, see Stibbe 2000, p. 152; Rolley 2003, p. 127. 84 Paris, Cabinet des Medailles 918: Beazley 1947, pp. 8, 133-134, 166, 185, 188, pl. 30, 1-2; Martelli 1987,222, 324-327 no. 170; LIMC I, p. 36 Acheron 1 pl. 55 (J. Boardman); LIMC I, p. 535 Alkestis 6 pl. 400 (M. Schmidt); LIMC III, pp. 229-230 Charon 1/Charu(n) 52 (E. Maveev and I. Krauskopf); LIMC VIII, p. 97 Tuchulcha 2 (M. Harari); Harari 2000, p. 452. 85 E.g. Naples 3249 (inv. 82270): Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 167, 13 (closely connected with the Black Fury Group): Denoyelle, lozzo 2009, p. 16 pl. 16, 127 fig. 185 . Toledo Museum of Art 81.110: above, note 70. 86 Barr Sharrar 2008, pp. 48-72. 87 Just one example each. Lucanian: Ruvo, Museo Jatta J 1095: Trendall1967, p. 47 no. 243; Sichtermann 1966, pis 62-65. Apulian: Ruvo J 1494: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982 p. 37, 5; Sichtermann 1966, pls 56-57. Paestan: Paestum, Museo Archeologico 32128: Trendall 1987, p. 113 no. 149, pl.64 (closely related to Asteas). For a list of 27 examples, mostly Apulian, see Gaunt 2002, pp. 365-366 . 88 For the Vanth Group: Beazley 1947, pp. 9, 169-172, 230, 303; Dragoni 2006. 89 New York market, Antiquarium, Ancient Treasures III (ca. 1995) 20-21. With these, compare Christie's New York, Catalogue 4 June 1999, lot 76 , a singleton. 90 Baltimore, Walters Art Museum 48.85 : Beazley 1947, p. 303. 91 In some ways, the proportions resemble closely kraters by the Gioia del Colle Painter: Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, 458, 9 pl. 162. Thereafter the height of the foot grows enormously. 92 Ferrara 5081, above note 46.

84 JASPER GAUNT

marzo in Berlin (pl. V.2), we come to the end of the Etruscan tradition of making ceramic volute-kraters that could claim to follow Greek models. 93 Propor­tions and their architecture are closest to the Vanth Group krater in Baltimore. 94 The artist has looked to Greek, probably ltaliote, models for subject matter, icnonography and style of drawing, but in scheme of decoration he has chosen a different path. The canonical shoulder tongues have been replaced with animal fights, which on Greek prototypes belong on the lower neck.95 The placement of these animal fights on the shoulder recur on a volute-krater in Florence from Settecamini near Orvieto (pl. V.3).96

The composition on the obverse and the treatment of the handle blinkers which evidently follow bronze models, place the krater in the wake of the krater by the Alcestis Painter in the Cabinet des Medailles.

As we leave the fourth century for the third, we find that Etruscan red-figure volute-kraters gradually free themselves from close adherence to Greek models, although many contain references to their ultimate sources of inspiration. This would appear to be the case with kraters that may be assi­gned to the Funnel Group, a workshop thought by Mario Del Chiaro to have been based in Tarquinia although many scholars have preferred the tradi­tional suggestion of Vulci.97 Two, in St Petersburg and Laon (pl. V.4), must be by the same potter, for they share identical structure of profile, scheme of decoration, most of the patternwork and in parti­cular the distinctive treatment of the handle blin­kers. 98 These have been rendered as curving Bat panels painted with scrolls, presumably impres­sionistic references to the scroll-work handle type of the classical bronze versions.99 Similar to these,

perhaps a later work rather than something by a second potter, is a krater from Vulci in Mainz. 100

On all three, the customary palmettes below the handles that separate the figural panels have been abandoned in favour of a continuous composition. This arrangement acknowledges metalwork like the Derveni krater, for it occurs regularly on the neo-attic marble kraters as well as the late Attic red-figured krater in Ferrara (pl. 111.1) whose ree­ding and handles are so metallic. 101

The similar approach to the treatment of the handle flanges suggests that a fourth krater in the market probably belongs here (pl. V.S). 102 The sub­sidiary ornament is applied using elements both in black silhouette and reserve (red-figure). On the body, the figural panels are defined by vertical lines that provide a clean rectangular frame. Both fea­tures are known from calyx-kraters related to the Funnel Group. 103 The stylized kymation on the shoulder that replaces the traditional tongues is descended from patterns such as that on the neck of the Aurora Painter's krater. 104 On the handles, the corkscrew at the base of the flanges and the small plastic elements beyond the handle roots allude clearly to classical bronze kraters of various types. The patternwork on the handle flanges refe­rences the same type as the krater in Florence. 105

With these we come to the end of Etruscan red­figure. The reasons why so many red-figure tradi­tions cease together lie beyond the scope of this en­quiry, but the use of unfired colors in several fabrics in search of polychromatic effects suggest that the advances in wall-painting rendered the limited pa­lette of red, black and white stale. 106 In the context of sympotic equipment, developments in the pro-

93 Berlin, Staatliche Museen 2959, 2958: Beazley 1947, p. 164, 1-2. 2959: LIMC III, p. 534 Dionysos/Fuftuns 46, pl. 423 (M. Cristofani); Kunze 1988, pp. 256 D 1 30, 286-287; Gilotta 1990. 94 Baltimore 48.85: above, note 40 . 95 On these animal fights, compare above, note 78. 96 Florence, Museo Archeologico 70527: Beazley 1947, 163; Adembri 1981. 97 On the Funnel Group, see: Beazley 1947, 141-145, 181; Del Chiaro 1974; Martelli 1987, pp. 222-223, 325; Harari 2000; Coen 2013. 98 St Petersburg, Hermitage inv. B 1841: Kunze 1988, p. 253, D 1.19. Laon, Musee d'art et d'archeologie 37 .1187. 99 Above note 86. 100 Mainz, Ri:imisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum 38835: Martelli 1987, pp. 223,325 no. 172; LIMC I p. 347 Aias II 97 pl. 268 (0. Touchefeu); LIMC IV p. 566 Helene/Elina 21 (I. Krauskopf); LIMC VIII p. 842 pl. 566 Menelaos/Menle (I. Krauskopf) . 101 Marble kraters : Grassinger 1991. Ferrara 5081 : above note 46. 102 Sothebys New York, Catalogue 12 December 2013, lot 26. 103 E.g. a pair of calyx-kraters in Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 58.1278 and 59.1066: Padgett et alii 1993, pp. 255-257 nos. 171-172. 104 Aurora Painter: above note 76. 105 Derveni krater: Barr-Sharrar 2008 39-42, pis 11-12. Malacena kraters from Orbetello and Poggibonsi : below note 110, 116. Florence 70527: above note 96. 106 E.g. Lapatin 2006.

SIX CENTURIES OF THE VOLUTE- KRATER IN ETRURIA 85

duction of glass and the brilliant colours that could be achieved, may also have played a role.107

Still in the second half of the fourth and moving into the third centuries, we encounter three local workshops that produced ceramic volute-kraters emulating metalwork by using techniques such as silvering or relief instead of painting. The finest, and surprisingly plentiful, are those thought to have been made in Volterra, in the so-called Malacena Group, at the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries B. C. 108 The rich, lustrous quality of the black glaze, which sets this fabric apart from so much Etruscan pottery, raises strongly suggests the potter had trained in or emigrated from Apulia or Athens. Brian Shefton has shown how astonishin­gly close these ceramic vessels can be to their metal prototypes, and that these prototypes could equally be Greek (for calyx-kraters) or Etruscan (for stam­noi).109 Two types of volute-krater are preserved in Malacena Ware: the treatment of the handle blin­kers distinguish them. Both are broadly faithful to classical Greek bronze vessels. In what I take to be the earlier version, exemplified by a krater in Vol­terra (pl. VI.1), 110 the handles have roundels above that are decorated with rosettes in relief. From these descend, in openwork, narrow ribbons of scrolling. Exactly the same rosette and narrow ribbons of scrollwork appear on the neo-attic marble examples, such as the Sosibios krater in the Louvre (pl. VI.2). 111

The scrollwork is greatly attenuated - more like the stray bronze handle from a volute-krater recovered from the Mahdia wreck, than the luxuriant earlier classical bronze versions.112 At the handle roots of the Volterra krater, kete, a motif familiar from the Alcestis Painter's volute-krater in Paris and several

107 Compare Pollitt 1986, p. 256.

in the Group of Villa Giulia 2303, have replaced the traditional Greek swan-heads. 113 The profile of the vessel gives a square, projecting lip that crowns a rounded element above the concave neck; then comes the ovoid body and foot in two degrees. Re­lief decoration is applied both to the neck and the body. On the neck is a vine wreath, its leaves alter­nating with bunches of grapes that recall those on the bodies of fourth century bronze calyx-kraters and the Derveni krater, as well as the ivy wreath on the neck of the Derveni krater. 114 On the body, two zones of ribbing are separated by a narrow relief band with a grypomachy that recalls the lowest re­gister of friezes on the Derveni krater. 115 The upper element of the foot is also ribbed.

The second handle type on Malacena Ware volute-kraters retains the rosette at the top of the handle but replaces the scrollwork in the blinkers with pendent palmette fronds. This combination occurs on kraters from Poggibonsi and Orbetello (pl. VI.3) .116 It must be derived from creations like the Derveni krater, and recurs on the Etruscan red­figured volute-krater in Florence.117 The lower part of the body, furthermore, is fluted, and is attached directly to the side of the krater without extensions, creating a particularly metallic effect. 11 8 At the base of the handle strap is a small frontal face. The Or­betello krater differs from the one in Volterra less in profile, than in details of decoration, such as the structure of the wreath on the neck and the kyma­tion on the foot. It is also equipped with a separately made stand. This comprises a square base, with a lower moulding, that supports a cylindrical die and mouth in two parts: the lower, flaring element is flu­ted; the upper, separated by a fillet, is plain, and pro-

108 On Malacena ware see Bandinelli 1928; Beazley 194 7, 248 and passim; Pasquinucci 1972; Morel 1965 passim; Shefton 1998; Michetti 2003, passim; De Puma 2013, pp. 208-209. For the date, see Michetti 2003, 102. To these discussions may be added a ribbed stamnos with a wreath around the body (Christie's, South Kensington, 6 October 2011 lot 94); a calyx­krater with integral stand (Christie's, South Kensington, 26 April 2012, lot 271); and a calyx-krater without stand, but with inverted lion heads at the handle roots, once in the Freiburg and New York markets. 109 Shefton 1998. 110 Volterra, Museo Guarnacci inv. 283; Pasquinucci 1972, pp. 420-423, fig. 10 no. 283; Fiumi 1978, fig. 122 Morel1981, p. 272 , no. 3551 a, pl. 103 (profile drawing). 111 Paris, Musee du Louvre MA 442: Grassinger 1991, pp. 13-185 no. 25. The idea of treating the top of the handle as a rosette rather than a scroll recalls Attic kraters by the Meleager Painter in Vienna and the Getty (above note 62); it is also fairly common on Laconian black-figure kraters and occasionally elsewhere. 112 Petrovsky 1994, pp. 670-672, 691 nos. 46-47. For the classical bronze series, see above note 86. 113 Beazley 1947, 281. 114 For those on bronze calyx-kraters, see Chi, Gaunt 2005, pp. 24-25; Barr-Sharrar, forthcoming. For the wreaths on the Derveni krater, Barr-Sharrar 2008, pis 1-18 and passim. 115 Barr-Sharrar 2008, 160-163. 116 Poggibonsi: Bandinell i 1928, p. 154,90, pl. 31; Morel1965, p. 272 no. 3551 b, pl. 103 . 117 See above, note 96 . 118 Compare, for example, the lateral handles from bronze hydriai from the Mahdia Wreck: Petrovsky 1994, pp. 680-681 nos. 1-6.

86 JASPER GAUNT

jects to an overhanging mouth that is decorated with ovolo. Almost exact parallels for this exist on survi­ving stands for Greek bronze calyx-kraters, and can be inferred for volute-kraters from Apulian ceramic examples. 119

A bronze volute-krater handle in Florence (pl. VI. 4) shares elements of both Malacena types, and should be approximately contemporary.120 The handle strap preserves a plain element flanked by profiled strips with foliate decoration; the edge car­ries an egg and dart moulding. The flanges are ton­gued. Scrollwork in a restrained classical style fills the blinkers, a little like the Volterra krater (pl. VI.l ). The plain handle extensions terminate in small square terminals for attachment to the body, as with those from Orbetello and Poggibonsi (pl. VI.3). The handle is closest to one in Heidelberg that was pur­chased in Rome; both perhaps are Etruscan. 121

A fine fourth century Etruscan mirror in Ber­lin with a complex mythological scene includes the representation of a child who sits on a volute-krater that has been equipped with a stand (pl. VII.1). 122

The engraver has tried carefully to convey the es­sential features of a bronze volute-krater: moulded ovolo on the rim, a floral wreath that meets in the centre of the neck; the body decorated with two bands of tongues or ribbing separated by a plain, dotted band. The base of the krater fits flush into the top of stand, whose overhanging rim is decora­ted with ovolo. Below this is the fluted die and pro­jecting base. The Etruscan artist would seem, the­refore, to have had vividly in mind a bronze krater, probably imported from Greece or South Italy.123

A second, large bronze handle in Florence (pl.

VII.2) retains scroll-work in the blinkers, but the roundel is equpeed with a gorgoneion, in the manner of Apulian red-figure kraters. 124 On the shoulder, the handle terminates in a foliate flourish. Its date might be Hellenistic rather than early Imperial.

A second series volute-kraters emulating meta­lwork was isolated by Beazley as the Group of Villa Giulia 2303. 125 They must date around the very end of the fourth century or the early third. 126 These continue the red-figured kraters of the Vanth Group, for the Baltimore krater attributed by Beazley to the Vanth Group (pl. V.l) is potted by the same potter as Villa Giulia 2300 (pl. VII.3), assigned by Beaz­ley to the Group of Villa Giulia 2303. 127 The handle extensions are sometimes omitted altogether (as on a krater in Leiden) or can be variously rendered, for example cockerel heads on the krater in Toronto.128

The foot, like the handle blinkers, impressionisti­cally conveys a separately made hour-glass stand of the type often provided for classical bronze volute­kraters.129

A prolific third century workshop, Beazley's Bolsena Group, 130 produced vases found around Bolsena and Orvieto, suggesting to Zahn and Beaz­ley that it moved in 265 B.C. when Orvieto (Old Volsinii) was destroyed and Bolsena (New Volsi­nii) founded. 131 Volute-kraters in New York (pl. VII.4) exemplify these "tawdry imitations of sil­ver work" .132 These appear to be freer derivations of metalwork than those in Malacena Ware and the Faliscan kraters just encountered. The architecture of the profile is of the standard fourth century mo­del. The decoration on the neck and shoulder com­prises appliques, while the lower body is rendered in

119 For two bronze calyx-kraters with stands with square bases, see Chi, Gaunt 2005, pp. 24-25 . For Apulian volute­kraters whose stands have square bases, compare New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 1995.53 .1-2: Barr-Sharrar 2008, p. 99 fig. 90. 120 Florence, Museo Archeologico inv. 1511. Probably from the Medici and Lorraine collections; find-spot unknown, but presumably Etruria. 121 Heidelberg 26/11: Torell 1989, pp. 27-28 no. 27, pl. 14 (there dated too early) . 122 Berlin mirror with volute-krater on stand: Zimmer 1987, no. 28 . This takes with it a second mirror in the British Museum, Br 618: LIMC III, 793, no. 15 . For the subject recently, De Grummond 2009. 123 There is little agreement about what was made where : Pfrommer 1983; Shefton 1985; Barr-Sharrar 2008. 124 Florence, Museo Archeologico inv. 1510. Height 30 em. Find-spot unknown, but from the Medici and Lorraine collections, and therefore presumably from Etruria. 125 Beazley 1947, pp. 281-282, 310; Michetti 2003, pp. 218-220. 126 Michetti 2003 , pp. 98-99. 127 Baltimore, Walters Art Museum 48.85 : above note 90. Rome, Museo di Villa Giulia 2300: Beazley 1947, p. 281 no. 4; Michetti 2003, pp. 218 no. 444,219 fig. 30, pl. 89. 128 Leiden, Rijksmuseum 765, from Montalcino: Beazley 1947, p. 281, 6; Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum 612: Beazley 1947, p. 281, 7. 129 Conveniently, Barr-Sharrar 2008, p. 52, fig. 53 a (Naples; the cast in the Field Museum, Chicago) and fig. 54a (Boston), p. 54, fig. 56a (Ortiz) . 130 Beazley 1947, pp. 283, 286-293; Michetti 2003, pp. 150-155. 131 Beazley 1947, p. 284 (following Zahn's suggestion). 132 Beazley 194 7, p. 284.

SIX CENTURIES OF T HE VOLUTE- KRATER IN ETRURIA 87

relief tongues. The handles depart markedly from anything we know: the flanges are doubled, giving two s-curves that nuzzle each other. In outline and in feel, these seem to be descendants of the Etrus­can bronze volute-krater handles with Dioskouroi, where the flange steadily widens. At the handle roots are heads, inspired perhaps by bronze calyx-rather than volute-kraters. 133

For the first century B.C., evidence from repre­sentations of volute-kraters on Arretine pottery has been greatly assisted by Francesca Paola Por­ten Palange's close assessment of this rich mate­rial. 134 Recently discovered mainland Greek fourth century bronze calyx-kraters enable us to judge representations of this shape on Arretine pottery. 135

The calyx-kraters depicted by Marcus Perennius Tigranus and Rasinius give the impression of being close to fourth century bronze prototypes or their derivatives, and that they are based not on fantasy but familiar observation.136 Perhaps a little less pre­cise are representations of calyx-kraters by Cnaeus Ateius, 137 while those of Rasinius Memmius, 138 and Caius Annius and Lucius Annius139 would seem to vary in the extent or care to which they emulate the originals.

Regardless of the precision of the representation, some observations concerning the volute-kraters are possible. All volute-krater types are reeded, at least in part. This practice, known from Attic red-figure and South Italian fabrics, goes back to the second half of the fifth century.140 One, on pottery by Mar­cus Perennius Tigranus (pl. VIII.1), gives a kra-

ter with two bands of vertical reeding on the body separated by a narrow zone differently decorated.141

We are reminded of the sources that lie behind the Funnel Group's kraters. In the Arretine mould, the krater is equipped with a conical lid, just like the Apulian red-figure volute-krater in Naples closely connected with the Black-Fury Group. 142 Some­times, a bird is depicted perched on top, an omen perhaps or a portent. 143 A second type that appears in work by Perennius shows a krater with reeding confined to the shoulder (pl. VIII.2).144 Another type, where one band of ribbing covers the entire body, appears in work by Ateius (pl. VIII.3). 145 A fourth type with elaborate mouth, and body with two zones of ribbing divided by a band appears on pottery signed by Caius Cispius (pl. VIII.4);146 it is set on a stepped base. It somewhat resembles yet another type depicted by Publius Cornelius, where the ribbing on the body is not evenly divided but favours the lower part. 147 Both these show s-shaped handles, a formula that goes back to Laconian black­figure,148 and continuer until the slightly later grave stone of Lucius Cornelius Epigonus in Aquileia. 149

With work at this scale, it is dangerous to push the evidence too far. What comes across so clearly, however, is that there was more than just one type of volute-krater that was known in Etruria of the first century B. C. Indeed, not just known: familiar - and familiar in contexts that, political change aside, had remained remarkably unchanged for generations. This then is a glimpse of the story of the volute­krater over six centuries in Etruria.

133 For heads below calyx-krater handles, at first made separately and later cast integrally, see Vokotopoulou 1994; Barr-Sharrar 2008. 134 Porten Palange 2009. 135 Vokotopoulou 1994; Chi, Gaunt 2004; Barr-Sharrar forthcoming. 136 Porten Palange 2009 pl. 20 fig. 73, pl. 36, pl. 37 (Perennius); pl. 67, no. 47, pl. 74 (Rasinius). 137 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 78 fig. 34, 79 fig. 38 (without handles). 138 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 137 figs 15-17. 139 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 103 figs 57-58; pl. 107 Komb An 9; pl. 109 Komb An 17. 140 For reedes volute-kraters, see Gaunt 2002, pp. 305-318; Barr-Sharrar 2008, pp. 94-100. 141 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 20 no. 7 3. 142 Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 3249 (inv. 82270): Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 167 no. 13. Chalcidian black-figured kraters are regularly equipped with lids: above, note 32; add Seattle, Art Museum 65.117: lozzo 1992, p. 17, pl. 9. Further fragments: Gaunt 2002, 420-433. To my knowledge, mainland Greek volute-kraters and their representations do not include lids, although strainers for bronze volute-kraters that nestle inside the rim are well known (Gaunt 2013a). Dinoi sometimes have lids, both Attic (for example Princeton University Art Museum y 1986.34 a,b; Padgett 2003, pp. 170-173 no. 28) and Apulian (for instance Ruvo, Museo Jatta 1496 and 1495: Sichtermann 1966, pis 74-77. 143 Porten Palange 2009, 99, pl. 38, Komb. Per. 61b. 144 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 36 Komb Per 52. 145 Porten Palange 2009, pi 79 no. 40. Compare the Attic red-figured volute-krater, New York 24.97.25; Barr-Sharrar 2008, p. 95 fig. 83; BAPD 30252. 146 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 153, no. 29. 147 Porten Palange 2009, pl. 124 Komb. Cor 9. 148 E.g. London, British Museum B 3: above note 26. 149 Aquileia, Museo Archeologico inv. 1236: Dexheimer 1998, p. 207.

88 JASPER GAUNT

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2

PL. I -1 Etruscan wall painting, Tarquinia Tomba delle Leonesse (ph. after Steingriiber 1985) . - 2 Pontic black-figured oinochoe attributed to the Amphiaraos Painter with a volute-krater at a komos. London, Brit. Mus. 1926.6-28.1 (ph. courtesy trustees of British Museum).

92 JASPER GAUNT

2

3 4

PL. II -1 Laconian black-figured krater attributed to the Naucratis Painter from Etruria. Paris, Louvre E 661 (ph. after Stibbe 1972).- 2 Corinthian black-figured krater from Etruria. Florence, Mus. arch. 3786. (ph . courtesy Soprintendenza per i beni culturali della Toscana).- 3 Attic black-figured krater signed by Ergotimos and Kleitias (Fran<;:ois Vase) from Chiusi. Florence, Mus. arch. 4209 (ph. courtesy Soprintendenza peri beni culturali della Toscana.- 4 Chalcidian black­figured krater, attributed to the Inscriptions Painter from Vulci. London, Brit. Mus. B 15 (ph. courtesy trustees of the British Museum).

SIX CENTURIES OF THE VOLUTE- KRATER IN ETRURIA 93

2

PL. III- 1 Attic red-figured krater attributed to the Painter of Athens 12255 . Ferrara, Mus. arch. naz. 5081 (ph. after Alfieri 1979). - 2 Etruscan bronze krater handles. New York, Metropolitan Mus. of Art 61.11.4 a,b (ph. after De Puma 2013) .

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2 3

4

PL. IV - Etruscan red-figured kraters. - 1 Attributed to the Perugia Painter. Melbourne, Nat. Gallery of Victoria D 87/1989 (ph . courtesy Museum) . - 2 From Falerii attributed to the Aurora Painter. Rome, Mus. naz. di Villa Giulia 2491 (ph. after Martelli 1987).- 3 From Vulci attributed to the Alcestis Painter. Paris, Cabinet des Medailles 918 (ph. after Martelli 1987). - 4 Private collection (ph. author, courtesy Antiquarium) .

SIX CENTURIES OF THE VOLUTE-KRATER IN ETRURIA 95

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PL. V - Etruscan red-figured kraters. - 1 Attributed to the Vanth Group. Baltimore, Walters Art Mus. 48.85 (ph. courtesy Museum).- 2 From Bomarzo. Berlin, Staatliche Mus. 2959 (ph. after Kunze 1988). - 3 From Orvieto. Florence, Mus. arch . 70527 (ph. courtesy Soprintendenza per I beni culturali della Toscana) . - 4 Attributed to the Funnel Group. Laon, Mus. d'art et d'arch. 37.1187 (ph. courtesy Museum) . - 5 Attributed to the Funnel Group. Private collection (ph. courtesy Sotheby's).

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3 4

PL. VI - 1 Black-glaze krater attributed to the Malacena Group. Volterra, Mus. Guarnacci inv. 282 (drawing after Pasquinucci 1972). - 2 Neo-Attic marble krater signed by Sosibios. Paris, Louvre MA 442 (ph. author) . - 3 Black-glaze krater attributed to the Malacena Group. Poggibonsi, Mus. Bandinelli (drawing after Bandinelli 1928). - 4 Bronze krater handle. Florence, Mus. Arch. 1511 (ph . courtesy Soprintendenza per i beni culturali della Toscana) .

SIX CENTURIES OF THE VOLUTE- KRATER IN ETRURIA

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PL. VII - 1 Etruscan bronze mirror. Berlin, Staatliche Antikensammlungen 47 (drawing after Zimmer 1987) . -2 Etruscan bronze krater handle w ith gorgoneion. Florence, Mus. arch. 1510 (ph. courtesy Soprintendenza per i beni culturali della Toscana) . - 3 Etruscan krater from Falerii attributed to the Group of Villa Giulia 2303 . Rome, Mus. naz . di Villa Giulia 2300 (ph. after Michetti 2003) . - 4 Etruscan silvered krater. New York, Metropolitan Mus. of Art 96.9.30 (ph. author) .

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3 4

PL. VIII- Drawing after Porten Palange, kraters- 1,2 By Marcus Perennius Tigranus. - 3 By Cnaeus Ateius. - 4 By Caius Crispius.