Forgiveness, Power and Child Sexual

Abuse by Church Leaders in

Australian Churches

by

Jodi Death

Bachelor of Social Science (Criminal Justice) (Honours)

This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for

DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (CRIMINOLOGY)

Charles Sturt University

JULY 2008

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

INTRODUCTION:

ANUNEXPECTEDJOURNEY

Explaining the journey Terms and definitions What is the problem? Significance Previous research Central ideas and themes Chapter reviews Conclusion

CHAPTER 1

Literature review: frameworks for understanding Foucault, Butler and discourse Gender and the Church Sexual assault discourses Monsters? Sexual assault and the Church's response Forgiveness discourses Confession, apology, pastoral power and identity Conclusion

CHAPTER2

Method The significance of methodology Project overview The significance of this study Voice, participants and reflexivity Whose voice am I hearing? How do I use respondents' words? How do I represent respondents? Ethical concerns Conclusion

CHAPTER 3

"It's a pederast's paradise ... ": churches, power and child sexual abuse Introduction Definition of church Role of church leaders Social role of the Church Service provision and trust Conclusion

CHAPTER4

VI

1

1

I 5 8

10 11 11 12 20

21

21 22 27 32 37 39 45 49 54

55

55 55 61 67 68 69 71 72 73 75

77

77 77 78 83

105 106 110

112

11

In bed with God: sexuality, theology and csa by Church leaders Introduction Sex, sexuality, gender and explanations of offending Sexuality as God-given Gender and csa by Church leaders Csa and theologies of childhood Conclusion

CHAPTER 5

Forgiveness and identity Introduction Defining forgiveness Forgiveness as freedom, agency and identity Forgiveness, power, relationship Restorative justice, forgiveness and gendered violence Repentance and apology Grace Validating stories Importance of forgiveness for perpetrators Conclusion

CHAPTER6

Policy: a community ethos? Introduction Policy in context Policy motivation Theology and justice Natural justice Legislative obligations Forgiveness in policy Conclusion

CHAPTER 7

The Hollingworth Affair: Trial by Media? The Hollingworth affair Media as agents of power/knowledge Participants' perspectives on media Hollingworth as a subject of discourse Hollingworth 's construction of self and others 'Male and female he created them ... ' Beth Heinrich Conclusion

CHAPTERS

Hollingworth censured?: The affair continues The judgement of Hollingworth Hollingworth's Punishment Confession A public confession and apology? Atonement, penance and reparation Conclusion

1 12 11 2 11 3 11 6 121 131 135

137

1 37 137 138 143 150 152 155 160 165 1 67 1 70

172

172 1 72 1 73 1 78 1 82 1 85 1 87 1 91 1 95

197

1 97 1 98 1 99 204 207 211 222 224 228

230

230 231 234 243 246 248 250

Ill

CHAPTER 9

The Heart of the tin man: Identity, research and reflexivity Reflexivity EX('I'Illt ()Jl(' l':x<'Pl'pt tm1 Conclusion

CO NCLUS IO N

Summary of major themes Future directions Future Research Final comments

REFERENCE LIS T

252

252 252 255 261 266

268 268 273 275 275

276

IV

Certificate of Authorship

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and

belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material that to

a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at Charles Sturt

University or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the

thesis. Any contributions made to the research by colleagues with whom I have worked at Charles

Sturt University or elsewhere during my candidature is fully acknowledged.

I agree that the thesis be accessible for the purpose of study and research in accordance with the

normal conditions established by the Executive Director, Division of Library Services or nominee, for

the care, loan and reproduction of theses.

Name: Jodi Death

Date: 9 November 2009

Acknowledgements

This work wou ld not be anyth ing were it not for the cou rage of the dedicated i nd ividuals who contrib uted thei r experience, wisdom and passion through research i nterviews. For your time and wi l l i ngness I am ever gratefu l and respectfu l .

l t i s with many thanks that I recogn ise the contri but ion of my supervisors . Associ ate Professor Leonora Ritter, thank you for p icki ng up th is work at a ti me of cris is a nd seei ng it th rough . You warned me you had a reputation for be i ng tough and it i s true , you a re . I am g rateful for you r wi l l i ngness to persevere with both myself and th i s work.

Or Heather Thompso n , your encouragement and bel ief in my work has been an i nva luable contribution without wh ich I may have g iven up .

Anna Corbo-Crehan , your early encouragement and thoughts were of much benefi t . I am a l so than kfu l for you r wi l l i ngness to re-engage in the fina l refi n i ng of thi s work.

I wou ld also l i ke to acknowledge the work of Or Deborah Ambery.

Many thanks to Kate Ba igent for your vol untary work in transcrib ing , with the permiss ion of partic ipants , 2 i nterviews.

Many others have contributed throughout the development of this work. I n particu lar I wou ld l i ke to thank Kate Seymou r for bei ng supportive , critical and a wonderfu l friend a nd col league . Further thanks go to J ude Gu l l i fer and E la ine West for being of wonderful support du ri ng my far too brief time with Bathu rst women's 'writi ng ' group . Cheers g i rls!

I wou l d a l so l i ke to tha n k Maria Woods for her professional support and good g race extended to me d u ri ng my ti me with Greater Western Area Health on the sexua l assault response team.

l t i s crucia l to acknowledge the support of my fami ly and dear friends who have endu red th is with me. With g ratitude I recogn ise my Mum, Cel i a Death , for lovi ng support and readi ng earl y d rafts . I wou ld a lso l i ke to thank my Dad , Noe l . I have much g ratitude for my s ister who reminds me always what i t means to be a generous and cou rageous woman .

I am a lso grateful for the ki ndness of dear friends, i n particular ; Anne-Sh i rley, Casey-Leigh , M im Cooper, Lara Toms, Kristy Gentle , Louise Evans and Kath Lumbsta i ne . These women i n particu lar have contri buted soundly to the mai ntenance of my san ity at various poi nts of th i s work.

l t is with much grati tude that I recogn ise the support of many Church leaders . I n add i tion to those who offered thei r wisdom and experience through

VI

partici pation i n th is work, I wou ld l i ke to thank pastors Steve and Cheryl Blackwel l ,

F ina l ly , Sara Wai ler, you have not only endu red , encouraged a n d bel ieved you have loved me to l i fe . This work is dedicated to you my sunsh ine rol ler coaster and to my grandmother, Jean Death , a beautiful woman .

vu

This work was undertaken with the approva l of the Charles Stu rt Un iversity Eth i cs i n H uman Research Committee .

Protocol n umber: 2005/062

Vlll

Abstract

I n explori ng the occurrence of and responses made to ch i ld sexua l abuse

(csa) by Church leaders , this work primari ly considers d iscourses of power

and forg iveness . With in th is , d iscourses of gender, sexua l ity, Church leaders ,

secrecy and den ia l are recogn ised as centra l to the construction of csa by

Church leaders with i n Christian Churches. Taki ng post-structural and femi n ist

theoretical perspectives , the works of Foucau lt (cf. 1 977; 1 976; 1 984) a nd

Butler (cf. 1 993; 1 990; 2004) are uti l i sed to explore the function of power

through d iscourse . Data for this work has come from on 1 5 semi-structured

i nterviews with Church leaders throughout the Austra l ian states of NSW, Qld

and the ACT. In addition to th is , denomi national chi ld protection pol icies and a

med ia case study of what has become known as the Hol l i ngworth saga are

thematica l ly a nalysed and considered through post-structura l and femin ist

theories. The result of th i s has been the identification of narrative and identity

as key to understand ing the construction of forgiveness and power i n the

occurrence of and response to csa by Church leaders i n Austra l ian churches.

As th is research draws strongly on femin ist methodologies, the rol e of

researcher reflexivity is a l located a place of significance . Drawi ng on femin ist

methodologies has resulted i n a n unexpected journey of identity for my self as

the primary researcher. lt is recognised in this work that research is an

i nteractive process whereby the research may speak back to the researcher.

IX

Introduction:

An unexpected jou rney

With 450 i ndividual chi ld sex assau lts by ch u rch clergy over the past 10 years, the nation's ch u rches constitute the largest employer of paedophi les by a very long way (The Eros Fou ndation 2004:28) .

This work problematises power: p rocesses of power, structures of power and

power/knowledge (cf. Foucault 1 994 ; 1 977) . The core of th is work is a

d iscussion of power as it relates to the occurrence and management of chi ld

sexua l abuse (csa) , by Church l eaders , with in Christian Churches of Austra l ia

and d iscourses of forg iveness . Th is thesis embraces post-structura l isms' and

femi n isms' constructions of power and language ( Davison 2006 : 1 33-1 34 :

Dev ine & H eath 1 999 :205) . For th is reason , the use of narrative , the stories

tol d about real i ties , a re key to e l ucidating u nderstand ing of the occurrence of

csa by Chri stian leaders , power a nd forg iveness. This work demonstrates that

d iscourses of gender , sexual i ty , Chu rch leaders , forgiveness, confession ,

repentance , secrecy and denia l , emerge as sign ifi cant i n envi ronments where

csa by Church leaders i s perpetrated , i dentified and managed . Withi n femin ist

methodologies the position of the researcher i s considered to be a p ivotal

factor th roughout the research process (Tanesi n i 1 999: 1 38- 1 40 ; Lal

1 999 : 1 00- 1 02) . For th is reaso n , this work a lso i ncl udes my own changing

stories of se lf and autonomy as they relate to th is project.

Explai n i n g the jou rney

I can not remember a ti me when , unti l recently , I have not been in church or

chu rch related activiti es at least twice a week. Identifyi ng as a Christian has

a lways been a defi n i ng factor in my account of self. In defi n i ng myself as a

Chri stian woman , I a lways felt as if someth i ng was a miss. I felt as if I never

d i d qu ite bear the i mage I ought. I tried desperately to cover this with passion

and faith . l t was not unti l mid way through this thesis that I came to the

concl usion that I was de lud ing myself a nd ought to stop . I open with such self

1

d isclosure for a number of reasons . Primari ly , th is thesis was a lways i ntended

to be i nformed by femin ist research methodologies which acknowledge the

positional ity of the researcher as key to any research (Tanesi ni 1 999: 1 38- 1 40;

Lal 1 999: 1 00- 1 02) . As a project wh ich d raws strongly on post-structura l isms

and feminisms, it is recognised from the outset that rea l ity is only ever

comprised of ' . . . the stories we tel l about it' (Rossiter 2000 :25) . These stories

we tel l about real ity are mediated through multip le positions such as socia l

class , gender , sexua l ity and experience (cf. Hartsock 200 1 ; Cain 1 996) .

Hence, my own perspectives a re med iated through my positional ity as a

midd le class , wh ite , lesbian , woman , who now identifi es with a post-Chri stian

ethos . These signifiers of self draw on a whole range of stories through wh ich

knowledge is med iated . lt is in the consideration of language , gender,

sexua l ity and power that post-structural ism a nd femin isms are ab le to meet to

consider knowledge and narratives of identity (cf. Arselan ian-Engoren 2002 ;

Butler 1 997a ; Vickery 2000) .

What remains common to a l l of these stories we tel l i s that they rely heavi l y on

language as the means of transmitti ng or bu i ld i ng mean ing (cf. Butler 1 997a;

Vickery 2000 ; Cresswel l 2003 : 1 38- 1 40) . Language, however, is unstable and

so mean ings , real it ies and truths change (cf. Vickery 2000 ; Teevan 2003) .

This changeable nature may be a source of hope i n the face of unjust,

oppressive , marg i na l is ing stories or discourses of authority (Aitahaus-Reid

2004 :67) . The fol lowing work seeks to demonstrate that stories , or d iscourses ,

of csa by Church leaders are often competi ng , resisti ng each other i n ways

that ensure power is never held absolutely by ind ividua ls , but rather i n

language and stories which are used to construct real ities. The specific stories

that are being considered here are of gender, sexua l ity , forgiveness ,

repentance, confession, denial , secrecy, identity, csa , Christian leaders ,

church structures and the ways i n wh ich power has functioned i n mu lti p le

d iscourses . These d iscourses weave together to generate a complex p icture

of sexua l offend ing aga inst chi ld ren by Christian leaders . lt i s the stories that

have been told about churches , Christian leaders , victim/survivors of csa ,

women , ch i ld ren and men , i n particular ma le Church leaders , wh ich have

2

shaped responses to csa by Christi an leaders . These stories are often

i nformed by other stories , or d iscourses, particularl y of a theological n ature .

Exp loration of these d iscourses i s a way of furtheri ng knowledges of csa by

Church leaders . Knowledges a re understood throughout this work as

constructed through language i n social , pol it ical and cultu ral envi ronments

(Tanesi n i 1 999 : 1 2- 1 6 ; cf. Teevan 2003) .

As a g lobal social and rel ig ious i nstitution the Chri sti an Church i s marked by

d iversity i n knowledge and praxis . Withi n this d iversity however, identifyi ng as

a Christian Church i mp l ies a certa i n level of commona l i ty (Loyd-Jones 2003 : 1 ;

Worl d Counc i l of Churches 1 990:2) . Th is creates situations where praxis

about power and forgiveness as they re late to the occurrence and

management of csa by Church l eaders with i n Christi an Churches of Austra l ia

has been developed and understood by a d iversity of d i scourses (cf. Porter

2003b; Doyle 2004) . Such d iscourses may reflect a combination of global and

loca l ly developed knowledges. Th is is evident in the pervasiveness of csa by

leadersh ip as an i ssue for Chri stian Churches throughout the world wh i le

there i s a l so evidence of common d iscourse with i n loca l i sed setti ngs (cf.

Doyle 2004 ; Pi n kola Estes 2002 ; Seed 2001 ) .

The knowledges that a re of pri mary concern here are geographical ly located

with i n Christi an Churches i n Austra l ia , i n particu lar the Eastern States of

Queensland and New South Wales (NSW) , as wel l as the Austra l ian Capital

Territory (ACT) . Th is thesis d raws on semi-structured research i nterviews

with 1 5 Church leaders from these reg ions , denominational pol icy documents ,

and Austra l ia n med ia representations of csa . For reasons that are outl i ned

l ater i n th i s work, the specific denominations of research partici pants a re not

identified . Specific denominationa l representations a re considered i n relation

to church pol icy documents and acknowledgment in d iscussion of the

Ho l l i ngworth affair . Media representations of csa by Church leaders , uti l i sed

here , focus on what is now known as the Hol l i ngworth affa i r. Widely

represented throughout Austral i a n , and at ti mes i nternational newspapers, the

Ho l l i ngworth affa i r perta ined to the former Ang l ican Archbishop of Brisbane,

3

and former Governor Genera l , Peter Hol l i ngworth 's management of csa wh i l st

Archbishop of Brisbane. The Hol l ingworth affair became an icon ic story i n

representations of the occurrence a n d management of csa b y leadersh ip

with i n church based i nstitutions. This particu lar case i nvolved the Angl i can

Diocese of Brisbane in so far as Hol l ingworth had been Archbishop there; the

prima ry case which caused much of the scandal occurred in Central NSW (cf.

Bolt 200 1 : 2 1 Herald Sun 20 December; Woodley 2001 :2 The Australian 2 1

December) .

Whi lst i ntend i ng to study Christian Churches, th is research was not conceived

as a theolog ica l study, but rather, crim inologica l . The end result is a ,

someti mes uncomfortab le , junction between the two with a domi nant focus on

crimi nology. Csa is u ndoubtedly an issue of concern for crimi nolog ists ,

particu larly femin ist cri mi nologists (cf. Smart 2000; Cossi ns 2003) . lt is

arguable that csa should a lso be expl icit ly of theological concern . Although

examin i ng csa by Church leaders , this work is not i ntended to be a

comprehensive theological study, but rather, draw briefly on theolog ica l

concepts only as necessary to h igh l ight specific poi nts of contention or

ana lysis . The provision of theological stud ies that explore dynamics of ch i ld

sexua l abuse by church leaders i s the work of trai ned theolog ians and

i nvolves many complex d iscourses that cannot be adequately considered in

th is work (cf. Beste 2005; Pol i ng 2005) . l t has been recognised , however, that

many s ign ifi cant issues that have arisen throughout numerous scandals of csa

by Church leaders have occurred because of a lack of relevant theologies, the

uti l i sation of unjust theologies and/or a lack of recognit ion of theologies that

chal lenge dominant d iscourses ( Jenkins 1 996: 1 1 7 - 1 22) .

My own tra i n ing as a researcher is crimi nolog ical �ot theolog ical . Hence , my

foray i nto theology has necessitated rapid growth . Th is is not an attempt to

merge theology and criminology, but rather, an attempt to uti l i se e lements of

both to elucidate understand ing of the role of power and forg iveness in

responses to csa by Church l eaders i n Austra l ian churches . The work

presented here is a lso somewhat un ique in that, as a femin ist researcher, it is

4

my i ntent to take reflexivity seriously (cf. McCorkel & Myers 2003 ; Seibold

2000; Cun l iffe 2003) . This has entai led self exposu re , an offeri ng of ins ight

i nto the personal jou rney of th is research speaki ng to me about myself. This

self exposu re is not i ntended as a d iscla imer as to my standpo int a lone, but is

the 'heart of the ti n man ' . l t i s the shift from what drove me to th i s research to

what d rives me to complete i t . I n many ways th i s was a maturi ng of my own

sense of auton omy ( F re idman 2003 :7 -9) . Grappl i ng with stories and language

wh ich descri be self and others has proved an i mportant part of my own sense

of g rowth i n autonomy. Th is has meant chal leng ing the stories and the

language I use to describe, u nderstand and represent myself. This has

coi ncided with grappl i ng to u nderstand the language u sed to construct other

i nd ividua ls and identities such as Or Peter Hol l i ngworth and the identities of

perpetrator, victim a n d Church leader. Some of th is language involves

common terms wh ich are used throughout thi s thesis and are , therefore ,

exp la i ned below.

Terms and defi n iti o n s

To begin , the term Church l eaders wi l l be used to refer to Christian leaders

both ordained and lay. The term Church leader i s taken to s ign ify a range of

i nd ivi duals i n churches with actual or perceived authority because of thei r

recogn ised leadershi p or ski l l specifi c positions . This i s i n part recogn i tion that,

both h istorica l ly and currently, those in pastoral positions with i n chu rches are

not necessari l y exp l i citly trai ned i n theolog ica l d isci p l i nes (cf. van Lieburg

2003) . I n its use here , the term Church l eaders refers to both paid and unpaid

Church leaders, both male and female and of varyi ng ages. Leadersh i p is

taken to i ncl ude a range of activities such as runn ing youth g roups,

cou nsel l i ng , Sunday school teach ing , lay preachi ng and other voluntary

serv ices which accord with the i nd ividual status or authority that is recogn i sed

with i n church commu n ities . The terms Church leader is used with in th i s work

i n recognition of the d iversity of Church leaders who have been responsib le

for the perpetration of sexual abuse with in churches of Austra l ia , as wel l as in

recognition of denominations whi ch do not frequently refer to thei r leaders,

both o rda i ned and lay, as clergy. Where the term cle rgy, i s adopted with in th is

5

thesis , it i s consistent with the use of language i n the growing body of

l i terature that addresses csa by Church leaders who are ordai ned with i n

denominations that frequently refer to thei r ordai ned leaders by th is term (cf.

Clohessy 2004 ; Doyle 2003) .

The terminology of Church l eader recognises the un ique characteristics of csa

when it is perpetrated by an i ndividual who holds rel ig ious and/or spi ritual

authority whether orda i ned or not. The greatest majority of this l i terature refers

to csa by Church leaders with in Christ ian Churches. The role and function of

Church leaders with in more traditional churches, such as the Angl ican and

Roman Cathol ic Churches , i s more frequently represented , however, there i s

evidence to suggest that csa by Church leaders happens across a l l

denominations (cf. Saradj ian & Nobus 2003 ; Yip 2003; Franz 2002) . Th is work

avoids understanding the term Church leaders as applyi ng only to ordai ned

mi n isters of traditional denomi nations . The term Church leaders is taken to

i ncl ude leaders with i n the Christian Church as a social and rel ig ious i nstitution

as wel l as with i n church communities th roughout Austra l ia . For further

explanation of this please see definitions of church below.

Child sexual abuse (csa) is used here to refer to abuses perpetrated against

ch i ldren and young people under the age of 1 8 . Defi nit ions of csa are not

homogenous and may include a d iverse array of behaviours i ncl ud ing what i s

more commonly understood as rape (Steever, Fol lette & Naugel 200 1 : 1 92 ; cf.

Al lexander, Meuwese & Annemieke 2000:480-48 1 ) . For our purposes here :

... chi ld sexual abuse is the use of a ch ild for sexual g ratification b y an adu lt or s ign ificantly o lder chi ld/adolescent. lt may involve activities ranging from exposing the chi ld to sexually expl icit materials or behaviours, taking visual images of the ch i ld for pornog raph ic purposes, touch ing, fondl ing and/or mastu rbation of the chi ld, having the child touch, fondle or mastu rbate the abuser, oral sex performed by the ch i ld, or on the ch i ld by the abuser, and anal or vaginal penetration of the ch i ld (Tomison 1995:2).

Csa i s used here to refer to paedophi l ia & epheboph i l ia . Paedophi l ia i s

understood to refer to a sexual attraction to and the sexua l abuse of pre­

pubescent chi ldren . Ephebophi l ia is understood as a sexua l attraction to a nd

the sexua l abuse of post-pubescent young people (McGione 2003 : 1 1 2- 1 1 3) . l t

6

has been recogn ised that epheboph i l ia , particularly of boys , has been the

primary form of abuse in more trad itional churches ( McGione 2003: 1 1 3) . This

does not mean that abuse of g i rl s , in both paedophi l i c and ephebophi l ic terms ,

shou ld be d ismissed as a s ignificant issue for churches i n responding to csa

by Church leaders. The sexua l assault of adult women and men by Church

leaders has a lso been recognised with i n churches, but is not of pri mary

concern here (cf. Garland 2006) .

The term victim/survivor came i nto use after femin isms recogn ised the l imiti ng

natu re of the term 'victim' ( Morrison 2005:4; National Cleari ng House on

Fami ly Vio lence 2005: 1 ) . Many victim/su rvivors of gendered violence i n

particu lar wished to b e recognised for the work they had done i n movi ng

beyond victim isation to a position of survivor. Survivi ng sexua l victimisation

may cover s i mply rema in i ng a l ive , some experience of heal i ng and through to

thriv ing (National Cleari ng House on Fami ly Violence 2005: 1 ; cf. Worrel l

2002 ) . In recognition of the horror and harm of sexua l abuse as wel l as the

cou rage, endurance and strength of survivors, the term victim/survivor wi l l be

used throughout this thesis to refer to those who have been sexual ly abused .

I n the majority of cases the term wi l l be used to refer to victim/su rvivors of csa

by Church leaders .

The Chri stian Church encompasses a variety of recognised and unrecogn ised

denominations . The notion of a visi ble and invisi b le Church is raised in this

thes is as problematic in the management of csa by Church leaders (cf.

Sa mson 2006 ; P ieper 1 9 1 7) . Except where specifi c denominations are

mentioned , the term 'the Church' i s used to refer to the socia l and rel ig ious

i nstitution of the Chri stian Church i n a l l its d iversity and is i ncl usive of local ised

chu rches . Th is obvious ly presents many problems and some may argue is far

too broad a defin ition and a si ngu lar un ified Christia n Church may not exist i n

a measurable way. l t i s precisely i n an attempt to avo id i n depth d iscussion of

chu rch unity and the possible rejection of various sects , and possib ly cu lts ,

that the term 'the Church' has been so broadly adopted . Disti nguish ing those

chu rches that are and are not l eg itimately Christian is not the work of this

7

thesis . To narrow the confi nes somewhat, the term 'church' refers to those

communit ies and i nstitutions that cla im rel ig ious affi l iation with a Christian faith

and may exist on a local ised level in communities across Austra l ia . Further

the terms 'trad itional ' , 'non-traditional ' and 'Pentecostal ' have been used i n

reference to research participants , i n an attempt to provide some idea of the

positions and churches they represent. These terms are i nd icators only and

are incl uded , i n the majority of cases , not as points of analysis but more in

recognit ion that many readers may find them usefu l for thei r own reference .

These terms a re descri bed further i n Chapter 3 . l t i s not the work of th i s thesis

to construct various denominations i n opposition to each other and so foster

blame, denia l or d i sharmony.

Forgiveness is a concept that is conti nu ing to attract much academic attention

(cf. Exl ine et al. 2004 ; Karremans et al. 2003 ; Smedes 200 1 ) . The problematic

nature of defi n i ng forgiveness and its praxis forms a s ign ificant component of

th is thesis . Throughout thi s thesis forgiveness is recogn ised as relational and

a potentia l response to harm. Discou rses of forg iveness often i ncl ude

concepts of confession , repentance , reconci l iation , grace and si n . The specific

nature of forgiveness, rel ationshi ps and responses to harm are considered

here with in d iscourses of power. Forg iveness has become a term that does

not have a defi n itive mean ing , but rather, has mu ltip le mean ings and

appl ications (cf. Kearns & Fincham 2004 ; Macaski l l 2005 ; Brush et al. 200 1 ) .

What i s t h e problem?

The key research q uestion for consideration i n th is thes is is :

With in Austra l ian churches , i n what ways have d iscourses of power and forg iveness functioned i n responses to csa by clergy?

As forgiveness is a concept that is u ltimately fraught with power, d ifficu lties i n

the exploration of this question have meant that the identification of the use of

language and d iscourse has provided the most constructive means of

understand ing forgiveness and power i n praxis . The problem confronted by

churches today when addressi ng csa by Chu rch leaders , is a problem of

8

power. Th is i s not on ly power in the sense that relatively few i nd ividua ls have

more than most. Rather , power is a lso a problem because of i ts role in the

construction and deployment of g ra nd narratives that relate to gender, Church

leaders , victim/survivors , sexual ity and forg iveness . lt is perhaps unfa i r to say,

then , that power is a problem at a l l . With in a Foucaultian (cf. Foucault 1 994 ;

1 977) knowledge/power framework power enables resistance just as i t

enables domination o r oppression . Diffi cu lties with power arise when some

stories become grand narratives that then come to re ly on the exclus ion of

othe r stories to susta in thei r cla im on truth (Aitahaus- Reid 2004 :67-69) .

Where language i s understood as central to the construction of d iscourse ,

femin i st theorist Butler's ( 1 988 ; 1 990; 1 993 ; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 200 1 ) work can be

used to assist in expl oring the ways in wh i ch gender, sexual i ty and authority

have been uti l i sed i n Chri stian d iscourse to construct and control the bodies of

Church leaders and v icti m/survivors of csa by Church leaders . l t is i mportant

to recognise and explore the ways in wh ich theolog ical knowledge and

l anguage have played , and conti nue to play, a p ivotal role in understand ing

the occurrence and management of csa by Church l eaders . As recent h istory

has revealed , structu res and systems of knowledge/power at times function to

support and conceal abuses by Church leaders (cf. Doyle 2003 ; F ranz 2002) .

Csa i s one such abuse that is of i nterest because victim/survivors' voices

have been den ied space to be heard , thei r stories rejected and justice left

abused , ignored or i n complete (cf. Doyle 2003; Franz 2002) . As Althaus-Reid

(2004 : 3-5) arg ues, experience is a component of knowledge construction that

has been marg ina l i sed to the detriment of theological d iscourses. The

generation of spaces for victi m/su rvivors' narratives and experiences has

been identified as s ignifi cant to the ongoing just and h ealthy management of

csa by Church leaders (cf. Doyle 2003 ; Franz 2002) . Where supportive

Church leaders and members have existed , it has been with in structures

where they often a re not equ ipped with resources, space, or language, to

provid e strong resistance to abuses of power. lt i s for this reason that th is

project sought out the voices of such Church leaders. This area is of i nterest

9

because of ongoing media attention , wh ich is seen as a source of res istance

and generative change to dominant d iscourses uti l ised by churches to protect

the powerfu l and marg inal ize those who are abused with in thei r i nstitutions (cf.

Porter 2003a). Forg iveness has been one domi nant d iscourse wh ich has been

used to s i lence victim/survivors.

Forgiveness is not conceptual ly isolated from other themes of power, gender,

sexual i ty, confession , repentance , and perceptions and constructions of

clerica l ism. Where power is a common theme to all of the above elements ,

both power and denia l are a lso frequently present in relation to csa by Church

leaders. Denia l is a power d iscourse (cf. Cohen 200 1 ). The denia l of chu rches

in terms of the existence and extent of csa by Church leaders has been wel l

documented. If csa by Church leaders is to be effectively identified and

managed , d iscourses of den ial must a lso be addressed. These inc lude denia l

of an adequate theology of sexua l ity and sexua l justice ; denia l of equitable

and just discourses of gender; denial of empoweri ng theologies of chi ldhood ;

and denia l of those , other than Church leaders , who are bearers of theologica l

revelation. Forgiveness d iscourses have been uti l i sed to deny victim/survivors

their voice , d ign ity, heal i ng and justice (Franz 2002 :8-9). The purpose of th is

thesis i s to acknowledge and explore these d iscourses and conti nue the

pursuit of d iscourses of resistance that more adequately reflect the needs of

victim/su rvivors and thei r supporters.

Significance

The i mportance of this research is that it is able to recogn ise that csa by

Church leaders , and responses to it , i nvolve mult ip le perspectives and facets.

Whi lst the overwhelmi ng representation of churches respond ing to csa by

Church leaders i s one of mismanagement and i njustice , this is not a complete

picture. Where power has been abused and secrecy has thrived , there is now

evidence that alternative uses of power are being uti l i sed by churches, church

leaders and chu rch members , to create hea lthy and open envi ronments.

Discourses of power and forgiveness have undoubtedly been s ign ificant to the

management of csa by church leaders , but have rarely been critiqued

10

together. By undertaki ng such an exami nat ion it i s hoped that v ictim/survivor

friend ly environments , narratives and spaces may be i ncreasi ngly enabled .

Previous research

Csa by chu rch leaders has attracted the attention of academics, jou rna l ists

a nd profess ionals . A g rowi ng body of work focuses on csa by Cathol ic pri ests

and critiques the h ierarch i cal structures of the Cathol i c Church as s ign ificant

in the abuse of power in the management of csa by chu rch leaders (cf. Gorrel l

2006; Fawley-O'Dea 2004 ; Walker 2004a ; Keenan 2005) . Much of the popu lar

work of th i s natu re has been researched and written by American journa l ists

and i ncl udes extensive narratives of victim/su rvivors (cf. Bruni & Burkett 2002 ;

The I nvestigative Staff of the Boston Globe 2002 ; Berry & Renner 2004) . I n

the Austra l ian context there i s l i tt le such work. At least two of the key sou rces

were researched and written by i nd ividua ls who have an affi l i ation with , or

who have worked i n close cons ultation with , particu lar denomi nations (cf.

Porter 2003a; Parki nson 2003) . I n addit ion to these sources, a number of

reports are specifica l ly relevant to the Austra l ian context . These i ncl ude the

Austra l ian Senate Enqu i ry i nto Forgotten Austra l ian documents

(Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004 ; 2005a ; 2005b) ; Morrison 's (2005) report

on the Angl ican Diocese of Adela ide ; Olsson & Chung's (2004) report on the

Angl i can Diocese of Adela ide ; and O'Cal laghan & Briggs' (2003) report on the

Ang l ican D iocese of Bri sbane . These works document and explore a number

of i mportant i ssues i ncl ud ing victi m/su rvivors stories , structu ral issues of

power and csa with i n s pecifi c d enominat ions, specific i nstances of csa by

chu rch leaders and specifi c responses to these i nstances . This research

p roject expands on thi s knowledge i n that it often draws on s imi lar concepts i n

app l ication to a different range of data a n d theory .

Centra l ideas and themes

lt is a proposit ion of th i s thesis that concepts of power and forgiveness have

been used to enable csa by chu rch l eaders . The project ion of what has

p reviously been considered a private or i nstitutional matter i nto the publ ic eye

has p rompted exami nat ion of Christian Churches , theology and church

l eaders in new ways . Centra l to these exami nations has been the role of

1 1

power and secrecy i n the ways that churches have responded to csa when it

i s perpetrated by church leaders (cf. McGione 2003 ; Pattison 1 998) .

Discourses of forg iveness are fundamental to the Christian gospel but have

often been deployed in ways that brought harm, rather than heal ing , to

victim/survivors of csa by church leaders. The praxis of forg iveness occurs

with in power constructs that are complex and often med iated through

concepts of gender, sexual ity, role and identity. The i nteractions of these

concepts i l l ustrate the i mportance of language and power/knowledge to the

construction of identity (cf. Roberts 2005; Chapman 2004). This is evident i n

the construction of church leaders , perpetrators o f csa , a n d victi m/survivors of

csa by church leaders.

This thesis uti l i ses femin ist understandi ngs that what is typical ly understood

as 'personal ' is fundamental to research method and methodology (cf.

McCorkel & Myers 2003 ; Seibold 2000; Cunl iffe 2003). I n l i ne with this it i s

understood that researcher objectivity and impartia l ity are unreal i stic and

misleadi ng concepts (Davison 2006 : 1 33- 1 34 ; Devine & Heath 1 999:205) .

I nstead , research is seen as a powerfu l means of engagement where

absolute truth i s not waiti ng to be d iscovered and reported through research .

The effect of th is i s an i ncreased awareness of power relations i n research , as

wel l as the researcher's role and standpoint i n the generation of knowledge

(McCorkel & Myers 2003 : 1 99- 1 2 1 ; cf. Mauthner 2000; Thapar-Bjorket & Henry

2004). For this project, th is framework has necessitated h igh levels of

reflexivity . Reflexive activity has produced a keen awareness that often

research speaks back. lt i s i mportant, however, that th is reflexive engagement

be i ntegrated i nto the research . This i s achieved through a chapter dedicated

whol ly to reflexivity and a careful consideration i n the methodo logy chapter of

approach ing , i nteracti ng with and using the words of research participants.

Chapter reviews

Chapter 1 provides a thematic review of l i terature which is relevant to the role

of power and forg iveness to responses to csa by church leaders i n Austra l ian

churches. The purpose of th is chapter is to provide a d iscursive backdrop for

1 2

further d iscussions. The dominant themes of th i s chapter are sexual assault

d iscourses and church responses to csa by church leaders , forg iveness and

reconci l i ation , confession , male sexua l assault , d iscourses of sex offenders ,

gender and the Church and exploration of the work of the key theorists uti l i sed

in data a na lys is.

Chapter 2 conta ins the methodological framework for th is research . Femin ist

research methodologies a re used to i nform method and methodological

issues . Femi n i st methodologies are sensitive to i ssues of power between the

researcher and the research subject (Hard i ng & Norberg 2005 :201 0-20 1 1 ;

Broussi ne & Fox 2003 : 30 ; Oakley 1 998 : 7 1 0-7 1 1 ) . Due to this , there i s a

concern for researcher sensitiv ity and a strong focus on reflexivity. This

chapter also considers the role of reflexivity i n representation . Drawi ng on

Woodward (2000:46-49) three questions are posed. They are : 'Whose voices

am I heari ng? ' ; 'How do I use respondents' words?' ; and 'How do I represent

respondents? ' (Woodwa rd 2000 :46-49) . The use of these questions is to

provide prompts for engagi ng reflexively with research. The exploration of

reflexivity i s conti nued i n Chapter 9. Chapter 2 concludes with consideration of

eth i ca l issues a nd the i r management.

The d ata presented i n chapter 3 provides context and background for

exp loration of research partici pants ' understand i ng of sexua l ity, exp lanations

of csa by chu rch leaders in chapter 4 and the role of forg iveness in chapter 5.

Th is structu re a l lows the i ssues to address the research question in a way that

is accessib le for readers and meets the obl igations of femin ist post-structu ral

methodology to provide as much context as possi ble for research partici pants'

statements. Such context does not on ly i ncl ude immed iate context of

statements but broader d iscourses and u nderstand ing (cf. Wendt & Boylen

2008) . Chapter 3 beg i ns such an exploration of research partici pants' views

and perspectives through presentation of partici pants' understand ings of the

composit ion of 'chu rch '. The dominant themes that emerged from this were

constructions of the Christian Church , on both an Austra l ian and global scale ,

as diverse i n style, but havi ng a common fa ith , i n need of i ncreased u nity,

1 3

characterised as the fami ly of God under the fatherhood of God , more than an

i nstitution , bei ng comprised of unknowable sp i ritual boundaries , and as

moving away from the i ntent of Jesus and God the Father by becomi ng

formed i nto large i nstitutional ised structures . These characterisations of the

Church are d iscussed i n the context of csa by church leaders . The role of

church leaders as constructed by research part ici pants i s a lso explored in th is

chapter.

This chapter goes on to explore the management of church leaders , offenders

and victim/survivors through d rawing on Foucau ltian (cf. Foucault 1 994 ; 1 977)

constructions of power/knowledge. This i ncludes an examination of research

partici pants' perspectives of the role of church leaders and the ways in wh ich

power d iscourses take effect. Thi s i nvolved critique of patriarchal Church

structures and the need to cha l lenge gendered constructions of church

leaders , l eadersh ip and management of csa . The role of boundaries, i ntimacy

and selfl essness i n constructing the role of church leaders and the

perpetration of csa are explored . F ina l ly, this chapter i ncl udes an examination

of the social role of the Church i n Austral i a , and the i mpact that th is has had

on management of csa by church leaders . The purpose of th is chapter is to

locate research partici pants' perspectives of csa by chu rch leaders by

reference to church structures, the construct ion of church leaders and the

social role of the Chu rch in Austra l ia . These e lements provide a forum for the

d iscussion of functions of power.

Chapter 4 focuses on d iscussion of research partici pants' explanations of csa

by chu rch leaders . The purpose of this chapter is to further contextual ise

research partici pants' exp lanations of csa by church leaders . This chapter

specifical ly draws on i ssues of sexual i ty , gender, csa and chi ldhood .

Research partic ipants identified the issue of theologies of sexua l ity, or lack

thereof. Research partici pants' d iscussion of sexual ity saw it as

heteronormative, natural , God given , and to be expressed only with in the

context of a monogamous heterosexua l marriage. For some research

partici pants a 'healthy' sexual outlet was seen as a means of addressing

1 4

various 'sexua l dysfunctions' , i ncl ud ing csa . Research partici pants frequently

d iscussed sexua l i ty in terms that leant themselves to biolog ica l red uction ist

constructs of sexual i ty. I n contrast to th is , femi n ist positions and post­

structura l positions understand sexual ity as socia l ly constructed and med iated

(cf. But ler 1 993). Research partici pants also identified issues of mascu l i n ity

and male sexua l ity as sign ificant to the perpetration of csa . Related to th is ,

some research partici pants recogn ised the a buse of boys as sig nificant to csa

by church l eaders. The abuse of boys has often been i ncorrectly

characterised as of a homosexual nature , rather than paedoph i l ic or

epheboph i l i c ( McGione 2003: 1 1 2- 1 1 3). I n add ition , the issue of cel i bacy was

ra ised by research partici pants as sign ifi cant to csa by church leaders. This is

reflected i n l i te rature that addresses csa by Cathol ic priests , thei r construction ,

role and the perpetration of csa.

Th is chapter a lso recogn ises that constructions of chi l dhood are sign ifi cant to

csa with in chu rch i nstitutions. The need for the development i n understand ing

theologies of chi ldhood , the val u e of ch i ldhood and the social position of

ch i ld ren were raised by research partici pants. The consequent need to

generate spaces and theolog ies wh ich enable chi l d ren to express their

autonomy in respectfu l and empoweri ng ways is articulated with in the context

of l i beration theolog ies (cf. Sturm 1 992 ; Stone house 2004 ; Petre l la 2004 ).

Ult imately, there is a need to develop spaces where victim/su rvivors of csa by

chu rch leaders , of a l l ages , genders and sexual i ties are able to mean ingfu l ly

have thei r voices heard (cf. Grovijahn 1 998; Patt ison 1 998).

Chapter 5 focuses specifical ly on research parti ci pants' understand i ng of

forg iveness , i ts role i n respondi ng to csa by church l eaders and its defi n i ti ons.

For research partici pants , forgiveness was dominant ly constructed as bei ng

about identity, freedom and the conti nu i ng wel l being of victim/survivors.

Forg iveness was seen as a cho ice to be made by victim/survivors as part of

the i r Christian identity formation . Such u nderstand ings rely heavi ly on the use

of narrative as a means of commun icating the mean ing of forg iveness.

Forg iveness was seen as i nseparable from a relationship with God. Uti l i s ing

15

Butler ( 1 988 ; 1 990; 1 993; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 200 1 ) the problematic nature of

forgiveness i n terms of constructi ng victim/survivors ' bodies, the ir vul nerabi l i ty

to abuse and the legiti macy of their abuse is explored . This d iscussion

h igh l ights the significance of language and narrative . Forgiveness is

understood as having both heal ing and abusive potential i n the l ives and

responses to victim/su rvivors of csa by church leaders .

The abusive and positive potential o f forg iveness is contextual ised through

femin ist critiques of restorative justice . Research partici pants' understanding

of apology, repentance, the need for narrative or 'truth tel l i ng ' , and adequate

understandi ngs of grace are considered . These factors serve to h igh l ight the

ways in wh ich forgiveness has been used to man ipu late victim/survivors and

protect i nd ividua l church leaders and i nstitutions. The uses and abuses of

apology are particu larly important in understand i ng the role of perpetrators i n

respond ing to csa . Language is demonstrated here a s bei ng mal leable and

adaptive. l t is for th is reason that the val idation of victim/survivor narratives i s

seen as essentia l i n terms of resistance to dominant d iscourses wh ich have

largely resulted in the marg i nal isation and revictimisation of victim/survivors of

csa by church leaders. Victim/survivor narratives may not on ly provide

important theological i ns ights for churches but may beg in a process of

reconstructi ng forgiveness d iscourses in ways that benefit and empower

victim/su rvivors , thei r supporters and church communit ies.

Chapter 6 explores denomi national church pol icy documents as d iscourses of

power. Pol icy i s understood as ' language in action' and a pri mary means of

bu i ld ing ethos in church i nstitutions (Pascal 1 986:2-4) . l t is not surpris ing that

i nterpreted B ibl i cal d iscourses are important to pol icy documents . Once aga in

the use of narrative emerges as significant to the construction and expression

of mean ing . The function of pol icy i n resisti ng d iscourses of the management

of csa by chu rch l eaders as incompetent and secretive i s i mportant in

understand ing the function of such documents. F iscal , legislative and

i nsurance considerations are identified as important to motivation for the

development of pol icy a imed at chi ld protection . Pol i cy documents conta in

16

d iscou rses of confession , i ncl ud i ng confession of past fai lu re i n the

management of csa by church leaders and the management of perpetrators '

confessions. The work of Foucau l t ( 1 994 ; 1 976) a lso proves useful i n

u nderstand ing concepts of confession a n d pastoral power.

The role and construction of church leaders a re identified as important i n

understanding pol i cy d iscourse. l t i s a lso recogn i sed that the effectiveness of

po l icy i n it iatives wi l l on ly ever be as successfu l as the envi ronments i n wh ich

they a re i mp lemented a l low the m to be. This may i nvolve a wi l l i ngness to

engage in cultu ra l changes to church communit ies and d iscourses of

leadersh ip and gender. Gender i s seen as important in the motivation for chi ld

protection pol i cy development. Women are seen by research partici pants as

the pri mary motivators for changes that i nclude patria rchal elements of csa by

chu rch leaders. As in Chapter 4, the need to develop just and empoweri ng

theologies of chi l dhood is identifi ed as s ign ificant to valuab le development

and i mplementation of pol icy.

J ustice i s a further theme of pol i cy documents. Justice i s seen as a theological

concept i n that it is speci fica l l y understood as fou nded i n the character of God.

Just ice d iscourses are a lso d iscussed i n terms of leg islative requ i rements of

chu rches, natu ral justice and gendered justices wh ich i ncl ude the relevance of

B ib l ica l constructions of Eve. This chapter concludes with the i dentifi cation of

forg iveness with in pol i cy documents. Th is is contextual ised not on ly i n its

relevance for i nd ividua ls , but a lso in understand i ngs of pol itica l forgiveness

and h u man r ights. F rom th is , the i mportance of 'truth tel l i ng ' by i ndividua ls and

i nstitutions i s identifi ed as an i mperative element for forg iveness to function

mean ingfu l ly .

Chapter 7 i s the fi rst of two chapters that extensively explore med ia

d i scourses a nd the construction of Or Peter Hol l i ngworth through the

'Ho l l i ngworth affa i r' . These chapters roughly fol l ow processes of just ice

beg inn i ng with the accusation made against Hol l i ngworth , proceedi ng through

a 'tria l by med ia ' to a fi nd ing of gu i lt and moral condemnation. The role of

17

apology i s also developed as a key theme i n accounts of Hol l i ngworth. The

work of Butler ( 1 988 ; 1 990 ; 1 993; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 200 1 ) is used extensively

throughout this chapter to explore the ways i n wh ich an ' identity' was formed

of Hol l i ngworth as the accused man . Foucau lt ( 1 977 ; 1 976) also provides

i mportant theoretical analysis i n h is articulation of the normal is ing gaze and

the d ispersal of d isci pl i ne. Media representations of offending church leaders

provide substantia l examples of d iscourses. Research partici pants' thoughts

of med ia representations of csa by chu rch leaders , and specifi ca l ly of the

Hol l i ngworth affair , a re a lso addressed in th is chapter. Research participants

genera l ly viewed media representation as having a positive role i n the

management of csa by chu rch leaders. For some research participants the

i mpact of med ia accounts of abuse by church leaders had a personal impact

on their l ives. I n thei r d iscussions of med ia , research partici pants frequently

d rew on accounts of Hol l i ngworth as s ign ificant to their perspectives.

The Hol l i ngworth affa i r demonstrates that identity is not static but constructed

(Weedon 1 997:40 ; Deveaux 1 999:238). In cases of csa by church leaders ,

perceptions of gender, sexual ity and status with in church i nstitutions have a

profound impact on the construction of v ictim/survivor and perpetrator.

Hol l i ngworth's i nvolvement with the Toowoomba schools ' cases , as wel l as

the case of Beth Hein rich 1 , are drawn on to demonstrate the performativity of

language i n identity formation. I n addition , accounts of forgiveness and the

status of victim/survivor attri butable to Beth Hei nrich are developed. The case

of Beth Hein rich a lso demonstrates the performativity of sexual i ty , gender,

gendered constructions and gendered expectations i n the Hol l i ngworth affai r.

D iscussion of the Hol l i ngworth affa i r i s continued in Chapter 8.

1 Beth Heinrich was a 14 year old school girl in rural NSW who lived at a boarding facility managed by a priest named Donald Shearman and his wife in the 1 950's. Whilst boarding at this facility Beth

was allegedly sexually assaulted by Shearman on a number of occasions. Later in life, when Beth was an adult woman, a romantic relationship developed between Shearman and Beth. After this relationship ended, allegations of sexual misconduct were made by Beth against Shearman. Shearman eventually admitted the sexual abuse had taken place and became the first Australian Bishop to be defrocked as a result of sexual abuse allegations. The response to this case was initially managed by the then Archbishop Peter Hollingworth, This case, and several others managed by Dr Hollingworth, received a great deal of media attention which ultimately resulted in a great deal of public pressure for Dr Hollingworth, to resign from his appointed political position as Governor General of Australia.

1 8

Chapter 8 uses an exploration of the Hol l i ngworth affai r to engage specifi ca l ly

with d iscourses of pun ishment, the possi bi l ity of forgiveness and related

concepts of confession and apology. These d iscourses are seen as a means

of i dentity formation . For Ho l l i ngworth , pun ishment took the form of a

restriction i n the 'spaces' he may occupy because of the resound i ng

condemnation he received from the pub l ic through med ia . Hol l ingworth 's

responses to this were conti nua l ly seen as problematic in that, for a very long

ti me , it was perceived that he was not bei ng truthfu l , maki ng a fu l l confession ,

nor mak ing a genu ine a pology. Hol l i ngworth 's confessions were seen as

i nadequate because they became considered to be a imed at mi n imisi ng and

justify ing h is actions and responsi bi l ity for harm. Th is raises the issue of

repentance and any consequent apologies. I n Ho l l i ngworth's case, a

cond itional a pology was not seen as an adequate or genu ine a pology. F i nal ly ,

the i ssue of penance i s raised in terms of Hol l i ngworth's fi nal recognit ion of h is

wrong doing . Whi lst med ia representations are not i nfa l l i ble accounts of any

i nd iv idual or i nstitutiona l i dentity , they do provide a n important source of

i nformation for the pub l ic . Med ia representations are exami ned along with

several speeches mad e by Hol l i ngworth .

Chapter 9 presents a d ifferent type of data in the form of an exploration of

refl exivity through the presentation of extensive excerpts from the

researcher's reflexive journa l . Although this is somewhat unusua l , it is

consistent with the rigorous requ i rements for reflexivity that femi n ist

methodologies prese nt (Giarratano 2003 :2 1 ) . Throughout the course of th is

thesis I kept a reflexive journal as a way of record ing my thoughts and feel i ngs

about this research in an unh i ndered way . l t became apparent that th is journal

was y ield ing valuab le data in u nderstand ing the h igh ly personal and

transformative natu re of research for my 'self' . I came to see processes

whereby I u nderstood my 'self' as socia l ly constructed , med iated and

u ltimately fl u i d (Weedon 1 997:40; Deveaux 1 999:238) . I found that the

research began to speak deeply to me about my own identity and that this had

an i mpact on the progression and nature of generati ng knowledge. This was a

1 9

process of engaging with personal autonomy and identity formation (cf.

Wesley 2004). Drawing on post-structural femin ist perspectives , it is the

contention of this chapter that making this transformative process clear for any

eventual reader was i mperative to the i ntegrity of the research (cf. H urd 1 998 ;

Mauthner 2000) .

Conclusion

At its core this work is about power and d iscourse. Primari ly , post-

structural ism and femin isms are used to explore the role of multi ple

d iscourses i n the management of csa by church leaders i n Christian Churches

of Austra l ia . l t is hoped that the knowledge generated through th i s work wi l l

enable the development of frameworks wh ich further positive experiences of

victim/su rvivors of csa by church leaders , and enable chu rches to conti nue to

th ink critical ly about power/knowledge, d iscourse, forg iveness and elements

of identity such as gender, sex, sexual i ty and vocation . This wi l l mean further

generating d iscourses of church leaders, vict im/survivors and chu rches that

enable clear understand ings of power and its function in the occurrence of csa

by church leaders , as wel l as the management of perpetrators and responses

to victim/survivors. The fi rst step in th is process of exploration and analysis is

the presentation of re levant l i terature .

20

C hapter 1 Literature review: frameworks for understanding

As B ishops and leaders of rel ig ious institutes of the Cathol ic Ch u rch in Austral ia, we acknowledge with deep sadness and reg ret that a n u m be r of clerg y and rel ig ious have abused chi ldren, adolesce nts and adu lts who have been in the ir pastoral care . To these victims we offer our s incere apology (Austral ian Cathol ic Bishops Conferen ce & The Austral ian Confe rence of Leaders of Rel ig ious Institutes 1 996, 2000: 1 ) .

Chri stian Churches i n Austra l ia , and i nternationa l ly , have faced growing

a mounts of criticism regard ing the ways in wh ich sexua l assau lt with in thei r

organ isations has been add ressed . There i s often a g reat lack of coherence

and consistency in p raxis with i n i nd ivid ual denominat ions, as wel l as by the

Church as a social i n stitution . Th is chapter seeks to provide an overview of

relevant a reas of l iterary d iscourse. This is not an exhaustive study but

provides a foundation for further ana lysis . In l i ne with this, as wel l as d rawing

on broader socia l and acade mic d iscourses, contemporary l i teratures

emerg i ng from sources identifying with 'Chri stian ' frameworks a re considered .

Th is i s done i n an effort to understand the position of chu rches today, the i r

socia l fu nction , as wel l as thei r praxis regard ing csa by church leaders .

Rel ig ion has not typi ca l l y been a focus of crimi nologica l study. Crim inologist,

H udson (2008 :275-277) recogn ises that rel ig ion forms an i mportant element

with i n concepts of d iversity, wh ich have become more increasi ngly recognised

through Cosmopol i ta n ism. Crimino logist Eskridge (2005:297) recognises that

i nterd iscipl i na ry work is essentia l to mai ntain ing the role of criminology i n

contri buti ng to the socia l i mplementation of d iscourses of crime and justice .

Eskridge (2005:297) a lso acknowledges that rel ig ion i s i ncreasing ly

cons idered as i mportant i n both social and academic debates about crime,

justice , identity and g lobal pol iti cs (cf. Kleemans 2008) . Rel ig ious d iscourses

have a lso been cons idered by Peacemaking Crimi nology as a source of

ideology (cf. Woznia k 2002 :222 ; cf. Barak 2005) . The work of crimi nolog ists

2 1

does not, as yet, provide the most usefu l understanding of the socia l role of

rel ig ion so th is wi l l not be the focus of th is chapter. Rather, this chapter wi l l

specifi ca l ly give an overview of the works of the key theorists and other

relevant d iscourses such as l i terature address ing csa , gender and csa by

church leaders .

Foucau lt, Butler and d iscou rse

Foucault (cf. 1 977; 1 976; 1 984) provides an i mportant and extensive post

structural theoretical background for this work. Foucault 's (cf. 1 977 ; 1 976;

1 984) works are uti l ised specifica l ly to explore d iscourses of

power/knowledge, gender a nd the construction of subjects through discourse ,

i ncl uding the sig nificance of a normal isi ng gaze . This is the particu lar focus of

chapters 7 and 8 which explore the Hol l ingworth affair . Butler (cf. 1 993 ; 1 990;

2004) d raws extensively on Foucault's theoretical work, i nclud ing on

sexual i ty, power/knowledge, subjectification and governmenta l ity, i n her body

of work on femin ist analyses of sexua l ity, the body, gender and power. The

purpose of th is section i s to provide an overview of these theoretical

perspectives and their i nteraction . These perspectives are uti l i sed and

developed more extensively throughout the body of this work.

Foucault 's (cf. 1 977; 1 976; 1 984) provides important theoretical frameworks

on the nature of d iscourse and the function of power/knowledge . In what a re

now known as the Brazi l ian Lectures Foucault ( 1 994:2) clearly articu lates h is

understanding of knowledge as socia l ly constructed :

.. . social structures may engender domains of knowledge that not

only bring new objects, new concepts, and new techniq ues to l ig ht,

but also g ive rise to total ly new forms of subjects and subjects of

knowledge. The subject of knowledge itself has a h istory; the

relation of the subject to the object; or more clearly, truth itself has a

h istory.

The signifi cance understand ing truth as having a history, and being socia l ly

constructed , i s that power can be understood as exercised through d iscourse

to construct subjects and produce subjectivity. Of d iscourse Foucault ( 1 994 :2)

says, "On one level , d iscourse is a regular set of l i ngu istic facts , wh i le on

22

another it i s an ordered set of polemica l and strategic facts" . I n explori ng the

existence of d ifferent types of d iscou rses , and the function of language , there

i s a capacity to bri ng u nderstandi ng to the ways i n wh ich some d iscourses

become dominant to the excl usion of others and constructed truths have been

uti l i sed to govern others by subjecti ng them to such truths through the use of

ritua l (cf. Fouca u lt 1 994:2-87) . With i n Christian praxis the role of penance ,

confession and forg iveness can be seen as d i scourses often exercised

through ritual i n order to construct subjects and enable subjectification (cf.

Foucau l t 1 994 ; 1 984 :30 ; 1 976 :6 1 -62 ) .

I n the fi rst vol u me of The History of Sexuality, Foucault ( 1 976 :6 1 -62)

specifica l ly identifies the importance of confession i n the construction of the

sexua l subject with i n Chri sti an tradit ion (cf. Bernauer 2005) . For Foucau l t

( 1 976 : 6 1 -62) confession becomes a means of constructi ng d iscourses wh ich

in turn function to control the subject through a normal is i ng gaze exercised , i n

early Chri stian trad i tion , through the d iscu rsive construction of church leaders

as med iators of ritual truth . For Foucault ( 1 976 :63) confession conti nues to

p lay a rol e i n the control of subjects and the construction of d iscursive truths

but there i s now a g reater breadth of those to whom subjects may confess i n

order to ' . . . judge , pun ish , forgive, console a nd reconci le ' has extended to now

i ncl ude not on ly chu rch leaders . Confession , accord ing to Foucault ( 1 994 :63)

' . . . has been employed i n a whole series of relationships: ch i ld ren and parents ,

students and educators , patients a nd psychiatrists , del i nquents and experts' .

I n a l l of these relationships , however , the one to whom the confession is made

is constructed through a d iscou rse whi ch contin ues to enable them to med iate

judgement and forg iveness (Foucault 1 976 :63) . The praxis of confession

demonstrates the way in which a subject views themselves, i s v iewed by

others a nd how some subjects d i scipl ine and govern others is actual ised

through power as a relational d iscursive construction (cf. Deacon 2002 ;

Foucau l t 1 977) . I mportant to an understand i ng of power as relationa l ,

conta ined and exercised through d iscourse is the recogn it ion of the possib i l i ty

of resistance (cf. 1 977 ; 1 976; 1 984) .

23

Foucault 's (cf. 1 977 ; 1 976; 1 984) work is considered important by femin ist

theorists because of the ways i n which power is understood as not only act ing

on subjects , but a lso havi ng a creative force in the ways that identity becomes

formed for and by the subject through the i nternal isation of d iscourses, and

the ways in wh ich resistance is enabled (cf. Munro 2003; But ler 2004 ; Sal i h

2002) . As power is understood by Foucau lt ( 1 977 :25-26) as located i n

d iscourse , the body may become a site of power:

The body is also directly involved in a political f ield; power relations have an immediate hold on it . . . . Th is pol it ical investment of the body is bou nd u p, in accord ance with complex reciprocal relations, with its economic use ; it is largely as a force of production that the body is invested with re lations of power . . . . (Foucault 1 977: 25-26)

Foucault ( 1 977:26) a lso argues that the body is an object of knowledge and

as such ' . . . the body becomes a usefu l force only if i t i s both a productive body

and a subjected body' . As Foucault ( 1 977:27 ; 1 994 : 326) understands power

to be held i n d iscourse, resistance is possible i n a l l sites where power i s

exercised . Femi n isms have taken these concepts and appl ied them to the

production of sex, gender and, in particu lar, women 's bod ies through

d iscourse (Vickery 2000 : 1 9 , 54 ; Grosz 1 994 : 1 20- 1 22 ; But ler 2004 :48-5 1 ) .

Femin i st ph i losopher Judith Butler uti l i ses Foucault's works to explore the

construction of sex, gender and sexual ity (cf. Butler 1 990; 2004) . Drawing on

Foucault (cf. 1 977) Butler (cf. 2005) considers that a subject's ab i l i ty to

recognise self is dependent on the d iscourses that are avai lab le , or knowab le ,

by them. Hence , the presentation of self is med iated by not on ly the

recognit ion of others , but the recognition of self th rough d iscourse . For Butler

(2005; 2006) th is has impl ications for the eth ica l treatment of others and

u ltimately the recogn ition of human ity i n others through d iscourses wh ich

make them and the i r agency recognisable. Moral questions and eth ica l

treatment for Butler (2005:3) ' . . . not only arise i n social relations, but the form

these questions take changes accord ing to the context, and even that context ,

i n some sense, inheres i n the form of the question ' . Butler (2004) considers

that mora l question ing must not only consider the self but the other seeki ng to

understand concepts such as justice, gender and violence . U nderstand ing

24

i nd iv idual and socia l agency means considering and understanding the role of

language and d iscourse i n constructing identity (cf. Butler 2004 ; 2006) .

That agency i s enacted through language means that the power of d iscourse

is uti l i sed i n identity formation wh ich happens relationa l ly th rough d iscourse

(cf. Butler 2005 , 2006, 2004) . Butler ( 1 997b:2) says :

. . . If, fol lowin g Foucault, we understand power as forming the subject as wel l as p roviding the very condition of its existence and trajectory of its desire, then power is not s imply what we oppose but also, in a strong sense, what we depend on for our existence and what we harbor and p reserve in the beings that we are .

This idea i s centra l to Butler's (cf. 1 993 ; 1 990 ; 2004) explorations of sex and

gender . For But ler (cf. 1 990 ; 1 997b; 2004) sex and gender are not defi nitive

terms , but are constructed i n and by language.

One central idea of Butler's ( 1 990 : 1 85- 1 93) is that of the performativity of

gender (Sa l ih 2002 :9- 1 1 ) . Butler ( 1 990 : 1 85) says , 'that the gendered body is

performati ve suggests that it has no ontological status a part from the various

acts wh ich constitute i ts real i ty ' . Butler ( 1 990: 1 85- 1 86) goes on to argue :

I n other word s, acts and gestu res, articu lated and enacted desires create an i l l u sion of an i nterior and organising gender core, an i l lusion disc u rsively maintained for the pu rpose of the reg u lation of sexual ity with in the obl igatory frame of reproductive heterosexual ity.

I n later work But ler ( 1 993 : 1 ) goes further to defi ne performativity not as a

's ingu lar de l i berate "act" but, rather, as the re iterative and citational practice

by wh ich d iscourse produces the effects that it names ' . Butler's ( 1 993 : 1 )

concern i s to h igh l ight the ways i n wh ich gendered and sexed d iscourse either

create or excl ude the subject th rough the norma l isation of particu lar

d iscourses . These d iscourses become normal is ing i n the ways i n wh ich they

enable subjects to be scruti n ised for conformity. Drawing on Foucault , Butler

( 1 997b :6-7 ; cf. 1 997a) argues that th is means that the subject is formed in

subord ination a nd i s dependent on d iscourse , language and attachment to

others for i ts existence.

I n Undoing gender, Butler (2004: 1 6 1 - 1 73) explores Foucault 's ( 1 976) analysis

of confession with in the rea lm of psychoanalytical practice . Butler (2004)

25

demonstrates i n her work is the conti nued presence of Foucault 's concept of

pastoral power i n outside of the church and early Christian tradition . For Butler

(2004 : 1 6 1 - 1 63) confession conti nues to be a means whereby the self may be

constructed through confessional d iscourses of sex, sexua l ity and gender. Of

confession , Butler (2004 : 1 63) asserts that 'The poi nt is not to ferret out

desires and expose the truth in publ ic, but rather to constitute a truth of

oneself through the act of verbal isation itself . Confession becomes a means

of expressing autonomy, but th is autonomy is bound to others i n that the

confession must be heard . Nonetheless, confessional d iscourses may be

d iscourses by which a subject may recognise and construct themselves as

gendered and their acts as gendered . Butler (2004 : 1 6 1 - 1 63) draws on

Foucault's concept of pastoral power to poi nt out that the one to whom the

confession is made wi l l i nvariably hold some form of power in relation to the

confessor and hence may impact profoundly on thei r conceptua l isation of

gendered identity. I n short, confession may be a part of gender performativity .

l t is in bei ng constructed i n d iscourse that the subject is ab le to engage with

d iscourses of resistance (McNay 1 999 : 1 77; cf. Foucault 1 977 ; 1 976 ; Butler

1 993: 1 0) . Resistance is possible because the identity of a subject is not fixed

and one-sided , but fashioned social ly in relational d iscourses which are

created and re-created throughout time . This is Foucault's (cf. 1 976) poi nt

about the genealogy of sexual ity and Butler's (cf. 1 997a ; 1 997b; 2004) about

the genealogy of sex, gender, bodies and the impact of these d iscourses on

the creation of subjects (cf. Sa l i h 2002 ; Stone 2005) . This becomes important

in explori ng chi l d sexua l abuse in churches because very specific d iscourses

of sex, sexua l ity, gender and power are used to i nform the ways i n wh ich csa

by church leaders is managed . This is particu larly so in the deployment of

d iscourses of forgiveness . These discourses are used in relation to

perpetrators, v ictim/survivors , the Church and managing church leaders as

power/knowledge that bui lds identity (cf. Doyle 2004 :5 ; McBrien , 2002 :20 ;

Parki nson 2003 : 1 ; Porter 2003 :25) .

26

Gender and the C h u rch

The Church has often been accused of bei ng misogynist and not only

defend ing but sanction ing violence aga inst women and chi ld ren . Over a

decade ago, Hol d rread Heaggan ( 1 993:73) identified a strong l i nk between

rel ig iosity and csa :

A distu rbing fact continues to su rface in sex abu se research . The best predictor of abuse is alcohol or drug addiction in the father. B ut the second best predictor is conservative rel ig iosity accompanied by parental bel ief in traditional male-female roles.

Because of the often misogynistic attitudes of organised Christian rel ig ion ,

femin ist theolog ians have done sign ificant work to explore the role of gender

and gender representations both Bib l ical ly and by the Church as a socia l

i nstitut ion (cf. Carmody 1 995 ; Kroeger & Kroeger 2003) . This body of work

has g rown , and conti nues to g row, to chal lenge traditional and institutional ised

power a nd its outworki ng . The ways in wh ich Christian ity and churches

conceptua l ise bodies , sex, sexual ity and gender is pivotal in an effective

u nderstand i ng of the ways in wh ich responses to csa have been made (cf.

Celenza 2004; Purnel l 2004) .

Sex, sexua l ity, sex roles and gender have always been contentious with i n the

Church and with i n a broader socia l views of the Church (Su l l i ns 2000:243;

Coakley 2004 :75 ; Ruether 2000 :3-4) . This is so for several reasons . F i rstly ,

New Testament Christian i ty sought to i ntroduce much more than a re l ig ious

set of bel iefs a bout the sacred . The early Christian Church sought to

demonstrate a d ifferent d iscourse of l ivi ng , th i n ki ng about and experiencing

sp i ritua l ity (Ladd 1 959: 1 4-23 ; Snyder 1 981 : 1 1 3- 1 2 1 ) . These discourses

became known as Christian ity, but fi nds their roots in J udaism and are very

much located with i n , and i nfl uenced by, specifi c social a nd h istorica l contexts

(Wright 2004 :388-399) . lt is i mportant to recogn ise this , as gender, as it i s

represented i n the New Testament, has a lways been i nterpreted by social

bei ngs who may or may not have a g rasp of h istorical or personal reflexivity

( N ixson 1 997 : 1 - 1 1 ; Kroeger & Kroeger 2003 : 1 1 - 1 5 ; Fiorenza 1 983 :xv) . Thus ,

some authors have noted that the orig i na l i ntent of New Testament writers has

often been i nterpreted and enacted through the socia l eyes of patriarchy,

27

rather that actual ly supporti ng patriarchal constructs (F iorenza 1 983:53 ;

Brown ing , 2004 :3- 1 0) . Dowel ( 1 987 :208) maintains that, 'As a femin ist I see

wisdom and trad ition as h ijacked by patriarchy' .

Secondly , the Christ ian Church has historica l ly p layed a strong role i n pol itics

and , therefore , publ ic pol icy (Bruce 2001 :249-250) . I n hold ing an i nfluentia l

position , the Church has often been able to attempt to mandate the private

and publ ic l i ves of i ndividuals . lt is arguable that the Church has historica l ly

been seen as , or seen itself as, mainta in ing social purity wh ich has often

meant conservative positions on sex, sexual ity, gender and sex roles (West

1 995:95- 1 03 ; Kl i ng 1 995 :335; Coakley 2004:75) . Debates , both recent and

h istorical , regard ing homosexua l church leaders, female church l eaders ,

d ivorce and , i ndeed , scandals of sexual assault i n the Church , have served to

i l l ustrate this point (cf. Crowley 2004 :75; Bennison 1 997:506) . The Church has

struggled not only to reconci le these things with Bi b l ical doctri ne, but a lso with

its identity as a social i nstitution .

I dentity is very much at the heart of the thi rd reason why sexua l ity, sex roles

and gender have been such contentious issues . The purpose of Christian ity,

as a world view, stri kes to the very heart of human existence ; it seeks to tel l

us who we a re and why we exist (Ladd 1 959 : 1 3- 1 4) . Christian ity appeals to

the d ivine authority of a divi ne creator to exp la in the existence of human

society as wel l as the role and function of humanity, both individua l ly and

corporately (cf. Genesis 1 & 2 ; Munroe 200 1 :30-3 1 ) . As such , biological sex

is a real ity that must be addressed . l t is also a crucial part of B ib l ical text and

message. Some have argued however, that B ib l ical sex roles are not as

dogmatic or essentia l ist as is often portrayed (Brown ing 2004 :3-4 ; Van

Leeuwen 1 997:233; 2002 :25) . Since orig i nal s in , gender roles have been

constructed theolog ica l ly as pivotal to human interaction and identity (cf. West

1 995:95 ; Cooper 2004:447) . Accord ing to Bib l ical narrative , when God curses

the orig ina l couple in Genesis , the curse del ivered is specific to male and

female . Th is is s ign ificantly d ifferent from the i n it ial non-gender specific

commission to ' . . . fi l l and subdue the earth ' (Genesis 1 :28, Genesis 3 : 1 6- 1 9) .

2 8

The most s ign ifi cant contributors to critiques of trad itiona l d iscourses,

regard ing gender and the Church , have been femi n i st theolog ians . Femin ist

theolog ians orig i na l ly offered criti cal d iscourses in regard to femi n in ity , female

sex ro les and the role of patri archy i n constructi ng these. More recently

femi n i st theolog ians have turned their attention to a greater consideration of

i ssues of mascu l i n it ies (Van Leeuwen 2002 : 1 5-20; cf. Arterburn & Luck 2003) .

Th is d iversifi ed focus d isplays a n awareness that i n the Church , as i n broader

socia l structures, the normal isation of male bodies and emphasis on

traditional , hegemon ic mascu l i n ity have resu lted in far greater attention being

paid to exam in i ng or 'p ropagati ng ' specific female sex ro les. This focus often

neglects to critique d iscourses of mascu l i n i ty , and male sex roles , i n ways

wh ich offer mean ingfu l a lternatives to hegemonic mascu l i n ity and oppressive

patriarchy ( Dickson-Waiko 2003:98; Neale 1 998: 1 0 1 ; Mate 2002:549) .

Mascu l i n i ty a nd ma le sex roles have now become a crucia l area of

cons ideration for Chri stian theology. lt has been clai med that a lthough church

leadersh i p has trad i tional ly been , and sti l l rema ins , domi nated by men ,

Chri stia nity can be seen to have undergone a 'femin i sation ' (McDuff 200 1 : 1 ;

Su l l i ns 2000 :243; Charlton 2000:4 1 9 ; Carey 1 996: 1 1 3) . The monopoly of

d iscourses which construct ma l e gender as essentia l to Chri stian leadersh ip

can be seen as s lowly rel i nqu ish ing thei r stronghold i n many churches and

denomi nations .

An awareness of sh ifti ng cultu ra l understa nd ing , reflexivity and the cha nging

nature of gender has resulted in a re-exami nation of key Bib l ica l passages as

they relate to women a nd their role in churches, mi n i stries, relationshi ps and

da i ly l i fe ( Kroeger & Kroeger 2003 : 1 1 ; Godfrey 2004 :82-83) . l t is i nteresti ng to

note how these shifti ng comprehensions have often returned as closely as

possi ble to a trans lation of the Greek language as i t was uti l i sed

predomi nant ly in the writi ngs of the Apostle Pau l and the early Christ ian

Church (cf. Kroeger & Kroeger 2003; Ruether 2000 :36-40) .

Debates as to the role of men and women i n the Church are not new

developments, but a re evident i n the earl iest trad itions of the Church as it

29

grappled not on ly to establ ish itself with i n its social context , but a lso to reach

out as Jesus commissioned h is d isci ples (Matthew 28: 1 8-20) . Just as women

played an essential role in Jesus' mi n istry and were treated by him as

i ntel l i gent, capable 'missionaries ' , so women have often been crucial to the

Church reaching out to 'al l nations' through i nternational missions (N ixson

1 997 :45 ; Agourid is 2002 :507; Russel l 2004:2) . l t is clear that, despite debate ,

women have a lways held a teaching presence i n the Church , even when they

were excluded from doing so i n the modern Western Church (Nixson

1 997 : 1 4 7 ; D ickson-Waiko 2003 : 98) . Of women's activism and search for the i r

roles withi n the Church , Torjesen-Malcolm ( 1 982 :23) asserts:

If women search for their identity in roles, they make idols of those roles, of the ir careers, the ir homes , their chi ldren or their husbands . None of these thi ngs and none of these roles can g ive women what they are search ing for. lt is only in the narrow path up the mountain, only in a first-love relationship that a woman wil l find what she needs.

Far from d iscrediting the search for understand i ng and l i berty i n reference to

sex roles i n church leadersh ip and mi n istry, Torjeson-Malcolm ( 1 982 :23)

locates th i s search i n the orig i nal i ntention of Bi bl ical Christian ity , a revelation

of a love relationsh ip with the Creator. Accord i ng to B ibl ical tradit ion this love

relationsh ip was i nterrupted by the occurrence of orig i nal si n wh ich has often

been used as an excuse for mistrusti ng women in the church (Mal mashei mer

1 977: 484 ; Greene-McCreight 2004 :95) .

Femi n i st theology consistently poi nts to the suspicion of women i n tradit ion

theological d iscourse and church h istory (Malmashei mer 1 977: 484 ; Greene­

McCre ight 2004:95) . The gendered construction of God , violence and just ice

is a powerfu l framework for understandi ng responses made by churches to

csa by church leaders (Reid 2004 :376-337; Lochhead 200 1 : 3-4) . I n part , th is

is l i nked to an u nderstandi ng of sin , or particu larly femin in ity and sin

(Anderson 1 996 : 1 1 5 : Confoy 1 997 :204) . Centra l to this is the figure of Eve .

Rightly or wrongly , 'b lame' for s i n enteri ng the world is attributed to Eve

(Page ls 1 988 :68) . I n csa perpetrated by church leaders , th i s blame is often

transferred to victim/su rvivors, particu larly female victim/survivors . Th is

30

a l location of b lame i s ach ieved by constructing the v ictim/survivor as Eve, as

a temptress , as the seductive party i ntent i n caus ing the 'god ly man ' to fa l l

from h i s position of 'desi reless ' , ' u ncorrupted ' , 'holy' focus (Confoy 1 997 :209-

2 1 0) . Eve is 'othered ' , as victi m/survivors are 'othered ' , to reinforce the

mascu l i ne norm. Thi s i s achieved throug h depict ing women and ch i ldren as

un re l iable witnesses, seductive and , particu larly i n chi l d ren , havi ng a

propensity to make fa lse a l legations (Sheldon & Parent 2002:246-248;

Parki nson 2003 :200-204 ) . The otheri ng of women and ch i ldren is a lso seen in

d iscourses of corporeal and sexua l desi re .

Corporeal desire , especia l ly sexua l desi re , is othered i n complex ways (cf.

l sherwood 2003; Anderson 1 998) . As the 'temptress' Eve u nsettles the

mascu l i ne hold on sexual power or domin ion . Eve the temptress has an

autonomy that is not subject to the mascu l i ne norm. Sexual desi re i n women

becomes a threat in need of management by mascu l i ne norms (Pol i nska

2004 :4 1 ; lsherwood 2003: 1 42 ; Anderson 1 996: 1 1 2) . This legitim is ing of

sexua l desi re has resulted , however, i n the repression of women's sexua l

identity . l rigaray ( 1 99 1 :42) argues:

Woman has no reason to envy either the pen is or the phal lus . But the non-establ ish ment of the sexual identity of both sexes [sexes] resu lts i n t h e fact that man , t h e people o f men , has transformed h is penis [sexes] i nto an i n stru ment of power so as to dom inate maternal power.

Women 's sexual ity becomes subord inate and control led where the penis is

transformed i nto a weapon of power. l t i s not that woman is denied sexua l ity

ent i rely , but rather, i s on ly offered access to a sexual i ty that i s solely defi ned

on mascu l i ne terms of female purity (cf. Confoy 1 997) . Eve , as woman of

beauty , as d ivi nely created giver of l ife , as mutua l ru ler of the world with

Adam, is subjugated to Eve the weak, tempted turned temptress . Hence,

maternal power is den ied , repressed and recast as threaten ing . The result of

th is has been an i nadequate theology of sexual ity, and of gender, that has l eft

women and ch i l d ren vu l nerable to abuses of power (Med ley 2004 :36) . To

d raw once more from l rigaray ( 1 99 1 :32) :

The exploitation of women is based on sexual difference, and can only be resolved through sexual d ifference. Certa i n tendencies of the day, certain contem porary fem i nists, are noisi ly demanding the neutral ization of sex [sexe] .

3 1

That neutral ization, if it were possi ble, would correspond to the end of the human race .

The Church is not, however, a lone i n th is . Femi nisms have long noted the

otheri ng of women's bod ies and sexual ities as significant to sexua l violence

as perpetrated against women and ch i ld ren throughout society (cf. Grosz

1 994; Mehta & Bondi 1 999 ; Erl ich 1 999) . Where women are denied sexua l

autonomy, the consequences for themselves and for ch i ldren have been

shown as abusive and destructive (Walker 1 999: 1 5-20) . Further, access to

justice is notably problematic where the voices of women and ch i ldren are

marg ina l ised . Justice can be seen as gendered conceptual ly and

experientia l ly with in theology as wel l as with i n broader crimina l justice

d iscourse (cf. Walker 1 999; Soares 2005) .

Sexual assau lt d iscourses

Although it is argued that sexual assault and its epidemic proportions are yet

to be fu l l y recogn ised , there is l i ttle room to deny that csa remains on pub l ic

and pol it ical agendas (cf. Goddard 1 998 :24-25 ; Grant et al. 200 1 :269;

Giard ino & Fi nkel 2005:382) . From lagg ing perceptions of 'stranger danger' to

mult inational paedophi le ri ngs, the image of csa , its identification , frequency,

duration and effects continue to engage us (Botash et al. 2005 :564 ; Ga l lagher

2000 :795; Smart 2000 :55) . Sexua l assault i s no longer a h idden doma in of

private rooms, but i ncreasingly pervades 'everyday' l i fe through varied med ia

and educational representations. Th is awareness is largely due to the work of

femin ist pol itical and socia l advocates who have campa igned for i ncreased

consciousness of the abuse of women and chi ldren (Atmore 1 999 :83 ; M i ld red

2003 :493) . Those drawing from femi n ist perspectives have both motivated

and provided the dominant academic l i terature and programming with relation

to sexua l assault (Hooper & Warwick 2006:468; Eigenburg et al. 2000:4 1 -42 ;

cf. Scott 2001 ) . Socia l activism drawing o n femin ist frameworks has been

concerned not only for the status of women and chi ldren socia l ly and

pol i tica l ly, but also as victim/survivors of violence (Segal 1 996: 1 87) .

Femin ism as a homogenous d iscourse does not exist. Rather, femin isms are

marked by great d iversity (cf. Archer Mann & Huffman 2005) . The ri se of

32

second wave femin ism, i n part icu lar cultu ral and rad ica l femin i sm, has done a

g reat deal to h ighl ight the victi misation of women and ch i ld ren . l t is arguable

that focussi ng on heterosexual i ty , male sexua l i ty and gender as the key

issues of femi n ism, resu lts i n a l imited potentia l for understanding sexual

assau lt and the role of mascu l i n ity . The i mpact of patriarchy on socia l and

pol it ical i nstitutions and i nteractions needs to be more broad ly understood

than men themselves as the problem (Segel 200 1 : 1 87- 1 88 ; cf. Tong 1 998;

Segal 1 996) . Often an understand ing of men themselves as the problem

results i n the excl us ion of some victim/survivors from d iscussion and often

these victim/su rvivors a re a l ready marg i na l ised a nd stigmatised . Such

v ictim/survivors include male victim/survivors of sexual abuse, especia l ly

those abused by female perpetrators (Hunter 2006 :350; Goddard 1 998:24 ;

Lees 1 996:89) .

Even though a precise assessment of the extent of sexual assaul t is el usive

and d ifficult to gauge, v ictimisation remains an imperative to d iscussion of

sexua l abuse (Hunter 2006 :350; G rant et al. 200 1 :27 1 ; Gal lagher 2000 : 795) .

Th is has been attri buted to several factors which , from femi n ist perspectives,

revolve around power, respect and the si lencing of women and ch i ldren (Cook

et al. 200 1 : 2 1 ; Taylor 1 999:49-50; Austin & Ki m 2000 :204; Watts & Zi mmerman 2002) . I n herent i n these factors are the many myths that have

sh rouded sexual assau lt. These myths inc lude the seductiveness of chi ld ren ,

the dominant conceptua l i sation of sexual assau lt as being committed by

strangers to the victi m , the u ncontrol lab i l i ty of male sexual desire , the mora l

character of women who a re raped , thei r desi re to be raped and thei r

e njoyment of bei ng raped (Cook et al. 2001 : 1 ; Sega l 1 996 : 1 88 ; cf. Ol iver

2007) . These myths and others have functioned to stigmatise victim/surv ivors

of sexual assault , deny or min i mise their v ictim isation and perpetuate

structu res that enable abuse. I n real ity, victimisation is not a homogenous

experience . The d iversity of experience has often been centra l to femin ist

concerns, particu larl y for post-modern femin ists (Ramos L i ra et al. 1 999:236;

Austi n et al. 1 999:5) . The experience and reaction of ind ividua ls to sexua l

a buse often i nvolves a number of variables incl udi ng : the i ntimacy and the

33

nature of any prior relationsh ip with the offender, socio-economic position of

the victim , cu ltura l heritage and perceptions, gender and location of the attack

or attacks (Oiiver 2007:26-27 ; Feiring et al. 1 998 : 1 29) .

l t has been further suggested that not only is victimisation i nd ividual ly

perceived , but it i s a lso socia l ly constructed (cf. Mol in & de l Rio 2007 ) . Th is i s

evident not on ly in afore mentioned myths that have surrounded sexua l

assau lt , but in societa l responses to victim/survivors . Whi lst emotive mora l

outrage usual ly accompan ies revelations of sexual assault , particu larly csa ,

numerous authors have recognised that defi n i ng sexua l assault i tself i s

d ifficult (Ramos L i ra et al. 1 999:236; Karagiannakis 1 999 :480) . This i s then

compounded by consideration of wh ich i ndividuals , i n what ci rcumstances ,

qua l ify for victim status and , further, how harmfu l or damagi ng v ictimisation i s

perceived to be (cf. Erdmans & Black 2008; Goddard 1 998 :36 ,37 ; Webster & Hal l 2004:65) . Thus, there are recognisable waves of response on behalf of

the publ ic , wh ich are usual ly triggered by the reporti ng of a specific case or

cases. Csa i n Christian i nstitutions provides an example of d iscou rses of csa

which cause us once again to consider the safety of our chi ld ren and the

'mora l standi ng ' of the socia l contexts in wh ich we l ive (cf. Shaw 2004 ;

Stei nfe ls 2004 ; James 1 996) . Outrage and shock framed i n such a context do

l ittle to remedy the situation for those who are consistently victimised or who

are construed as ' less worthy' victims . Situational reactive awareness can ,

arguably , lead to complacency or denial of sexua l abuse i n other forms or

situations.

With regard to csa specifica l ly , we face added d imensions of d ifficulty as both

ch i ldhood and sexual assault have been subject to changing socia l norms and

defi n it ions. Chi ldhood itself is a relatively modern construction . Historica l ly ,

ch i ldren have been viewed as sma l ler versions of adu lts and as such have not

a lways been afforded the added protection of legis lation desig ned to guard

their ' i n nocence' (F iynn 2000: 485 ; Mi l ler et al. 1 990 :293; Goddard 1 998 :7 ) .

G iven the social context o f leg islation and legis lative powers, i t i s important to

recogn ise the i mpact that th is has on victim/survivors and thei r social a nd

34

pol it ical status . Victim/su rvivors , who do not have access to an effective body

of leg is lation and language to descri be their abuse, a re not only vu lnerable to

abuses, but a lso to being large ly un recognised (Westcott & Kynan 2004 : 38 ;

Va lente 2005: 1 0 ; Keel 2004 :2 ) . The dependency of ch i ldren on adults to

protect and i nform the m of the i r rights places them i n a particu larly vu lnerable

posit ion (Grant et al. 200 1 :270; Alaggia & Kirshenbaum 2005 :227) .

Even where leg islation and rights are clearly articulated , th is sti l l may not be

enough to adequately construct a d iscourse of victi misation or victimhood . We

can see through the emergence of changes to legislation that rape and sexual

assau lt have often been narrowly defi ned so as to exclude some

victim/survivors . l t was not unt i l 1 98 1 in N SW that the act of ana l penetration

was recogn ised in sexua l assau l t legislation (Brown et a/ 200 1 :874) . This i s a

s ign ifi cant reflection of socia l understandi ngs, as rape has h istorical ly been

typ ified by vag ina l penetration by a penis and sodomy as an offence on

g rounds of mora l ity (Ciough & Mu lhern 1 999:46-4 7 ) . Thus , sodomy was

assumed to be consensual and a sign of the depravity of both partici pants,

wh i l st rape is assumed to be v io lent and coercive (Brown et al. 200 1 :874 ;

Clough & Mu lhern 1 999 :46-47) . The legis lative frameworks regard ing both

rape and sodomy were i nadequate and i neffective in representi ng the d iversity

of sexua l ly abusive experiences , and excl uded certai n victim/su rvivors from

d iscou rse . Current leg is lation has developed to recogn ise sexua l assault as a

vast variety of activit ies that may or may not i nclude vagi nal penetration , may

i ncl ude the use of objects , exposu re to pornography or a variety of other acts

or omiss ions (Brown et al. 200 1 :874 ; Clough & Mu lhern 1 999:46-7) . Despite

these advances , leg isl atively, sexual assault and victimisation are sti l l very

much a socia l construct wh ich are subject to several variables of which

gender i nevitably remai ns s ignifi cant.

Sexua l assau l t cannot be fu l ly understood outside of gender and corporeal

constructions (Na lavany & Abel l 2004 : 368-367; Sega l 2001 a : 1 04; Cook,

David & Gra nt 200 1 : 1 ) . Whi lst femin isms have sought to draw attention to a

power analysis of the male body , as wel l as the deployment of the penis

35

symbol ical ly a nd l itera l ly , often this has resulted i n a construction of power

where men have it and women want it (Segel 2001 : 1 00; Wei L ing 1 999:83) .

This becomes particularly i mportant when consideri ng male experiences of

sexual assault .

Whi lst a great deal of knowledge regardi ng women and ch i ldren 's experiences

of sexua l assault has been offered , less is known or ava i lable regard i ng adu l t

male sexual assault . This is not to say that there is not a growing recognition

of male sexua l assault and a need to empower men by g iving them room to

voice the i r experiences (Esteal 1 994 : 1 58- 1 60; Eastern and Centra l Sexual

Assau l t Service 2002 : 1 ; cf. Nalavany & Abel l 2004) . This raises q uestions as

to what ch i ldren a re learn ing about thei r bodies , their gender, and how th i s

affects their experiences of sexual assault . One element of thi s is d iscussions

of hegemonic mascu l in ity wh ich h igh l ight that the hegemonic male does not

wish to be hegemonic for hegemony's sake , but because thi s a l lows the

assertion of power over other males (Segel 200 1 :284-285; K immel l 200 1 :282;

Connel l 1 995:58) . Hence , sexual assault as a power construct can be a tool

used not only to suppress women and ch i ldren , but a lso other men . Gender

and sexual assault are i nevitably experientia l ly based in corporeal ity . This is

very much t ied to interna l and external corporeal d iscourse.

Male and female bodies have been identified as differi ng in mu lti p le ways.

Women's bod ies have often been constructed as the other to male bodies;

they are soft, vul nerable , unrel iable , subject to rapid and repeated change

through menstruation , chi ld bearing , chi ldb irth, breastfeed ing and a plethora of

other perceivably uncontrol lable elements (Longhurst 200 1 :4 ; Connel l 1 987:

66; Grosz 1 994 :202-2 1 0) . Women's bod ies have a lso been subject to scruti ny

socia l ly , med ical ly , and as sexual objects , i n ways that men's bod ies have not

(Bourd ieu 200 1 :63; Ben eke 1 997 :86-93; Whitehead 2002 : 1 8 1 ) . Thus, women

experience their bodies publ icly and privately in different ways from men and

these experiences, although tied to biology, a re not strict ly biological . The

experiences of male victim/survivors of sexual assault , i ncl ud ing boys , carry

different mean ings because of the discourses with i n wh ich male bodies are

36

constructed ; i nclud i ng d iscourses of strength, i mpenetrabi l i ty , i ndependence

and the male body as a weapon (Connel l 1 995:58; Wh itehead 2002 : 1 9 1 -203 ;

Longhurst 200 1 :4 ; cf. McGuffy 2005) . These d iscourses are markedly defi ned

by a l l th ings that are not femin i ne (Bran non & David 1 976:272) For this

reason , when sexua l assault i s characterised as a crime for wh ich women and

g i rls ' bodies a re targeted as victims , male victi m/surv ivors, particularly adu lt

ma les , a re effectively excluded . Access to pol iti ca l , socia l and personal

d iscourse of male sexua l assau lt becomes h igh ly problematic , if not

i mpossi ble , to conceptua l ise . The crises of sexua l assault i n the Roman

Catho l ic Church , i n particular , has come to be conceptual ised as typical ly

comprised of the abuse of male ch i ldren by priests (Fawley-O'Dea 2004 : 1 2 ;

cf. Gartner 2004 ; Doerr 2003) . I n this way the sexua l abuse of male chi ld ren

with i n church i nstitutions may be one of the few a reas where male sexua l

abuse is not seen as u nexpected or abnormal .

Monsters?

I n add ition to the construction of male victim/su rvivors of sexua l abuse,

constructions of perpetrators of csa are problematic. Relatively l ittle i s known

about chi ld sex offenders , but the last ten years have seen progress i n both

understandi ng and treatment of paedoph i les (cf. Petrun ik 2003 ; Grant 2000;

Beech et al. 200 1 ) . N evertheless, popular images of a part icular 'type' of

offender and their motivations are often problematic , i ncomplete and

i naccurate (Sma l l bone & Wortley 200 1 ; Sooth i l l et al. 2000) . Media

representations of ch i ld sex offenders have typical l y cast them as abnorma l ,

d i sturbed i nd ividuals , who exist on the fringes of society, are h igh ly deviant

and a l most excl usively male . Alternatively, perpetrators of csa are constructed

as members of large organ ised rings (Briggs 2005: 1 ; cf. Wi lcockson 2006) . A

growi ng awareness of chi ld pornography, and i n particular the use of the

i nternet to access ch i ld pornography, or bu i ld networks , has a ided in

d iversifyi ng conceptua l i sation of chi ld sex offenders (Quayle & Taylor

2002 :864; Esposito 1 998 :54 1 ). Quayle & Taylor (2002 :864) argue that the

emergence of i nternet pornography has created ' . . . a new category of sexua l

offender, one for who m possi bly there is no d i rect contact with a victi m' .

37

The construction of perpetrators of csa rel ies heavi ly on particu lar language

used with in particular d iscourses. I n speaking of h is years reporting for

newspapers on pornography, sexua l abuse and murder of chi ldren , Bowden

( 1 998 :30 1 ) constructs sex crimes as encompassing 'another country ' ,

reiterating the ' i ron law' repeatedly : 'Don't talk about i t ; no one wants to hear

about these thi ngs ' . Descri ptive language uti l ised in popular representations of

csa reflects the complexities of social perception and acceptance of

stereotypes of depravity; 'Paedophi le ri ng ' , 'abhorrent' , 'cravi ngs' (Mann

200 1 : 1 1 ) , ' He seemed qu ite normal ' , 'knives ' , 'ba laclavas' , 'attacked ' , 'we i rd ' ,

'fa l l i nto ever deepen ing depravity' , ' recidivist sex offenders ' , 'fa ntasies of

conquest' (Munro & Si lvester 2001 : 1 2-2 1 ) . Such language is i mbued with the

threat of unknown , uncontrol lab le , degenerate and evil i nd ividua ls . This

language often denies the real i ty that, for many, their abusers were trusted

fami ly members , fathers , brothers , uncles, mothers or close fami ly friends or

neighbours (van Dam 200 1 : 1 2-39; cf. Cossins 2000) . The language of threat

serves to construct a mi rage of safety as it depersona l i ses the offender, often

leaving chi ldren increasi ngly vul nerable (Sanderson 2004 : 1 3) . Thus , the

offender becomes a monster beyond control , rather than a loved one . Morris

( 1 998:248) argues that thi s construction of offenders as monsters g ives them

the very power they shou ld never have. Monsters cannot be treated , can not

be touched and should be shut away from the rest of the world .

Research i nto the nature o r typology of sex offenders i n genera l , and

paedophi les and epheboph i les i n particular , i s notoriously d ifficult . One of the

difficulti es is d i rectly because of sampl ing (Beech et al. 200 1 : 1 ; Grossman et

al. 1 999:350; Fazel et al. 2002 :2 1 9) . Researchers have access on ly to those

offenders who have been convicted of a sexual offence , or offenders who are

wi l l i ng to self report. Due to the high possibi l i ty of crimi nal processes resulti ng

from self-reporting , accessi ng such a group is extremely problematic

(Sma l l bone and Wortley 2001 : 1 -2) .

38

Despite these d ifficulties , research has yie lded i mportant revelations regard ing

offender typologies a nd modus operandi. These inc lude the early onset of

offend ing i n adolescence ; that the fu l l extent of any i ndividual 's offending

behaviour is un l i ke ly to ever be known ; the h igh l i ke l ihood of mu lti p le

paraph i l ias ; and a range of common cogni tive d istort ions that sex offenders

use to i nterpret socia l situations (S lake & Gannon 2008 :34-35; Sma l lbone & Wortley 200 1 : 2 ; cf. M i ner & Munns 2007) . I n addition to this , other research

has i nd icated that with those offenders identified by the cri mi nal justice

system , there i s a strong possib i l i ty of prior convictions for other non-sexual

cri mi na l offences (Sooth i l l et al. 2000:56) . Sexua l offending has further been

exp la ined in terms of socio-h istorical a nd socio-legal construction of

mascu l i nit ies and sexual i ties, menta l i l l ness , cogn itive d isorders and

e motiona l d isorders ( cf. Cossi ns 2000; Hease et al 1 995; Fazel et al. 2002 ;

Beech & Fishe 200 2 ; Polashek & Ki ng 2002) . The social construction of

gender rema ins sig n i fi cant to understanding sex offend ing . Th is i s particularly

c lear with chu rch structures and doctri ne.

Sexua l assa u lt and the C h u rc h 's response

An Austral ian psycholog ist entrusted with stamping out paedophi l ia in the Angl ican Ch u rch was jai led on Thu rsday for hav ing sex with a teenage g i rl (Agence France Press 2003) .

Popu lar med i a most frequently represent churches as respond ing to

revelations of sexua l abuse by church leaders with denia l , cover up ,

confusion , na ivety, pay outs for s i l ence and victim b lami ng (Sioyan 2003 : 1 54;

P i n kola Estes 2002 : 24 ; Seed 2001 :5) . Confronted with what has general ly

been termed a crisi s , or crises , churches across the nation have been forced

to reassess thei r i nvolvement with and acceptance of chi ld protection

measures and legis lation (Parki nson 2003: 1 ; Porter 2003 :25; Doyle 2004 :5 ;

McBrien 2002 :20) . The late 1 980's and the 1 990's produced some s ign ificant

work from and with churches wish ing to address and manage chi ld sexual

abuse by chu rch l eaders (cf. O merod & Omerod 1 995; Last, Gonzalez & Vadasz 1 995 ; Center Against Sexua l Assault 1 990) . For the purpose of

restricti ng this work to a reasonable s ize the focus of l i terature considered

here wi l l pri ma ri ly be on that produced i n the last 1 0 years . Thus, churches

39

are confronted from both i nternal and external sources with confl ict of the

most personal nature . Although the more traditional denominations have

typical ly been favoured targets for accusations of mishand l ing csa , it is

evident that csa by church leaders and criticisms of responses traverse

denomi nations (Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2005 :4-9; Lupu & Tutt le

2004 : 1 793- 1 794 ; Old Government 1 999 :61 -62) .

The Forgotten Australians Senate I nqu i ry (Commonwealth of Austra l ia

2004 :44-46) and the Commission of Enquiry into abuse of children in Qld

institutions [The Forde Enquiry] (Qid Government 1 999) were not specifi ca l ly

commissioned to examine ch i ld abuse with in church i nstitutions . Rather, as

churches frequently managed the majority of institutions where chi ld ren were

placed i n out of home care , they were wel l represented i n these enquiries .

The Forgotten Australians Senate Inqu i ry (Commonwealth of Austra l ia

2004 :44-46) and the Forde Enquiry (Qid Government 1 999) both demonstrate

the variety of denominations with in wh ich csa has been perpetrated

h istorical ly . The Forgotten Australians Senate I nqu i ry (Commonwealth of

Austra l ia 2004 :44-46) demonstrated this fact once again with Salvation Army

services receivi ng s ign ificant critic ism. The Salvation Army has traditional ly

been identified by its socia l justice and social welfare focus . The i ncidence of

ch i ld abuse i n its i nstitutions is ind icative of the i nsid ious and calculati ng

nature of chi ld exploitation . As stated i n one submission to the Senate inqu i ry

(Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004:45) :

What annoys me the most is the two faced presentation of Salvation Army officers who pride themselves as u pstanding citizens in the commun ity whi le in SA un iform , the other face of abuse h idden from the community . . . .

These inqu i ries have not only g iven voice to victi m/survivors who have

suffered years of pai n from chi l dhood abuse i n church i nstitutions , but has

also h igh l ighted the role of expectations i n the Church's hand l i ng of sexua l

abuse both current and h istorical . Th is is aptly demonstrated by the words of

Senator Andrew Murray (ABC 2004 :4) :

I mean I wou ld expect ch u rches who say they believe i n the love of Jesus - they shouldn 't have any difficu lty with actually exhibit ing

40

that love and g iving u p some of their money and their assets to make good the h arm they did.

Socia l expectations generated by the Church as an i nstitution have great

s ign ificance i n understand ing why the actions of abusive church leaders and

the ir supportive faci l i tators have had such a strong societa l reaction (cf. Lupu

& Tuttle 2004) .

The position of the Church as a socia l i nstitution has always been contentious

in Western society (Moberg 1 962 : 1 5) . The Church has, however, u nderstood

and d eclared itself as a source of moral revelation on a vast variety of moral

i ssues (cf. Dickerson 2005; Keenan 2005; Danaher 2005; McKenzie 2004) .

Th is is particu lar ly so for denomi nations that fa l l with in the scope of ' rel ig ions

of d ifference' (Woodhead & H eelas 2000 :27) . Rel ig ions of d ifference

emphasise the separateness of God and humans and , because of this , tend

to p lace prominence on the ' . . . med iati ng authori ties through which the d ivi ne

is revealed ' (Woodhead & Heelas 2000:27) . Although th is genera l ly means an

emphasis on a set of scriptures , it can be seen i n more tradit ional

denomi nations as extend ing to church l eaders (Tru l l & Carter 2004 :83;

Parki n son 2003: 1 7 1 ) . W here thi s is so, to bel ieve that a priest or a church

leader has perpetrated abuse against ch i l d ren has a mounted to question ing

the pu rity of God (Tru l l & Carter 2004 :83 ; Parki nson 2003 : 1 71 ) . For many, th is

was a cogn itive and spi ritua l shift too difficu lt to make and , when it has been

cou pled with authoritati ve h ierarchies and closed systems of governance, the

resu l t has often been denia l , min i misation of the abuse and/or victim b lami ng

(Tru l l & Carter 2004 :79-88 ; Brun i & Burkett 2002 :98 ; Pi nkola Estes 2002 ; cf.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts 2003) . H i storica l ly church leaders have not

easi ly been characterised as monsters and , therefore , they have not easi ly

been encapsu lated in a socia l i magination as chi l d abusers. There is

s ign ifi cant evidence that wou ld suggest that th is has changed (cf. P inkola

Estes 2002 ; Tru l l & Carter 2004 : 78 ; Doerr 2003 :4 1 ; Hal l & Last 1 992 : 1 98) .

After decades of revelations of cover ups, the shock regard ing church leaders'

i nvolvement in csa has d imi n i shed (Commonwealth of Massachusetts

4 1

2003: np) . Nonetheless , the Church has been forced i nto a position where its

publ ic i mage across many denominations has become questionable .

Where there was once a fa ith i n the Church as a social i nstitution across

broad sections of many communit ies, the Church's social position is now

contentious (Bouma 1 995:285; Lupu & Tuttle 2004 : 1 790- 1 794) . Along with

th is , the rise in secularism and p lural ism has left the Church and its relevance

for the social l andscape i n a precarious position (Herbert 2003 :29; Carey

1 996 : 1 72; Wright 1 999: 1 53- 1 54) . Canadian historian , David Marshal (cited i n

Zacharias 1 996:5 1 ) attributes such a position to the Christian church leaders

themselves and the Church's i nabi l ity to cope with the rapidly changi ng world

view that began with modernism and was furthered with post-modern ist

perspectives . Th is i ncl udes a renewed post-modern interest i n rel ig ion and an

overwhelming increase i n new rel ig ious movements (NRM) (Howard 2000 :9 ) .

The composite effect of changing social val ues and loss of trust i n the Church

through the betrayal of its own values and pri nci ples of purity and

righteousness is encapsulated by Wi l lerscheidt et a/ ( 1 997 : np) : 'The Church

which was once a safe place for heal ing has become the enemy . ' This shift

from safe place to enemy has been i nformed not only by csa by chu rch

leaders, but a lso, by its management.

Churches have typica l ly protected thei r leaders not only in order to protect

their publ ic i mage, but a lso as an expression of the value placed on

repentance and forgiveness (Doyle 2004 :5 ; Col bert 2003:4; Pope 2000 :8 1 2 ;

Sloyan 2003: 1 54 ; Doerr 2003 :42) . Under a particular model of these values ,

frequently uti l i sed by chu rch leadersh ip , a member of the orda i ned clergy who

repents of thei r s ins is forg iven and restored to active min istry (Jones 2002 :40 ;

Horn 2005 :5 ; cf. Dun ne 2004 ) . Church leaders may be requ i red to attend a

retreat, or even some form of therapy, but thei r clerica l status has rarely been

questioned . This is particu larly true of denominations where the qua l it ies of

Wood head & Hel l as's (2000:27) rel ig ion of difference are strongest (cf.

Wi l lerscheidt et al. 1 997) . The effect of this is that where the 'si ns ' of the cleric

42

are a bsolved so too are the consequences of thei r s i ns . lt i s a l l too clea r that

the absolution of consequences does not extend to victim/survivors of abuse.

When chu rch leaders a re found to have sexua l ly abused chi ldren their

behaviour i s often framed with i n a n 'abnormal ' or d ifferent sexual ity to beg in

with (Parise 2004 : 1 4 ; Schl umpf 2005: 1 7) . Th is i s best exempl ified by those

Christian traditions wh ich cal l for their clergy to be cel ibate (Sioyan 2003 : 1 54 ;

Cozzens 2005 : 1 1 ) . l t i s not on ly the ind ivi dua l offender who is questionable ,

but a lso broader church structu res , practices and bel iefs . The vocation of

priests , or c lergy, who sexua l ly a buse i s seen as a n i nherent part of their

construction as offenders , in a way that is not necessari ly so for other

offenders . Theolog ian , Ravi Zacharias ( 1 996 : 1 27) makes part icular note of

th i s :

Of a l l the scandals that feed the p ubl ic appetite the one most del ightedly pounced upon by some in the media is the scandal of a min ister who has betrayed tru st. . . But when a min ister crosses over the l ine of propriety even sl ightly, the relativists merci lessly pou r down the anger of an absolutist judgement.

l t i s clear, then , that the private and publ ic l ives of church leaders are sti l l very

much perceived as i nseparable . Church leaders cannot be taken seriously i n

preaching love , righteousness o r vi rtue , i f these are not reflected i n their

private character. Zacharias ( 1 996 : 1 29) identifies coherence in private and

pub l ic character as i mperative : 'We cannot put i nto l ivi ng what we do not have

i n l i fe . We cannot g i ve to others what we do not have ourselves or know

where to find ' . This consistency between the pub l ic and private characters of

chu rch leaders must be understood with i n Church i nstitutional character,

wh ich has often val ued secrecy.

Where secrecy has thrived , so too has sexual assau lt i n churches (Keenan

2005 : 1 24) . In recogn it ion of th is , there have been attempts from some sectors

of the Church not on ly to address sexua l assaul t with in i nd ividual chu rches

and denominations, b ut also to beg in a process whereby the structures and

attitudes that support secrecy are re-examined (Keenan 2005 : 1 30- 1 36 ; Busby

2004 :2 1 ; Colbert 2003:4 ; Ruether 2003:20 ; O'Brien 2002 :9) . Fu rther to this ,

s ince the 1 980's cris is , there has been a growing body of work amongst

43

popu lar Christian l i terature that is seeking to reach out to survivors and

educate the broader community i n sexua l assault and i ts effects on

victim/su rvivors , fami l ies and the Church from a 'Christian ' perspective (cf.

Herriter & V ought 1 989 ; Al lender 1 99 1 ; Zibolsky 2002 ; Hancock & Burton

Mains 1 987) . Such works consistently deal with themes of s in , repentance

and forgiveness (Herriter & Vought 1 989:203; Al lender 1 99 1 : 1 99 ; Zibolsky

2002 : 79-90 ; Hancock & Burton Mains 1 987 :61 ) . Christian professiona ls ,

authors and pol i cy development are refuti ng victim b laming i n the Church and

seeki ng to empower victim/survivors to hea l ing and freedom (cf. Bapt ist U nion

of New South Wales 2004 ; Presbyterian Church of Austra l ia i n New South

Wales 2005) .

The above approach has , i n the past, meant a re-examination of the role of

church leaders and the i dentification of spiritual abuse as coi ncid i ng with

sexua l abuse in churches and Christian commun it ies (The Evangel i ca l

Fel lowsh ip of Canada 1 996 :6 ; cf. Dasa 1 999) . More recently , Dupont

(2004 : 1 29- 1 42) identified eight characteristics of church leadersh ip and

structures that may be abusive or faci l i tate abusive situations. They are :

preva i l i ng attitudes of el it ism and/or isolation ; leaders practicing curs ing o r

judg ing ; denia l of free wi l l and i nvasion of privacy ; leadersh ip without

accountabi l i ty ; hazy boundaries between servi ng God and servi ng leaders ;

legal i sm and condemnation ; scape-goating and denia l syndromes; and a

contin uous turnover of leaders and staff. Beyond th is , there is growi ng

analysis of the role of power abuses in sexua l misconduct by chu rch leaders .

Brown & Brown (2000:4) have raised several i ssues regard ing church leaders

even 'dati ng ' members of their own congregation . Although some may see

th is as extreme , i t is part of a shift i n recogn ising the inherent power that

exists with i n positions of l eadershi p i n the Church . Further, it broadens, rather

than l i mits , understandings of those who are vulnerable to abuse through

sexua l misconduct by church leaders . Horst (200 1 : 1 ) asserts:

Every violation of sexual boundaries by a member of the clergy is an abuse of the i r power. Sexual misconduct happens when someone takes away the right to sexual self-determination from another perso n . By virtue of their position, members of the clergy

44

hold enough power to take advantage of those in their care , and often they g et away with it when they do.

Horst (200 1 : 1 ) identifies a sig n ifi cant point in that reduction ism and

s impl i fi cation , on any front, proves problematic and dangerous. Horst (200 1 : 1 )

goes on to problematise a n ana lys is of sexual abuse by church leaders that

rel ies solely on negative exp lanations of power:

. . . not everyone who has the power to violate another person does so. Many, perhaps most, h andle the i r power carefu l ly, and learn to use it as intended, in the service of others and with regard for their welfare. Powe r abuse is the essence of bou ndary violation but power is not in itself sufficient to explain sexual m isconduct .

This i s certa i n ly true of any ana lysis of the Church's response to sexual

assau lt . A s ign ificant e lement of responses made by churches to csa by

Church leaders has i nvolved the use of concepts of forg iveness .

Forg iveness discou rses

Forg iveness i s a concept that has requ i red grappl i ng with in the formation of

fam i l ies , ki nsh i p groups and broader societies (Arendt 1 958:236-242 ; Lambert

2003 :478-479; cf. Janover 2005) . This i s reflected i n the increased i nterest of

psychology i n concepts of forg iveness , particular ly i n the last decade (cf.

Hammond , Banks & Mattis 2006 ; May & Jones 2007) . Forgiveness has

h i storica l ly been explored across d isci p l ines, wh ich i nclude theology,

anthropology, and , more recently in g reater depth , crimi no logy (cf. N ixon

2003; Exl ine et al. 2004 ; Karremans et al. 2003; Dzur & Wertheimer 2002 ;

Smedes 200 1 ; Riess 2001 ) . Across, and with i n , these mult ip le d isci p l i nes

the re is debate regard i ng a n umber of concepts a nd the i r relationsh ip to

forg iveness ; these i ncl ude mercy, reconci l iation , restitution , pun ishment,

just ice and , particu larly in theological d iscourse, g race . Popular Chri stian

author Phi l l i p Yancey ( 1 997 : 1 1 ) cal ls g race ' . . . the last best word ' . Yancey's

( 1 997) work i l l ustrates the difficu l ty in deal ing with termi nology and praxis by

identify ing the ways i n wh ich the mean ing of words and the outcomes of thei r

use change throughout h istory a nd i mpact on the function ing of i nd ividuals

and socia l g roups . Defi n i ng forg iveness has been problematic as theoretical

perspectives have conti n ued to i nform praxis .

45

Defi n itions of forgiveness , as wel l as perspectives of its function and val ue as

a human response to emotional , physical , psychological and spiritual trauma,

have been multifarious and often emotive (cf. Karremans et al. 2003;

McCu l l ough et al. 2003; Bono et al. 2008; Maio et al. 2008) . Despite

d ifficult ies of definition , the therapeutic benefits of some kinds of forgiveness

have been the focus of a growing body of work. Forgiveness has been

recogn ised as significant in enabl ing recovery of interpersonal relationshi ps

where some harm has occurred (cf. Maio et al. 2008) . There is i ncreas ing

evidence of the merits of forgiveness for victim/survivors of crime , and/or non­

crimina l harm. Benefits can i nclude greater emotional and psycholog ica l wel l

being (cf. Exl i ne e t al. 2004; Worthi ngton et al. 2006) .

Psycho logists , Shu lts & Sandgate (2003 :20) attempt to overcome the d ifficu lty

of defi n i ng forgiveness by d istinguish i ng between three types of forg iveness :

forensic forgiveness, therapeutic forgiveness and redemptive forgiveness .

Shu lts & Sandgate (2003 :20) note the semantic d ifficulty i n defi n i ng

forgiveness and d iscuss each category of forgiveness with in this difficulty.

Accord i ngly , forensic forgiveness pertains to legal i nfractions that may be, but

are not necessari ly , formal i sed through any State sanctioned body. Forensic

forgiveness happens when , 'A transaction occurs in wh ich one party agrees

not to exact what the law requ i res' (Shults & Sandgate 2003:20) . Forensic

forgiveness may then be a s imple i nteraction between ch i ldren or complex

negotiations for amnesty between nation states (cf. Tutu 1 999; Rothstei n

2004 ; Nagy 2002) . This area of forgiveness is the natural territory of

criminologists who have h istorical ly struggled with concepts of justice ,

pun ishment and sanctions (Muncie et al. 1 999:xvi i-xxiv ; L i l ly , Cu l len & Bal l

1 995: 1 -9 ; cf. Hazen 2006) . Whi lst we might expect to see two ch i ldhood

playmates forgive each other without sanction for refus ing to share toys, it i s

harder to u nderstand forg iveness without sanction for the gross violation of

human rights (Shultz & Sandgate 2003:20-2 1 ; cf. Roberts-Cady 2003) . South

Africa as a nation-state has been forced to grapple with these concepts and

their practica l impl ications (cf. Tutu 1 999; Rothstein 2004; Nagy 2002 ) .

46

Forens ic forg iveness i s an extremely emotive and complex term when it i s

app l ied to i nterpersona l cri me such as rape, torture and murder.

Whi lst forensic forg iveness may not requ i re the exact ion of pun ishments

requ i red by law, it does not mean that i njustices may go unchecked . Forensic

forg iveness i s not a n excus ing of the behaviour or i nfraction , but rather cal ls

for the exercis ing of a particular type of mercy where those with the power to

exact the law make a n i nformed decision not to (cf. Exl i ne et al. 2004 :894;

Tutu 1 995: 1 1 9) . To take Shults & Sandgate's (2003 :2 1 ) exa mple , one country

does not forgive another country's debt without the appl ication of h igher

eth i ca l pri nci p les i nclud ing empathy, just ice , mercy and generosity ( Leen

2005 :7 , 1 1 ; Shetty 2005:25-26) . Whi lst the consequences of forensic

forg iveness may i nd eed 'occur i nstantaneously' , as Shults & Sandgate

(2003 :2 1 ) assert, reach ing th is point necessitates 'counti ng the cost' if the

resu l t is to be mutua l ly l i berati ng for both parties . As with therapeutic

forg iveness this process of cou nti ng the cost may necessitate a commitment

of ti me .

Time is a key e lement of therapeutic forg iveness . Where forensic forgiveness

may be, but is not necessari ly , ' i nstantaneous' , therapeutic forgiveness a lways

takes time because its ai m is transformative and much more re lational i n

nature (Murray 2002 : 1 88) . Th i s transformation i s rooted i n cogn it ive ,

emotional and behavioural outcomes (Coyle 2005 :2 ; Karremans et al.

2003 : 1 0 1 1 ) . Most i mportantly , Shu lts & Sandgate (2003 :22) assert:

Forg iveness invo lves a moral judgement that an offender is responsible for harmful actions . Genuine forg iveness is distin ct from forgetting or denying the i mpact of harmful offences. Gen u i ne forg iveness involves the surveying of the damage one incu rred through the hurtfu l actions of another and, eventual ly, remembering it differently rather than trying to e rase it from memory .

Therapeutic forgiveness does not a im at the wel l be ing of the offender, but the

offended ( Karremans et al. 2003: 1 0 1 1 ; Exl i ne et al. 2004:894) . Further, Shu ltz

& Sandgate (2003 :22) identify a d isti nct d ifference between 'genu ine

forg iveness' a nd what may be termed ' pseudo-forg iveness' (Wescoat Sand l in

2003:4 ; Thompson et al. 2005: 3 1 6) .

47

Pseudo-forgiveness wi l l have l i ttle or no therapeutic val ue as it i s based on

denial of offence , denia l of harm, or min imis ing both offence and harm

(Wescoat Sandl i n 2003 :4 ; Thompson et al. 2005 :31 6) . This type of

forgiveness negates the central e lements of 'mora l judgement' , offender

responsib i l i ty and 'surveying of the damage' (Shu lts & Sandgate 2003:23) .

This l eaves no room for memory, wh ich is seen as a central part of socia l

justice , identity and benefi cia l to the development of beneficia l strategies of

forgiveness (Barnett & Youngberg 2004: 1 8 ; Kenny 1 999:420 ; Booth

200 1 : 777) . Beneficia l strategies and outcomes from genu i ne therapeutic

forgiveness, a lthough ind ivi dual ly d ifferentiated , have been widely recogn ised

(cf. Exl i ne et al. 2004:894 ; Thompson et al. 2005 :31 3 ; Karremans et al.

2003: 1 0 1 1 ) . Put succinctly, forgiveness is seen to be good for us .

Shu lts & Sandgate's (2003:24) fi nal typology of forgiveness is redemptive

forgiveness. Redemptive forgiveness draws most extensively on Judeao­

Christian traditions as they emphasise human relationships with Yahweh

(Yancey 1 997:26-28; Marty 1 998 :9) . Although not necessari ly a rel ig ious act,

redemptive forgiveness i ns ists on some understandi ng of a d iv ine perspective

of human ity, evi l , si n and redemption , in particular redemptive grace (Cross

200 1 : 397) . Forgiveness is fundamental to both Jewish and Christian

traditions . O ld Testament and New Testament narratives emphasise the

re lational aspects of i nteraction between human ity, Yahweh and Jesus as the

Mess iah who ultimately enables redemptive forgiveness (Stan ley 1 987:29 ;

Jones 1 995:29) . Wright (2004 :378) articulates the 'awareness of huma n

eth ica l fai l u re combined with the amazi ng grace of d iv ine forgiveness . . . ' as

' . . . one of the most profound and important ethical features of the Old

Testament . ' Forgiveness that redeems human ity is frequently articulated as

central to the very nature of God (Cross 200 1 :400; Marty 1 998 : 1 8 ; cf. Althaus­

Reid 2007, 2000) . l t i s clear that forgiveness and reconci l iation lay at the very

heart of the Chri sti an Gospel (Barnett & Youngberg 2004 : 1 7 ; Marty 1 998 : 1 1 ;

Yancey 1 997:28-30; Lewis 1 975:39) .

48

Concepts of forg iveness have become i ncreasing ly deployed i n pol it ical and

socia l real ms , i ncl ud i ng crim ina l justice . From Nelson Mandela 's Truth and

Reconci l i ation Commiss ion (TRC) i n South Africa , to explorat ion with in

bus inesses of the role of forgiveness i n staff relations, forgiveness i s evidently

a concept with growi ng social s ignificance (cf. Bennett 2003; M i les 2003 ;

Roberts-Cady 2003; N agy 2002) . Reconci l iat ion i s often i ntimate ly l i nked to

forg iveness . Reconci l i ation , l i ke forg iveness, is a problematic concept when

analysing deeply personal and traumatic crimes such as sexual assau lt (cf.

Daly 2002) . Thus , i n creasi ng attention has been g iven to Republ ican or re­

i ntegrative theories and practice i n mult iple a reas of cri mi na l just ice (cf.

Colson 2000; Braithwa ite 2000 ; Daly 2002) . Programming and theoretical

structures have emphasised the role of commun it ies and fami l ies of both the

perpetrator a nd the v ictim/survivor i n restorative p rocesses (cf. Rodriguez

2007; Cook 2006) . l t i s hoped that power i mbalances wi l l be restored between

the victi m/su rvivor and the perpetrator to the benefit of al l i nvolved (cf.

Shap land et al. 2006) . The emphasis then is removed from retri bution and

p laced on reconci l i at ion and restoration , i f not to the victim/survivor, then to

commun it ies (Braithwa ite 2000:281 ; Bra ithwaite & Strang 2001 : 1 ,2) .

Re i ntegrative praxis rel ies on some form of acknowledgement of harm by

perpetrators of harm ; th is i s often a form of confess ion (cf. Braithwaite 2000) .

Confession , apology, pastoral power and identity

Confession and its relationsh i p to perpetrators of csa with i n churches is

complex. Often , leaders were aware of the 's i ns ' of thei r col leagues and

period ica l ly confronted them with accusations. l t has been argued that the

private natu re of chu rch instituti ons has been crit ica l i n the mai ntenance of

secrecy and compl icity in response to csa by church leaders (Commonwealth

of Austra l ia 2004 : 1 28) . l t i s th i s occupationa l culture of s i lence and ' i n-house'

management of abuse that , in part , make publ ic truth-tel l i ng , or confession ,

s o i mportant. The s ign ificance of pub l ic confess ion and apology i n d i spel l i ng

secrecy and legiti mis ing victi m/survivors cannot be underesti mated (Law

Commiss ion of Canada 2000 :48; Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004 : 1 92 ; cf.

Weiner et al. 1 99 1 ) . Given that the publ icity surrounding csa by church

49

leaders has been so damagi ng for churches' reputations, confession is a

necessary fi rst step i n resisti ng d iscourses which construct churches as

secretive , man ipu lative and manageria l ly incompetent. Because csa by

chu rch leaders has become a part of publ ic d iscourse , to be effective , the

means of addressing its occurrence must a lso become equal ly prevalent

(Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004 : 1 92) . Through publ ic truth-tel l i ng the pub l ic

identity of the Church , and churches, may be impacted on to i ncl ude more

positive perceptions.

From Foucau lt's ( 1 976: 1 7-2 1 ) perspective the mismanagement of confessions

is not a surpris ing situation . Sexua l ity is not i n fact 'not ta l ked about' with i n

churches but rather, i s spoken about with a h igh level of scruti ny for i ts

corruptive potentia l . Hence Foucault ( 1 976 :2 1 ) argues :

. . . not o n ly wil l you confess to acts contravening the law, but you wi l l seek to transform you r desire, your every desire, into discourse . . . . The Christian pastoral prescribed as a fundamental duty the task of passing everyth ing having to do with sex th rough the endless mi l l of speech .

The i ssue here is not of sexual acts alone, but of desire. I f desire can be

changed through self scrutiny and confession , acts wi l l change a lso . I n th i s

way, confession becomes a form of speech that is transformative i n a n d of

itself. That is , confession becomes a technology of the self through which the

self i s changed and undertakes a special form of subjectivity (Bernauer

2005 :56 1 ; Foucault 1 976 :6 1 -62) .

With i n a Foucau lt ian ( 1 988:22) analysis this transformation of self through

technologies of the self i s i nherently rel iant on d iscourses of obedience withi n

Christian trad i tions. Obedience i s offered to God but often this obedience i s

mediated through 'God 's shepherds' , church leaders (Bernauer 2005:559-

560) . Church leaders are in a un ique position where they have access to the

thoughts and desires of i ndividuals through practices of confession . In th is

way , church leaders have a disti nct role in survei l lance and gu idance of

i ndividuals (Foucault 1 994 :333) . l t i s through th is survei l lance and gu idance

that the effect of pastoral power, as it is exercised by church leaders , as an

i ndivi dual i sed power that can be productive rather than repressive (Bernauer

50

2005:559; Foucault 1 994:333) . Bernauer (2005:559) argues the purpose of

pastoral power i s to foster the growth and development of the ind iv idual ,

rather tha n repress the i nd ivi dual (cf. Bonhoeffer 1 985:30-44) . Foucault

( 1 994 :333) argues that, despite a decl i ne in ecclesia l power, a transferral of

concepts of pastoral power to other forms of governance has occurred .

S i mi la rly , confession as a practice has come to i mbue mult ip le relationsh ips

which extend beyond ecclesial bounds (Foucau lt 1 976 : 63) .

H i storica l ly , church l eaders have held a particular s ignificance i n heari ng

confessions (Bonhoeffer 1 985:40, 6 1 ) . The position of church leaders as

med iators between God and those making confession has received much

attention throughout church h istory. One centra l e lement of the Church

revolution was a sh ift i n focus from church leaders as mediators of salvation ,

to any s i ng le i nd ividua l 's relationship with God ( Ku iper 1 995 : 1 75 ; Taylor

1 989 :2 1 7) . Th is is one e lement that d isti nguishes protestant and Cathol ic

tradi tions (Taylor 1 989 :2 1 6) . Hence, with in protestant traditions church

leaders are not specifi ca l ly med iators of forgiveness and grace but certa in ly

hold a s ign ificant responsib i l i ty for pastoral care of i ndividua ls and

commun it ies (cf. Bonhoeffer 1 985 :6 1 ) .

Bonhoeffer ( 1 985 :35) recognised that pastoral power could b e repressive and

warned that ' . . . sp i ri tual care never seeks to exercise d i rect psychic i nfl uence ' .

The problematic nature of churches manag i ng abusive chu rch leaders clearly

demonstrates the potentia l ly repressive ab i l i ty of pastora l power. This

rep ressive potentia l i s a lso present in the abuse of power that i n itia l ly enables

csa by chu rch leaders (Robinson 2004 :396) . l t is clear that in both the

perpetration of csa and where i t is denied or covered up, church l eaders are

seeki ng to uti l i se thei r particular authority to i mpose particu lar d iscourses on

othe rs . The abusive use of pastoral power may function to l imit access to

certa in identities , such as v ictim/survivor, through denia l that the abuse took

p lace or den ial of spaces where victim/survivors may speak about csa by

church leaders . Further, the construction of church leaders as sp i ritual ly

superior may protect them from scrutiny which wou ld chal l enge an abusive

5 1

use of power. Bonhoeffer ( 1 985:57) attempts to deflect such a s ituation by

taking a reduction ist position in relation to power in pastoral relationsh ips:

The pastor as a spiritual cu rate is not a person of unusual experience , abi l ity, or matu rity . He should not pass h imself off as such , as a "person you can trust", "a priestly person" , or the l ike . . . . People wil l l ikely confide in us . But they ought rather place their trust in the Word, Ch rist, alone. To this end we can serve and aid. The more they tu rn to Ch rist the less wi l l we steer any attention to ourselves.

A reduction ist attitude to power in pastoral relationships has proven i neffectua l

i n managing abuses of power. Despite resistance by church leaders to the

d iscourses which construct them as hold ing power, the act of mi n isteri ng or

caring withi n a pastoral perspective is imbued with power ( Robi nson

2004 :400) . A s ign ificant part of this rests on the very fact that people wi l l , and

do, confide in pastors as spi ritual authorities (Bonhoeffer 1 985:57) .

Confession provides church leaders with un ique access to the soul of an

i nd ivi dual . This access is essential to the exercise of pastoral power (Foucault

1 994 :333) . This is part of the reason why confession has come to be a

s ignifi cant element of Christian identity . Confession requ i res i ntimate self

scrutiny and the conversion of this scruti ny i nto d iscourse (Foucault 1 976:2 1 ) .

Accord i ng to Foucault ( 1 988 :2 1 ) the formation of i ndividua l Christian identity i s

fundamenta l ly bu i l t on a know thyself/deny thyself parad igm. Self scrutiny i s

elementary to Christian ity , but this scruti ny is only beneficia l so long as i t

enables greater submission to God . I n th is understand ing , confession i s a

techn ique of submission , a mark of conformity. So, i n confessi ng , i ndividua ls

may bu i ld an identity that is consistent with self den ia l and , therefore ,

conformity to a 'mora l identity' . Mora l identity is inextricably bound to one's

identity as a hopeless si nner i n need of grace from God . As a l ready

establ i shed this is the position of Bonhoeffer ( 1 955: 1 1 0- 1 1 6) with regards to

both i ndiv iduals and the Church as a corporate body. This is s ignificant i n

contri buti ng to a theology whereby confession and repentance can be

man ipu lated in the construction of identity. Taylor ( 1 989 :24 1 ) argues of the

i nd ividual relationsh ip with God :

The ru les of the game establ ished by the Christian revelation are that those who have faith in Ch rist and repent and sincerely attem pt to amend their l ives, wi l l be saved. So now fu l l compl iance is n ot a

52

necessary condition of eternal reward, but only the s incere attempt at it, cou pled with faith.

For Bonhoeffer (cf. 1 955 ; 1 985) , confession , repentance and s incere attempts

to enact just ice are part of the Church's identity and role i n society . Publ ic

apology has become a n important element of churches g iving an account of

the i r selves and seeki ng to restore thei r identity.

Confession , acknowledgement and apology are often closely l i nked , i f not

completely entwi ned (Law Commission of Canada 2000 :45-48) . The

Com monwealth of Austra l ia (2004: 1 87) recogn ises acknowledgment as

' . . . someth i ng less than an apology as it i s on ly one aspect of a complete

apology ' . The Law Commiss ion of Canada's (2000 :47) defi n ition of apology is

uti l i sed by the Forgotten Austra l ian Senate Enqu i ry (Commonwealth of

Austra l ia 2004: 1 92) and inc ludes five components of a 'mean i ngfu l apology' .

The components a re , 'acknowledgement of the wrong done' ; 'accepti ng

responsib i l i ty for the wrong ' ; 'the expression of si ncere regret and profound

remorse ' ; 'the assu rance or promise that the wrong wi l l not recur' ; and

'reparation through concrete measures' (Commonwealth of Austral ia

2004 : 1 92) .

Med ia representations have d rawn attention to publ ic acceptance of

responsib i l i ty and a pologies g iven by many chu rch denominations i n reference

to csa with i n thei r i nstitutions (Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004 : 1 92 ;

Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2005 :4-6) . Helass (2004:5) asserts :

Apolog ies on behalf of govern ments , chu rches and other institutions have become a part of publ ic disco u rse . Beneath the surface of these healing processes and acts of contrition l ies a common theme - the need for forg iveness.

Helass (2004 :5) arti cu lates several very central themes to understand ing

forg iveness i n a publ i c context. F i rstly , forgiveness may be cal led on as a

pol it ical tool . When the need for forg iveness is made pub l ic through apologies

and/or acts of contri tion by institutions and their representat ives, forg iveness

becomes pol it ici sed (cf. Schaap 2003 ; D igeser 2003) . Through thei r accounts

of th is , med i a play a n i mportant role i n the construction of pol it ical forg iveness

as effecti ng posit ive or negative outcomes for all parties i nvolved . Austra l ia

53

has clearly seen this played out i n the Hol l i ngworth affa i r and i n reconci l iation

debates (cf. Shepard 2006:26 The Advertiser 22 May; Al lely 2006 : 1 4 1//awarra

Mercury 26 May) .

Conclusion

With in post-structural ist understandings, d iscourses of power/knowledge have

functioned not only to construct the identities and knowledge of

victim/su rvivors and perpetrators of csa by church leaders , but a lso the

Church as a social and rel ig ious i nstitution . By identifying the i mportance of

power/knowledge, multi ple d iscourses can be recognised as uti l i si ng language

to bui ld a complex p icture of csa by church leaders . These d iscourses i ncl ude

broad constructions of rel i gion , specific construction of gender, sexual ity and

the vocational and personal identity of church leaders . l t i s by drawing on

broader d iscourses that the role of forgiveness and power i n responding to

csa by church leaders can be further elucidated . The work of this chapter has

been to provide contextual d iscourses and an overview to bu i ld on i n the work

that fol lows. A focus on power is important not only in analysis of data

gathered through the duration of thi s work but i n the ways i n wh ich this data

was gathered and analysed . The fol lowing chapter specifica l ly draws on post­

structura l ist femin ist u nderstand i ng of method and methodology.

54

Chapter 2 Method

We can have no brute real ity - only the stories we tel l about i t . ( Rossiter 2000 :25)

The purpose of thi s chapter is to explore the method and methodology uti l i sed

for th is project . I n addition to articu lati ng particu lar methods, processes and

eth ica l considerations , this chapter seeks to d isplay the motive and means of

research by drawing on post-structural femi n ist u nderstand ings. This chapter

l ays the fou ndation and framework on which a l l that fol lows is bu i l t . As such ,

there is a strong focus on reflexivity and its role i n creating transparent

research . These are tenets of femin ist and post-structural research . Post­

structura l ism is s ignificant to this project because it recogn ises knowledge as

socia l ly produced a nd rejects modern ist i nsistence on researcher objectivity

and i so lated absolute truth . Rather, the task of any researcher is to

u nderstand their role in the social production of knowledge and the i mpact that

their self, their experiences , in short their standpoint, has throughout the

research process . Because femi n ist post-structural research recognises the

imposs ib i l ity of an unb iased research position , i t acknowledges the i mpact of

emotion on research . This chapter a lso presents the specifics of conducting

th is research project i n order to i ncrease transparency i n the research

process .

The s i g n ificance of methodology

Developments i n technology as wel l as post-modern and post-structura l ist

critiques of modern ist concepts of d ual ity and real ity have resulted i n chang ing

facades of knowledge production (Tanebaum & Scarbrough 1 998 : 1 1 - 1 7 ; cf.

Teevan 2003) . I n contrast to modernism, post-modern i sm recogn ises socia l

u nderstand ing as complex and mult ifaceted . With i n this u nderstand ing , real i ty

and truth are not 'out there' wa iti ng to be d iscovered by researchers ( Davison

2006 : 1 33- 1 34; Devi ne & Heath 1 999:205) . Rather, real i ties are multi ple ,

55

subjective, constructed , i nterpreted , rei nterpreted , man ipu lated i n d iscourse ,

a nd u ltimately i n a state of flux (Marvasti 2004:5 ; F l ick 2002 :2) . Post­

modern ism is prepared to accept that real ity is not representable i n absolute

ways that 'sort and b ind knowledge of the world ' (Davison 2006 : 1 34) .

Sarantakos (2005 :3 1 5) d isti nguishes between rad ical post-modern ism, wh ich

rejects positivi st assumptions about real i ty, and moderate post-modern ism,

wh ich is more tolerant of positivism and modernist perspectives (cf. Mu l ler

2006) . The emergence of post-modern ism has resulted in research methods

which are designed to recogn ise that identities , perspectives and experiences

a re built and i nterpreted in relationsh ip with other i ndividuals , commun it ies ,

cu lture , gender, socio-economic status and other factors . U l timately however,

these change over time and come to be understood in different, and at times

confl icti ng , ways that are i nconsistent with absolute truth and/or absolute

real i ty (Crotty 1 998 : 1 4- 1 7 ; cf. Diamond 2006) . Further to th is , understand i ng

and embraci ng the ways i n wh ich researchers impact on the end resu lt of

research , because of their own un ique perspectives, l ife experiences as wel l

as gendered and social positions, is a primary concern for qual i tative methods

(Weinberg 2002 : 1 ; Holstei n & Gubrium 2002: 1 1 3) . Writi ng of femin ist research

i nto anti -globa l isation pol it ics , Maiguashca (2006 : 1 1 6) argues that

methodology refers :

. . . not on ly to how one goes about gatheri ng evidence and organ ising it analytical ly, but also how one del ineates one's subject matter in the first p lace. I n other words, methodology is u nderstood here as impl icating questions of ontology as wel l as epistemology.

This position i s consistent with femin ist concerns about not only what

constitutes knowledge, but a lso how knowledge is generated and structured

(O'Brien Hal lstein 1 999:32; Wesley 2004:2) . Qual i tative research methods

contri bute strongly to research that is able to embrace such understandi ngs

(Weinberg 2002 : 1 ; Holstei n & Gubrium 2002: 1 1 3) .

S imi larly to post-modern ism, post-structural ism recogn ises that any form of

real i ty cannot be perceived without language. Hence , 'text' i n its many forms

is of primary consideration for post-structural ist epistemology ( Devine & Heath

1 999 :208; Moore 2007 :3 1 9) . Once again , real i ty cannot be objective ly

56

measured by researchers i n absolute terms , but i n subject ive terms, and

mean i ng a ri ses only with in the context of language ( Fl ick 2002 :29-3 1 ) .

Femi n isms have e mbraced both post-structura l i st and post-modern

perspectives and u sed them to critique the notion of voice , narrative and the

ways in wh ich gender and sexual i ty are constructed and enacted through

language (cf. Butle r 1 990 ; 1 993 ; Cameron 2005) . For femin isms , there has

been a particu lar concern with the body and the ways in wh ich bod ies are

constructed through language and d iscourse (cf. Somerv i l le 2004 ; Wesley

2004) . The i ncreased focus on the complexit ies and power of language and

text has led to the recognit ion of d iscourse ana lysis as a val uable means of

research (Weinberg 2002 : 1 02- 1 07 ; Marvasti 2002 : 1 1 0- 1 1 2) . Femin isms which

work with i n post-modern and post-structural paradigms have been d rawn on

throughout this research project as pr imary sources of methodological

u nderstand ing .

There conti nues to be a debate with i n femin isms as to whether the

c lassification of femi n ist research shou ld be strictly l i mited to research about

women , for wome n , by women (Campbe l l & Wasco 2000 :778 ; Cosgrove &

McHugh 2000 :8 1 7 ) . Some a rgue that femin isms encompass someth ing

broader tha n gender and are i ncreasi ngly about power, structures of power

and the ut i l i sat ion of power in i ts effects on gender paradigms (cf. Rayner

2003; Ki nser 2004; Ebert 2005) . W ithout doubt, femi n isms have come to

represent a broad s pectrum of perspectives wh ich incorporate mu lt i p le and , at

t imes, confl i cti ng e lements. There rema in , however, i nd isputable pri mary

areas of concern that defi ne femin i st research . These i ncl ude power,

gendered relations , social wel lbei ng , the enhancement of the l ives of women

and chi l d re n and social structures, as they relate to the above issues (cf.

McGraw et al. 2000; Dal l imore 2000; DeVault 1 996; Thompson 1 992) .

As femin i sm has d iversified to accommodate mu lti p le femi n isms , so too have

research methods that have now become associated with femin ist research . l t

has been argued that d iversity with in feminism as a theoretical framework i s

both beneficial and i nh ibiti ng (Oieson 2003 :334) . Diversity exists not only

57

with i n broad femin ist overviews, but also with i n particular strands of

femin isms. As femin ist theoretical perspectives d iversify, so too does the

scope of social and professional groups benefiti ng by femin isms' analyses (cf.

Pennel l & Ristock 1 999; Webb et al. 2004) . DeVault ( 1 999 :59) argues, 'The

d i lemma for the femin i st scholar, always , i s to fi nd ways of working with in

some d isci p l inary tradition wh i le a imi ng at a revolution that wi l l transform that

d isci pl ine ' . As such , femin ism has shifted from bei ng about wh ite middle class

women seeki ng social and polit ical power, to include broader analyses of

power that i ncorporate debate over the appl icabi l i ty to vulnerable men with i n

socia l structures (cf. Pease 2000 : 1 36) .

Standpoi nt femi n ist perspectives have been i ntensely interested i n

constructing knowledges that i ncl ude the perspectives and understandi ngs of

marg i na l ised i ndividuals (cf. Obrien Hal l stein 1 999; Devault 1 999; Luff 1 999) .

lt i s not enough , however, to accurately hear the voices of research

partici pants and understand their position. Femin ist perspectives are not

s imply about enabl ing louder voices, but enabl i ng more effective expression

and articulation of marg inal ised voices . Each successive wave of femi n ist

thought has emphasised social action ; the i nterest of femi n ist perspectives is

not on ly knowing , but changing the world i n wh ich marg i na l ised i nd ividua ls

exist. Femin ist perspectives are , then , i nherently pol itical and so their i n it iation

of, or appl i cation to , social change has become a marker of femin ist research

(Hard ing & Norberg 2005:20 1 0; cf. Oleson 2003) .

Seeki ng not just to understand , but to equ ip , marg ina l ised i ndiv idua ls i s a

characteristic of research methods and methodologies that emphasise the

research process as a shared experience (Montel l 1 999:47 ; cf. Cahi l l 2004) .

Th is incl udes a perspective of research that typifies the researcher as the

' learner' in the process and participants as the 'expert' in thei r own l ives and

opi n ions. This is a reversal of more traditional positivist or modern ist research

posit ion ing , but is i nherent in femin ist understanding of, and chal lenge to,

power parad igms (Hard ing & Norberg 2005 :201 0-20 1 1 ; Bri ussine & Fox

2003 :30 ; Oakley 1 998 :7 1 0-7 1 1 ) . Worki ng with in this understanding of power

58

can he lp to faci l i tate a d isarming process whereby barriers between the

researcher and the research partic i pant are broken down . As a result there is

less room for defe nsive or protective communication and greater room for

open a nd free commun ication (Hannabus 1 996 : 1 1 29; Montel l 1 999:47) . This

can a l so h el p to faci l i tate a sense of shared purpose between a l l parties

i nvolved . Th is can be problematic , as often the researcher and partici pants

enter the research process with d ifferent expectations and so the researcher

must once aga in be carefu l to always protect the openness and i ntegrity of the

research p roject and the rights of the partici pants (Broussine & Fox 2003 :30;

cf. Presser 2005) . Research partic ipants , for example , may not be i nherently

i nterested in chang i ng the world through partici pation in research , but may

only want a forum i n wh i ch they can tel l thei r story .

l t is concern for power, gender, gendered violence, the wel l-being and

enhancement of the l ives of women and ch i ldren , i n conjunction with an i ntent

to generate transformative knowledge , enhance the voices of marg i na l ised

i ndivid uals and engage in reflexive practice , that i nd icate that this research

uti l ises femin ist understandings ( Hard ing & Norberg 2005:20 1 0; cf. Hesse­

Biber et al. 1 999 ; Oleson 2003) . I n addition , research methods that

del iberately a l low for space to reduce power imba lances between research

partic i pants and the researcher have been recogn ised as i nd icative of femin ist

research and have been uti l i sed throughout th is project (Hannabus

1 996 : 1 1 29 ; Montel l 1 999 :47; Broussine & Fox 2003 :30) . lt is the concern for

the social construction of knowledge, the sign ifi cance of language , power,

d i scourse and the i r impact on gendered violence and gendered knowledge

that sign ify this research as engagi ng with post-structural femin ist

meth odology (Weedon 1 997 :40) . A post-structural femin ist perspective has

been drawn on in th i s project because th i s perspective faci l i tates an

exp loration of i ssues of csa by church l eaders that a l low power to be explored

i n terms of multip le d iscourses . This means that a variety of i ssues that affect

the p erpetration and management of csa by chu rch l eaders can be drawn to

l ight and analysed i n ways which are sensitive to the uses and abuses of

59

power which have been recognised as h ighly signifi cant to csa (cf. Green

2006 ; Hooper & Warwick 2006) .

As post-structu ral theorists , the works of Butler (cf. 1 990 ; 1 997a; 1 997b; 1 993 ;

1 995) and Foucault (cf. 1 977; 1 978; 1 980) contri bute much to a d iscursive

understand ing of power and its functions. Foucault ( 1 977 :27) says of power:

. . . power is not exercised simply as an obl igation or a proh ibition on those who 'do not have it' ; it invests them , is transmitted by them; it exerts pressu re u pon them, just as they themselves, in their struggle against it , resist the g rip it has on them .

This understand ing of power can be seen as important not on ly to

understandi ng csa by church leaders , but in the research process i tself. I n

understandi ng power not as static and imposed by one o n another, but as

transmitted i n d iscourse and i ncl udi ng resistance , sensitivity to the needs and

posit ions of research participants can be enabled (McCorkel & Myers

2003 : 1 99- 1 2 1 ; cf. Rossiter 2000) . The rich d iversity of perspectives ,

u nderstand ing and experience can be val ued through taki ng a post-structural

u nderstand i ng of power, language and identi ty (cf. Teevan 2003) . Further, the

use of narrative can be given particular significance not purely as a research

material but rather, research becomes " . . . a spiritual act , one that val ues the

sacredness of our stories and humanity" (Hendry 2007 :487) . This perspective

fits wel l with concerns of femi n ist research methodologies for researcher

reflexivity (cf. McCorkel & Myers 2003; Seibold 2000 ; Cunl iffe 2003) .

Butle r ( 1 990; 1 997a; 1 997b; 1 993; 1 995) provides important ways of

understanding the pol it ics of identity . As such , her work may be used to

u nderstand the research partici pants of this project as i ndividual agents

whose bod ies and identi ty may be constituted in language, through the pol i tics

of performativity . I n thi s , Butler ( 1 990 ; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 1 993; 1 995) takes

Foucault 's (cf. 1 977) understandi ng of power and appl ies it particularly to sex

and gender (cf. Bolso 200 1 ; Kaufmann 2006; Tra iner 2003 ; Rose 200 1 ). I n

terms of research methodology, i t i s important to engage reflexively and

critical ly in i nteractions with research participants , with consideration for their

agency in the context of their gendered and sexed identities, possib le

resistance to i nstitutional d iscourses of the Church and the performativ ity of

60

l anguage i n relation to these . Research partic i pants can be seen as complex

i nd iv iduals engag ing with d iscourses to construct thei r own identity and bei ng

constructed by d iscourses (cf. Teevan 2003; Althaus-Reid 2007) . l t is

particu larly i mportant to be sensiti ve to these constructs as the majority of

research partici pants are actively i nvolved as agents of change with i n their

own denominations , if not the Church as an Austra l ian and i nternational

i nstitution . For reason s of confidentia l i ty the i nter-denominational bodies ad

worki ng groups that research part ici pants are i nvolved in can not be identified

or d iscussed here . Because of thei r active i nvolvement , research partici pants

may be engaged with identity d iscourses that, in some perspectives , a re not

eas i ly compati ble and seeki ng to balance these ; for example woman/church

leader . Both the category of woman and church leader are performative

identity formations wh ich are often rel iant on mult iple d iscourses which are not

easy to resolve (cf. Teevan 2003 ; Kaufman n 2006) . Butler's ( 1 990 ; 1 997a ;

1 997b ; 1 993 ; 1 995) work provides some i nsight i nto th is and is used

throughout th is work to explore the perspectives of research participants .

Project overview

This research project i nvolves d iscourse analyses of pol i cy and med ia

docu ments . In add i ti on , semi-structured i nterviews were conducted with

Austra l ian church leaders, transcribed and thematica l ly analysed . For th is

project the pr imary concern of method rests on that wh ich wi l l create the

greatest level of comfort for participants wh i l st mai ntai n ing the val id i ty and

i ntegri ty of the project (cf. Dal l imore 2000) .When it became apparent that

snowba l l i ng techn iques were not read i ly provid ing research partici pants,

d iscourse analyses of church ch i ld protection pol i cy documents and med ia

reports provided a means of triangulati ng the research to i ncrease val id ity

(Sara ntakos 2005: 1 45- 1 47 ; Fl i ck 2002:226-227) . The content of

denomi national chi ld protection pol icy documents were thematical ly analysed

as representations of the management of a buses of power by church l eaders.

Med ia articles relati ng specifi ca l ly to the Hol l i ngworth affair were a lso

thematica l ly analysed as a case study of representations of the management

of csa by church leaders in Austra l ia .

6 1

Policy

Church pol icy documents were re latively easy to acqu i re . Research

partici pants were often able to forward the relevant documents for the i r

denominations. Many pol icy documents were avai lable on l ine and easi ly

accessible th rough a search engine such as Google . Pol icy documents were

obtai ned by searchi ng for specific denominational home pages of churches

commonly known to be in existence i n Austra l ian commun it ies. Where

identified , further word searches were conducted on denominational

homepages . Alternatively, word searches were conducted d i rectly through

search engines such as Google . Words used i ncluded 'sexual abuse pol i cy

and church ' , specific denominational word searches such as 'NSW Baptist

ch i ld sexual abuse pol icy' or, where it was known , the name of the pol icy

document. I n the case of the Presbyterian and Cathol ic Churches, i nternet

searches yielded outdated copies of pol icies of wh ich research partic ipants

later provided updated versions. Pol icy documents were read and coded by

themes which i ncluded 'power' , 'patriarchy' , 'pastoral role ' , 'forgiveness ' ,

'confession ' , 'apology' and 'pastoral role ' . The themes which emerged were

then analysed and d iscussed with consideration for relevant theoretical

perspectives from both theological and crimi nolog ica l l i terature .

Media

Med ia searches proved far more overwhelming . There is a prol iferation of

med ia representations of csa by church leaders . Multi ple searches were

conducted with in the Factiva data base for relevant articles. Word searches

i ncluded 'ch i ld sexual abuse and clergy' , 'ch i ld sexua l abuse and church ' , 'sex

and church ' and 'abuse and church ' . Media art icles were also located through

manua l searches of newspapers, such as The Sydney Morning Herald, The

Australian and The Daily Telegraph, and were often provided by friends and

fami ly members . Due to the overwhelming number of articles the scope was

narrowed by focussing on articles that related to former Archbishop of

Brisbane Angl ican D iocese and former Governor-Genera l , Dr Peter

Hol l i ngworth . Even though this narrowed the parameters somewhat, and

enabled a poi nt of focus , approximately 493 articles were read and coded

62

thematica l ly . These articles were dated between Apri l 200 1 and September

2006 and were sourced from both Austra l ian and Eng l ish speaki ng overseas

newspapers and magazines . In addition to th is , three Austra l ian Story (ABC

2002a , 2005 , 2006) program tra nscri pts were thematical ly coded along with

copies of relevant speeches made by Hol l ingworth (200 1 , 2004 ). These were

accessed onl i ne through the search eng ine , Google , and through pri nt med ia

and pri nt med ia data bases such as Factiva .

Semi structured interviews

I nterviewing with in femin ist methodologies has been wel l establ i shed as a

means by wh ich the power d ifferenti als i nherent to the researcher-partici pant

relationshi p can be negotiated to the benefit of all parties i nvolved (Powel l

2000 : 1 82- 1 85; DeVaul t 1 999 :3 1 ; Wasserfal l 1 993 :25) . A preference for semi­

structured i nterviews was pursued in the hope of provid ing opportunity for

specific targeting of i ssues with in loosely structured question ing whi le

ma i nta in ing room for flexi bi l ity d u ring the interview process (F l ick 2002 :9 1 -93) .

Partici pants were i dentified i n mu lti ple ways i nclud i ng recommendations by

i nd ividuals known to the researcher, recommendations made by research

partici pants (snowbal l i ng technique) and through publ ications on

denomi national homepages wh ich identified ind ividuals who were proactive i n

addressi ng or manag ing csa by church leaders . One research partici pant was

identified through a sta l l at a Chri stian conference . Research participants were

then contacted by phone and a fol low u p l etter of i nvitation to partici pate in the

research was sent.

Part ici pants were associated with specific denominations, which exist with

specific theolog ica l , socia l and pol it ica l spectrums. I n l ight of thi s affi l iation

with specifi c denominations , it is reasonable to assess that partici pants wi l l

construct or draw on these perspectives in their u nderstand ing . This means

that partici pants may be strongly i nfluenced by a 'party l i ne ' . Consequently,

there was a risk that semi-structured i nterviews wou ld be successful only i n

obta in ing an institutional response and they may not yield broader or more

personal b iographies . E lements that have been of g reat sign ificance to the

63

i nd ivi dual 's construction of forgiveness and its appl ication to ch i ld sexual

abuse with in Austra l ian churches were also at risk of exclusion because of

denominational pol i tics . Throughout the great majority of i nterviews , however,

research partici pants gave generously of thei r personal stories to i l l ustrate the

complexit ies of the issues at hand . Although 1 6 i nterviews were conducted ,

techn ical d ifficulties resulted in only 1 5 i nterviews being viable . One of the

fi nal 1 5 i nterviews was a repeat i nterview because of a previous fai l u re i n

recordi ng mechan isms . Early i nterviews were recorded o n micro-cassette but

after the fai l u re to record an i nterview, a d ig ita l voice recorder was purchased

and used for the majority of i nterviews. Al l i nterviews were manua l ly

transcri bed by the researcher or another professional who vol unteered her

serv ices. Research partici pants gave i nformed consent to both the record i ng

of interviews and their transcription i n these ways .

Whi le surveys may have reached a greater number of participants , they were

considered to be more l i kely to resu lt i n l im ited responses and excl ude the

opportunity to pursue in depth exploration of the primary issues of concern for

th is project, subsid iary i ssues that may ari se and be of s ignifi cance i n

understandi ng the primary issues and an exploration of the depth of

partici pants' experientia l knowledge (Maxfie ld & Babbie 200 1 :268) . Further,

the richness of femin ist methodolog ies l ies in the imperative placed on heari ng

the depth , vibrancy and texture of narrative and voice as represented by

i ndiv iduals who are affected by the great d iversity of experiences and

paradigms that they bring to the subject at hand (cf. Powel l 2000) . Whi lst a

pursuit of q uanti tative data yielded by high vol ume survey techn iques may

have provided s ignificant i nsight, it wou ld have contributed l i ttle to

understand i ng the power of an i ndiv idual voice in a position of i nfluence such

as the targeted partici pants hold . No doubt an Austra l ian based quantitative

study wou ld be welcomed . Such a project , however, does not fit with the

objectives of this particu lar study (cf. John Jay Col lege of Cri mi na l Justice

2004) . Although it was not uti l i sed i n th is project, there has been recogn ition

with i n femin i sms that quantitative research has a role to play in the

64

consciousness rais ing agenda of femin ist research (cf. DeVault 1 996;

Campbel l & Wasco 2000) .

Participa nt attributes

For the purposes of th i s study it has been exceptional ly difficult to i solate the

'who' on an i n stitutiona l l evel , l et alone then on an i nd iv idual l evel with i n these

i nstitutions . Reasons why the i dentifi cation of relevant partici pants is so

d iffi cu l t i ncl ude the i nescapable emotive and pol i tical contexts of the issues.

For these reasons the researcher must be extremely careful in prepari ng to

act with compassio n , d ign ity , reflexivity and to be non-judgementa l at a l l

t imes . To even approach an i nd iv idual and ask them to engage i n research

such as th i s is to ask for trust where trust is extremely dangerous,

transparency where criticism has been frequent, and to engage with honesty

that carries a h igh cost i n broader as wel l as i nstitutional pol i tical parad igms.

Aski ng for partici patio n in th is study is a lso aski ng for an investment in hope in

a futu re of effective chi l d protection and i ncreased un ity between a l l parties

with vested i nterests in this area .

Research partic ipants , then , have been identified as 'church leaders ' who

have had s ign ifi cant experience with csa by church leaders and its

management. The s ign ificant experience of research partici pants vari ed , but

i ncluded i nvolvement in such activit ies as pol icy development and review,

case management of a l legations of csa by church leaders, and publ ic

expressions of a need for i nstitut ional or theological changes to enhance the

effective management of csa by church leaders . The i nd ividua l experiences of

research partici pants are not identifi ed withi n the text of th i s thesis . Some

research participants engaged i n h igh profi le activities that , i f revealed , would

compromise anonymity guaranteed under the ethics approval for this project.

Given that this may d i sproportionately affect some i nd iv iduals more than

others , i t i s considered best to genera l ise as far as possib le rather than risk

the identification of any partici pant. Whist consideration of the types of

experience and activities i nd ivi dual participants have with csa by church

65

leaders and its management may enhance data analysis , the protection of

research partici pant identity must take precedent.

'Chu rch leaders ' is a phrase which has been laboured over to fi nd a balance

of i nclusiveness and excl usiveness. Effectively it i ncludes those i ndividua ls

with an area of i nfl uence that is recognised by church institutions; th is may be

with i n paid or vol untary positions, formal or i nformal spheres of i nfluence.

Relevant position descri ptions i nclude, but are not necessari ly restricted to ,

bishops, priests , pastors , worsh ip leaders , prayer leaders , d i rectors ,

counsel lors with in chu rch run or affi l iated welfare organisations and lay

leaders who have either publ icly spoken to , or encountered elements of, the

identified issues in the conduct of thei r position . This identifi cation excl udes

ord inary congregational members who do not display leadershi p withi n thei r

churches and victim/survivors of abuse or thei r fami ly members who have not

taken a position of leadership or would not be classed as church personnel .

Al l except for three research partici pants were , at the time of i nterview, paid

employees of the i r churches in authoritative min istry roles. Of the three who

were not, one had been unti l recently and was ordained. The remain ing two

were identified because of thei r significant knowledge of csa by church

leaders and the roles they had adopted in church organ isations .

Research partici pants were drawn from five denominations and comprised

seven men and n ine women . I nd ividual denominations of research

partici pants are not revealed to assist in protecti ng the identity and

confidentia l ly of participants as required by eth ica l commitments . Of those

partici pants who revealed their b i rth age , the year of birth ranged from 1 942 to

1 968. Although partici pants · were not d i rectly asked about their sexua l

orientation or marital status , a l l but three partici pants ind icated they were in

heterosexual marriages at the time of the i nterview. Th is was usua l ly by

referencing a partner who i nterrupted the i nterview in some way, was

particularly i nfluential or supportive of the partici pant's leadership role , or was

relevant to a story told by the participant to i l l ustrate a poi nt. Al l participants

i ndicated that they had an active , personal Christian spi ritual ity that i nfl uenced

66

the i r chosen profession and ongoing min i stry . Consistent with Maiguascha's

(2006 : 1 24) view of research , partic ipants were seen as active agents withi n

their relevant churches , who h a d potential to act with mora l capacities and

accept responsib i l i ty for thei r leadersh ip activities , ethos and i n i ti atives.

The s ign ificance of this study

This study i s i mportant i n that it provides an opportun ity to explore and

enhance d iscourses of resistance. l t is clear from the h istory of the Church's

confrontation with sexua l abuse by i ts leadersh ip , that this is an issue that wi l l

not rema in h idden i ndefin itely . l t i s most often courageous victim/survivors and

the i r supporters who have chosen to break the s i lence that enables chi ld

abuse to prosper (cf. Brun i & Burkett 2002) . Th is project is not an exhaustive

study of a l l responses made by churches to csa by church l eaders , church

pol i cy or church teach ing . This project provides an opportun i ty to conti nue the

work of rais i ng awareness to i ssues of csa by church leaders by seeking out

u nderstand ings of i nd iv idual leadership within the Church and churches of

Austra l ia . A specifi c focus on d iscourses of forgiveness and power provides

an opportun i ty for new ground to conti n ue to be broken in developing healthy

and safe envi ronments for i ndiv iduals to d isclose and address sexua l abuse

(Franz 2002 :7-9) . l t i s through open and honest confrontation of the i ssue that

the necessity for further change i n chi l d protection pol i cies wi l l flouri sh . l t i s

s ign ificantly l imi t ing to enact pol icy i f the envi ronment or structural cl i mate

with i n wh ich the pol i cy exists conti nues to d imin ish effective chi ld protection

(cf. Doyle 2003 ; 2006) .

The last decade has seen an i ncrease i n pol icy development with i n many

churches regard ing sexual misconduct (cf. Baptist U nion of New South Wales

2004 ; Presbyterian Church of Austra l ia in New South Wales 2005) . At the

same ti me , there has been an i ncrease in l i terature regard ing chi ld abuse by

members of chu rch l eadersh ip (cf. Parki nson 2003; Brun i & Burkett 2002) .

The majority of th i s l i terature addresses the problem as structural and

provides an essentia l means of storytel l i ng for v ictim/survivors . There is ,

however, some sense of solution oriented d iscourse (cf. Myer Hopki ns &

67

Laaser 1 995) . Whi lst it may be possible that this is s imply reactionary and

may not, i n fact, reflect a genuine commitment to change, there are those

with i n the Church , and with in church leadership , who are committed to

enacting lasti ng solutions . This research wi l l provide an opportunity for some

of these voices to access a med i um by which they may express themselves i n

a broader forum than thei r own congregations o r denominations. The majority

of research partici pants had not previously engaged i n academic research

projects which considered csa by church leaders . In l i sten ing to and

representi ng these voices , th is research embraces femin ist understandi ngs of

power relations and Foucaultian analyses of power/knowledge (cf. Foucau l t

1 977 ; 1 978 ; 1 980; Butler 1 990 ; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 1 993; 1 995) . These theoretica l

positions identify the importance of concepts and practices of resistance .

I n fi nd ing ways to engage with d iscourses of resistance and hear the voices of

i ndiv iduals , who may not otherwise be heard i n an academic forum, there i s

an opportunity to focus on supporti ng what can be a counter-cultu ra l

environment with i n chu rches . Such envi ronments va lue openness over

secrecy, shared knowledge and pri nci ples of social justice i nclud ing equa l

d istribution and accountably used power, as wel l as shared resources

(Jamrozik 2005 :2 ) . Post-structural femin ist pri nci ples and methodology

provide an effective framework for engaging in th is specific project. Key to th is

i s the researcher's use of reflexivity.

Voice, participants and reflexivity

Reflexivity i s not a homogenously understood term. More recent works have

tended to problematise reflexivity in terms of both the production of, and

relationsh ip to , knowledge and its use i n the research process (cf. McCorkel &

Myers 2003 ; Seibold 2000 ; Cunl iffe 2003) . I n wh ichever way it i s understood ,

reflexivity i s an essentia l component of femin ist research paradigms and is

most i mportant i n reconstituting 'traditional ' understand ings of 'science' as

objective and i mpartia l (Dowl ing 2006:7 ; cf. Campbel l 2004) . Reflexivity

i nvolves researcher awareness of the emotive , pol i ti ca l and personal nature of

research (Cunl iffe 2003 :983-986; cf. Rose 1 997) . lt is very much a process of

the researcher thoroughly acknowledging themselves i n the research i n an

68

effort to i ncrease research tra nsparency a nd i ntegrity. U nderstanding the role

of voi ce and reflexivity i s not a s ingu lar event but an ongoing journey (Ciough

& N utbrown 2002 :38) . A s ign ificant part of reflexivity i s u nderstand ing the

nature of what is i nvested in research by the researcher and partici pants

(Ciough & N utbrown 2002:4-1 4 ; Moore 2000:vi i -xi ) .

F a r from bein g sole ly a process o f a self i ndu lgent researcher ' navel gazi ng ' ,

reflexivity i s primari ly a bout relationship . Researcher reflexivity i s explored

more extens ively i n Chapter 9. Reflexivity i ncl udes not on ly the relationsh ip

between the researcher and the research , but a lso the relationshi p between

the researcher and research participants (McCorkel & Myers 2003 : 1 99- 1 2 1 ;

cf. Mauthner 2000 ; Thapar-Bjorket & Henry 2004) . Transparent use of

research partici pants ' words a lso involves an i ntimate u nderstandi ng of self,

identity and b ias (McCorkel & Myers 2003: 1 99- 1 2 1 ; cf. Rossiter 2000 ; De Vault

1 996) . In order to faci l itate th is u nderstand ing throughout this project, three

q uestions have been reviewed by the researcher. These questions were

orig i na l ly posed by Woodward (2000:46-49) and have been adapted to th is

study , and other studies that the researcher has u ndertaken . The process of

continual question i ng , us ing these questions i n particular, has been of great

assistance i n conti n u i ng active reflexivity as doorways of exploration . The

questions are as fol lows , 'Whose voices am I heari ng?' ; 'How do I use

respondents' words? ' ; and 'How do I represent res pondents?' (Woodward

2000 :46-49) .

Whose voi ce am I hearing?

When l i sten i ng to the voi ce of others, no party i s neutral . The voice we hear is

med iated n ot on ly through our own perceptions, experiences and

expectations , but i s a construction of the speaker's perceptions, experiences

and expectations ( McCorkel & Myers 2003 : 1 99-1 2 1 ; Marvasti 2004 :29) .

Communication i s a complex socia l ly constructed phenomenon that occurs on

a n u mber of levels . Because i nterviewi ng is a col l aborative and socia l event,

when l isten i ng to the voice of partic ipants , researchers wi l l often hear stra ins

of the voices of others not d i rectly i nvolved i n the project ( Marvasti 2004:29-

69

3 1 ; Holstein & Gubrui m 2004 : 1 1 2-1 1 4) . I n i nteractions with research

participants , th is has been of centra l concern for this project. Participants may

not be speaking with solely thei r own voice , but with the voice of the institut ion

they represent, the victim/survivors they have encountered , the theology they

have accepted and from sp iritual ity that often bri ngs an awareness of the

divine voice of God . Thus , in the singular voice of any partici pant, are multi ple

voices mediated i nto the one through complex social , psychological ,

emotional and spiritual processes . These pressures place each i ndiv idual

partici pant i n a position where their voice is shaped and mou lded by thei r

i nteraction with these pressures. When l isten ing to the voice of a partici pant, i t

is not only their words wh ich must be weighed, not only thei r tone , i nflection or

body language , but also the concurrence of thei r position professional ly ,

socia l ly , pol it ica l ly, psychologica l ly and spiritual ly (Holstei n & Gubru im

2004 : 1 1 9; cf. Tisdel l 2002) .

Each of these factors i s difficult to measure , but, i n particu lar , it i s d ifficult to

measure the i ntegrity of voice . Th is is not meant to i mply that partici pants may

be de l iberately deceitful or man ipu lative , but, rather, bri ngs to bear an

understanding of the complex nature of mu lti ple factors i n any i ndividua l 's

understand ing of csa by church leaders . I n some ways the responses of

i ndiv iduals may only be as developed as those of the institution i n wh ich they

serve . lt may be reasonable to assert that the more conservative and

structured any particu lar institution is , then the less the degree of leeway

i nd ividuals may have to express counter institutional responses by the use of

their voice. This can certai nly be seen i n the Cathol ic Church's struggle to

come to terms with ch i ld sexual abuse h istorical ly (cf. Doyle 2004 ; Scheper­

Hughs & Devine 2003) .

A s ign ificant factor i n i n itia l responses to sexual abuse with i n the Cathol ic

Church can be attri buted to Pope John Paul l l 's identification and label l i ng of

the i ssues as an American , rather than structural , problem and so refusi ng to

adequately address it (Scheper-Hughs & Devine 2003 : 1 4) . Many outspoken

i ndividuals with in the Cathol ic Church over the last three decades have had to

70

come to terms with the i r own voi ces withi n an institutional voice (cf. Scheper­

Hughs & Devi ne 2003; Gorrell 2006) . lt i s clear then that duri ng the research

process, beari ng i n m ind the question of 'Whose voices am I heari ng ' is h ighly

complex but vital .

How do I u se respondents' words?

Just as it is i mperative that there be a foundation of honesty and i ntegrity for

effective commun ication between the researcher and research partici pants , so

there must a l so be honesty and i ntegrity for effective commun ication between

the researcher and the reader of research documents (Ciough & Nutbrown

2002 :29 ; F l ick 2002 :225) . Further , this is essentia l i n constructi ng mutua l ly

satisfyi ng research experiences for both researchers and participants . I n the

representation phase of research there is much trust i nvested in researchers

by participants (cf. F ine 1 998; Kn ight 2000) . In usi ng the words of partici pants

there is g reat power i n the hands of researchers to misrepresent either

sympathetical ly or u nfavourably . Havi ng said th i s , we must return to the

rea l isation that voice is complex and often uti l i si ng partici pants' words wi l l

mean ensuri ng that they have been wel l understood d uri ng the data gatheri ng

phase . lt is essentia l that researchers be aware of their current and future

power differentia l whe n l isten ing to partici pants and consideri ng the ways i n

wh ich the i r words may be used (P i nn 200 1 : 1 86- 1 87) .

For partici pants i n th is study it is particularly important to consider the use of

the i r words , as there can often be a h igh level of suspicion of secular

academia with i n church i nstitutions, particu larly with in the sensitive and

emotive hand l ing of sexual abuse in the Church . Often the words chosen to

represent i nd ividua ls and thei r churches by media and academic sources

have focussed almost exclusively on negative aspects of chu rch responses

(cf. Brun i & Burkett 2002; Scheper-Hughs & Devine 2003) . There is a complex

situation where such representations are val id and constructive i n i nstigating

structura l and pol i cy changes with i n churches , but a re incomplete

representations for many chu rch leaders . Whi lst it is clear that s ign ificant

change remains necessary for churches to effective ly address sexual assault

7 1

and chi ld protection with justice, compassion and i ntegrity, the journey has

begun (Gorrel l 2003: 1 5- 1 6) . There is now an imperative both to empower the

voices of victim/survivors, victim/survivors' fami l ies, victim/survivor groups and

to empower those with i n churches who are working effectively for enhanced

services, awareness and change . In effect, partici pants' words are not used

solely to construct discourse , but a l ready exist with i n multi ple d iscourses ,

which may enable greater understanding of csa by church leaders and service

provis ion for victim/survivors .

How do I represent respondents?

Partici pants in any research project wi l l be marked by a number of socia l ly

constructed s ign ifiers, which incl ude gender, race , socio-economic status and

vocation or career. Each of these signifiers has the potential to construct pre­

empted or stereotypical pictures of i ndividuals that are not necessari ly

beneficia l . Such s ignifiers may a lso i ncl ude d iscourses of vocational choice ,

i nclud ing that of church leaders . For church leaders, the past decades of

scandal have cu l minated i n a sign ificant loss of publ ic trust . Church leaders ,

such as Dr Peter Hol l i ngsworth and Cardinal George Pel l , have stood out as

d isti nct publ ic signifiers of church leaders and thei r response to chi ld sexual

abuse i n churches (cf. Porter 2003) . When these h igh profi le publ ic figures are

viewed i n conjunction with others in positions of infl uence , such as Head

Masters in Christian or denominational schools , it is easy for i nd ividuals who

are constructing alternative signifiers , that are d ifferent or resistant to

dominant representations , to be overlooked . Th is research , however, provides

an opportun ity to hear the voices of those who are overlooked . lt i s an

ambit ion of this research , in seeki ng out d iscourses of resistance , to fi nd

alternate s ignifiers by which to represent participants .

Partici pants have been represented withi n the broad categories of Traditional ,

Pentecostal and non-traditional denominations . Tradit ional denominations are

characterised by strong institutional structures which are h ierarchica l .

Pentecostal churches usual ly self identify and are characterised by a strong

emphasis on spiritual experience . Non-traditional i s the broadest category . l t

72

i s uti l i sed to describe a l l protestant denominations i n th is study that a re ne ither

traditiona l nor Pentecostal . These categories are problematic in themselves

as often any particu lar denomi nation wi l l embrace mu lti p le elements of some

or all them. These categories have been left del i berately broad and were

chosen over denomi national descri ptors to avo id over pol i tic is ing descri ptive

language and to protect the anonymity of partic ipants . The purpose of this

research i s not to compare and contrast specific denomi national responses to

sexua l abuse . Whi lst such research may be i nteresti ng , it is h igh ly problematic

i n terms of its potentia l to promote d ivi sion a nd condemnation rather than

positi ve actio n oriented change. l t was my preference that no i nd icators were

used i n relation to the identifi cation of partici pants . As church commun it ies are

often closely t ied and some part ici pants were of q u ite h igh profi le , they may

be easi ly identifi ed and therefore thei r confidential i ty wou ld be breached . The

terms l isted above were brought i nto use only after several chapter drafts

where readers i nd icated that they felt they needed some sort of i nd icator by

wh ich they may d raw thei r own conclus ions. Th is has compl icated the

methodology of th is research project somewhat but has also a l leviated certain

eth i ca l d i lemmas. Compl ications have arisen from attempts to fi nd sound

defi n itional i nd icators that are not far too broad so as to compromise the

val id i ty of the research . This is a constant poi nt of tension throughout this

project and has necessitated much sensitivity and i ngenu ity.

Eth i cal concerns

I mp l i cit in the above d iscussion a re many eth ical concerns regard ing the safe

and professional conduct of research with h u man participants . Femin ist

research paradigms have shown a particu lar sensitivi ty to eth ical issues that

ar ise d uri ng the research process (DeVault 1 996:35; Pennel l & Ristock 1 999:

460-463) . l t i s unsurpris i ng that these concerns are primari ly about

empowerment of, and respect for , research parti ci pants , as wel l as honesty

and transparency throughout the research process , but particu larly i n data

ana lysis and representation (Pennel l & Ristock 1 999 :460-463; Campbe l l &

Wasco 2000 :783) . Th is bei ng said , femin ist research methodology does not

have a monopoly on ethical con cerns i n research ( Marvasti 2004: 1 33- 1 34) .

73

Deceit

lt is i mportant to ensure that potential participants are ful ly and openly aware

of the i ntent and content of the research project (Sarantakos 2005 : 1 9 ;

Maxfie ld & Babbie 200 1 : 1 93) . Further, it is essentia l not to man ipulate the

words of partici pants to match any expected or desi red outcomes. Participants

shou ld be fu l ly aware of all of thei r rights throughout the research project .

Specific to th is research , i t has a lso meant openness about the researcher's

commitment to ch i ld protection and so informing partici pants that the

appropriate chi ld protection legislative bodies wi l l be contacted should the

i nterview process reveal any potential risk to the safety and wel l being of

ch i ldren .

Emotional trauma

As th is research i nvolves the d iscussion of a sensitive subject, avo id i ng

emotiona l harm and/or damage to part ici pants i s a key eth i cal consideration .

Bei ng faithfu l to pri nciples of cari ng engagement with , and to demonstrate

respect for, participants i ncludes being aware of the i mpact that the content of

the research may have on their emotional , psycholog ical and professional

wel l being (Maxfie ld & Babbie 200 1 : 1 89; Sarantakos 2005: 1 9) . In l i ne with th is ,

the pri mary researcher was ful ly equ ipped with i nformation regard i ng

appropriate denominational and external counsel l i ng services, and prepared

to i nform part ici pants of these services as appropriate .

C harles Sturt University and ethics

The Charles Sturt Un iversity Eth ics in Human Research committee has

provided eth ics approval for the undertaking of th is research . Research

partici pants have been ful ly i nformed of contact deta i ls for th is body should

they have any compla ints i n regard to the research process or the primary

researcher. lt is i mportant that participants are made ful ly aware of these

processes so that they are free to exercise the i r rights and in order to mai nta in

the i ntegrity of the research .

74

Safe handling of records

Each tape and transcript of research i nterviews is a sensitive document

conta in ing personal i nformation d isclosed by participants . As part of an

i nvested trust betwee n the pri mary researcher and research partici pants , the

pr imary researcher bears a responsib i l i ty to protect these documents and

tapes . Al l documents and tapes wi l l be kept by the researcher for the

p rescri bed period of ti me i n a safe , locked room and drawer, accessi ble only

to the researcher.

Protection of identity

Protecti ng the identity of partici pants is a priori ty for several reasons (Maxfield

& Babbie 200 1 : 1 92 ; Sarantakos 2005: 2 1 ) . Once again it i s part of protecti ng

partici pants from any repercussions for their partici pation in the research .

Carefu l attent ion has been paid at al l t imes to refer to partici pants and their

i nstitutions in a man ner that wi l l p revent the identification of these i ndivi duals .

For the purposes of th is research al l participants were g iven pseudonyms.

Pseudonyms were a l located i n a way that i s cons istent with the biolog ica l sex,

and gendered expression , of research participants . Whi lst specific h igh profi le

cases wi l l be d iscussed throughout th is research i t is i mperative that any

participants that may be i nvolved i n th i s project are protected . l t i s for this

reason that specifi c denominations have not been identified , except where

pub l ic documents are used as d ata .

Conclusion

As the veh icle through which research projects are carried forward , a clearly

a rticulated method and methodology i s essentia l to the effectiveness of

research projects . Femin ist methodologies are specifical ly concerned that this

is so and that issues of power are exp l icit ly identified and accounted for

throughout the processes of research . Th is position i s ideal for this project i n

that power is a central concern i n u nderstanding csa and responses made to

its occurrence , not on ly as perpetrated by church leaders i n churches but,

across socia l and i nstitutional boundaries . U nderstanding power is a lso

i mportant to research itself. This i s especial l y true i n engaging with and

representi ng research participants . By accounti ng for language as a means of

75

bu i ld i ng and u nderstand ing d ifferent perspectives, or real ities, post­

structura l ist theories and femin ist research methodologies offer much to th is

project and its concern for identity , sexual ity, gender and the role of power

and forgiveness i n responses made to csa by church leaders i n churches of

Austra l ia . lt i s this framework that a l lows discourse to be placed at the centre

of an ana lysis of the subject matter and a pursuit of understand ing the

perspectives of research participants , pol icy documents and med ia sources.

Identifying d iscourses as vehicles, or webs , of power provides an opportunity

for u nderstandi ng i ndiv idual perspectives, not i n isolation from others but, as

i nteracting in ways that engage varyi ng levels of agency and autonomy. The

fol lowing chapter beg ins an exploration of research partic ipants'

understandi ng of power, identity and csa by church leaders .

76

Chapter 3 "it's a pederast's paradise . . . "2: churches, power and child

sexual abuse

. . . Another big p roblem is men that come and see the Ch u rch as a happy h unting g round for boys and g i rls (Dinah , traditional) .

I ntrod uctio n

Th is chapter considers research partici pants' representations of the identi ty of

the Church i n modern society and its i nfluence on csa by church leaders .

Research partici pants saw the Church as marked by d iversity of expression ,

but fi nd ing u nity through common fa ith . This was l i n ked to u nderstand ing the

v is ib le institution of the Church as d ifferent to the i nvisib le Church wh ich

formed the mystica l body of Chri st . I n th is way, participants drew on concepts

of the Church as a socia l i nstitution and a lso as a sp iri tual entity wh ich

functioned as the fami ly of God the Father. Th is is reflected in the genderi ng

of power and church l eaders withi n the Church as an i nstitution . Sign ifi cant to

the participants' u nderstand ing of the Chu rch 's socia l identi ty are notions of

truth beari ng and provid ing a resistance to a perceived decay of mora l

standards . Participants identifi ed these e lements as important i n bu i ld ing a

level of trust i n commun it ies that then enabled csa with i n chu rches . Thi s trust

is now seen as compromised and l i nked to the changing nature of the

i nstitution of the Church a nd its participation in communit ies . lt is argued that

the social identity of the Church i n Austra l ia has contri buted to the enab l ing of

csa by church leaders. Th is identity was i nformed by the s ign ificance of the

Church to service p rovis ion i n the fie lds of welfare and education . The Senate

Enqu i ry i nto Forgotten Austra l ians (Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004 : 1 9 ; cf. Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2005) ind icates that the abuse of chi ldren i n

church run i nstitutions , such as schools a n d out-of-home care establ ishments ,

i s h igh ly s ign ificant . As such , i t i s i mportant to examine the motivations for

2 (James, traditional)

77

service provision along with the structural elements of institutions that may

enable abuse .

Defin ition of ch urch

Defi n i ng the 'Church' i s important to understanding csa by church leaders ,

because i t i s a means of sett ing parameters for discerni ng the ongoing i mpact

of csa with i n chu rch commun ities , as wel l as ongoing changes to institutional

structures and practices . Participants' definitions of the Church often i ncl uded

d iversity of expression as the most noteworthy element. Aaron (Pentecosta l ) ,

for example , conceptual ised the Church as representative of d iversity :

I don't th ink there's any one defin ition of the Church because there's obviously so many d ifferent styles of ch urch and they meet d ifferent needs for d ifferent people . . . . But obviously the overarching th i ng with ch urches is that they're helping people to fulfi l , what I bel ieve everybody has, in th at there's a spiritual side to al l of us and that that has to be outworked somehow.

Given that Aaron represents a Pentecostal church it is not surprisi ng that h is

defin it ion of the Church emphasises a role in enabl i ng i ndividuals to express

thei r spi ritual i ty . Pentecostal churches are known for the i r emphasis on

sp iritual gifts , experience, prosperity and socia l serv ice (Belcher 2004 :97-98) .

Pentecostal ism is also the fastest growing element of the Christian Church

throughout the world ( Martin 200 1 :51 ; cf. ABC 2008) . E l l i ngton (2000:48)

identifies Pentecostal ism as ' . . . an ora l ly based , narratively expressed

tradition . . . ' which encourages testimon ies to God 's power as a means of

conveying the gospel of a relational God . Although Aaron identified d iversity

as a mark of the Church , there i s also evidence i n h is statement of a sense of

commonal i ty among the many expressions of a s ingular faith through spi ritual

development.

Other participants held the concept of a common fa ith as s ignifi cant to their

understanding of the constitution of the Church . A common fa ith was seen as

imperative for generating unity , rather than d ivision , across denominational

d ivides. Noah (Pentecostal ) succi nctly defined the Church as:

. . . S imply a g roup of people with a common faith who wish to gather together for the purpose of, of extend i ng that faith and encourag ing each other in their faith.

78

l t i s a 'common fa ith ' i n the l ife , death and resurrectio n of Jesus Christ and h is

power to offer salvation and eternal l ife through the forgiveness of si ns that

was seen by parti ci pants to bi nd the Church together across denomi national

d ifferences in expression . Aaron further developed this perception argu ing :

. . . I wou ld say of al l t h e chu rches that are in o u r ********** min isters association, wh ich are obviously on ly Ch ristian C h u rches, we wou ld have i n terms of Theology more that 95% of our theology in common and it, may be 5% that we differ in and we just choose to focus on the 95% we have in com mon . . . . In a lot of cases it's more the variety with i n the Ch ristian Churches is how you express that rather than what you are actual ly bel ievin g .

l t i s clear from Aaron , and other partici pants , that emphasising commonal i ty is

val ued over reachi ng complete cohesion in understandi ngs of theology. The

development of u nity conti nues to be of concern for Chri stian Churches

i nternational l y (cf. Be i ntker 2005 ; Davie 2005; Loyde-Jones 2003) . This is i n

part because of the B ib l ical commission to demonstrate unity with i n the

Church (cf. Loyde-Jones 2003) . The Apostle Pau l a rgued to the Church at

Ephesus that achievi ng unity was a mark of l ivi ng a ' . . . l i fe worthy of the ca l l i ng

you have received ' (Ephesians 4 : 1 -6) . I n thi s way un i ty becomes an essential

component of i nd iv idua ls l ivi ng with in the identity of 'church ' . The Apostle Paul

justifi ed h is cal l for un i ty by emphasis ing that there was 'one body and one

sp i rit . . . one Lord , one faith , one baptism, one God and Father of al l , who is

over a l l and through a l l and i n a l l ' (Ephesians 4 :4-6) .

U n ity for D inah (tradit ional) i s establ ished i n the concept of the Fatherhood of

God . Di nah defines the Church as 'God 's fami ly ' and explai ns th is sayi ng :

We have a h eaven ly father . . . who has invited us to be a part of h is fami ly . Urn, the only way we can do that is u rn, with an understanding and a trust that Jesus died and rose again so that we didn 't have to. So that's done away with the barrier that we've always had between us and God so, you know, we can be a chi ld of God and u rn, there are other chi ldren arou nd that a re also going to inherit urn, etemal l ife . . . .

I n th is way sacrifi ce , reconci l iation and restoration of relationsh ip become

components of unity which i nform the identity of Christians and the Church

i nternational ly . Sacrifi ce , reconci l i ation and restoration are contextua l ised

with i n the metaphor of 'fami ly ' (cf. Davie 2005; Werbner 1 997) . Th i s becomes

s ign ificant when cons ideri ng constructions of the rol e and function of church

l eaders i n Churches , wh ich are explored below.

79

Many participants were eager to articulate the Church as being someth ing

more than a n i nstitution , wh i l st recognis ing the i nfluence of ' i nstitutiona l ised '

expressions of bel ief. Esther (non-traditional) argued :

. . . The Church is obviously bigger than the institution , it is the body of bel ievers , you know, al l the way around the world and throughout h istory. Technically speaking it wou ld be distinct denominations and the institutional ised, sort of, manifestation of that.

Esther's statement can be understood with in the context of what 1 61h Century

church reformer, Martin Luther, termed the visible and i nvis ib le Church (cf.

Pieper 1 9 1 7) . Davie (2005 :62) articulates the necessity of u nderstandi ng the

Church as both a 'vis ible community of bel ievers ' and a spiritual entity

susta ined by the activity of God . Whi lst the community of bel ievers may be

phys ical ly measurable and their shape, mission and community impact

observable, the Church as a spi ritual entity is considered to be i nvis ib le and it

is i mpossib le to know its boundaries (Davie 2005:62) . Sophia (traditional )

emphasised the unknowabi l ity of the 'true' boundaries of the Church ,

identifying it as 'the mystical body of Christ' and argu ing :

W e don 't know, u rn , the parameters of the Church ; it 's something we can 't possibly know . . . there are aspects of the Church wh ich are completely h idden from us; there are aspects which are masquerading as the Ch urch , as Church , which are not Ch u rch .

For Sophia the visible element of the Church was what made it vu l nerable to

misrepresentation . Whi lst the i nvis ib le element of the Church wou ld never be

known , the vis ib le element of the Church could be comprised of deceitful

i ndividuals of whom Jesus warned his fol lowers to be wary of wolves

appeari ng amongst them in 'sheep's cloth ing ' (Matthew 7 : 1 5) . The visi b le

Church was perceived as being associated with the i nstitutional Church wh ich

has occurred through historical development.

Along with Esther (non-traditional ) , Mary (non-traditional) uti l i ses the h istorical

development of the Church as s ignificant i n understanding the function of an

institutional , or vis ib le, concept of Church. For Mary thi s was very much

i nfluenced by particular geographical real i ties:

So at one leve l , the Church is simply bel ievers . . . . Obviously there is also an institutional Church or a n umber of institutional Churches and they define themselves in various ways that take what I just said

80

about what constitutes bel ievers and relates that to people in a particular geograph ic p lace . . . . But basical ly , in a l l of this , people keep struggl ing to f ind a way of stopping the institution from getting too far away from rea l matters of fa ith and l ife that Christians find important.

Mary's fi na l poi nt is s ign ificant in that she recognises the real i ty that the

i nstitution of the Church may not reflect the ' real matters of faith and l ife' that

a re centra l to a Chri stia n identity. There a re some who a re sceptica l that

Jesus Chri st ever i ntended for there to be an institutional Church wh ich was

characterised by strong structu res such as hierarchical mascu l i ne leadership

(Pauck 1 952 : 1 93- 1 94 ; Doyle 2006 : 1 93) . Malaki (non-traditi onal ) argues that

the i nstitutional Church is far from the i n itia l i ntention of God for the Church :

. . . but the Christian , the true Christian idea is more what God is doing with us and , and it's a g roup of people getting together to let God do th ings through commun ity, through prayer, through reflection , th rough sharing l ife together.

This perspective of the Church is i n herently personal and community

focussed , rather than i nstitutional or pol it ica l . lt has been recogn ised

elsewhere that whe n Constanti ne establ ished Chr istian i ty as a state rel ig ion it

had a profound impact on the i n stitutiona l isation of the Church (cf. Popescu

2004 ; Leadbetter 2002) . Pauck ( 1 952: 1 96) dates the institutional isation of the

Church as earl ier than th is , however, a rgu ing that there was a transformation

of the Church from commun it ies of bel i evers with a passionate mission , to an

' i nstitution of sacramenta l h ierarchical character' d isplayed in the writi ngs of

Tertu l l i an , l renaeus and Cyprian . These accounts of the institutional isation of

the Chri sti an Church i l lustrate the point that th is i ssue has long been a poi nt of

contention when consideri ng the role , function and definit ions of the Church i n

society.

Amongst research partici pants , Malaki was not a lone in h is criticisms of the

i n stitutional Church . Other partici pants , such as Hol ly (non-traditional ) ,

a rticulated a sense o f d isi l l usionment. Hol ly voices th is as:

The Chu rch is a um, I th ink is an institution that, you know, God certa in ly ordains a nd approves of but I 'm not sure that it 's what he wants or I th i nk there's a lot of ru les and regu lations that come in the Church that rea l ly aren 't a part of God .

Malaki went further than Hol ly and identified the institutional Church as

abusive by nature. For Malaki th is abusiveness has come with a continual

8 1

h istorical movement away from smal l groups that i n itia l ly comprised the

'Church' (cf. Pauck 1 952) . Malaki extended his defi n i tion of Church argu ing :

. . . Once it gets organ ised and made into an institution , then that kind of Church , I th ink , gets taken over by our human instinct to be rel ig ious and as C S Lewis claims that when taken over by that rel ig ious instinct they act more l ike pantheists. . . . I th ink that's the popular picture of Church and it satisfies people with rel ig ious i nstincts . . . .

Mala ki presents a p icture of an ideological divide between the true church of

bel ievers and the institutional Church wh ich may mi rror Christian values but is

susceptible to corruption (cf. Purcel l 1 998 ; Bent-Goodly & Fowler 2006) . John

(non-traditional) articulates a s im i lar perspective i n terms of the problematic

nature of u nderstand ing the Church as composed of i ndividuals :

The Church is a lso the sum of a l l bel ievers, a l l over the place that are , or aren 't, going to any g iven bu i lding but love the Lord and want to be his and I guess part of the problem is, is just because you 're going to a church , or involved with a church , doesn't make you someone who loves the Lord and with all your heart wants to do all he wants and so you have a very b lurry line there .

This construction of the i nstitutional Church is i nteresting , g iven partici pants'

understand ing of d ifferent denominational responses to csa by chu rch

leaders. For most participants the stronger the institutional structures with i n a

denomination , the more entrenched csa by church leaders becomes. For

many research participants the Cathol ic Church presented the most d ifficu lties

in terms of manag i ng csa by church leaders .

Literature addressing csa by church leaders also reflects this b ias towards the

Cathol ic Church (cf. Devine 2003; Gartner 2004 ; Plante & Danie ls 2004 ;

Sloyan 2003) . Csa i n the Cathol ic Church has been discussed i n terms of

homosexua l and cel ibate priests , gendered leadership , strong h ierarchy which

results in the i solation of leadersh ip from broader congregations and i nvests

church leaders with God l i ke characteristics (cf. Doyle 2006 ; Scheper-Hughes

& Devine 2003; Sch l umpf 2005 ; Stevenson 2002) . These i ssues are

d iscussed more thoroughly elsewhere i n this work. l t is necessary here to

explore the role of church leaders i n terms of the power they are ab le to uti l i se

because of d iscourses about their roles, character and status . A pri ncip le

e lement of this i s the concept of cal l i ng .

82

Role of chu rch leaders

Call ing

Church l eaders represent a u nique vocational position ( Brown & Brown

2002 :2) . Al l church l eaders i nterviewed saw thei r positions as med iated by

God . Many partici pants d iscussed d i rectly a sense of cal l i ng i n thei r l ives,

some from an early age . l t has been recognised that constructions of cal l i ng

have a profound effect on the experiences of victim/su rvivors of csa by chu rch

leaders and on the ongoing management of church leaders who have acted

abus ively . For victim/su rvivors of abuses by church leaders , the i nd ividua l who

perpetrated abuse against them has been g iven authority not only from the

Church , but from God (cf. Pope 2004 ; Plante & Boccoccin i 1 997) . To

chal lenge th is person is to chal lenge a God-ordained min i stry. Often more

damagi ng than this i s the bel ief common to many victim/su rv ivors of csa by

Church leaders that because God ordai ned th is i nd ividual for mi n istry and

because God i s omniscient, he knew the i nd ividual would abuse them and so

orda i ned the abuse (cf. Brown & Brown 2002 ; Lee 2004) . Hence , it can be

perceived that to cha l lenge the abusive behaviour is to chal lenge God

H i mself. Brown & Brown (2000 :2) capture the essence of thi s , argu ing :

No other professional has a t the very heart of h i s or he r job description the task of constant com munication with Almighty God . . . . Nor can any other professiona l cla im, e ither express ly or by inference, to be speaking with the voice of God . . . .

That Church leaders represent a un ique professional position that wields

enormous power in the l ives of others is recogn ised by research partic ipants

on varyi ng levels . A s ign ificant component of th is power comes through the

perception of Church l eaders as bei ng in close proximity to God and cal led by

God to the i r position of authori ty (Brown & Brown 2000:2 ; cf. Lee 2004) .

One of the d ifficult ies with bei ng 'cal led ' to min i stry i s i n u nderstand ing what

exactly th is means . Partici pants describe the i r cal l i ng to the i r positions i n

terms o f emotiona l and sp iritua l awareness. For Josiah (non-traditional ) h is

cal l i s an al most l i fe long awareness. He provided the fol lowing description :

. . . early i n my l ife I had a touch of God in my l ife from a m issionary, that sort of shared the needs and, and I guess that tugged at my heart that, way back i n , in Sunday school that people n eed help . . . . And so

83

whi le at ******** I got a verse from, it was Psalm 42 . lt says "dwel l in the land and cu ltivate fa ithfu lness" . . . . But that's basica l ly is , is what my heart's desire was .

For Josiah h is 'cal l ' i s composed of an awareness of a need , a long with a

particu lar resonance with a verse of scripture and his 'heart's desire ' . For

Josiah , as for all partici pants , this cal l is contextual ised in their ongoing

relationshi p with God through prayer, Bible reading , and i nteraction with their

Christian Community . He confirmed this later in our i nterview sayi ng:

. . . So when I , when I say I 'm ca lled I th ink God has sort of sa id , 'Wel l look, I want you to be obed ient to me and do my wi l l where you are" . . . . and so, so that, that's what the cal l means. To l isten to what God's saying for me to do where I am . . . .

Si mi lar to Josiah's understanding of cal l i ng as an expression of h is heart's

desire, Hol ly (non-traditional ) understood her occupational placement i n

relationsh ip to a personal sense of identity and relati ng to God . Hol ly

articu lated this as fol lows :

. . . a lot of people spend time th inking to find God 's wi l l for them and I bel ieve real ly strongly that God 's wi l l for me is to be me and part of my min istry as a Christian is being me in a Christian role . . . . And I th ink God just opened up those doors and I just knew th is was right. I th ink you have a sense, an inner sense of when someth ing is r ight or wrong . . . yeah it's just an inner knowing.

l t is c lear that, i n Hol ly's perspective , cal l i ng is about identity but this identity is

present prior to being cal led . Cal l i ng is understood as an i nternal knowing that

is an extension of self. Noah (Pentecostal ) understood cal l i ng in terms of a

s imi larly i nternal knowing but not as someth i ng exclusive to Church leaders .

Noah argues:

. . . from a bibl ica l perspective none of us are excused from not, from not ah , publ icising , educating and attempting to win people to our Christian faith . Ah , so everyone is cal led in that respect. Urn, on the other side of the coin there is what we may ca l l a g ifting or an anointing that certain people have that others don't have and it's that gifting and anointing that perhaps separate those from being leaders in the Christian faith and those who are fol lowers.

When asked to clarify the process of coming to understand a particu lar 'ca l l ' of

leadersh ip , Noah expanded his u nderstanding saying :

. . . lt 's a inner awareness, inner feel ing . lt's also urn, urn , perceived by others in leadership roles, in ministry roles . . . who would normal ly p ick that u p urn , and it would be confirmed by the ind ividua l who said 'yes that's what I 've been thinki ng , that's where I want to go, that's what I want to do and that's roughly where God wants me to go' .

84

What is clear for a l l these research participants is that receiv ing a cal l to

mi n i stry i s relational , deeply personal , h igh ly subjective , but able to be

med iated by the use of scri pture and church leaders.

Research partici pants' perceptions of cal l i ng can be seen as embedded ' in

d iscourses that they have i nternal i sed about themselves, others and

mediators of Chri stian faith such as the B i ble and the Church. l t is clear that

language has a performative role in the construction of identity here (cf. Butler

1 997 ; 2005) . D iscourses of cal l i ng become a means by wh ich research

partici pants recogn ise themselves, choose their subjectivity and by which

others may be enabled to recogn ise i nd ividua ls as subjects (cf. Butler 2005) .

Accord i ng to Butler (2005:25-26) , recogn it ion of a subject i s a social activity

that occurs through language which enables the construction of socia l norms

through wh ich i nd iv iduals recognise themselves and recogn ise others . The ' I '

of the subject i s constituted i n another's recogn it ion of the d iscursive norms

that s ignify it (Butler 2005:25-26 ; cf. Foucault 1 980) . Research partici pants'

emphasis on the need for the cal l i ng of an i ndividua l to be confi rmed by others

i n leadersh i p can be framed as recognition and med iation of social norms of

the Church which recognise the identity of the subject as ca l led . For Butler

(2005:24-26) , the recognit ion of the 'you ' in the other is presupposed by

d rawing on socia l norms to recogn ise the ' I ' of self. Hence , struggles to

achieve a particu lar i dentity status, to be recogn ised as a subject, are i mbued

with d iscourses of power.

I n relation to cal l i ng , several research participants view the role of vocational

boards , psycholog ica l testing and processes of screen ing as i mportant for

confi rming a cal l and a lso for protect ing the Church and congregations.

Through these forms of screen ing , the appeal to an i dentity of being cal led to

leadershi p can be rejected where i nd iv iduals are perceived as unsui table . For

many partic ipants leadersh ip screeni ng has taken a much stronger role than

in the past and was often cited as p ivotal i n el i mi nating potentia l ly abusive

Church leaders . Leadersh ip screen ing has become a means for churches to

proactively engage i n chi ld protection . Screen ing may be a way of not only

85

mediat ing the identity of potential Church leaders, but a lso the identity of the

Church as a social i nstitution that has previously been depicted as neglectful

of chi ld protection and shie ld ing abusive Church leaders. This shield i ng has

occurred , in part, because of the identity construction of Church leaders as

cal led to thei r vocational positions and an unwi l l i ngness of some churches to

engage with d iscourses of resistance as to what th is cal l ing may mean (cf.

Sloyan 2003; Pi n kola Estes 2002 ; Seed 2001 ) .

Along with i nternal church screen ing , the majority of research partici pants

identify the use of government mandated screening and the i ntroduction of

mandatory reporting as welcomed . The effectiveness of these measures has

been somewhat criticised i n terms of thei r abi l ities as tools for manag i ng chi ld

protection (cf. Ainsworth 2002 ; Farrel l 2004) . Whi lst some research

partici pants accepted these l imitations, the main lament in relation to them is

best summarised by Josiah (non-trad itional ) :

. . . it 's a shame that government has had to , you know, force the churches to deal with issues of sexual abuse and say ' look we need to do th is' . . . . now in response to that we're doing , in a, where the churches are , are focussed on protecting the future , you know, creating a safe place for our chi ldren , young people , you know, that's all documented now.

Josiah captures the real ity that churches have had to be forced i nto

addressing chi ld protection but that many are welcoming an opportunity for

th is change. Churches are not alone i n addressing statutory chi ld protection

requ i rements . Chi ld protection legislation has become a s ign ificant

consideration for many i nstitutions (cf. Farre l l 200 1 ; 2004; Sachs & Mel ior

2005) .

F arre l l (200 1 : 1 5) argues that chi ld protection and human rights have come to

have a profound effect on pol icy development i n social i nstitutions . The effect

of mandatory reporting and employment screen ing legislation on church pol icy

i s explored i n Chapter 7 . A key turning point i n rais ing the profile of abuses

aga inst chi ldren was the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Chi ld

1 989 (UNCRC) (Farrel l 2001 : 1 5 ; Muncie 2005:35; Tang 2003:277) . Austra l ia

became a s ignatory to U NCRC on 22 August 1 990 and was recognised as

86

ratifying the convention on 1 7 December of the same year (Office for the

U n ited Nations H igh Commissioner for Human Rights [UNHCR] 2006) .

U N C RC was particu larly i mportant because it recogn ised the i nnate human

d i gn i ty of ch i ldren (cf. UNHCR 1 997: 1 -3 ; Farrel l 200 1 : 1 5) . U NCRC has a

profound i mpact on the development of leg islation across a number of fie lds.

Not least of these has been the development a nd i mplementation of ch i ld

protection leg islation relevant to Article 1 9 , which requ i res that a l l 'appropriate

leg is lative , admin i strative , socia l and educational measures' are taken to

protect chi l d ren from a l l forms of abuse and exploitation (UNHCHR 1 997 :6) .

There i s evidence that engagement with chi l d protection legislation i s

i mpacti ng o n the role of Church leaders and on preventing csa by Church

leaders .

l t i s clear from partic ipants' perspectives that the advent of ch i ld protection

l eg is lation , heightened social awareness of csa , and med ia attention to the

crises of ch i ld abuse i n churches, i mpacts on cons ideri ng leadershi p va lues i n

churches (cf. Mendes 200 1 ; Mel ior 2005; Farrel l 2004a) . This is reflected i n

t he ways that research partici pants see the impact of perpetration of abuse by

Church leaders on a n i nd ivi dua l 's cal l and on the management of csa by

Church leaders . Th is i s particu larly relevant i n relat ion to ci rcumstances where

Church l eaders are conceptual i sed as cal led by God to min i stry and so are

a l lowed to stay i n mi n istry after revelations of thei r abusive behaviours (cf.

S loyan 2003) . I n th i s way, obedience to God in l iv ing out a call to mi n istry is

priorit ised over the safety of others . Mary (non-traditional ) d iscusses some of

the d ifficult ies chu rches face i n u nderstand ing csa by Church l eaders :

. . . [it's] q u ite hard to believe that people they have trusted have actual ly violated that trust by com mitt ing criminal acts . . . . I mean you've got to actual ly change your assumptions about people and particula rly a bout min istry and calls to min istry a nd al l sorts of th ings. I mea n one of the troubles about th is idea of bei ng cal led to min istry is that God decided th is person should be a minister.

Mary goes on to articulate the responsib i l ity of chu rches to be more proactive

i n selecti ng and screen ing min i sters to combat what she terms a 'spi ritual

mythology that surrounds min i stry if you ' re ordai ned ' .

87

Research participants acknowledge on different levels Mary's 'spiritual

mythology' of cal l i ng , ord ination and min istry. For some research partici pants ,

cal l i ng does not mean an i ndividual is entitled to remain i n min istry inevitably .

Aaron (Pentecostal ) , for example, expla ins that there are in fact

consequences for Church leaders who are cal led and who then abuse others

sexua l ly . For Aaron :

. . . the ca l l is what God says is the potentia l , ' I 'm ca l l ing you to this' . We go into that then with all ou r sinfu l natu re and all our issues and if we do someth ing wrong with in that then it cou ld certa in ly, it doesn't change the ca l l , but it certain ly changes the fu lfi lment of that ca l l .

Aaron's position advocates for an understanding of cal l i ng that is responsib le.

Arguably it i s a lso a Bibl ical perspective . For example, Moses was

commissioned by God to lead the Jewish nation out of slavery from Egypt and

i nto the Promised Land . Moses was unab le to complete th is 'ca l l ' however,

because of behaviours that were displeasi ng to God (Deuteronomy 3 :2 1 -27 ) .

This understand ing of cal l i ng acknowledges that an i ndiv idual can d isqual ify

themselves from the privi lege of leadership by certai n behaviours . The

removal of Church leaders from their posit ions i s more frequently bei ng

recogn ised as the appropriate response to csa by Church leaders (Scheper­

Hughs & Devine 2003:35) . As research partici pants and l i terature reflects

however, this involves an engagement with constructions of cal l i ng and role of

Church leaders .

Construction of Church leaders

Over a decade ago, Dal lyvale ( 1 996: 1 ) identified power as the central

issue that wou ld need to be confronted in the management of csa by

Church leaders :

Stud ies of the p roblem of clergy sexual abuse tel l u s that such abuse is primari ly about power a nd trust, not sexual ity . G iven th is , those of us who a re concerned about sexual abuse - victims, chu rch members , abusers - might want to ask ou rselves about the models of power we practice .

Dal lyvale's ( 1 996: 1 ) chal lenge conti nues to be of central relevance to

u nderstanding sexua l abuse by Church leaders and its management. I n any

organ isation the institutional culture is i nfluenced by manageria l val ues and

those in leadership positions (cf. Wal lace, Hunt & Richards 1 999; Smith & Smitz 1 994) . For the Church this responsib i l ity i s largely that of Church

88

leaders . Essentia l to th is perspective i s the role of Church l eaders as

producers of knowledge and theological knowledge in particular . Participants

d isp layed varying l evels of understand ing of thei r own power. Partici pants

identified the i r ab i l i ty to exercise power because of the i nstitut ional and

structu ra l nature of thei r positions and a lso in the form of a personal power as

i nd iv iduals in min i stry. Few partici pants denied that they had any l evel of

power as m in isters .

At times the terms power and authority were used i nter-changeably by

research partic ipants. This use of language is i nteresti ng with i n both

Foucau ltian (cf. Foucault 1 994 ; 1 976; 1 975) and Weberian (cf. Weber 1 948)

understandi ngs of power. Uti l i sing Foucault ( 1 994:326-345 ; 1 976 :92-96) ,

Chu rch leaders do not possess power as i nd ividua ls , but , rather, their ab i l ity to

ut i l i se power is contai ned i n d iscourse about their status , role and

social/rel ig ious function ; power is relational . Hence , u nderstand ing the role of

power for Church l eaders is d i rectly related to understand ing knowledges

produced a bout and through them. The impact, on enabl i ng and susta in ing

abuses by Church l eaders , by Church l eaders as knowledge producers , has

been recogn ised not only by research partic ipants , but a lso by authors such

as Brown & Brown (2000) . Foucault ( 1 994 :333) establ ishes truth production

as a s ignifi cant ele ment of pastoral power. Weber ( 1 948: 1 80) defines power

as :

. . . t h e cha nce of a m a n or a n u mber o f m e n t o rea l ize their own wi l l i n a communal action even against the resistance of others who a re participating in the action .

F o r both Foucault ( 1 994 :329; 1 976:96) a n d Weber ( 1 948: 1 80) , res istance has

a s ignifica nt role in power. For Weber ( 1 948: 1 80) power i s the abi l i ty to

overcome potentia l resistance i n the exertion of wi l l . For Foucault ( 1 976 :27-

28) there is a power i n d iscourses of resistance themselves and so power i s

never held i n monopoly by any i nd ividuals or groups. Research partici pants

articulate both u nderstand ings of power in thei r d iscussions of the i r roles and

identities as Church l eaders .

89

Some participants emphasise authority as central to u nderstanding the role of

Church leaders . Weber ( 1 948:294-295) defi nes authori ty as a ' leg itimised '

expression of power. Weber ( 1 948 :294-301 ) goes on to analyse authority as

having several bases i ncl uding , 'charismatic' and 'traditional ist' , of wh ich

'patrimon ia l ' authority is a fundamental element. Whi lst a l l of these bases of

authority are relevant to understandi ng the abi l i ty of Church leaders to

manage and i nfl uence those around them, participants typical ly see authori ty

i n ways which are consistent with charismatic authority. For Weber ( 1 948 :295-

296) charismatic authority is :

. . . a ru le over men , whether predominantly external o r predominantly interna l , to which the governed submit because of their bel ief in the extraord inary qual ity of the specific person. ( Ital ics in orig inal )

Tradit iona l ist authori ty is also understood as s ignificant by research

participants. Weber ( 1 948 :296) defines traditiona l ist authority as ' . . . the

psychic attitude-set for the traditional workday and to a bel ief in the everyday

routi ne as an i nviolable norm of conduct' . Of research partic ipants , Malaki

(non-traditional) provides the most concise articulation of th is :

I th ink there's two l ines of authority . One is you get authority from, from those who appoint you but the other authority is, is the authority a person carries in themselves , in their own character, their own integ rity , the ir own grace or confidence or what ever . . . . So my authority comes from the Directors of ******* a nd u m , and then because of our theological a nd ph i losoph ica l positions as Ch ristians. Then the d i rectors would say they got their authority from scriptu re and th rough that from God . So um, what I ' m saying is that my authority derives from human choice and I bel ieve from God as wel l .

l t i s clear that Malaki val ues the authori ty he atta ins through h is charismatic

abi l i ty to i nfl uence as wel l as the structural authority which draws on an

' i nviolable norm of conduct' val idated by scripture , others in authority and

God , which are patriarchal in composition and expression (Weber 1 948:296) .

Patriarchal authority is identified as s ignificant with in churches by some

participants .

The patriarchal structuri ng of authority i n the Church is expressed i n D inah 's

(non-traditional) above narrative of the Church being God the Father's fami ly .

As Dal lavale ( 1 996: 1 ) says , 'we do need to be aware . . . that language uses

mean ingfu l vocabulary and conveys a story about power and that these

90

stories bear fruit ' . I n th i s case the story of God as 'Heavenly Father' sacrifici ng

h i s son to redeem and reconci le human ity to d iv in ity , commun icates a

powerfu l message about the i ntri nsic patriarchal qual ity of salvation and

Christian leadersh ip ( Dal lavale 1 996 : 1 � cf. Dal lava le 1 998 ; Frow 2005) . l t is

the power, or authority, of God the Father that enables reconci l iation through

the sacrifice of the Son . This power, med iated through the Church , a lso lends

its authority to Church leaders for the commission of their roles (cf. Lennan

1 999 ; Donovan 200 1 ) . Hence , d iv ine and i nstitutional powers become

entwi ned .

Most part ici pants are able to recognise that they had certai n types of power

because of the i nstitutional affi rmation of thei r role . As Church leaders they

u nderstand that power is derived structural ly with i n the denominations they

served . Mediati ng and manag ing this power was of great concern for some

partici pants . When asked what types of power he thought he exercised in

people's l ives , John ( non-traditional ) responds with :

Sometimes real ly scary power, a h , people wil l take what I say and without any contextual isation , go with it . . . . 1 try to make su re that what I say is true a nd try and make sure that those I ' m with use the i r heads, that i t 's not b l ind fa ith , it's not bl ind fol lowing . I make su re they know I 'm n ot infa l l ib le , that I need support, I n eed to have people around me that I can ta lk to , that I can share thoughts so that they can help focus and fu nnel , so that I keep right.

For John , Foucault's ( 1 977 :27-28) power/knowledge nexus is employed as

praxis . John is clear that h is teaching is open to criticism and those who

partici pate i n h is congregation share the responsibi l i ty of generati ng

knowledge. The contribution of the congregation as thinki ng i nd ivi duals is

i nval uable to John's praxis . For John the potential of d iscourses of resistance

e merg i ng from h is congregation serves as a means of ensuri ng that h is own

posit ion not only represents 'truth ' , but a lso, that h is teach ing and leadersh ip

a re transparent and open to resistance. I n this way the power of res istance is

seen as healthy i n mai nta in ing h is expressions of power through generating

various d iscourses. For Joh n , power is somethi ng that may be used

constructively for the benefit of others . Esther (non-traditional) recogn ises this

as wel l :

9 1

. . . So the whole issue of having power, umm, so I struggled with it for a long t ime. I 've come to be more comfortable with it in the last few years beca use I see ok, I do have th is power but do I wield it for good or evi l?

In the understanding of both John and Esther, power is accompan ied with the

responsib i l i ty of ensuri ng that the existence of potentia l resistance is not

somethi ng to be overcome , but somethi ng that ensures the ongoing leg itimacy

of thei r own operation of power and constructions of themselves as Church

leaders .

John (non-traditional ) goes on to establ ish that th is particular understand ing of

h imself as a sp i ritual leader who is fa l l i ble and i n need of accountabi l i ty, is an

imperative part of forming h is identity as a Church leader both personal ly and

publ icly . John recogn ises that there is resistance to thi s model of leadership :

. . . Sometimes they don't want that, they just want a figu rehead that they can bl indly fol low. Which , I guess , is where I try and use the a uthority as a position to turn them towa rds the a uthority because of relationsh ip .

For John it i s ideal that authority is exercised through relationship which i s

based on what Weber ( 1 948 :295-296) would term h i s charismatic authority.

This authori ty revolves around the i ndividua l character of the mi n ister and

the i r ab i l i ty to enact vi rtues that are val ued i n the commun it ies they are

seeki ng to i nfl uence . Esther ( non-traditional ) d iscusses a simular situation i n

her min istry:

I 'm there to resource the people; I 'm there to su pport them in their min istry. Urn, my experience was 'no you a re the min ister, you need to lead us , you need to tel l us what to do and you need to do most of it' .

For both John and Esther their own understanding of their min i stry and the

exerci se of power at t imes d i rectly conflicts with what others expect of them .

Many participants acknowledge that a model of Church leaders that imbues

them with u ltimate authority which could not be questioned was dangerous

and faci l i tated abusive environments. Rebekah (non-traditional ) descri bes

th i s :

. . . because a lot of min isters want to say that they speak the word of God and must be l istened to, I mean that's sti l l prevalent even though I , you know, I wouldn 't hold to that and I don't actual ly th ink our pol ity hold to that, urn, some min isters real ly sti l l l ive out of the old model . So in the minds of the congregation , they are better tha n them

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because they're people of God . So they sort of put them up on a pedesta l . . . but again that's ma nipu lation , that's not appropriate behaviour.

Once again we can see that min isters as knowledge producers can mai ntai n

control over what constitutes the 'word of God ' . Rebekah suggests that th is

monopoly on truth production by Church leaders is changing .

The generation of theologica l knowledge and the appl i cation of th is

knowledge i n i nd ivid ua l and community l ife can be u nderstood as produced i n

d ifferent mode ls . Three mode ls of theology relevant here are practical

theology, l i beration theology and a more trad itional model of theology. A

traditional model of theology, doctrine and church structure sees revelation as

bei ng imposed on church la i ty from Church l eaders . l t va lues expert

knowledge, the survei l l ance of congregations by a separate powerful Church

leadership , conformity , genders the sacred i n mascu l i n ised terms and ensures

that churches rely heavi ly on , what some have argued , is exploitative

vol unteer labour (cf. Cornel l 2003) . This model sees authori ty as flowi ng i n a

l i near way from the top down . l t i s h iera rch ica l by nature and as such has an

ab i l i ty to create and uti l ise doctri ne so that a minority of leaders can control

the majority (Murray 2006: 1 66- 1 72 ; cf. de Groot 2006) . As th i s model values

conformity it d iscourages d iscourses of resistance . I n this model min isterial

praxis i s i nformed by l imited sources of revelation and easi ly man i pulated to

serve the purposes of the i nstitutional Church rather than necessari ly bei ng

reflective of 'gospel truths' (cf. Cornel l 2003 ; Murray 2006 : 1 66- 1 72 ; cf. de

Groot 2006) . This mode l is d iscussed by partici pants in terms of ideal isi ng as

bei ng separate from laity because of the cal l of God on their l ife . Rebekah

(non-traditional ) d iscusses the ways i n which congregations a nd i nd ivi duals

have not bel i eved a l legations aga inst mi n i sters because the m in ister's position

resu l ted in a d iscourse expressed as: 'he 's a man of God and he cou ldn 't

have done that' .

Doyle (2006 : 1 89) argues that traditiona l d iscourses of cleri cal ism i so late

Church leaders i n power structures and are an enabler of sexual abuse. Doyle

93

(2006 : 1 90) sees clerica l ism as a 'radical misunderstanding of the place of

cleri cs . . . ' , going on to qual ify this by sayi ng :

This pejorative "ism" is g rounded in the erroneous bel ief that clerics constitute an el ite g roup and, because of their powers as sacramental min isters , they are su perior to the la ity. These spiritual powers have historical ly led to a variety of social privi leges which in tum have regu la rly resulted in d ifferent levels of corruption .

l t i s arguable that the results of this model of power, when appl ied to csa by

Church leaders , have meant that constructions of forgiveness have been

uti l i sed to protect the i nstitution , sh ield abusing Church leaders, isolate and

d isempower victim/survivors, control the conveyance of survivor stories, and

u ltimately create spiritua l ly and emotional ly abusive envi ronments (cf. Franz

2002) .

Hazle (2003:345) argues that theology is u ndergoing a ' rebirth ' from the above

d iscourses of knowledge production . This rebirth includes a re-examination of

the methodologies used for 'theological reflection' and a new emphasis on

practical theology (cf. Grab 2005; Kelty 2005) . Practica l theology is said to be

practice centred , focussed on understanding the social world in wh ich the

Church exists , and to have grown out of social resistance to authoritarian

structu res and a 'cris is of relevance' for theology and church praxis (Hazle

2003 : 34 7 ; cf. Haynes 1 997) . Practical theology is not alone i n its contri bution

to a re-birthi ng of theology. Li beration theology is havi ng a susta ined impact

on both the content and method of theologi cal knowledge. Liberation theology

resists a traditional understanding of theology that i solates div ine revelation i n

the Bible and Church leaders a s theolog ical experts (Evans 1 992: 1 35 ; cf.

Sa insbury 2006; Rhodes 1 99 1 ) .

L iberation theology val ues revelation as coming from mult ip le sources . With in

this model , praxis is i nformed by tradition , the ecclesia , the Bib le , Church

leaders and theology. Liberation theology embraces a Bonhoefferian

understandi ng of theological development which is 'bottom up ' by nature

(Rhodes 1 991 :2-3 ) . I n th is way l i beration theology favours d isadvantaged

groups and has a socia l justice focus (cf. Evans 1 992 ; Haynes 2007; Daggers

2007) . As the objective of l i beration theology is the empowerment of

94

i nd ivi duals it a l lows for a model of leadershi p that does not place Church

leaders in a position of bei ng the only bearers and generators of theological

u nderstand ing . l t i s arguable that this way of doing theology and praxis wi l l

generate open and transparent leadersh ip that is u ltimately less ab le to be

abusive .

Li beration theology i s a 'fami ly ' of theolog ies which i s u nderstood to

encompass femi n i st theology, Latin American theology and black theology

(Rhodes 1 99 1 :8 ; cf. Smith 2006) . Femin ist theologies have offered a

cha l lenge to traditiona l theologies that typical ly gender the sacred , emphasise

gender roles that marg ina l ise women and create an excl usively mascu l i ne

priesthood (cf. Grey 1 999; Johnson 1 993; Russel l 2004) . A strong separation

of Church leaders and la ity has been of considerable concern for femin ist

theolog ians . Femin i st theolog ia n , B lohm (2006 :26) argues that despite

Protestant arguments that there should be no separation of Church leaders

and la i ty , Church l eaders rema in structural ly , theologica l ly and practical ly

secl uded from the i r congregations . I n order to decrease the gap between la i ty

and Church leaders , female Church leaders have chal lenged the

mascu l i n i sation of ritua ls by recognis ing that readi ng scri pture is a gendered

act , by adapting old ritua ls , wh i l st a lso establ ish ing new ritua ls that meet the

needs of women ( Biohm 2006 : 27: Arzt 2002 :32) . The generation of new

ritua ls i s an important step i n more thoroughly i nvolving la ity i n worsh ip and

representi ng broader conceptual isation of the sacred , incl ud i ng the sacred

female which has h istorical l y been largely ignored or denied with in Chri stian

theology (Confoy 1 997:20 1 -202; Johnson 1 993 :33-36) . For B lohm (2006:28)

women 's engagement with the ritual of the sacraments speaks profound ly on

mult ip le levels . B lohm (2006 :28) argues:

To some extent the issue of sacraments runs deeper than the issue of a uthority and preach ing because it questions women 's h u manity. Women are perceived as not being able to represent C hrist duri n g communion. Th is arg u ment g ives Christ's gender a d istinct s ign ificance in the context of incarnation theology.

For B lohm (2006:28) , female Church leaders presid ing over the Eucharist i s a

means of empoweri ng women and representi ng what are considered to be

more femin i ne traits such as hospita l i ty and nurturi ng i n the enacting of ritual .

95

The act of female Church leaders engaging i n ritual also chal lenges

constructions of women that l imit thei r human ity and thei r abi l i ty to represent

Christ. Whi lst engagement with such chal lenges represents a positive step

towards more comprehensive chi ld protection, i n that it cha l lenges patriarchal

power structures , there remains l i ttle relevant research or d iscussion on

appropriate theolog ies of ch i ldhood that empower ch i ldren i n s imi lar ways (cf.

Pattison 1 998) . This chal lenge is a pivotal element of generati ng a Christology

that is accessible to women and chi ldren (cf. Parmentier 2002) .

Feminisation of church and leadership

Some research participants expressed awareness that the i nclusion of women

i n leadersh ip withi n the Church is a s ignificant step i n addressing csa by

Church leaders . Th is was , in part, attributed by participants to csa being

constructed as a woman's i ssue . This genderi ng of csa is l imiti ng however, as

men are s ign ificant players i n addressing csa on a socia l , organ isationa l ,

i nterpersonal and pol it ica l level (cf. Scourfield 200 1 ) . Esther (non-trad itiona l )

had extensive experience in addressing csa by Church leaders with in her own

denomination and as a consultant with other denomi nations. In speaki ng of

her experience she reflected on an instance of convers ing with male Church

leaders at a retreat:

I was sort of talking to the guys 'cause all the other people that were there , I mean there were a number of women but they just hadn 't turned up that year, and I was rea l ly shocked I sort of sa id 'you know, I'm find ing this whole sexual abuse thing , you know, because I 'm having people come to me , you know, once a fortn ight, once a month whether it's with in the Church or sexual abuse in their fami ly or what ever, you know I'm find ing it rea l ly hard ' . . . . And there was this stunned si lence and none of them had had anybody come forward in the three years ( laugh ing) . And I 'm just l ike , how is that possible?

In Esther's assessment her experience of being overwhelmed by d isclosures

of sexual abuse within the Church , as wel l as with i n fami l ies associated with

the Church , was in part d ue to both her gender and the nature of bei ng a

church leader. Esther asserts:

I th ink being a woman minister I had a lot of people coming to me. Umm, I 'm sure there are guys who have lots of people coming to them, but that was not my experience with my clergy friends and that was not my experience in *******.

96

Esther demonstrates that the power i nherent with the position of Church

leader can be uti l i sed not only to assist v ictim/survivors and the i r fami l ies but,

in doing so , to resist an occupational culture that enables Church leaders to

act abusively and a lso to act compl icity i n response to csa by thei r fel low

Church leaders . Wh i lst Esther v iews the contributions of female Church

leaders i n a positive l ight , early resistance to female Church leaders

constructed them as a threat to the nature of the i nstitution of the Church i tself

(cf. Col l i ns 2006 ; Watson 200 1 ) .

l t has been argued that even a 'femin isation ' of Church leaders compris i ng

30% wou ld have the potential to generate s ignifi cant impact on ' . . . clergy

rel ig ious practice ; on rel ig ious doctri ne, pol ity and tradition ; and consequently

on rel ig ion as a socia l i nstitution . . . ' (Nesbit 1 997 :585,586) . The dominance of

God the Father in B ib l ical l i terature and analysis manifests in entrenched

systems of patriarchy throughout Chri stian tradition , language and church

structures (Sock 1 967 :53 1 ; cf. Reisbrodt & Chong 1 999) . Throughout church

h istory , however, there have always been orders of women and women i n

leadershi p that have contributed significantly to t he admi n istration o f the

Christian gospel . F requently these women have not received publ ic

acknowledgement nor have they been recogn ised for thei r contri butions in

ways that male Church leaders have (N ixson 1 997 : 1 5-22) . Ruether (2000 :70-

7 1 ) identifies that the cel i bate service of women i n both Protestant and

Cathol ic orders was a means of women rejecting subjection to a male head

through marriage, d u ri ng the reformation era . The Roman Cathol ic Church

today mai ntai ns an adamant stance that the priestly vocation should be the

doma i n of cel i bate men , thus , perpetuating patriarchal construct ions of

leadershi p a nd authori ty ( l gebreston 1 999:7 1 ; Scheper-Hughs & Devine

2003 : 1 5) .

Femin ist theolog ians have contri buted sign ificantly to chal lengi ng patriarchal

constructions of Church leaders , church tradit ion and teach ing about the

abi l i ty and rights of women to access Church leadersh ip positions (cf. Col l i ns

2006; Watson 2001 ) . This has meant a chal lenge to patriarcha l constructions

97

of Church leaders as 'father' i n the fami ly of God . Sock ( 1 967 :531 ) argued that

the role of Church leaders has:

. . . not only been defined as mascul ine but as "sacredly" mascul ine. The father figure , a prominent feature of Christian ity, is a lso a predominant ingredient in the image of clergy. Sacred trad ition has therefore helped mainta in the boundaries of the clerica l trad ition .

The roles and functions of both the Church and Church leaders today are

faci ng ongoi ng change (cf. Haynes 1 997 ; Hazle 2003; Buxton 2005; Bouma

1 998) . This ongoing change is a significant element of addressi ng csa by

Church leaders .

As d iscussed earl ier, the re-writing and new development of ritual , along with

the ord ination and min istry of female priests , are chal lenging to entrenched ,

gendered structures , wh ich have been recogn ised as faci l i tati ng abusive

environments (cf. Cozzens et al. 2004; Hunter & Sargent 1 993) . B lohm

(2006 :30) recognises, however, that it shou ld not be assumed that the

presence of female priests and thei r ind ividual min istries are empoweri ng for

other women i n churches . Further, the ordi nation of female priests does not

necessari ly pose a comprehensive chal lenge to the exclusiveness of the

priesthood (Biohm 2006 :30; Nesbit 1 997:586-587) . Bri tton (2000:424)

differentiates between the femin isation of organ isations and social i nstitutions

and an i ncrease i n women occupying particu lar roles. Whi lst some authors

have attributed i nflation i n numbers of women i n particu lar roles as

femin isation , Britton (2004 :424) argues that th is fa i ls to differentiate between

sex and gender and that:

Describ ing an occupation as femin ized or mascul in ized , or more generica l ly , as gendered , is not at a l l the same as noting that it is male or female dominated and conflating the two may keep us from seeing contexts in which male-dominated work, for example, is more or less mascul in ized or may obscure the historical process through which defin itions of gender appropriate work are shaped .

lt is evident that the i nclusion of female Church leaders i s central to

addressing abuse by Church leaders along with a new construction of Church

leaders , thei r role and thei r place in churches (cf. Sheper-Hughs & Devine

2003 ; Doyle 2006). Appl ication of Britton's (2004:424) point is that this should

not be taken for g ranted and often involves complex processes . A s ign ificant

consideration in such processes is power which presents a concern i n

98

u nderstand ing the rol e and construction of Church leaders . The i mp l ication of

th i s power for many partici pants was the need for greater education for

Church leaders i n i mp lementi ng and maintai n ing appropriate boundari es i n

min i stry .

Power, gender and professional boundaries

The i ssue of boundary maintenance is present i n some research i nterviews.

Ma le partici pants , in particular , d isplayed an awareness of their perceived

need to set boundaries duri ng the research i nterview process. Interestingly

though , research partici pants at times art icu lated a particu lar sensitivity to

setti ng up and mai nta in i ng professional boundaries when working with women

and ch i ldren i n particu lar. For some partic ipants this is a d irect result of social

and media attention to sexua l misconduct by Church l eaders , i nclud i ng csa by

Church leaders . James (traditiona l ) was notably aware of what he perceived

as h i s responsib i l ity to manage h is body language and the placement of h is

body i n relat ion to others . He d iscussed an i nteraction we had prior to our

i nterview commenci ng , sayi ng :

I ' l l take a risk and say th is to you , I d idn 't make a thing of it bu t I said to you , "may I , I ' l l lead going up the sta i rs . " I don't walk up a , a small set of sta irs beh ind some hapless female who's trying to keep her dress straight a nd I mean . . . a l l the th ings to try and g ive a person space and comfort.

The gendered constructions in th i s statement a re clear. James considers it a

risk for h im to even ra i se th is poi nt, but goes on to i nd i rectly characterise me

as a 'hapless female ' who needed to be extended space to control her

cloth ing . James contextual i ses our i nterview in power d iscourses in that he

accepts responsib i l i ty to maintai n professional bou ndaries and protect both

h im , and myself, from uncomfortable , un i ntended physical exposure . I n

add it ion to thi s , James outl i nes further methods b y which he protects both

h imself, and me , from actua l and perceived boundary violations. These

methods i ncl uded ensuri ng ' . . . there's people around the office, the women

know you ' re here and I know who you are and what we're ta l ki ng about' . That

it is my female body that needs protection from exposure , and that it is

necessary to poi nt out that i t is 'the women ' who are aware of my presence ,

i nd icates that James ho lds a consciousness of the gendered nature of h is

99

professional relationsh ip with me and h is own perception of the power of h is

position . James acknowledges that he accepts a responsib i l i ty i n boundary

mai ntenance even though I was not a member of h is congregation . He goes

on to contrast the early days of his career where Church leaders were less

aware of issues of boundary management:

. . . there has been a huge loss of confidence in clergy and churches and so I guess , as never before, I 'm real ly conscious of body language . . . . I 'm as frank as I can be and urn, I try to put people, locate them in a way and locate myself in a way that's not int imidating or inappropriate. But that's rea l ly on the front now, in a way in a way that I 'd not have thought about that way twenty years ago . . .

James d i rectly attributes h is heightened awareness to a loss of trust i n Church

leaders and the Church . For him th is was a change in pastoral praxis that was

i n itiated by i ncreased personal and social awareness of the capacity for

Church leaders to be abusive . For James, part of h is personal management

i s to be as 'frank' , or transparent, as possible where he can . Aaron

(Pentecosta l ) d iscussed si mi lar methods of exp la in ing to female staff what we

were doi ng and the reason for the i nterview taki ng place i n a particu lar room.

Boundary mai ntenance was constructed as bei ng about sex and gender. Th is

was articulated by Aaron i n a s imi lar way to James. Where James d iscussed

his boundary mai ntenance in terms of being in pastoral envi ronments with

women , so too d id Aaron :

. . . I have to bui ld a lot of protection mechan isms around myself. I won 't spend urn, t ime with , I wou ldn 't counsel a woman without ............ .. [Aaron's wife] with me. I ' l l ta lk and I ' l l get to a certain level and I ' l l say "look, we need to, you know, wou ld you be open to some counsel l ing together about that? I think we can do someth ing about that a nd I 'd l ike ............ [Aarons' wife] to be with us when we do that.

For Aaron this was because 'lt just protects me from myself . Aaron exp la ined

that he d id not take simi lar precautions when he was i n cou nsel l i ng situations

a lone with men because he was not tempted by homosexua l i ty . Th is i nd icates

a concern for loss of control i n the face of potentia l temptation , rather than

James' position which was more focussed on recogn isi ng the reputations of

Church leaders . Both Aaron and James accepted that it was their

responsib i l ity to establ ish appropri ate boundaries long before any potentia l

abuse could occur. Tru l l & Carter (2004:83-84) assert that Church leaders

1 00

shou ld be tra i ned to be aware of thei r own potentia l for 'sexua l misconduct'

and a ppropriate ways to set and mainta i n boundaries throughout the i r m in istry

to ensure that power i s not exercised i nappropriately (cf. Brown & Brown

2000 ; Horst 200 1 a ; 2002 ) .

I n add ition to Church leaders ' awareness of the i r professional responsi b i l ity to

mai nta i n appropriate boundaries , the management of fami ly l i fe and the

generation of appropriate expressions of intimacy have d rawn i ncreased

attention i n addressi ng abuse by Church leaders . Benyei ( 1 998 : 1 6 1 - 1 64)

argues that i t is the responsib i l ity of seminaries , congregations and Church

leaders to conti nue to educate themselves and others on the need for Church

leaders to be able to spi ritua l ly support themselves through self-understandi ng

and appropriate relationsh ips . Aaron (Pentecosta l) h igh l ights h is maintenanc�

of h ealthy relationshi ps as a s ign ificant element i n h is protective behaviou rs

and h is management of power i n the l ives of others :

You can on ly do it by genu ine ly trying to keep you r relationsh ip with God good . I make sure I have a good relationsh ip with my wife , that's vita l . That, I mea n , I 'm talk ing a sexual relationsh ip as wel l as any other relationsh ip . . . . So if I 've got a lack of int imacy in my l ife then that's going to outwork itself somehow.

For Naomi (traditional ) this i ssue of i ntimacy is paramount in the expectations

p laced on Church leaders . N aomi recogn ises that congregations often place

un reasonable dema nd s on Church leaders in their expectations that they be

ava i lable without l im itation . Naomi sees a d irect l i nk between demands a nd

expectat ions of Church leaders and thei r abi l ity to l ive healthy l i festyles:

I 'm very interest ing , interested in what parishes , the expectations we put on people l i ke priests, in terms of u m , expecting them to be a lways avai lab le , urn , there's often no clear boundaries about their relationsh ips , u m , how, how do they deal with the i r own needs for int imacy. So I mean the other stuff is parishes putting on , on that you ' re a godl ike person you don't need the normal th ings that the rest of us do in terms of being able to u m , manage and l ive a healthy emotional l ife . . . . So I see it as bit of a two way street.

Naomi 's concern is supported in academic l i terature. l t has been argued that

an i ncreasing number of Church l eaders are us ing thei r fami l ies as a 'moral

bu lwark against the expansive demands of the i r vocation ' (Mel low 2002 :707) .

Because Church leaders are often constructed as doing 'God 's work' they are

often perceived as needi ng to place their professional work above al l other

1 0 1

demands (Mel l ow 2002 :7 1 0) . Cloud & Townsend ( 1 992: 1 03) argue that thi s i s

a common myth about boundaries with in Christian thought but that it is not

l imited to Church leaders.

The i ssue of Church leader burnout and an i nabi l ity to manage professional

and persona l demands has received i ncreased attention (cf. Tomic , Tomic &

Evers 2002) . Mel low (2002:707) argues that the va lu ing of fami ly represents

a:

. . . s ignificant rejection of a mascul in ist stance that prioritizes career over fami ly and may signal a sh ift in the way clergy understand the relationsh ip between their work and fami ly l ife (sic) .

lt i s clear from participants , as i n l i terature , that the maintenance of i ntimate

fami l ia l and friendsh ip relationsh ips is becoming recognised as a val uable

method of preventi ng abuses by Church leaders (Benyei 1 998 : 1 6 1 -1 64 ; cf.

Froehl ich et al. 2006) . lt i s arguable that Church leaders who recogn ise their

need for i nti macy, and bui ld healthy relationsh ips, wi l l be less l i kely to act

abusively towards others . These discussions are usual ly generated i n

relationship to Church leaders abuse of adult women rather than csa by

Church leaders (cf. Garland 2006; Leif 200 1 ) . As such , they fai l to adequately

account for the psycholog ical dynamics of paedophi l i a that recogn ise it as an

i l l ness or psycholog ica l deficiency (cf. James 2005; Egan , Kavanagh & Bla i r

2005) . I n the i nstances d iscussed , partici pants specifical ly outl i ne thei r praxis

i n terms of their pastoral relationships with adult women and the

consequences of critical attention to abuse by Church leaders . Partici pants

identify the i mpact of thi s on their self-image as Church leaders as wel l as

the i r praxis i n relati ng to both women and ch i ldren (Mc0onough1 995: 1 03-

1 05) .

Church leaders' relationsh ips with adult peers, i nclud i ng adu l t women , can be

a useful i nd ication of thei r emotional , spi ritual and sexua l health . Although it i s

recognised that chi ld sex offenders comprise a h igh ly d iverse group , research

i nd icates that ch i ld sex offenders may have poor socia l ski l l s resulti ng in mal­

adaptive or barely existent relationships with peers (Grossman , Martis &

Fi chner 1 999 :355; B lanchette 1 996:2 1 ; Johnson & Ronken 2005 :2) . This

1 02

becomes problematic , however, when p laced i n the context of 'min i stry' .

Naomi (trad itional ) d iscusses how the perception of Church l eaders l imited

others ' ab i l ity to identify dysfunctional and potentia l ly abusive behaviours .

Naomi narrates her own encounters with thi s :

. . . the u rn , pra ise that's a lmost g iven t o urn, people who supposed ly show this selfless behaviour. So , you know, occasional ly you ' l l get in schools , let's take a male school , you get a rel ig ious person who urn , does a l l sorts of stuff off h is own back in terms of taking g roups of boys out for weekends and stuff l ike th is . I have been in s ituations where I 've been one of the few people to say 'wel l I actua l ly th ink it 's urn , fa i rly abnormal that that person never comes into the staffroom , never e ngages in a n y adu lt relationsh ips . ' . . . . And you 're a lone voice because you then have the rest of the school saying '0 but aren 't they wonderful , look at what they' re doing , he takes out a l l those urn boys for the weekend , those parents are so gratefu l ' . . . .

Naomi recogn ises that perceptions of Church leaders as selfless, and without

appropriate bou ndaries , may i n fact function to enable chi ld sexua l abuse .

Th is i nd icates that there i s a need for a growing amount of education , tra in ing

and research that enables Church leaders to l ive hol istic manageable

l ifestyles (cf. Mel low 2002 ; Pickard 1 999; Lee 1 999) . In l i ne with th is , there is

benefit i n chu rches becoming educated in i nd icators of predatory behaviour

and exercis ing wisdom in identifying envi ronments , structures and ind ivid ua ls

who are l i kely to enable an abusive exercise of power (Parki nson 2003 :297-

3 1 5) . Recognis i ng and addressing the above i ssues is fou nded on

recognis ing power held by Church leaders. A l imited number of participants

a rgue that they had no power i n thei r roles as Church leaders .

Where partici pants deny that they held power i n thei r roles they d id not

necessari ly deny that people perceive them as havi ng power. Noah

(Pentecostal ) argues that there was a d ifference between his personal view of

h is posit ion a nd what others may see . Noah argues:

. . . Some might see i t as being a powerfu l post. I don 't. I see myself as a friend to a l l the fel lowsh ip .

For Noah h is role was less one of spiritua l leadersh ip that acknowledged

power d iffere ntia ls , but more , a neutral role of friend . He did not expand on

what it meant to be a friend , but his understand i ng of relationship between

h imself and other members of h i s church reveals l i ttle conceptual i sation of the

1 03

power i nherent i n help ing professions (cf. Gui lfoyle 2005; Lief 200 1 ) . Even i n

h i s role a s a counsel lor Noah contends:

I don't think I have power, I th ink it's a matter of ah, relationsh ip and , and therapy. You know I th ink that's the way to go about it, a h , I ' m not i nto any sort of power games. Urn, there's a genu ine need , there's genu ine help avai lable.

At the very least, with i n Noah's construction of h is roles there i s the power to

reject those requesti ng help by the qual ification of 'genuine need ' and the

offer of 'genu i ne hel p ' .

Whi lst it i s evident that social perceptions of the Church and Church leaders

have been undergoing change, underestimating the ongoi ng abi l i ty of Church

leaders to exercise power i n their congregations is fraught with d ifficult ies and

l i kely to result in ongoing abuse by Church leaders (cf. Doyle 2006) . D inah

(tradit ional) argues:

I th ink the min isters wil l sti l l have that role of authority and power with in a congregation . Urn, a lot of them wi l l play it down whereas it used to be held on to I , I th ink even 20, 30 years ago and previous to that, that position of role , of that role of authority and power was urn accepted by the min ister and was urn, you know, played on in a sense by the min ister. Whereas now it seems that's p layed down by min isters , they don't want to be seen as having that much authority and power, they want to be equal with parishioners , they want to have friends in the parish . Urn, they play it down but it's sti l l there , it sti l l exists . . . if they don' t recognise it that's when i t gets dangerous.

As Dinah so clearly articulates , rejecti ng or downplayi ng power i s a dangerous

position for Church leaders to take. Dinah, i n particular , i dentifies the ways i n

wh ich d iscourses of resistance are enacted to clarify identity constructions , i n

th is case of Church leaders . For Dinah , Church leaders are u ndertaking

resistance of identities as positional ly powerfu l in ways that previous

generations of Church leaders have not. Noah (Pentecostal ) clearly draws on

an identity d iscourse in h is explanation of his role and so seeks to establ ish

h imself as a recogn isable subject , undertaking a particular role as a Church

leader, that min imises h is positional power (cf. Butler 2004) . H is chosen

identity d iscourse is one of friend but it is th is very d iscursive identity that

Dinah recogn ises as problematic when appl ied to Church leaders in thei r

professional settings . The role , construction and power of Church leaders are

further u nderstood with in the context of the social role of churches.

1 04

Social role of the C h u rch

Research participants see the socia l role and identity of the Church as

re levant to understa nd ing and addressi ng csa by Church leaders . This

posit ion is not un ique to Austra l ian churches (cf. Crisp 2004; Fernando & Gross 2006) . As far as social role i nforms identity , partic ipants recogn ise a

socia l role for the Church i n terms of provid i ng mora l standards and

accountabi l ity , mora l resistance to socia l decay, as wel l as welfare and

educational services . For Aaron ( Pentecosta l ) the Church has a clear role and

responsib i l ity:

So as a Church structure . . . in a society it g ives some support and some umm, teaching and some encouragement to stick to what you bel ieve to be true . And so I bel ieve that if , if churches with in Austra l ia just stopped overn ight the , the mora l ity and the issues that we face , that society would decl ine in structure and start to fa l l a part.

W hat i s often questioned i s the Church's changing ab i l ity to have impact i n

post-modern societies that often reject c la ims of absolute truth and more

'traditional ' mora l mandates (cf. Murray 2007; de Groat 2006 ; Haynes 1 997) .

D i nah (non-traditiona l ) q ual ifies the abi l i ty of the Church to have i mpact i n its

local commu n ities as wel l as socia l and pol it ica l forums :

. . . the more l ibe ra l churches probably wou ldn 't have much of an impact , but I guess what I 'm trying to say is the closer you are to what the genera l commun ity bel ieves , the less influence you ' re going to have and the more opposite you a re to what the genera l popu lation holds dear, the more influence you' l l have.

From these partic ipants we see that the churches can be defined by d iffering

l evels of appositional resistance to community mora l standards . For Dinah , i n

particular, th i s is i ntimately l i nked to the Church adopti ng discursive resistance

to general socia l d iscourses . For many partici pants a s ignificant component of

socia l power practised by the Church i s held i n the transmission of d iscourses

that address moral decay. For Hol ly (non-trad itional) this res istance i ncludes

the need to address chi ld protection both in the Church , commun it ies and

fam i l ies . Hol l y argues:

We should be more proactive , you know, we need to be an exa mple of being proactive , of being clean , l ike putting out everything to be checked out, you know, by being open , you know. Yeah we stuff up , but th is is what we're doing a bout i t , I th ink we need to be real ly open .

1 05

Hol ly's depiction of the Church as being open is reflective of Malaki 's

assertion that i n order to genuinely be 'church ' there must be h igh levels of

transparency.

lt can be argued that research participants are demonstrati ng a Foucaultian

( 1 994 :326-33 1 ) understand ing of power and resistance. For these participants

resistance is a part of the i nteractions , or relationshi p , between the Church

and the world and so is a means of identifyi ng the Church . l t can be

understood then , that this use of power/knowledge and relational power are

key to u nderstandi ng identities of the Church today and throughout h istory. I n

terms of relational power, one of the greatest criticisms of the Chu rch

regard ing csa by Church leaders , is that leadership has seemingly embraced

bu l ly tactics, man ipu lation , deceit and incompetence (Porter 2003 :5) . This i s

not on ly hypocritical but begs the question of whether an i nstitution can

ma i nta i n one identity, or organisational character, wh i lst acti ng counter to th is .

For some research partici pants service provision is related to a perceived loss

of trust in the Church and Church leaders because of abuse by Church

leaders and i nconsistencies in its management.

Service provision and trust

Churches have often been socia l ly identifiable by the services they provide to

communit ies. The Salvation Army provides a clear example of an organ isation

that i s known more for i ts services to communities than for its theolog ica l

stance (cf. The Salvation Army 2007) . For many, social action and evangel ism

have been inseparable from Christ ians' mandate to be in the world , but 'not of

the world ' (John 1 7 : 1 4- 1 6) . I n this thinki ng , Christians have a responsib i l ity to

engage with social reform and through this engagement share the Gospel of

Jesus Christ (Stott 1 999: 1 -7) . This mandate is only partia l ly complete if

Christians ignore socia l i ssues l i ke i njustice and poverty, but preach for the

'salvation of souls ' . For Jesson (2003: 1 ) :

Missions and service provide the opportunity for Christian people of numerous confessionally-isolated communities to gather together and share in the common goals of service to the poor and the marginal ised , of witness to peace and justice, and of bui ld ing the city of God .

1 06

Jesson (2003 : 1 ) recogn ises that churches who are often divided on doctrine

mai nta i n a common des ire to e ngage in service . In this way a mandate to

service may be a com mon e lement of i dentity that crosses denominational

d i vides .

For research partici pants the provision of services to communi ti es i s central to

the Church 's socia l role and identity. For example , Mary ( non-traditiona l )

argues of her own denomi nation :

We th ink we have an important role i n society by virtue of our provision of community and educational services and that in some areas in l ife that a lso means that we have a right to be heard because of the people we work with .

Mary makes a l i nk between service provis ion and having a voice i n terms of

socia l pol icy. Rebekah (non-tradi tional) arg ues a s imi lar l i ne from a h istorical

perspective :

. . . h istorica l ly the Church i n Austral ia s ince European settlement has been powerfu l . . . . They provided a lot of services, umm, social services. They provided a lot of schools , education , that sort of thing . So they were seen as people of power, but it's a lso this understanding that 'they wou ld be good people' .

For these research participants there is an u nderstandi ng that with service

provis ion came the rig ht to have a voice i n terms of social pol i cy and that this

voice should be defi n itive of churches . These research partici pants are

engaging a d iscursive construction of the i dentity of the Church . The language

of service i s offered as an explanation not only of the Church's socia l role , but

a lso of the identity of the Church as being comprised of 'good people'

(Rebekah) . What is i nteresti ng i s that the right to generate socia l knowledge is

premised on the recogn ition of churches as provid ing socia l services which

are often sources of knowledge d iscourses . Rebekah clearly identifies schools

and educatio n as such services. Josiah (non-traditiona l ) argues :

I th i nk the Church needs to be more vocal about a h , what they see is ah , a re the rea l issues, the social res ponsib i l ity . . . . In many ways um, the Church has been the leaders i n socia l reforms over the many years um , with s lavery and everyth ing else and school ing and stuff. And why should they stop now? So I th ink , um , you know the Church needs to be , it needs to be a rea l firebal l i nstitution with in , in a community.

1 07

For these partici pants the Church is a dynamic organisation with a socia l

voice and responsibi l ity that may be compromised by fai l u re to act on these .

Phoebe (non-traditional) provides a summary of these positions:

. . . one way of putt ing it is that in the gospel that we bel ieve in , we actually hold the truth urn, and that without it the world's lost. Urn, and you can put that into any kind of context social ly, urn, I th ink we have a say about everything from, from pol itics to how we urn, deal with each other on a personal level to how we dea l with our fami l ies to how we care for ind ividuals.

For Phoebe the possession of a particular d iscourse , the truth , supposes that

the Church has a specific responsibi l ity to generate d iscourse i n a number of

areas and so engage with the world through power/knowledge (cf. Foucault

1 976; 1 980) . Whi lst this perceived mandate of the Church is expressed clearly

by partici pants , there is a lso a strong recogn ition that th is , a long with

Rebekah's assertion that church goers were seen as 'good people ' , has

resulted i n an i ncreased trust i n church personnel and the Church as a socia l

i nstitution . This trust is seen by research partici pants as key in enabl i ng csa

by Church leaders .

For many perpetrators trust is developed , not on ly with i ntended

victim/survivors , but a lso with their parents and guard ians , and i s recognised

as part of grooming processes (Wi l l iams & Draganich 2006 :7 ) . This trust may

form a part of the ir occupation and is s ignificant not only in faci l itati ng abuse

but a lso i n faci l itati ng si l ence and denial once the abuse has occurred (cf.

Su l l i van & Beech 2004) . Th is is reflected in partici pants' understand ing of

d isbel ief that Church leaders have behaved abusively because of

constructions of their character. S imi larly victim/survivors of csa have often

reported that they have not been bel ieved because perpetrators have

invested in i ntimate relationsh ips that enable them to exercise high level s of

trust and construct themselves as 'good men ' (Wi l l iams & Draganich 2006 :7) .

Bel ief i n the perpetrators' trustworthi ness over bel ief i n a chi ld 's d isclosure has

been recogn ised as a significant issue in addressing csa (Wi l l iams &

Draganich 2006 :8- 1 0 ; cf. Kennedy 2000) .

1 08

Research partici pants recogn ised that the ways i n wh ich fami l i es easi ly

extended trust to the Church have played a sign i ficant role in the faci l itat ion of

csa by Church leaders . Rebekah (non-tradi tional) for example , reflects on the

role of trust in chi ld care with i n churches :

. . . you can have new corners that come along to the Sunday morn ing service and there ' l l be ch i ld care avai lable i f you want to take your kids out there, but they' l l just rock up to a person who's just appeared that Sunday and say "0 I 'm happy to take your baby outside and look after it for you ' . Wel l you wou ld never g ive your baby to a stranger that you d idn 't know. But they somehow, they think that because they' re working for the Church this person wi l l agree to it .

Rebekah goes on to d iscuss how th is may not necessari l y be a mal i cious

situat ion where abuse i s intended but, none the less, i t reflects inappropriate

ways of approach ing chi ld protection . I nstead churches must continue to

make s ign ificant steps towards d eveloping new ways of understand ing trust

wh ich i ncl ude an exploration of theology that i nforms the praxis of leadersh ip

with i n chu rches. For James (traditional ) the i ssue of trust is central to

expla in i ng the vulnerab i l ity of churches to predators :

. . . lt 's a pederast 's parad ise . . . . We're s itting ducks and ah , helping in homes and end ing up babysitting and doing th ings. When I said gung ho earl ier, ah , I m ight have never met you before i n my l ife but I ' l l say to the congregation , " I 'm looking for some volunteers for youth group or doing th is , and by the way is there anyone who'd be wi l l ing to do some babysitting for young umm . . . fami l ies, where they'd be b lah , b lah , b lah . " Death rol ls up , ****** says to Death , "Yeah , yeah , yeah , g reat i f I send you to Mrs X wil l you" . But heck, you could be anybody. Urn, a nd that's how we conducted our business. That's a farce . U nti l someth ing went d esperately wrong .

For James, churches have been forced to reth i nk naive and trusti ng attitudes

because of i ncreased social awareness of csa . This is also seen as having an

impact on the socia l i dentity of the Church . For many partici pants addressing

csa i n mean ingfu l ways was made a l l the more important because of

perceptions of lost trust i n churches and Church leaders . Rebekah relates

th i s loss of trust to a loss of power for churches , saying ;

O n the whole I th ink they've actual ly lost their power. Um, they used to have a strong voice that people took as credib le . I th ink , on the whole, that people don't see it that way any more . But having said that I th ink there are some critica l times in people's l ives when they turn to the Church . . . a decreasing percentage on what it was but I th ink it's sti l l s ign ificant, and one of those times I th ink wou ld be death.

This sense of lost trust i s seen as a force for reshap ing church commun it ies

and cultures i n terms of awareness of ch i ld protection and management.

1 09

For partici pants this loss of trust has had the most profound effect on the role

of Church leaders i n churches and broader commun ities . For Dinah

(traditiona l ) there i s an i ncreased level of suspicion of Church leaders ;

I have people saying to me um, 'my kids have invited their friends from school along to youth group and the parents say but what's the min ister l ike, what's the Church l ike and I hear there's paedophi les in churches . . . ' . So they're not going to easily and wi l l ingly let their kids go to youth group um, l ike they used to.

l t is clear that in partici pants' minds the Church has been far too trusti ng of

Church leaders , expected too much trust, and because of abuse with i n

churches, have lost that trust. Further, the Church has been constructed as a

place where paedophi les are present i n a way that has become s ign ificant to

the identity of the Church . I n this way, research participants acknowledge that

the socia l ly recogn ised identity of the Church is impacted by d iscourses of

mistrust. This can be understood as recognition of the role of

power/knowledge in identity formation (cf. Foucau lt 1 980; Butler 2004)

Conclusion

This chapter has explored the role of discourses in developing the identity of

the Church and Church leaders . Power is understood as a primary issue, not

only i n the ways that d iscourses function to bu i ld the identities of the Church

and Church leaders , but a lso in the ways that abusive Church leaders engage

with the Church and are managed . This is s ignificantly recogn isable in flaws i n

identity attributed to i nd ividua ls , especia l ly Church leaders, with in churches .

Significant to the identi ty attributed to both i nd ividuals and the Church are

d iscourses of trust wh ich enabled access to potentia l victims for abusive

Church leaders and l imited the capacity of churches to respond to abuse. I n

response to th is , new d iscourses are emerg ing i n churches which value the

imposition of both legis lati ve and church imposed requ i rements for screen ing

potential leadership candidates . Screening mechanisms are considered to

partia l ly function as a way of weedi ng out potentia l ly abusive Church leaders

and so identifying potential threats before they are able to be real ised . This i s

s ign ificant i n that it i nvolves a new identity construction for many

denominations as not only trusting of Church leaders, but a lso d iscern ing and

1 1 0

I I

protective of chi ld ren . Such d iscourses act to resist previous d iscourses as

identified by research partici pants as bri ng i ng negative attributes the Church's

social identity . In th i s process of the d iscursive construction of identity ,

Foucault 's (cf. 1 977 ; 1 980) power/knowledge thesis and Butler's (cf. 2004 ;

1 997) work on language and performativity , provide s ign ifi cant ways of

understand i ng the function of power i n identity formation and performance .

For example , specific d iscourses such as 'ca l l i ng ' and 'gender' have been

seen here as pivotal to bu i ld i ng and performing identity . These d iscourses

have , in turn , had a s ign ificant i mpact on the perpetration and management of

csa by Church leaders . Chapter 4 conti n ues an exploration of Church leaders

and csa , further focussi ng on i ssues of gender and explori ng concepts of

sexua l ity and chi l dhood .

I l l

Chapter 4

In bed with God: sexuality, theology and csa by Church leaders

Whoever welcomes one such ch i ld in my name welcomes me; and whoever ensnares one of these l ittle ones who trust me, it wou ld be better for h im to have hung a mi l lstone around his neck and be d rowned in the open sea (Matthew 1 8 :5-6 CJB) .

Sexual justice honours sexual wel l-being as a significant d imension of the good of persons (E I Iison 1 996:4) .

Introduction

The purposes of this chapter are to d iscuss and contextua l ise research

partici pants' explanations of csa by Church leaders, taki ng the particular focus

of concepts of sexual ity and gender. This chapter seeks to display the role of

power i n research partici pants' understandi ngs of gender, sexual ity and csa .

I n thi s way, i t continues to demonstrate the ways i n which power has been

uti l i sed through constructions of Church leaders , forg iveness , repentance a nd

denial . Research partici pants saw csa as a sexual act wh i lst, i n the majority of

cases , expressing a sensitivity to the necessity of i ncluding power i n the i r

analysis of csa by Church leaders . Issues of power and sexua l i ty were a lso

evident in d iscussions by research participants of sexual ity as taboo . l t was

recogn ised that a perceived taboo in speaki ng about sex i n general has

contri buted to taboos of speaking about csa , particularly csa by Church

leaders . Foucault ( 1 976 : 1 7-24) provides i nsight i nto the value of

understanding d iscourses of sexual ity and particularly sexual taboo for

churches throughout h istory. Discourses of censure and mora l i ty rema ined

h igh ly relevant to participants' u nderstanding of the Church's perceived

identity as the moral guard ian of sexual ity and sexual expression .

Research participants a lso demonstrated concern for the development of

theologies of chi ldhood . The absence of adequate theologies of chi ldhood

was seen to contribute to the perpetration of csa by Church leaders and

church mismanagement. Th is was i n part seen as l i nked to i nadequate

1 1 2

-

l anguage by which ch i ldren cou ld report csa by Church leaders and through

which chu rches cou ld u nderstand thei r experiences. Although it was

recognised that there was B ib l ical d iscourse of ch i ld abuse and sexual

violence , th i s was not seen as adequately u nderstood or uti l ised with i n

churches to further empower v ictim/su rvivors of csa by Church leaders . I n

expla in ing csa by Church leaders , research partici pants read i ly drew on

d iscourses of sex, sexua l ity , gender and chi ldhood .

Sex, sexual ity, gender and explanations of offending

Theological d i scussion of sexua l i ties has in part been triggered by the crises

of csa by Church leaders . Theologica l d iscourses of sexual it ies have pri mari ly

been generated by queer and femin ist theolog ians seeking to question and

extend theolog ical , especial ly Christological , understanding (cf. Bonache

2003 ; Boisvert 2006) . By agitati ng agai nst entrenched i nterpretations of

B ib l ica l d iscourse around sexual i ty and gender, queer and femin ist

theolog ians have provided an i nval uable critique of patriarchal ,

heteronormative constructions of sexua l i ty wh ich have contributed to

environments where chu rches have been both secretive and compl i cit i n thei r

responses to csa by Church leaders (Feenan 2005: 1 24 ; Yip 2003:60-6 1 ) . This

ra ises questions of whether a theology of sexua l i ty that is adequate for

addressi ng csa by Church leaders has existed , or exists now, i n chu rches and

their i nstitutions .

Theologian Andrew Yip (2003 : 63) argues that churches have had a theology

of sexual i ty . I ndeed , as research partici pants have pointed out, the Church

has been known for a theology of sexual ity that is repressive and prohi bitive i n

nature (cf. Rosenau & Sytsma 2004 ; Walker 2004b) . I n l i ght of this , sexual i ty

has been identified as a key component that churches wi l l need to address

with g reater courage and flexib i l i ty if they a re to rema in relevant to the cultures

i n which they exist. This wil l mean that churches must find new ways of

approach ing sexual i ty that go beyond particu lar gen ital acts (Yip 2003 :63 ;

Rosenau & Sytsma 2004:261 ) . For Yip (2003:63) :

This new approach would require that churches rel inquish their current 'theology of sexual ity' that uses scripture and trad ition l itera l ly

1 1 3

to inform understanding of human sexuality. Th is theology is a safe option , but it is an option that increasingly al ienates the churches from a fruitful solution and mean ingfu l engagement with the people whose spiritua l welfare they profess to care about.

Chal lenging traditional theologies of sexual ity means that chu rches may see

sexua l i ty as part of a pursu it of just ice and about drawing out new critiques of

the exercise of power i n churches . Sophia (traditional) argued that:

. . . gender/sexual issues are the most important um, perceived issue in the Church today . . . its root lays in the fact that the Church has never had a theology of sexual ity.

Sophia 's position of an absence of sexual theology in churches is addressed

further below. l t is clear from Yip (2003:63) , as for Sophia that the i ssue of a

mean ingfu l and just sexual theology is becoming of i ncreasi ng i mportance for

chu rches (cf. Soares 2005) .

Theologian , Marvi n E l l ison ( 1 996 :2-6) , sees a nexus between sexua l ity and

justice that Christianity must grapple with on a deeper level . For E l l i son

( 1 996:2) just ice is :

. . . the ongoing , never-ending journey to remake community by strengthening relationship. Justice-making attends to how people's well-being is enhanced or d imin ished by prevai l ing patterns of socia l power and powerlessness.

The focus of justice , then , is very much on social justice . For wel l-bei ng to be

fostered and a nexus between justice and sexual ity to be fi rmly establ i shed ,

E l l ison ( 1 996 :2) i s clear that there must be a theolog ical vision . This vis ion

val ues sexual ity , i nd ividuals , fairly distributes power and resources and

faci l itates equal participation of a l l parties (EI I i son 1 996:2 ) . The theological

positions of chu rches regarding sexual ity, has a broader socio-historical

context.

Accord ing to Foucault ( 1 984 :3 ) the term 'sexual ity' began to be used at the

beg inn ing of the n ineteenth century. Sexual i ty , for Foucault ( 1 984 :4) :

. . . was a matter of seeing how an "experience" came to be constituted in modern Western societies , an experience that caused people to recogn ise themselves as subjects of a "sexual ity ," which was accessible to very d iverse fields of knowledge, and l inked to a system of ru les and constraints.

The elements of sexual i ty , such as acts , emotions, dreams and tradit ions

were not necessari ly new, but rather the ways in which mean ing was ascri bed

1 1 4

to them by i nd ividua ls changed . This change was i n part due to the support

found in ' rel i g ious, jud icia l , pedagogica l , and medica l i nstitutions' ( Foucault

1 984 :3-4) . Christian concepts of sexual ity have not been static throughout

h istory but have i nvolved severa l dominant themes . Within Christian teach ing ,

sexua l ity has been constructed as h igh ly valu i ng monogamy i n marriage,

heterosexua l i ty and absti nence , but in particu lar cel ibacy (cf. Reinhart 2000;

Berecz 2002 ; Benn ison 1 997) . The Chri stian construction of flesh/sp irit left

sexua l ity as a vice of the 'flesh ' . Contro l over the vice of sexual i ty was to be

exercised at a l l times (Walker 2004a :242-343; Pagels 1 988 : 1 05- 1 06) . Hence ,

strong rules and p roh ibitions came to characterise Christian teachi ng on

sexua l ity. As d iscussed in Chapter 4 , the Church has come to construct itself

by i dentifying as a poi nt of mora l reference for society . Rebekah (non­

tradit ional) a rgues that this has generated some confus ion :

I th i nk Christian ity is . . . more about ah , your understanding of spiritua l ity and how you name that and how you wish to relate to God . So, and . . . the influence of the way your understand ing of God has on your l ife . . . . But I th ink there 's a lot , has been a lot of confusion that Christian ity is only about mora l ity and especia l ly about sex and drinking .

Whi lst Rebekah constructs Christian ity as a spi ritual choice i n how an

i nd ividual understands and relates to God , she recogn ises that often it is

characterised by a focus on 'mora l ity' and in particu lar sexua l mora l ity . Sophia

(tradit ional) a lso addresses the Church's perceived hard-l i ne attitude towards

sexua l ity:

. . . the way I understand it personal ly is that urn , when Christian spiritua l ity was , was formed , urn , mystica l spiritua l ity in the Middle Ages then urn, people's sensory l ife was very much more powerful than it is today, urn, and that's when as it were, that the ground ru les for sexual behaviour were laid down . Thereafter they were basical ly ignored , urn, because i t was after the Inqu isition . . . , the Inqu isition wiped out the mystica l intu itive , the basical ly , the . . . the deep spiritua l roots of our cu lture , urn, and so what we're left with is a very much , very o utdated urn, spiritual ity that deals with the senses as if they are the most powerfu l part of our character . . . . So I think what we have is an outdated a nd u nbalanced spiritua lity which sees sexua l s in as far more important than it actua l ly is today.

Sophia understands Christianity as non-static and having undergone

s ignificant changes throughout h istory that have reflected ph i losophical , social

and polit ical contexts i nclud ing ' people's sensory l ife' (cf. Foucault 1 976) . She

raised the Middle Ages as a formative time for theologies of sexua l ity , an

1 1 5

opin ion that is reflected elsewhere (cf. Foucau lt 1 984; Norman 2006) . For

Soph ia , these changes have not incl uded any particular growth i n

understanding of sexua l ity. E l l ison ( 1 996 :5) argues that ' . . . when churches

become bastions of denial about sex or any other d imensions of l i fe . . . they risk

becoming i rrelevant to the cultural struggles under way' . In recent h istory

these denials with regard to sexual i ty have i ncl uded the issue of csa by

Church leaders. As the fol lowing section explores , research partici pants

displayed an awareness of the junction between theology and sexua l ity, often

descri b ing sex as natural and God-given.

Sexual ity as God-g iven

Sexua l ity was seen by research participants as innately human and God

given . In this way sexual ity was seen as a normal part of human l i fe . Sexua l

normal ity i s constructed by research partici pants as existi ng with in the

particular confi nes of heterosexual marriage (cf. Foucault 1 984) . Thus ,

research partici pants d id not venture away from heteronormative and

marriage based monogamous constructions of sexual ity . Aaron (Pentecostal ) ,

for example, argues that appropriate sexual relations i n marriage have a

capacity to address what he terms as 'sexua l issues' :

. . . there are plenty . . . of people who have had sexual issues i n the past who are now in a stable , married relationship where those issues are not an issue because they've got a right outlet for the , for the expression of the sexual desires and everything that God puts with in us.

For Aaron, sexual issues that cou ld be managed through marital sex i nclude

csa . The i mp l ication of this position i s that sexual expression i s a need that

must have an outlet in order to be managed . Or rather, one cause of csa is a

lack of 'appropriate' sexual expression . Further, the health iest way to express

sexua l i ty is in heterosexual marriage. Foucau lt (cf. 1 976; 1 984; 1 986) ,

however, rejects the idea that sexual i ty is i nnately huma n and , instead ,

d isplays the ways i n whi ch discourse has been used throughout h istory to

socia l ly construct, mediate and del ineate between ' norma l ' and 'deviant'

sexua l i ties . Foucault (cf. 1 986) also demonstrates the ways in which

d iscourses of sexual ity that emphasise a normal is ing d iscourse , encourage

self scrutiny and construct a ' normal ising gaze' through which the subject is

1 1 6

-

constructed . The Chri stian Church d raws on severa l d iscourses to construct a

norma l i sed sexual ity .

Beg i nn i ng with the B i b l ical narratives of God 's creation of Adam and Eve

heterosexual marriage has been the fou ndation of Christian teaching on sex,

fami ly and procreatio n . The Adam and Eve narrative has had a powerfu l

i mpact on shaping western attitudes towards sexua l i ty, desire , fami ly and

h u man nature (Paga ls 1 988 :xxi ; Carmody 1 995 :5 1 -52) . l t i s from here that

Christian concepts of heterosexual marriage as God-created and God­

orda ined fi nd the i r root. This story has been told through generations for

thousands of years to establ ish heterosexual marriage as the reason ' . . . a man

wi l l l eave his father and mother and be united to h is wife , and they wi l l

become one flesh' (Genesis 2 :24 ; cf. Sheffield 2008) . The Genesis account of

creation and the fal l was used i n Jewish tradition , and later i n Christian

tradition , to fi rmly establ ish the purpose of marriage as procreation . I n this l i ne

of thought, the purpose of sex and sexual ity is procreation (Pagels 1 988: 1 1 ,

29-3 1 ; cf. Foucault 1 986) . I n th i s argument it fol lows that heteronormative

marriage is the on ly legiti mate expression of biolog ical ly determined

heterosexual ity. Thi s account of creation has a lso been uti l i sed to reject a l l

other sexual it ies and forms of partnershi p and/or marriage (cf. Sheffield 2008) .

Further, Eve 's i nteraction with the serpent in Genesis 3 has been used as

g rounds for constructi ng desi re as s i nfu l , and gender roles as b inary

male/female (Soares 2005:75-76 ; Walker 2004b:86) . As demonstrated by

Aaro n , the i ssue of heterosexual expression forms part of d iscourses

regard i ng response to csa (cf. Pratt 2005) .

For Aaron, however , an appropriate heterosexua l outlet for 'God-given' sexual

des ire i s on ly part of a picture of responding to perpetrators of csa , Church

leaders or otherwise . Aaron mainta ins h i s previous argument saying :

I view some of the paedophi le issues in the same way that I view a lcoho l ism . That it 's not someth ing you should ever say you're cured of, or healed of and you don 't ever put yourself in a position of being susceptible to it again . . . . And I 'm not sure yet, whether you could ever say a person is . Now I believe in heal ing and al l those things spiritua l ly , but if I bel ieved a person was healed of wrong th inking in

1 1 7

sexual issues I wou ld sti l l put in mechan isms to protect them from being in that position again and being susceptible to that.

Several research participants characteri se paedophi l ic behaviours with

reference to a lcohol ism. Paedophi l ia is seen as a l i fe long battle , or i l l ness,

that wi l l never be completely overcome. For these partici pants the responses

of chu rches necessitate maintai n ing strong boundaries where paedophi les are

not placed i n c ircumstances where they may be tempted to offend again .

Whi lst such responses are encouraging i n that they identify the need for

ongoi ng protection of chi ldren through manag ing the boundaries of abusi ng

Church leaders , biological reductionism of sexual i ty l imits an abi l ity to

understand and respond to the issues of power wh ich are i nherent i n csa (cf.

Reavey 2003) . Whi lst psychiatric i l l ness or dysfunction may expla i n some

instances of paedoph i l ia , b iological ly founded explanations of sexual abuse

are not satisfactory i n and of themselves and their appl ication i n treatment

presents serious ethical considerations (cf. Howard 2002 ; Qui nsey 2002) .

Theorists working with in femin ist post-structural i st perspectives reject

constructions of sexual ity as a ' natura l ' or biolog ical norm. I nstead , sexual ity i s

seen as socia l ly constructed and mediated (cf. Foucault 1 976; Gavey 2005;

Butler 1 993) . S imi larly , femi nist theological perspectives have criticised the

grand narratives of heteronormativity , attri buting much of thei r structures and

pri nci ples to patri normativity and androcentrism (cf. Confoy 1 997 ; Watson

200 1 ; Greene-McCreight 2004) . Femin ist critiques of th is type understand

sexua l abuse as being related to a ' normal ised ' part of mascu l i ne practice and

male relations of power (cf. Green Lister 2003; Longwood 2006) . With in such

analyses , mascul in it ies are seen as varied and socia l ly constructed through

performance and relationship . Hegemonic mascul i n ity exists as the pinnacle

of mascu l i ne performance . The concept of hegemonic mascu l i n i ty recogn ises

that not all men experience mascul i n ity and power i n equal ways . Rather,

d istinctions exist based on e lements such as physical stature , class, race and

sexua l i ty. What is clear i s that three sign ificant val ues of hegemonic

mascu l i n i ty a re dominance , control and heterosexua l prowess (cf. Connel l

1 995; Cossins 2000) . One of the hal lmarks of such mascu l i n ity i s that the

1 1 8

more 'mascu l i ne ' status i s seen to be achieved , the more it ca l l s itself i nto

q uestion . Hence , men must perform the ir mascu l i n i ty i n ways that conti nual ly

demonstrate a 'mascu l i ne' status (Cossins 2000 :88; Connel l 1 995 ; 1 982 ; cf.

But ler 2004; 1 994) . With i n hegemonic mascu l i n i ty, exerting power and control

through violence, i ncl ud ing sexual and gendered violence , fits consistently

with i n the constructio n of mascu l i n i ty (Lees 1 996: 1 05- 1 06; Connel l 1 987 :56;

van Leuwi n 2002 :222 ) .

C learly not a l l men , a n d not even a l l men of hegemonic status , wi l l abuse

ch i l d ren as a n assertion of thei r power. With in such a n analysis , csa becomes

one means by which some men choose to assert thei r power and control over

ch i ld ren . S imi l arly, the abuse of adult women , and even adult men , can be

understood as a performance of a mascu l i ne sexual i mperative where

dominance affi rms mascu l i n ity ( Lees 1 996: 1 05-1 06 ; Connel l 1 987:56 ; van

Leuwin 2002:222) . With in a traditional Christian analysis of gendered

performance and relationsh ip , the leadersh ip of men and their authority over

women and ch i ldren is affirmed as the correct gendered performance . The

correct female and ch i ld performance is one of submission and obedience

respectively (cf. Munroe 200 1 :87-94 ; Cere 2004 :92-95) . Whi lst there has been

some s ign ificant effort on behalf of femin ist theologians to refigure these

constructions in the l i ght of differi ng bib l ical i nterpretation , much work is l eft to

be done (cf. M i l ler-McLemore 2004) . lt is worth noting that no research

participants spoke a bout female Church leaders , or women i n genera l , as

need ing an appropriate sexua l outlet as a means of avoid ing offending

sexual ly . I n d iscussion of the concept of sexual i ty as a healthy outlet and as a

management tool , it was assumed that this was referring solely to male

sexua l ity and sexua l needs .

Where most research participants on ly i mp l icit ly d iscuss male sexua l ity,

Ma laki (non-traditional ) , expl icit ly demonstrates a concern for male sexual i ty

and its con nection to csa by Church leaders . Malaki reflected at length on his

own u nderstand ing of mascu l ine sexual ity:

1 1 9

I th ink , I th ink it's important for men to actual ly get kind of subl iminal sexual experience with nature , cl imbing mountains, swimming rivers , fighting wi ld animals , I don 't know whatever it is. And I feel l ike if they don't get those sort of chal lenges and if they don't get, wel l , that experience of fighting with and probably getting their arse kicked by nature , then I feel l ike they l ive in a hot house of d isappointed dreams . . .

For Malaki mascu l i ni ty and mascu l i ne sexual i ty are tied to experienci ng the

raw power of nature and specifical ly battl ing with nature i n a way where even

defeat establ ished someth i ng positive about a man 's psycho-sexua l identity.

Ma laki went on to express his hypothesis :

I don 't , can 't , ta lk much for women I suppose, but for men I th ink that's one of the reasons why a lot of young men in our society are getting real ly a ngry. Umm, and it may even have someth ing , some connection with th is abuse thing as wel l , where a chu rch umm, ties up these young blokes inside of a hot house of umm, a l l sorts of phobias and insecurities . So I th ink if, I think if men can get those sorts of experiences with just the wi ldness of nature when they're young , they' l l probably have a much more balanced sexua lity.

Malaki 's i ntent is to explore ways in which men may experience a more

balanced sexual ity through a sense of 'wi ldness' or adventure provided i n

nature . The notion that mascu l i n ity i s proven through concepts such as

adventure and battle i s not new to studies of mascu l i n ity (cf. McPhearson

200 1 ) . In particular popular constructs of Christian mascu l i n ity have

developed an i ncreasing focus on a man's need for adventure , need to l ead

and even need to have 'a beauty to rescue' (E idredge 200 1 : 1 79; cf. Long

2004 ; Arteburn & Luck 2003) . Whi lst recognis ing cla ims as to a biological and

sp iritual foundation for these concepts, there is also s ign ificant evidence to

suggest that gender i s u nderstood as performative (cf. Butler 1 988) . For

example , it i s through acts such as lead ing h is fami ly , fighting with nature and

rescui ng a beauty that a man establ ishes h imself as 'mascu l i ne ' (Eidredge

200 1 :2-3; Pal ing & Ki rkley 2000 : 1 3 ; cf. Lidzy 2005) . Further, i t i s clear from

these perspectives that gender is establ ished and performed through

d iscourses (cf. Butler 1 988; 2004) .

Much of the relevant l i terature recognises that th is performance of gender can

be u ndermined by others . Some Christian l i terature i n particu lar argues that,

where a father, mother or wife does not act to upl ift and support the acti ng out

of gender the consequence is to undermine the i ndiv idual man 's concept of

1 20

h i s mascu l i ne self. Consequences of th is a l leged ly i nclude everyth ing from

u nmet potentia l , deep emotional scarri ng to men act ing abusively (cf. Long

1 998) . Hence , gender is not in fact a solo performance , but i nteracts with the

performance of others . In the typical ly Christian context the primary

relationsh i p for men and women to enact gender is withi n marriage (cf.

E ldredge 200 1 ; Long 2004 ; Arteburn & Luck 2003) . As noted i n the previous

chapter, csa by Church l eaders i s seen by research partici pants as a

gendered issue. Sexua l ity, gender and · i ntimate relati ng are important and

i nterl i n ked in research partici pants' understand i ng of csa by Church leaders .

S ign ificant in these u nderstand i ngs i s the abuse of boys and the role of

cel ibacy.

Gender and csa by C h u rch leaders

Femi n ist perspectives have general ly understood sexual abuse to be a

gendered act with men as abusers and women and g i rl s as victim/survivors.

Th is position has been supported in n umerous stud ies (Neame & Heenan

2003 :2-3 ; cf. Freel 2003) . There has been , however, a growi ng awareness of

the sexua l abuse of male ch i ldren and i ts i mpact on the l i ves of

v ictim/survivors and the ir fami l ies . There i s also a growing amount of l i te rature

on female sex abusers (cf. Harti l l 2005; Crome 2006 ; Denov 2003) . Despite

these advances, research sti l l i nd icates that there i s a long way to go i n terms

of social recognition of the abuse of boys (Crome 2006: 1 ; Harti l l 2005:287) .

Research a lso conti n ues to show that sexua l abuse is a gendered crime i n the

sense that the majority of perpetrators are male and the majority of victims are

women and g i rls ( Barnyard et al. 2004 :224 ; cf. Rogers & Davies 2007) . I n

order to mai nta in relevance , however, femin isms need to provide adequate

exp lanations of the a buse of boys and even men . To do so , femin ist

perspectives may continue to draw on patriarchy and power, but recognise

that thei r relationsh ip to gender and sexual violence i s i ncreasi ngly

prob lematic (Koon in 1 995: 1 99-200; cf. Tremblay & Turcotte 2005) . I n

continu ing i ts development o f theoretical understand ing i n thi s area ,

femin i sms have much to offer to understanding csa by Church leaders where

the a buse of boys i s often sig nificant. This i s particularly so with in , but not

1 2 1

l imited to, h igh ly structured , traditional denominations such as the Cathol ic

Church (cf. Fawley-Odea 2004 ; Jones 2002) .

Csa by Church leaders i s often depicted as abusers being male cel ibate

priests with young adolescent boys as their chosen victims (Fawley-Odea

2004 : 1 2 ; cf. Jones 2002) . This has general ly resulted in critiques of three

categories of sexua l ity; fi rstly , homosexual i ty; secondly, paedophi l ia and/or

epheboph i l ia ; and final ly, cel i bacy . Given that these depictions largely rely on

churches with strong patri archal structures as thei r context, they pose l ittle

chal lenge to femin ist critiq ues. As this is an i nstance of men in power abusi ng

you nger, vul nerable boys , i t is readi ly expla ined by femin ist constructions of

sexua l violence as motivated and enabled by patriarchal power constructions

(Lees 1 996:9 1 ; Crome 2006: 1 ) . Hegemonic mascu l i n ity is a lso seen as a

s ign ificant factor i n male responses to sexual victimisation .

l t i s wel l recogn ised that the assumed tenets of hegemonic mascu l i n i ty , such

as power, strength and heterosexua l prowess , present unique problems for

boys and men who have been abused (cf. Peluso & Putnam 1 996; Harti l l

2005; Crome 2006) . Where constructions of mascu l i n i ty val ue men a s havi ng

strong biolog ica l u rges to engage i n heterosexual activity, being the in i tiators

of sexual encounters and reject ing homosexual ity, abuse by an older or more

powerfu l male i s extremely confusing and painfu l (Lees 1 996 :93; Gregory and

Lees 1 991 : 1 9 1 - 1 32 ; cf. Crome 2006) . Many male adu l t survivors report

fee l i ngs of strong confusion over their sexual identity post abuse (Lees

1 996:93 ; Gregory and Lees 1 99 1 : 1 91 - 1 32 ; cf. Tremblay & Turcotte 2005) .

Esther (non-traditional ) reflected on this from her experiences :

I th ink part of it is that women tend to be more nurturing . Umm, I have had a h , in my friends a couple of guys who've been sexua l ly assau lted . And for them it's , it's , i t 's there's just so many layers of umm, it's so much harder for them in lots of ways because it's not only about umm, rape , i t 's not on ly about power, but it's about their sexual ity and al l those issues that go with that.

For many men th is i ncludes a fear of being seen as, or actual ly being ,

homosexual ( Lees 1 996:97; Valente 2005: 1 1 ) . For men with i n church setti ngs

there is potentia l for compounded trauma because of the strong stances

1 22

-

aga inst homosexua l i ty taken by the majority of churches. Where

homosexual i ty is constructed as 'sexua l s i n ' , i n addition to a compromise of

one's mascu l i ne status , the fear of being label led because behaviours are

characterised as homosexua l , rather than as sexua l abusive, may contribute

to the s i lenci ng of many v icti m/survivors of csa by male Church leaders . This

i s a part of the danger of the Cathol ic Church 's attempts to b lame i nstances of

csa on homosexua l Church leaders ( Doyle 2003: 1 93 ; Jordan 2002 : 1 5) . The

i ssue of csa perpetrated agai nst boys is specifica l ly raised as an i mportant

i ssue by research partici pants and is d ifferentiated from csa of g i rls .

Research partici pants d iscuss with ease the abuse of boys by Church leaders .

Soph ia (traditional ) reflects on the contrast of church and society i n terms of

the sexual abuse of boys :

I mean it isn't just a crisis with g i rls . You cou ld say that g i rls becoming more a rticu late makes these stories more avai lable but um , but the problem has been pretty wel l equal ly with boys , certain ly in the Church , although maybe not in wider society.

Soph ia recogn ises that the furtheri ng of the ab i l ity of g i rl s to be articu late i n

their stories of csa has mad e these stories more readi ly ava i lab le and th is has

had an impact on d iscourse of csa in the Church . For Soph ia there may be

d i fferences between the composit ion of csa in the Church and csa in broader

society. Thi s is recogn ised as significant to the construction of the crises of

csa by Church l eaders . D i nah (trad itional ) summarises ci rcumstances relevant

to her area of responsib i l ity with i n her denomination :

. . . We've got two main groups of complaints . We've got u m ah , men who a re complain ing that when they were boys, usual ly between 1 0 and 1 3 years old , they were sexual ly abused by someone within the Church who was not a paid worker, so a volunteer in the Chu rch .

I n the statement above , D i nah identifies the abuse of young boys, but not of

you ng g i rl s . This presents a contrast to broader statistics which i nd icate that

g i rl s are more l i ke ly to be v ictim/survivors of csa (Neame & Heenan 2003 :2-3;

cf. Freel 2003) . There is some i nd ication i n research that boys are more l i kely

to be victim/survivors of csa in i nstitutional settings i ncl ud ing board ing

schools , welfare i nstitutions and foster care (Gal lagher 2000:795; Hal l

2000:282) . H i stori cal ly , many of these faci l it ies have functioned under the

control and authority of chu rches (cf. Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2005a , b) .

1 23

The second g roup that Di nah's identifies with i n her jurisdiction is min isters

sexua l isi ng relationsh ips with adu lt members of thei r congregations. D inah

(traditional ) expands on thi s sayi ng ;

lt 's interesting that the adult sexual abuse is mainly perpetrated by min isters , mainly 53% of them , of those min isters are sen ior min isters . . . so they're men who had been i n , in ah , have had ah , power and authority in they're role for qu ite a number of years, 1 0 , 1 5 years . Urn , that's the time where I guess most marriages spl it i n the genera l popu lation .

What i s i nteresting about D inah's statement i s that she identifies i ssues of

power and authority occurrences of sexual abuse against adults with in her

juri sd iction . Whi lst greater research is needed on the specific dynamics of

adu lt sexual abuse by Church leaders, this type of abuse may be expla ined

with i n femin ist analyses of power bei ng the central issue with in sexua l abuse

(Cook et al . 200 1 :21 ; Taylor 1 999:49-50 ; Austin & Kim 2000:204 ; Watts and

Zimmerman 2002) . A deta i led exploration of the abuse of adults by Church

leaders is, however, beyond the scope of this work.

Both Sophia and Dinah identify with denominations that are considered to be

more trad it ional in thei r structure and theology. lt is denominations that have

the strongest h ierarchica l structures, standpoints on sexual ity , and on gender

roles that have experienced the most d ifficulties i n relation to csa by Church

leaders (cf. Doyle 2003 ; 2006) . The higher reported occurrence of csa by

Church leaders , with i n such denominations , where the victim is male , has

been explained in multi ple ways . For example , there have been al legations

that a large n umber of homosexua l priests i n the Cathol ic clergy account for

abuse of boys rather than g i rls (cf. Grace 2002) . This point has been d isputed

on several levels , pri mari ly that the correlation between homosexua l ity and

paedophi l ia i s not only unfounded but unjust. Research suggests that the

majority of men who abuse boys i dentify as heterosexual , not homosexual (cf.

McGione 2003) . I n addition , those who can be cl i nical ly d iagnosed with

paedophi l ic and/or ephebophi l ic d isorders are general ly understood to be

attracted to a particular prepubescent, or just post pubescent body type , and

do not report attraction to either adult males or adult females (Stevenson

1 24

2003 :2) . Ulti mately th is a rgument i s an attempt to sh ift the focus, and blame,

for csa by Church leaders from an analysis of unhealthy power structures and

their abuses, to sexual orientation (Stevenson 2002 : 1 -2 ; cf. Gorrel l 2006) .

Wh i lst the i ssue of homosexual Church leaders may present a problem for

chu rches, it i s unreasonable to present th is as a problem of csa rather than a

theological and/or doctri nal i ssue ( Doyle 2003: 1 93 ; Jordon 2002: 1 5) .

Csa by clergy i n the Cathol ic Church has also been attributed to the vow of

cel i bacy undertaken by priests . Th is issue of cel i bacy is d iscussed not on ly i n

l i terature but i n the accounts of some research participants (cf. Doyle 2003;

2006) . In addressi ng the abi l ity to general ise across denomi nations with

regard to csa in churches , Aaron (Pentecostal ) argues:

I 'd l i ke to see a breakdown of the figu res when they go 'the Church ' , as to which bit may have been the Cathol ic Church and wh ich not. The reason I say that is human nature being human nature, you take men at an early age and you make them take a vow of cel ibacy, make , they choose to make it , but they're sti l l sexual beings. And for what ever reason , the Cathol ic Church has chosen to say that their nuns and their priests be sexual ly cel ibate umm, but that's not , from my understand ing a bib l ical principle. God created us as sexua l beings and when you stifle it's going to come out somehow. And so if you take a priest that has a l l these repressed sexual desires , natura l desires and i t can 't be outworked in other ways then there's going to be, I th ink , l ike a pressure valve there's going to be an outlet for it and aberrations develop in the way that is expressed.

As d iscussed elsewhere in thi s chapter , research partici pants saw h u man

sexua l ity as a God-given desire that requ i res a healthy outlet. For Aaron the

Cathol ic Church's requ i rement of cel ibacy creates an unnatura l environment

where 'aberrations develop ' . Whi lst Aaron does not see the cel i bacy of priests

as a B ibl i ca l or God-given , mandate , clearly the Cathol ic Church has a long

and strong tradition of priestly cel i bacy (Walker 2004a:234 ; Scheper-Hughs & Devine 2003 : 1 8-20) . The relationsh ip of cel ibacy to csa by clergy has come

to be questioned in more recent times (Walker 2004a :234; Scheper-Hughs & Devine 2003 : 1 8-20) .

l t has been recogn ised that cel i bacy a lone cannot be credited with d i rectly

caus i ng clergy csa (Scheper-Hughs & Devine 2003 : 1 9 ; Keenan 2005 : 1 24) .

Naomi (tradit ional) reflected on her understand i ng of this :

1 25

. . . the research that I 'm fami l iar with urn , certainly doesn't say that cel ibacy per se turns people into ch i ld abusers . I th ink it's a combination of th ings though. I th ink that urn, wel l sorry urn , the most recent stuff I 've heard is that urn, most of these people had , were personality d isordered , if you l ike , before they went into the priesthood .

There is some credi ble evidence that i ndividuals seeki ng at an early age to

manage a struggle with their sexual ity, i nclud ing attraction to ch i ldren or

young people , may be attracted to the priesthood as a means of addressing or

control l i ng 'temptation' (Scheper-Hughs & Devi ne 2003: 1 7) . Aaron

(Pentecostal ) speaks of his experience i n this area in relation to a chi ldhood

friend :

I have a , a , a mate of mine as a kid and as a boy I was involved in some th ings that I 'm certain ly not proud of, umm, and (pause) d idn 't have any gu idance at the time that these things weren't right or not, but I , looking back on it now I wou ldn 't be surprised to find that my mate was actually being sexual ly abused by his father . . . . He d idn 't actual ly become a priest but he was on ly that far off actua l ly going into the priesthood . Now at the time I wouldn 't actual ly have ever thought that he was doing that to try a nd fight a l l these th ings that were going on in h im , but that doesn't surprise me to find out that's true.

Whilst there is no desi re to assert that victim/survivors of csa wi l l i nevitably

become offenders , nor to speculate on the precise nature of Aaron 's

experience, th is narrative does para l lel research wh ich suggests that

indivi dual men may seek out the priesthood in an attempt to reconci l e

struggles with their sexua l ity (Gorrel l 2006:253; Bethmont 2006 :233) . Aaron

goes on to express a sadness that the Cathol ic Church , in particular , has not

recognised and addressed this more thoroughly. Th is is sadness and concern

that is not restricted to research partici pants such as Aaron and Naomi (cf.

Gorrel l 2006) . There are i nd ications that seeking the vocation of Church

leadership in an attempt to manage perceived 'deviant' sexua l ities , is not

un ique to the Cathol ic Church , but that it occurs across denominations

(Bethmont 2006:233; Saradj ian & Nobus 2003:908) . The crux of such thi nk ing

is that, as individuals are cal led by God to the vocation of pastor or priest, they

wi l l be empowered in spiritual ways to overcome temptation . This thinki ng has

also been recorded as bei ng uti l ised by Church leaders, once in thei r position ,

to justify and/or min imise the perpetration of csa (Saradj ian & Nobus

2003: 908) .

1 26

I n an effort to address csa by Cathol ic clergy, it has been suggested that

a l lowi ng them to marry would provide one mean ingful sol ution . This assertion

is l imited in a number of ways . F i rstly , if sexua l misconduct by clergy,

i nclud ing csa , were pure ly an i ssue of cel ibacy, then there wou ld not be a

s ign ifi cant problem i n other denominations where Church leaders are more

l i kely to be married (cf. King 2003) . Secondly, Plante & Danie ls (2004 :385)

a rgue succinctly that:

. . . if someone cannot have a sexual relationsh ip for any reason (e .g . rel ig ious vows, inabi l ity to find a su itable partner, marita l or relationship d iscord ) ch i ldren and teens do not necessari ly become the object of their desire .

This i nd icates that i t is not cel i bacy itself that i s causative of csa by Church

leaders , but, rather, it is more l i kely that the context of the requ i rement for

cel i bacy i n the Cathol ic Church p lays a far stronger role than cel i bacy itself.

This context has strong h istorical roots . The cel i bacy of priests was mandated

at the Second Lateran Counci l i n the 1 21h century. U nti l then the cel ibacy of

priests and bishops had been encouraged , and h ighly contested , but was not

compulsory (Walker 2004a :250-251 ) . The majority of early church fathers d id

d isp lay a h igh ly suspicious attitude towards both sexual i ty and women (cf.

Sawyer 2008) . lt is l i kely that the misogynistic and anti-sensual attitudes of

these men , a long with Chri stianity's increasing conformity to the structu res of

tradit ional rel i gions, a nd Greco-Roman gender norms, culture and pol it ics, a l l

combi ned to l ead to the u ltimate construction of the cel ibate male pri esthood

(Walker 2004a:245-248) . Along with this cel ibacy came the ideal isation of the

priesthood as pure and closer to God because of its capacity to embrace a

cal l i ng to vows of chastity and cel ibacy (Walker 2004b:84 ; Doyle 2006 : 1 96;

Celenza 2004 :2 1 3) .

As explored i n Chapter 4 , the ideal isation of Church leaders and their role i s a

s ign ificant issue in understanding csa . I n the Cathol ic Church the cel i bacy of

priests adds a un ique dynamic to their vocation and role (cf. Doyle 2006,

2003; Scheper-Hughs & Devine 2003) . John (non-traditional) reflects on the

i nteraction of cel i bacy and constructions of i nd ividua l relationsh ip with God , as

1 27

opposed to communal relationship , as a means of understanding responses

to csa by Church leaders with in churches :

. . . probably in the Cathol ic trad ition ah , just the pressures of ah , forcing cel ibacy on people that God never intended i t to happen . I g uess coming out of the , being part of the protestant l ine and seeing the authority that the reformation left us with , the person stands a lone before God, no one can have a say in that, is while in a degree true, very dangerous and to a larger degree not true . We stand in commun ity much more than we stand ind ividual ly.

For John , sexual ity , relationsh ip with God and how one understands the i r

position i n community are central components of understanding responses to

csa . Li ke other participants, John h ighl ights the cel i bacy of Cathol ic priests

because it provides a strong point of d isti nction between Cathol ic and

Protestant i nterpretations of appropriate sexual ity for Church leaders . John

a lso h igh l ights , though , that what i s constructed as 'B ib l ica l ' sexua l ity exists in

a socia l context (cf. Hester 2005) . With in the Church this context i ncludes how

one u nderstands one's position before God as both an i ndiv idual and a

community. The Cathol ic Church demonstrates specific positions on issues of

sexual ity, sex and gender roles.

l t is clear that in the Cathol ic Church sexual ity, sex and gender roles remai n

h ighly control led . This i ncl udes ongoing bans on the use of contraception ,

homosexual i ty and the ord i nation of women . Further , question ing the

mandates of an i nfa l l ib le Pope is taboo and, due to h ierarchica l structures, the

control of theological and doctri nal development is h igh ly centra l ised (Walker

2004a :234 ; Anderson 2007 : 1 ) . With in this trad ition , sex, sexual i ty and gender

reflect a strong position of biolog ica l determin ism. In th is framework, sex is for

procreation , therefore heterosexual ity is the only appropriate expression and

through the B ib le , God has mandated that marriage is the on ly appropriate

context for sexua l expression and is the only appropriate means of managing

desire (Pri ce 2006 : 1 24 ; cf. Hester 2005; Foucau lt 1 986) .

B iologica l determin istic theories of sexual i ty typical ly emphasise an i ncreased

and more aggressive male sex drive , when compared to women , due to

h igher levels of testosterone (Gavey 2005 : 1 04-1 05; Long 2004 :3 ; cf. Foucault

1 28

1 984 :46-47) . The greater presence of testosterone, wh ich resu lts i n i ncreased

phys ical strength and size in men , has also been used to justify male

l eadershi p and headsh i p with i n marriage relationships (Long 2004 :3 , 57) . The

i mpact that the construction of male headsh ip has had on marital sexua l

relationshi ps and fami ly l i fe has not been a static concept and has been

problematic (cf. Ruether 2000) . Even where a woman's orgasm has been

considered i mportant in Christian sexua l i ti es, they have often been framed

with i n the context of a wifely duty to remai n attractive and sexua l ly competent

for her husband ( Ruether 2000 : 1 1 9) . Female heterosexual i ty has been seen

as submissive to the ma le heterosexua l des i re wh ich , if l eft insatiate i n

marri age , wou ld i nevitably fi nd an outlet. l t i s th is attitude that remains evident

throughout d iscussions of cel i bacy, marriage and csa by Church leaders

with i n church i nstitutions (Price 2006 : 1 24 ; P lante & Danie ls 2004 :385) .

Cel i bacy conti nues to present s ign ificant problems for the Cathol ic Church

today. There are ind ications that fewer and fewer men are bei ng attracted to

the pri esthood because of the requ i rement of mandatory cel i bacy, yet it is

un l i kely that repeal wi l l occur i n the near future (Sch lumpfs 2005: 1 2) . What

has been recognised i s that the trade off for mandatory cel ibacy is guaranteed

employment and s ignificant power. Whi l st cel i bacy need not mean a l ack of

i ntimacy, the priestly rol e is often reported to be a lonely a nd isolati ng one

(Walker 2004a :238) . Certa in ly this is the concern of Naomi (traditional )

addressed in Chapter 4 . Research has i nd icated that this sacrifice of a fami ly

and sexua l i ntimacy may become a part of priests' justifi cation of their

perpetration of sexua l abuse. Saradj ian a nd Nobus (2003) provide a rare

i ns ight i nto the cogn i tive d istortions of clergy sex offenders . This research

h igh l ights the ways i n wh ich Church leaders uti l i se rel ig ious bel iefs associated

with thei r position i n justifying a nd/or min imising thei r abusive behaviours .

Examples of comments made by Church leaders i n treatment for csa

offend ing , i nclude ; ' l t is only sexual i ntercourse with in marriage. What I 'm

do ing is not sex. Touchi ng i s not sex' ; and 'God has cal l ed me to be a pri est . I

bel ieve this ful ly. When he cal led me he knew what I was l i ke , what my needs

were , and how I cou l d have them met' (Saradj ian & Nobus 2003 :91 2) . l t is

1 29

clear, then , that there i s some connection between church structure ,

construction of Church leaders, power, cel ibacy and csa by Church leaders .

Whi lst cel i bacy may present un ique issues for the Cathol ic Church , research

from other denominations suggests that cel ibacy should not be considered the

primary issue when addressing csa by Church leaders .

Morrison's (2005:58) research i nd icates that a s ignificant number of Church

leaders , in the Ang l ican Church at least, may be survivors of csa . This is

further reflected i n the d isclosures of a number of partici pants i n th is research

duri ng i nterviews . Undoubtedly th is wi l l have a significant i mpact on thei r

approaches to identifyi ng and reporting csa . Despite Bib l ica l images of

'wounded healers ' , i n order to offer effective support to others , Church leaders

wi l l need to be at a sign ificant level of heal i ng themselves (Morrison 2005:58-

59; cf. Homiak & Sing letary 2007) . Whi lst their experiences may provide

i nvaluable i nsight i nto i ssues of csa , much more research is needed to

effectively understand the dynamics that their experiences contri bute to thei r

min istry and thei r abi l i ty to respond to revelations of csa . This should not

exclude the potential value of thei r voices in the development of an embodied

theology that offers hope and di rection to other survivors who struggle to

identify and/or mai nta in a satisfying relationsh i p with God (Morrison 2005:58-

59; cf. Grovijahn 1 998) . This may be particularly important when addressi ng

the needs of male survivors of sexual assault and constructions of

mascu l i nity.

The construction of mascu l i n ity in western society presents a sign ificant

i nhi bition to men in itia l ly reporting and seeking help after experienci ng abuse.

Although there have been significant advances in service provision to adult

male survivors of sexua l abuse , this also rema ins an area that is problematic

(cf. Crome 2006 ; National Center for Victims of Cri me 2004) . Some of the

difficulties faced in service provision to adult male survivors of sexual abuse

i ncl ude: low social recognition of male sexual assault , low pol i ti ca l recognition

of male sexua l assault and as a consequence a severe lack of funding to

target the issue , and that services for victim/survivors have typical ly targeted

1 30

I

female victim/survivors and hence can be set i n envi ronments that are qu ite

femi n i ne . Perhaps the greatest obstacle to service provision conti nues to be

constructs of mascu l i n i ty that make it extremely d ifficult for victim/survivors to

identify themselves and so access services (Crome 2006 :2 ; National Center

for Victims of Cri me 2004 : 1 ) . We wi l l turn now to a deeper exploration of csa ,

ch i ld sexual i ty and theologies of chi ldhood .

Csa and theolog ies of chi ldhood

Severa l research participants h igh l ight issues wh ich d i rectly relate to the

construction of chi ldren and chi ldhood i n the management and construction of

csa by Church leaders . Th is section is not i ntended to be an exhaustive

representation of these issues, but, rather, to present research partici pants'

perspectives on these issues and briefly contextua l ise these perspective in

relevant d iscourses . Foucault ( 1 976: 1 8) recogn ises early i n h is work that

ch i ldren have not been excluded from h istorical sexual d iscourse. Throughout

centuries perceptions of chi ldren's sexua l ity have varied from complete den ial

of sexua l capacity i n chi ldren , to advantageous and , now recognised as

abus ive , man i pu lation of thei r bodies for sexua l purposes (cf. Marti n son 1 976;

Mercer 2003: Melby 200 1 ) . Given that ch i ldren have consistently held

re latively powerless positions i n western society , often sexual i ty has been

i nscribed on them (Spongberg 1 995:8 1 ; Foucault 1 976:27 -30) . Foucault

( 1 976 :27 -30) argues that chi ldhood and chi ld sexua l ity exist in cultura l and

socia l contexts and are subject to socia l ly constructed 'truths' . Churches, for

example , often have been bastions of support for heterosexua l , nuclear fami ly

structures and the role of chi ldren withi n these (cf. Ruether 2000; Thatcher

2006) . There has been inconsistency, however, i n the development of an

actual theology of chi ldhood that may be uti l ised to articulate support for the

i ntrins ic value of chi ldren and chi ldhood (cf. Waters 2002 ; Kennedy & F in lay

2004 : Cool i ng & Cool ing 2004) .

For those authors who have seriously considered the need for a theology of

ch i ldhood , the i nherent value of chi ldren as ' image bearers' is the most

s ign ificant means of u nderstand ing and val u i ng chi ldren (cf. Wal l 2004 ;

1 3 1

Anderson et al. 2004:6) . An i ncreased recogn ition of the abuses that are

suffered by chi ldren on a g lobal sca le , has prompted l iberation theolog ians to

consider the need to develop a theology of ch i ldhood that rejects paternal ist ic

and patriarchal concepts of control and domination over chi ldren , in favour of

a theological understanding that va lues the voices , rights and freedom of

chi ldren (Sturm 1 992 : 1 49 ; Wal l 2004 : 1 63) . Phoebe (non-trad itional) reflects

on the ways that churches construct what 'caring ' for chi ldren entai l s :

. . . having taught Sunday school with some lovely o ld lad ies who taught Sunday school a hundred mi l l ion years ago, urn you know, they had eighty to n inety chi ldren in Sunday school . . . and those , those lad ies wi l l say 'wel l what we taught them then was pretty much what we're teach ing then now, you know, they're exactly the same th ing . ' So caring , caring for chi ldren was about teach ing them the Gospel urn, not how you perceived them or what kind of rights you gave them . . . .

Phoebe's statement proposes that ch i ldren have often been constructed i n

churches, not a s i nd ividuals with rights and autonomy, but have been seen

through a perceived need of care , wh ich is expressed through teachi ng them

the gospe l . Phoebe does not out rightly reject care of chi ldren but seeks to

balance this concept with a more extensive view of ch i ldren and chi ldhood

which i ncludes the rights of chi ldren .

Over a decade ago , theolog ian Sturm ( 1 992 : 1 0) argued for a l i beration ist

theology that rejects strictly protectionist views of chi ldren saying :

Where the protection ist's version of chi ldren's rights supposes the "total dependence" of chi ldren upon adu lts for sustenance and development, l iberationists suppose the potential autonomy of chi ldren . . . .The assumption of chi ldren 's helplessness is an ideolog ica l means to suppress them, to keep them under contro l , to d iscip l ine them to conform to the expectations and interests of prevai l ing socia l institutions.

Sturm ( 1 992 : 1 0) does not out rightly reject paternal i stic care of chi ldren , but

rather, sees it as only justifiable 'as far as i t promotes the growth of the ch i ld

toward self-determination ' (cf. Stonehouse 2004) . Hol ly (non-trad itional) sees

the Church as a space where chi ldren are not enabled to express the i r

autonomy through thei r own voice , or to have access to an audience :

. . . i n the Church you know urn, there's a sense sti l l that ch i ldren should be seen and not heard , that urn, that the pastor's above reproach regard less that you wouldn't question yeah . So I don't th ink , you know, wel l real ly the Bible doesn't match i t at a l l . . . I don ' t see that

1 32

the Bib le condones chi ld sexua l abuse so they can 't match the theology I don 't bel ieve .

S imi la rly , Phoebe (non-trad i tional ) d iscusses chang i ng attitudes to chi ld ren

with i n chu rches:

. . . the ch i ld ren were seen and not heard in churches, urn, and in some chu rches they're sti l l seen and not heard . There defin itely has been a cu ltura l sh ift in some p laces with in churches , but again I th ink that's in l i ne with the b roader commun ity. Urn, you know, back in the early, um you know, th irt ies or forties a t schools , [ch i ldren] sat and behaved themselves and were q u iet and seen and not heard too .

The i ssue of chi l d ren 's access to an adequate language , and an attentive ,

respectfu l aud ience , to d i sclose their abuse , i s not of course u nique to

churches or ch i ld theology (cf. H i rakata & Buchanan-Arvay 2005) . Research

pub l ished by the Australian Childhood Foundation (Tucci , Mitchel l & Goddard

2008: 35) ind icates that Austra l ian chi l d ren cont inue to feel that their opin ions

do not matter to , and are not respected by, adu l ts outs ide of thei r immed iate

fami ly . Fu rther, '3 i n 1 0 chi ldren surveyed do not th ink that adults wi l l bel ieve

them if they d isclose abuse to them' (Tucci , Mitchel l & Goddard 2008:35) .

For Ruth (non-tradit iona l ) the need for adults to be wi l l i ng to hear and to act

respectfu l ly towards ch i l dren is not the on ly issue confronted by churches i n

addressi ng csa b y Church l eaders . Ruth identifies equipping chi l d ren with a

language as central to the effectiveness of chi l d protection . Ruth argues:

You see , ch i ldren don 't have a language to describe what's happened to them and so that's part of the reason why I th ink it gets h idden because people , ch i ldren don't know what to say .

The particu lar nature of power i n csa by Church leaders and its association

with God means that there are concerns with l anguage and csa by Church

l eaders . The l anguage that chi ldren abused by Church leaders wi l l uti l i se in

a rticu lati ng and constructing thei r abuse goes beyond the adequate naming of

body parts to a constructio n of thei r bodies with i n the particu lar Christian

theology of bei ng created in the i mage of God (cf. Grovijahn 1 998; Pattison

1 998; Costoya 2004) . Ch i ld protection programs often focus on i ncreasi ng

ch i ld rens ' language by wh ich they can express abuse, i ncreasi ng their abi l i ty

to identify and respond to ci rcumstances where they may be at risk of bei ng

abused , as wel l as equ ipp ing chi ldren , and those i n relationsh ip with them, to

identify factors wh ich place chi ldren at greater risk of abuse (cf. Pearce 2006 ;

1 33

Nelson & Baldwi n 2002) . Whi lst there is no doubt that th is is beneficia l ,

ch i ldren must be ab le to respond with i n envi ronments that val ue them as

i nd ividuals and specifical ly as chi ldren . With in her own denomination , Ruth

identifies the respect accorded to chi ldren as central to there bei ng fewer

complai nts of csa by Church leaders . Porter (2003: 1 69) identifies the need for

churches to develop a specifi c theology of ch i ldhood that is i ncl usive of th i ngs

that relate to chi ldren , such as chi ldcare , learn ing , d iscipl i ne , parenti ng or ch i ld

abuse , but wi l l a lso i ncl ude an understand ing of ch i ldren as val uable

i nd ividua ls and contri butors to church l i fe (Anderson et al. 2004 :5 ; cf. Waters

2002 ; Kennedy & Fin lay 2004 ; Cool ing & Cool ing 2004) .

These issues are i mportant to csa by Church leaders not only because

ch i ldren bear a capacity for theologica l revolut ion and churches wi l l frequently

have ch i ldren in thei r congregations, but because chu rches often provide

ch i ldcare , education and welfare faci l i ties that deal d i rectly with chi ld ren . For

Naomi (traditional ) the role of schools , particularly Cathol ic schools , i n

socia l is ing chi ldren i s shifting along with social constructions of fami l i es and

responsibi l i ty for the care of chi ldren·:

. . . I th ink that urn , particu larly the Cathol ic Church has seen as part of its main socia l isation schools, Cathol ic Schools , urn , so schools to some extent have been able to take , asked to take the role of the fami ly in that sort of stuff. I wonder if we' l l see a change , you know, back in terms of, of that , ah, that the family is , is rea l ly the ma in , main place of, shou ld be the main place of social isation of ch i ldren .

Along with other participants, Naomi was aware that the ways i n wh ich

churches construct chi ldren has a profound effect on thei r abi l i ty to effectively

care for and protect ch i ldren . The role of church institutions in educati ng

ch i ldren about i ssues such as sexual i ty, gender and sexua l practice , has a

p rofound i nfl uence on thei r socia l isation regard ing acceptable and

u nacceptable behaviours and attitudes (cf. Rolston et al. 2005 ; l sherwood

2004) . Sophia's recognition , above , of the Church 's struggle to adequately

develop a theology of sexua l ity certa in ly appl ies to chi ldren . Far from havi ng

an adequate theology of chi l d sexual ity with in the Church , there is yet to be a

tru ly notable presence of a theology of ch i ldhood i n much theological

d iscourse (Bunge 2003: 1 2 ; Sturm 1 992: 1 49) . Bunge (2003 : 1 3) , argu ing in an

1 34

American context , says of churches' fa i lu re to engage i n theologica l

development which seriously considers chi ldren and effectively protects them:

Lurk ing beh ind our lack of commitment to ch i ldren in the Church and the wider culture are severa l s impl istic views of ch i ld ren and our obl igation to them. I n a consumer cu lture the "market menta l ity" moulds our attitudes towards ch i ldren as not having inherent worth , but as being com mod ities, consumers , or even economic burdens. Or i n another s imp l ifying move , we view ch i ldren as e ither a l l good or a l l bad . . .

Conti nu ing to demonstrate wi l l i ngness to seriously address deficiencies i n

ch i l d protection with i n thei r own structures may assist the faci l itation of an

i ncrease i n the va lu ing of chi ld ren and chi ldhood with in churches . Embraci ng

a more comprehensive and l i berati ng theology of chi ldhood wou ld present as

s ign ificant step towards more effective chi ld protection with in churches (Bunge

2003 : 1 3 ; Wal l 2004 : 1 6 ; cf. Bridger 2004) .

Conclusion

l t has been the purpose of th is chapter to explore some of research

participants' understanding of d iscourses of power and sexual ity and their

i mp l i cation in csa by Church l eaders. l t i s clear that sexual i ties , their social

construction and their use in understand ing the role of Church leaders , hold

s ign ificance in research partici pants ' u nderstand i ng of csa by Church leaders.

With i n a Foucaultian (cf. 1 986) understandi ng , d iscourses of sexual ity are not

un ique to the Church and even those that are sign ificantly recogn ised as

'Christian ' can be traced to broader and deeper contexts . Th is is a lso evident

i n research partic ipants' understand ing of Chri stian d iscourses of sexual ity as

changing over time . S im i larly , i t is i mportant to recognise that 'ch i ldren ' and

'ch i l dhood ' conti nue to be d iscursively constructed and th i s impacts on chi ld

protection i n broader socia l envi ronments , as wel l as church institutions .

Through recognition of ch i l d ren 's common humanity, mora l agency and

creative potentia l , hea lthy envi ronments wi l l reject paterna l istic attitudes that

d im in ish the status of ch i ldre n , generate unhea lthy dependence and leave

ch i ld ren vulnerable to abuse with in power structures which exclude their

voices (Sturm 1 992: 1 0 ; Wall 2004: 1 6 1 ) . S imi lar ly to other perpetrators of csa ,

to faci l i tate their abusive behaviours , perpetrators who are Church leaders

have rel ied on chi l d ren 's i nab i l ity to d isclose csa . There is a need for further

1 35

d iscourses to be developed whereby chi ldren may be equipped with a

language that helps to faci l i tate thei r i ndividual agency and abi l ity to d isclose

csa by Church leaders to audiences that wi l l l isten and respond i n ways wh ich

enhances chi l d ren's autonomy. Research has i ndicated that abusi ng Church

leaders have denied ch i ldren's rights and autonomy and sexual ised the

behaviour of chi ldren in order to construct the ch i ld as i n itiati ng sexual

i nteractions . This is not u n ique to the cognitive distortions of perpetrators who

are Church leaders , however this category of offender may a lso appear with

other thi n ki ng that attempts to justify and/or mi n imise thei r behaviours i n

bel ievi ng that God wi l l protect the victim from any rea l harm (cf. Saradj ian &

Nobus 2003) . Th is attitude can be seen to ideal ise the status of chi ldren

before God as i nnocent and vul nerable, but sti l l does not afford them enough

bod i ly , sexua l , psychological or spi ri tual respect to not behave in abusive

ways . This h igh l ights the paradox that is often present i n attitudes towards

ch i ldren i n theological d iscourse and bri ngs to l ight a need for further

d iscourses of resistance . This th inking is important i n Christian theological

understand ing in l ight of verses such as Matthew 1 8 : 1 -7 wh ich encapsulates

the value and respect that Jesus had for ch i ldren and His desire that they be

a l lowed to be autonomous moral and spi ritual bei ngs to demonstrate

relationsh ip with God . The development of areas of theological d iscourse

identified i n th is chapter may help to faci l i tate a recognition of both Church

leaders and chi ldren that wi l l address power and identity in mean i ngful ways .

As recognised here , femin ist and l i beration theologies have much to

contri bute to such d iscourses . We wi l l turn now to consideration of research

participants' perspectives of forgiveness and its role in manag ing csa by

Church leaders .

1 36

I ntrod uctio n

Chapter 5 Forgiveness and identity

'The truth wi l l set you free' (John 8 :23) .

The purpose of th is chapter is to explore research partici pants' understand ing

of forg iveness and i ts relationsh i p to victi m/survivors and perpetrators of csa

by Church l eaders . Both l iterature and research partic ipants i nd icate that

u nderstandi ng the role of forg iveness , its power to b ri ng heal i ng and harm,

and i ts role in respond ing to csa by Church leaders , needs to become a

g reater priori ty for rel ig ious organ isations (cf. Franz 2002 ; Bl umenthal 2005) .

Research participants' defi n i tions of forg iveness uti l i sed several themes

i ncl ud i ng : forgiveness as freedom, forg iveness as an identity choice and

forg iveness as an act of vol ition rather than emotion . Research partici pants

were ab le to further d evelop concepts of forgiveness s pecifica l ly i n terms of its

role for perpetrators and victim/su rvivors , its role in manag ing csa by Church

leaders and its relationsh ip to concepts of apology and repentance . What

emerges from resea rch partici pants' d iscussion of forg iveness is its power i n

identity formation , not on ly for survivors of csa by Church leaders, but a lso the

Church . The relationsh ip between forg iveness and identity formation is

d iscussed here i n terms of narrative. This involves the recognit ion of

storytel l i ng as a means of generati ng conceptua l understandi ng and provid ing

frameworks with i n wh i ch identity can be formed . Further, healthy identity

formation uti l is ing forg iveness i s seen to prioritise truth tel l i ng about csa by

Church leaders , a long with the empowerment of victim/surv ivors to provide

narrative to bui ld understanding and heal i ng .

Restorative justice praxis i s recognised as provid i ng i nteresti ng i nsights i nto

the means of foru ms for truth tel l i ng and other i ssues specific to gendered and

1 3 7

sexua l vio lence. Research partici pants argued that churches should not

assume that they can take the p lace of criminal justice responses, restorative

or otherwise. Significant thematic issues that emerged from research

i nterviews are also present i n restorative justice l i terature and as such there is

a growing body of work that may be used to further understanding of the

possible role of forgiveness , truth tel l ing and narrative in responding to csa by

Church leaders. In focuss ing more i ntently on the issue of forgiveness , th is

chapter accommodates an important recognition of the particular role of power

i n csa , forgiveness and church management.

Defi n i ng forgiveness

Psychotherapist Franz (2002:8) argues that when appl ied to survivors of

abuse by Church leaders, forgiveness can have acutely damag i ng resu lts . A

sound contri butor to the damaging effects of forgiveness is the ways i n wh ich

it has been uti l i sed in praxis by churches . Franz (2002) situates her d iscussion

of forgiveness in the context of patriarchal discourses that have enabled csa

by Church leaders . Franz (2002) demonstrates the ways in wh ich concepts of

forgiveness can be seen as deriving their mean ing and praxis in tension with

other d iscourses. This is reflected in a growing focus on forgiveness

d iscourses across mu lti p le d isci pl i nes (cf. Makaski l l 2005 ; Brush et al. 2001 ;

Berecz 200 1 ) .

Brush et al. (200 1 ) demonstrate forgiveness praxis as becomi ng of i ncreased

i nterest across a d iversity of fields and , as such , the theoretical u nderpi nn i ngs

of forgiveness are expand ing . A broadly accepted defi nit ion of forgiveness has

proven i l l usive across a range of d isci p l i nes (Macaski l l 2005: 1 237) . Certa i n

princi p les, however, rema in central to any defin it ion of forgiveness . These

i nclude conceptual is ing forgiveness in relational terms, constructi ng

forgiveness as involvi ng human agency, and relati ng it to emotional ,

psychological and spi ri tua l wel l being (cf. Macaski l l 2005; Brush et al. 200 1 ;

Berecz 200 1 ) . At a relational level forgiveness is typical ly u nderstood to

i nvolve at l east two parties: victim/survivor(s) and perpetrator(s) . Defin itions of

forgiveness may expl icit ly or impl icit ly reject or accept reconci l iation as having

1 3 8

a rol e i n , or as i nd icative of, ach ievi ng forg iveness (cf. Gobodo-Madi kizela

2002 ; Smedes 1 998; Walker & Gorsuch 2004) . There is, however, g rowing

recognition of the i mportance of self-forgiveness and its abi l i ty to impact on

identity formation (cf. Hal l & Fincham 2005; D i l lon 200 1 ) .

For research partici pants , defi n i ng forgiveness as a personal and professional

concept often i nvolves the use of metaphor and narrative . Bi-l i ngua l educator

and researcher Or Rene Gal i ndo (2007 :251 -253) identifies narrative as a

means of constructi ng and understand ing self. Narratives can be u nderstood

to function as types of d iscourse wh ich both i nform and l i mit the ways i n which

self can be understood , constructed and chal lenged (Gal indo 2007 :25 1 -253;

Butler 2004 : 1 -7 ; cf. But ler 2005) . Butler ( 1 997 :5 ; 2004 : 3-7) mai nta ins that the

subject is constructed through d iscourse. For Butler ( 1 997 :5) :

One "exists" not only b y virtue of being recognised , but in a prior sense , by be ing recognizable. The terms that faci l itate recogn ition are themselves conventiona l , the effects and instruments of social ritua l that decide , often through exclusion and violence , the l ingu istic cond ition of survivable subjects . (Emphasis in origina l )

For Butler ( 1 997 :5 ; 2004 :3-7) , the stories we te l l and language we use define

i ndividual subjects through complex engagement with power, resistance and

autonomy. Rona i ( 1 997 : 1 23- 1 25) a rgues that our identity is constructed in the

stories we tel l about ou rselves and the way these stories are placed with in

'tempora l and socia l place' (cf. Gal l i ndo 2007) . I n l i ne with th is , i t is bei ng

i ncreasi ng ly recogn ised that narrative has an i mperative function i n

commun ication (cf. Gooda l l 2006; Blyler 1 996; Soto & Yu 2007) . Th is i s h ighly

s ign i ficant in understand ing the ways that v ictim/su rvivors of trauma may use

narrative to construct and understand thei r identity, i nclud i ng in relation to

forg iveness (cf. Norman 2000 ) . Also sig nificant is Ronai 's ( 1 997 : 1 23-1 25)

further poi nt that the use of narrative constructs identit ies that i nvite others to

access them. To use Rona i 's ( 1 997 : 1 23- 1 25) example , each i nd iv idual

survivor of csa has a story that , when tol d , i nvites others to defi ne their own

stories i n rel ation to i t . For research partici pants the use of narrative to expla in

forg iveness is a means of i nviti ng others to embrace a forg ivi ng identity, to

define the i r own ab i l ity , or wi l l i ngness , to forg ive i n relationship to others . I n

th is way storyte l l i ng can be understood a s a means of constructi ng mean ing .

1 39

The stories used by participants to articulate concepts of forgiveness emerged

from the i r own experience of what they characterised as forgiving , their fami ly

and friends' experiences, from stories that they had been told of others and

through using everyday objects i n story form to construct and convey

mean ing . D inah (traditional ) demonstrates th is :

. . . Forg iveness though is us ing a rubber and rubbing out the l ists of s ins, or the l ists of rebel l ions, or the l ist of urn, everyth ing that is against what God wou ld have us do and how we should l ive .

Uti l i s ing a fami l iar object, Di nah conveys a poi nt about the total i ty of

forgiveness i n relationsh ip with God . Forgiveness is immed iately conveyed to

be a relational concept wh ich , in the most refined form, involves the agency

and authority of God . I n this brief story God is attributed with the ab i l ity to

establ i sh a standard of l iv ing and to erase transgressions wh ich contravene

H is wi l l for human behaviour. Thereby, His identity is depicted as both

authoritative and forgiving . Christian concepts of forg iveness express it as fi rst

demonstrated by God towards human ity and so Christians are asked to

forgive others as they have been forgiven by God . I nterpreti ng what th is

means i n action remains contentious i n the minds of both research

partici pants and theologians (cf. Mu l ler-Fahrenholz 1 997 ; Stan ley 1 987 ; Jones

1 995) . As demonstrated by Dinah above , where forgiveness is defi ned by

reference to God , the use of narrative as a means of bu i ld ing the identity of

God is pivota l . This is also true of bu i ld ing human identity in response to the

forgivi ng identity of God . Drawing on Butler ( 1 997 :5 ; 2004 :3-7) th is means that

forgiveness narratives may become a means by which the subject can

recognise themselves and recognise the other in God . This then has a

profound impact on the subjects' identity through performing rituals of

forgiveness such as confession , repentance . Narrative is used , then , to

commun icate not only mean ing but identity.

D inah (traditional ) expands on her understand i ng of forgiveness by the use of

a story wh ich she then ties i nto the account of Jesus' death and resurrection :

. . . lt 's l ike a , I heard a guy the other day tel l a story about a man in the second world [war] was hurt, he and h is , the capta in and h is troops were marching from one city to another, march ing past a h i l l and in a

1 40

l ittle d i tch ha lfway up the h i l l were the enemy and they were snip ing on th is guy's men and so and there was nowhere to ru n to , nowhere to h ide , so he ah , ran up the h i l l towards the sn ipers and got h is g renade and pu l led the p in out and jumped into the pit where the snipers where and blew h imself up a long with the enemy in order to save the men . So the men don 't then say '0 what d id he do that for, that's a bit stup id , he shou ldn 't have done that, got a cigarette?' U m , if you u nderstand what he's done it has an impact on how you v iew h im , what you know, and the , t he g ratitude that you have towards h im . U m , why a m I te l l i ng you that? Ah , urn , yeah , ah yeah , s o a recogn ition of what Jesus has done for us u m , a rea l recogn ition wi l l bring about ah , a desire to, to e lect God , a desire to thank h im for what he's done for us , a desire to understand that we can l ive in rebel l ion against h im and so forg ive us for that. God then asks us to forg ive others in the same way.

I n her extensive narrative , Di nah constructs an identity of a human hero , ties

th is hero to Jesus and invites others to partici pate i n a forg iving identity by

recognisi ng heroic sacrifice, relationsh ip with God , and a consequential

uti l i sation of agency to act in the sacrifi cia l forg ivi ng way . The sold ier is meant

to s ignify that the sacrifi ce of Jesus enables l ife and clears the path for

h u mans to engage with recogn ition that they are i n need of forgiveness . This

recognit ion comes from gratitude for the sacrifice of Jesus. This narrative

exp l i citly marks an actor , a receiver, the relationship between these, and the

'tempora l order of events' i n order to bu i ld mean ing a nd offer identity (Soto &

Yu 2007 :28) .

I n Di nah's narrative the in itia l actor i s a n unknown World War Two (WWI I )

sold ier whose actions have a d i rect impact on two sets of g roups with whom

he is in relationshi p . The characters of this story may be actua l or fictional ,

what is s ign ificant i s the status accorded to them by those who hear the story .

The sold iers saved are expected to express a gratitude that those ki l led ,

characterised a s the enemy, a re not. The saviour/sold ier's fel low troops are

then i nvited to incorporate thi s gratitude in their own actions in a way that

those ki l led were not. Had they d ismissed the hero's actions thei r val i d ity as

actors wou ld be rejected . Here i ngratitude becomes the d iscourse of identity

to resist and in tyi ng th is to Jesus , D inah i ncorporates forgiveness as a means

of resisti ng i ngrati tude and embraci ng what is constructed as a right identity

as i ndebted to Jesus for h is sacrifi ce and forg iveness . Through this story we

a re asked to identify with those saved by the sold ier/saviour i n order to then

1 4 1

be enabled to demonstrate what it means to act sacrificia l ly as the

sold ier/saviour in the l ives of others . In such a narrative construction of

sacrifi ce , a truth about the performance of a certain Christian identity and an

ab i l ity for subjects to be constructed as a forgivi ng Christian , are being offered

as part of identity formation for subjects .

Butler (cf. 2005) identifies this type of recogn ition by others , through certai n

socia l 'truths' and rituals , a s essential to the identifi cation of the subject. I n

speaking of Foucaultian subjects Butler (2005:22) summarises :

. . . the reg ime of truth offers a framework for the scene of recogn ition , del ineating who wi l l qual ify as a subject of recogn ition and offering avai lable norms for the act of recognition . In Foucau lt's view, there is a lways a relation to this regime, a mode of self­crafting that takes place in the context of the norms at issue and specifica l ly, negotiates an answer to the question of who the " I " wil l be in relation to these norms.

Dinah 's tel l i ng of a story to i l l ustrate forgiveness demonstrates the way i n

wh ich the use of narrative contri butes to a broader forgiveness d iscourse

where forg iveness becomes characterised by sacrific ia l action and the

performance of this action comes to s ign ify identity that makes the subject

recognisable (cf. Butler 2005; Karramans, Van Lange & Hol land 2005;

Florczak 2004) . I n identifyi ng with any of the actors presented in the story ,

subjects are partici pati ng i n answering 'the question of who the " I " wi l l be' i n

relation to the narratives offered (Butler 2005 :22) . Characterisation of

forgiveness as sacrifi cia l has been i nterpreted by some i n ways that have

been damagi ng to victim/survivors of csa by Church leaders (cf. Franz 2002) .

Where forg iveness is defi ned by reference to sacrifi ce i t leaves room for

abuses of power (cf. Gnanadason 2006) . This is particu larly so i n i nstitutions

and d iscourses of a patriarchal nature . For vict im/survivors of csa by Church

leaders Chri stian narratives of forgiveness have often been used to impose on

them a mandate that they accept both suffering and forgiveness as part of

their Christian duty, and so bear the consequences of abuse with i n

themselves , rather than have the perpetrator of harm bear the consequences

(cf. Gnanadason 2006; Franz 2002 ; Pope 2004) . In such constructions

1 42

victim/survivors are cal l ed to embrace a Christ-l ike identity i n thei r acts of

sacrificia l love for those who have harmed them. Stories simi lar to those told

by D i nah , used in conjunction with the gospel story of the crucifixion of Jesus,

offer th is type of forgiveness as appropriate for a Chri stian identity (cf. Maurice

2007) .

A s ign ificant d ifference between the story of Jesus' sacrifi ce and that of

v ictim/survivors i s that Jesus' story is retold and h is sacrifi ce is recogn ised .

F inke l et al. (2002 :958) criti ci se Christian theological constructs of forg iveness

as p laci ng too much emphasis on 'sai ntly forg iveness' . For Finkel et al. (2002 :958) the i ssue i s i n understand ing the nature of the harmfu l event. If a

v ictim/survivor comes to understand why the perpetrator acted as they d id ,

th is may go towards absolvi ng the perpetrator of responsib i l ity by cha ng i ng

the nature of the event; hence , forgiveness becomes redundant (F inke l et al. 2002 :958; Derrida 1 997 :39) . For victi m/su rvivors their sai ntly sacrifi cial

forg iveness has most often requ i red the i r s i lence and a denial of justice wh ich

re-enforces powerlessness rather than l i berty (cf. Pope 2004 ; Brown & Parker

1 989) . For many research partici pants , however, forgiveness was closely

l i nked to identity and freedom.

Forg iveness as freedom, agency and identity

Given the central i ty of forgiveness to Chri stian doctri ne and practice , i t i s not

surpris i ng that research partic ipants saw forgiveness as an i mportant part of

manag ing csa by Church leaders (cf. De Smet 2007; Marty 1 998; Ensor

1 997) . Research partici pants often defi ned forg iveness with themes of

freedom. James (tradit ional) argues that:

To forg ive urn, is to a l low a situation or a person to move on and it 's to acknowledge that someth ing happe ned , which has left a rea l impression or mark on a l ife , and by that career, fami ly , but , but you are not he ld captive by it any more . . . . Forg iveness is l iberation , it's freedom um , and being able to let go and move on .

James defi nes forg iveness by its ab i l i ty to l i berate victim/survivors of harm

from at least some of the consequences of that harm. For James, forg iveness

is an act wh ich comes from the agency of the v ictim/survivor. l t i s , i n part,

through exercis ing th is agency that victim/survivors are seen as constructing

1 43

an identity that moves beyond that of powerlessness as a resu lt of abuse . I n

the perception of research partici pants , forgiveness i s understood a s a

d iscourse of resistance that is control led by victim/survivors rather than by

others (cf. Foucault 1 977) . In th is standpoint, forgiveness should not be

demanded as the only su itable response, but should be appropriated by

victim/survivors for themselves in the process of a journey rather than a s ing le

event (Franz 2002 :8 ; Jenki ns , Hal l & Joy 2002 :35; Casey 1 998:227-228) . This

model of forg iveness emphasises the choice of victim/survivors to forgive as a

means of ga in ing l iberty from perpetrators of harm.

For many partici pants this l i berty was characterised specifical ly in terms of

moving beyond perpetrators' abi l ity to have power over thei r victim/survivors .

For Rebekah (non-traditional ) :

Unti l . . . I can forg ive that person they sti l l have power over m e . . . . I rea l ly see hatred of someone urn, as a negative th ing , that I 'm using my energy in a negative way and so unt i l I can just accept that th is has happened and forg ive them, I might not l ike them, I might not want to have any contact with them or anything but . . . it means that you can move on . . . .

For many partici pants , and for much of the l iterature , l i beration from negative

emotions such as hatred , resentment, fear and the desi re for revenge are the

primary benefits of forg iveness (Exl ine et al. 2004 :894; McCu l lough et al.

1 998: 1 587 ; Worth ington et al. 2006 :33) . Hol ly (non-traditiona l ) further

descri bes the significance for survivors in neutra l isi ng perpetrators' power:

I th ink it (forg iveness) is rea l ly vita l because how can you have freedom? Urn, I often say to clients , it's a bit l ike the puppet on the string , you know, and if the perpetrator walked into this room he wou ld play you , he wou ld have your emotions in chaos because , you know, you haven 't cut those strings and I think cutting those strings is l ike forg iveness . . . and if they can forg ive then they can experience l ife for themselves . . .

l t is clear that these research partici pants see forgiveness as an act of

autonomy that enables victim/survivors to construct their identities and

reframe perpetrators as no longer able to man ipulate or control them. This i s a

form of identity change where victim/survivors appeal to new d iscourses i n

order to present a 'self to be recognised by others (cf. Butler 2005; 1 997;

2004) . That victim survivors can draw on different d iscourses in presenti ng

self is consistent with Butler's (2005 :66) conceptual isation of the self as non-

1 44

static and constructed i n narratives that are i n itiated at a particular time,

enacted through articu lation i n l anguage and l i nked to other narratives of self.

I n th is transformative process , forgiveness may be constructed as a part of an

ongoing safety plan for victi m/su rvivors because it beg ins in acknowledging

the harm done by the abuse and moves to rel inqu ish ing negative feel i ngs

(Franz 2002 :9 ; Jenki ns , Hall & Joy 2002 :39; Casey 1 998:227-228) . This i s a

d iscursive sh ift that, for many partici pants , identifies forgiveness as a means

of constructi ng victi m/su rvivor identity as no longer powerless to perpetrators,

but empowered to 'experience l ife for themselves' (Ho l ly non-traditional ) , or i n

a process of empowerment wh ich emphasised choice .

'

For both D inah (trad i tional ) and Malaki (non-tradi tional ) forg iveness was not

dependent on an emotional state so much as a cho ice by victim/survivors of

harm. To forgive was to exercise vol ition and so to engage i n l i berati ng the

self. For D i nah , th is beg ins with a wi l l i ngness to forg ive . D inah expressed her

perspective as :

. . . someone who 's understood the concept of forg iveness wi l l understand that they are wi l l ing to forg ive ; a l l he has to do is come and ask urn, a nd I wou ld be wil l ing to forgive. Whether I felt l ike I 've forg iven h im or not, that's got noth ing to do with it . U rn , the feel ing world rea l ly is not going to change instantly because he's asking for forg iveness and you 've g iven it to h im .

Malaki articu lated s im i lar themes to D inah , argu ing that forg iveness

was an act of vol i tion not emotion :

. . . i f someone offends aga inst one of those rules aga inst me , that g ives me a clear right as a member of the human race to say "You 've , you 've broken the law here and , and so I 'm going to have to forg ive you . I don't want to forg ive you , I don 't feel l ike forg iving you but I wi l l as an act of the wi l l . So I th ink forg iveness is not actual ly a feel ing it 's an act of the wi l l , it 's a choice. And umm, a nd . . . it's a posture that we have to maintain because on any week, if I start remembering what this person did that was abusing me in that umm, psycholog ica l way when I was young , if I start th inking about it I can start, I can actua l ly desce nd back into that hate and I can actua l ly start re-l iving it a l l .

Both Malaki and D inah argue that forgiveness may not necessari ly be a desi re

of a victim/su rvivor of harm, but that i t may, none-the-less , be a choice they

make . l t i s i mportant to remember that both of these partici pants have

constructed forg iveness as l i be rating for victim/su rvivors . Malaki identifies

forgiveness as an ongoi ng choice , as an ongoing engagement with identity

1 45

formation and as a means of asserting vol ition over negative emotions . Malaki

clearly demonstrates that constructing a narrative of h imself as forg iving , that

maki ng th is identity cla im , is a flu id process wh ich he actively engages with i n

order to re-order o r reconstruct h is emotional identity (Butler 2005:66) .

This is consistent with Butler's (2005:66) understanding of the narrative

presentation of self over time :

I beg in a story about myself, and I begin somewhere , marking a time , trying to beg in a sequence , offering perhaps , causal l inks or perhaps narrative structure . I narrate and I bind myself as I narrate , g ive an account of myself to an other in the form of a story that might wel l work to summarise how and why I am .

For Butler (2005:66) th is narrati ng of self is a process that i s performative

because the I is constituted and reconstituted in the narrati ng of self just as for

Malaki the construction of self as forgivi ng is a story that is told and retold as

the choice to forgive is repeated and performed again and agai n . In a sense

th is tel l i ng and retel l i ng of a narrative of forg iveness is constructed as

therapeutic by partici pants because the self evolves away from negative

emotions to positive l i berati ng emotions.

Those partici pants who argued for the therapeutic benefits of forg iveness are

qu ick to contend that forgiveness did not mean forgett ing and it may not

necessari ly mean reconci l iation with the perpetrator. John (non-traditiona l )

sees forgiveness better conceptual ised as:

. . . a reaching for hope. That ah , the act or acts doesn 't have to be the th ing that defines them for a l l eternity and the struggle with forg iving is more a struggle with hope . . . .

What emerges from th is i s a n understanding of forgiveness that propels

i nd ividual identity to a place where victim/survivors are no longer defi ned by

thei r l ife experience of csa . Th is i s John's understanding of forgiveness as 'a

reachi ng for hope' that , for victim/survivors , identity need not be defi ned by

past acts . This is a lso evident in the perspective of those research

participants , such as Malaki and Dinah, who argues for a wi l l i ngness to forgive

as a choice to resist being defined by negative emotion . l t is i mportant to

recognise that these research participants are not argu ing that forgiveness

changes the nature of the event or events that caused the harm. Rather,

1 46

forg iveness i s an act and atti tude of those who are harmed , which a ims to

address the negative consequences of these events (Franz 2002 :9 ; Jenki ns,

Ha l l & Joy 2002 : 39 ; Casey 1 998:227-228). This model of forgiveness enables

the agency of victim/su rvivors , as wel l as the perpetrator of harm, to be

acknowledged and accounted for. From mu lt ip le partici pants the performative

nature of l anguage about forg iveness , and victim/survivors' uti l i sation of it i n

identity formation were central concerns.

For v ictim/su rvivors of csa by Church leaders thei r corporeal experiences of

abuse have often been denied or min imised by d iscourses of forgiveness that

do not enable them to pub l icly construct their stories in mean i ngfu l ways and

so gain from, and provide identity narratives for, others . As Morrison

(2005 :25-26) recogn ises, not a l l victim/survivors wi l l wish to publ ic ly construct

the i r stories and shou ld not be forced to by others d isclosi ng the abuse on

the i r behalf. The most s ign ificant i ssue here is the development of means by

which victi m/survivors have u l timate autonomy over the i r stories of abuse.

Because language is mal l eable , however, survivors may have an opportun ity

to access forgiveness d iscourse i n ways which do not reject it enti re ly , but

shape it to reflect and generate their own real ities , thei r own identities and to

partici pate i n the identities of others .

For most partici pants , the choice to forgive was i mperative to victim/su rvivors'

ongoing wel l being . Sophia (tradit iona l ) was the notable d ifference , however.

W here most partici pants saw forgiveness as the only way to be tru ly l i berated

from the i r past and negative emotions , Sophia d id not bel ieve this was

necessari ly so , argu ing i nstead :

Wel l , I don 't th i nk a lack of forg iveness necessari ly impl ies um , the presence of resentment. . . . I th ink that it's perfectly possib le to um , u m , to l ive with unresolved situations . I mean that's one of the things that makes us human and it 's one of the things that urn, I th ink um, is the measure of the strength of the person you know the ab i l ity to look at the paradox u m , so to l ive with u m , an unresolved issue um , may be a chal lenge but it's not necessari ly a wound or, or, or, you know, self inherently damaging.

For Soph ia , a part of an identity of human strength is the ab i l i ty to l ive without

resolution of negative emotions. Whi lst Sophia sees the resolution of negative

147

I

emotions as a possible outcome of forg iveness , she d id not see resolution as

essentia l to victim/survivor wel l-bei ng or agency. Sophia did recogn ise a

possib le role for forgiveness as one means for victim/survivors to exercise

agency and restore a sense of equal ity.

Soph ia saw forgiveness as a way of restoring ba lance between perpetrators

and victim/survivors , but that the process of achieving this was far more

important tha n achievi ng forgiveness itself:

I ' l l say at the end of a process and the process means restoring equal ity between the victim and perpetrator wh ich genera l ly means that the perpetrator urn has to be pun ished or undergo some form of contrition to ah restore the ba lance, because by the in it ial assau lt, the in itia l crime, the in itia l act urn, the perpetrator has basica l ly sa id that you are less than me . Urn, so that balance has to be restored urn , to the vict im to see that that urn , there is justice .

For Sophia balance may be restored through punishment and/or contrition of

the perpetrator. The purpose of th is was to elevate the victi m/survivor and so

the central element of these actions is vict im/survivor agency. The dynamics

of pun ishment and contri tion i n relationship to forg iveness are dealt with more

extensively elsewhere i n th is work. From a personal perspective , Sophia

e laborates , l ater in the i nterview, on the need for perpetrators to actively

engage with forgiveness processes:

. . . I have somebody in my l ife who , who , who , who has done me the most appal l ing wrong and he had the temerity to go and d ie before he ever asked my forg iveness, so I 'm stuck with it for the rest of my l ife you know ( laughter) , no way I can forg ive h im if he's never asked for it , never wanted , never thought he needed it, its, its ah , I th i nk that that's a very, very important part of forg iveness.

For Sophia , as for D inah , enacting forgiveness is dependent on the

perpetrator aski ng for it. In Sophia 's personal narrative , forg iveness is no

longer an option because the perpetrator cou ld no longer ask for it, nor cou ld

they be confronted with justice processes. Sophia , of a l l partici pants , is most

adamant that there must be a justice/forg iveness nexus without wh ich

forgiveness cou ld not be truly possible . Sophia presents a more complex

picture of the relationship of identity, agency and forgiveness. For Soph ia , the

victim/survivors abi l ity to construct the self as forgivi ng is dependent on the

perpetrator exercis ing agency to ask for forgiveness . Sophia did not val ue

forgiveness as ulti mately bring ing resolution of emotion but, rather, valued a

1 48

d iscourse of huma n strength which offered res istance to powerlessness

through exercis ing an ab i l i ty to l i ve with un resolved confl i ct . Soph ia holds a

com mon concern with other research partici pants i n bel ieving that d iscourses

of forgiveness shou ld enable victim/survivors to engage with processes wh ich

affected thei r identity i n positive ways.

For v ictim/su rvivors of csa by Church l eaders who have been subord i nate to

man ipu lative , unjust and abusive concepts of forgiveness, there i s the

potential to uti l i se the agency of language to choose to identify by l i berati ng

and empoweri ng models of forgiveness . Such models wi l l embrace truth

tel l i ng , rememberi ng and justice , as necessary elements of forgiveness . When

constructed i n th i s way, forg iveness may act as an agent of social

transformation , or, rather, provide agency as a language of socia l change.

Resistance for But ler (cf. 1 997a; 1 988) , however, is i nnately unstable.

Because the subject i s constituted i n l anguage , chal leng ing l anguage which

constitutes the subject leaves the subject in a posit ion of exposi ng their selves

to a socia l d eath (cf. M i l ls 2000) . This is premised on the position that to exist

i s to be subord inate to someth i ng (Butler 1 997b :2) . A part of resistance,

however, i s the choice of what the subject i s subord inate to .

For exa mp le , Rebekah 's (non-traditional ) characterisation of su rvivors as

puppets on a stri ng , who are able to cut the strings and obta in their own

agency, constructs survivors' physica l i ty as wel l as their emotional and

psycholog ica l positions as able to be transformed through their uti l i sation of

forg iveness d iscou rse . I n the case of csa by Chu rch leaders , this has meant

that Church leaders have been able to man ipu late survivors' constructions of

their bod ies as abused and restricted thei r abi l i ty to engage with d iscourses of

forg iveness that a re mean i ngfu l , truthful and just . Femin i st theolog ians have

pa id cons iderable attention to embod iment, sp i ri tua l i ty and abuse of power by

chu rch authorit ies and doctri ne (cf. G rovijahn 1 998 ; Matter 200 1 ; Pol i nska

2004) . These d iscou rses are important to furthering an understand ing of

forgiveness as a means of empowerment for victim/survivors of csa by Church

1 49

leaders and provid ing d iscourses which resist forgiveness bei ng uti l i sed as an

abusive construct.

Forg iveness, power, relationsh i p

The potential of forgiveness to be abusive is paramount i n any d iscussion of

forgiveness . Often forgiveness is characterised by research participants as

the very end of a long journey, coming i n phases or levels , or the importance

of a wi l l i ngness to forg ive was seen as the most s ignificant position for a

victim/survivor to reach . Esther (non-trad itional) argues strongly for the

recognit ion of the abusive potential of forgiveness :

I actua l ly don't th ink most perpetrators have the right to ask their victim for forg iveness. Urn, maybe the Church , maybe God , but I th ink asking the victim for forg iveness is spiritua l ly qu ite abusive .

Esther goes on to expand on her perspective saying:

. . . I strugg le with the whole forg iveness th ing because I th ink the Church and abusers are so qu ick to jump onto the forg iveness . . . and urn, without an understand ing of how long th is person's suffered for. And , you know, it's their, if it's good for the , in their heal ing then great, but you can 't push it or force it. l t , it a lmost needs to come from the [survivor] and not be requested.

For Esther, there needs to be ongoi ng victim/survivors' autonomy in the use of

forgiveness . Church leaders can no longer ins ist that victim/survivors forg ive

as a means of reconstructi ng past events to rel ieve perpetrators of

responsib i l i ty or agency (cf. Crisp 2007 :308) . This does not mean that

forgiveness should become absent from Christian teachi ng . Rather, there is

an opportun ity for forgiveness to be understood in victim centred ways and

addressed in forums i n wh ich i ndividual victim/survivors are not so vulnerable

to man ipu lation . Esther's position demonstrates an awareness of the need to

protect victim/survivors from further power imbalances through understandi ng

the cost of forgiveness. Perhaps the most significant difference between

perpetrators requesti ng forgiveness from God and requesti ng it from

victim/survivors is the bel ief i n the omnipotent power of God . I n a Christian

understand ing , God forgives out of mercy, generosity and graciousness whi l st

reta i n ing h is position of power (cf. Cheong & DiBiasio 2007 ; Webb et al. 2005) . Victim/survivors of csa by Church leaders do not hold such a position

of power from which to forgive and , as such , thei r agency in forgiveness can

be compromised .

1 50

For th is reason , other research partici pants exp l i cit ly objected to church

l eadershi p suggesti ng forg iveness to su rvivors of abuse by Church leaders .

D inah (traditiona l ) was particu larl y passionate on th is poi nt:

I th i nk the lack of understand ing of forg iveness is, comes from a coup le of d ifferent sources, a h , I th i nk it main ly comes from min isters who they [su rvivors] go to a nd say "th is is what ha ppened to me" and the m in isters say "wel l you need to forg ive h im" . . . Wh ich is just an outrage and I wou ld probably punch any min ister in the nose that I heard saying that, because that's a complete lack of understanding of forg iveness.

Dinah goes on to a rgue that the problem with th is use of forg iveness is that it

p laces the burden of responsib i l i ty with the victim/survivor and potentia l ly

i gnores perpetrators' responsib i l i ties . For Dinah this is caught up in the

authority of the Church i n survivors' l ives and ongoing power dynamics :

S o if they're , if they' re hearing that from the very body, from the very group that has abused them, that they a re to forgive , it puts the onus back on them, that the vict im has to fix the problem by forg iving the other person .

Dinah i l l ustrates the i mportance of understand i ng the role of relationshi p and

power i n the deployment of forg iveness at multi p le stages i nclud ing i n it iation .

For some research partici pants, forgiveness in thi s particu lar area was a

h igh ly personal experience .

Ho l l y (non-traditiona l ) d iscussed her own personal experience with

forgiveness and sexua l abuse by a Church leader. Duri ng her i nterview Hol ly

narrates her confrontation with a Church leader who had abused her as a

ch i l d :

. . . I said to h i m , you know, 'what you d id to m e when I was l ittle was wrong , you know, that, that was sexual abuse , you know, and you shou ldn 't have done that to me' and he said 'oh , it's a l l under the blood ' . You know, I mean what the heck does that mean?

Hol ly goes on to d iscuss how the construction of the narrative of Christ , and

the message of forg iveness that i s central to it because of the sacrifice of

God , was used abusively to deny the sign ificance of the abuse perpetrated

aga inst her and rel ieve the perpetrator of the responsibi l ity to confess,

a pologise and accept accountab i l i ty (cf. Crisp 2007 ; von Kel lenbach 2004) . lt

is clear from this that the perpetrator actively uses God's forgiveness to

mainta i n a position of safety. As d iscussed earl i er in th is chapter, stories

1 5 1

i nvolving the sacrificial nature of forgiveness are common i n the Christian

construction and have been used to compromise the agency of

victim/survivors . Research partici pants are not the only ones who recogn ise

the potentia l of abusive uses of forgiveness. The role of forgiveness i n relation

to survivors of gendered violence is receiving added attention by restorative

justice proponents and critics (cf. Cameron 2006; Daly 2002) . Some forms of

restorative justice , i ncluding peacekeeping , have found some synthesis with

Christian sp i ritual ity (cf. Bender & Armour 2007 ; Lemley 200 1 ). For both

theology and restorative justice , csa presents complex and d ifficult ground to

negotiate and analyse .

Restorative j u stice, forgiveness and gendered violence

Restorative justice is taki ng on an increasingly complex p lace in contemporary

crimina l just ice (Braithwaite & Strang 200 1 :8- 1 3 ; cf. Atki nson 2002 ; Cohen

200 1 a ) . A part of th is complexity i s that restorative justice conti nues to lack an

'agreed defi n ition ' (Stubbs 2004:2) . Rather, it is recognised that restorative

justice covers a range of crimi nal justice practices and functions i n ways that

emphasise reparation of harm, the effect of crime on social ties and relational

dynamics between victim/survivors , offenders and communit ies (Dzur & Olsen

2004 :9 1 ; Braithwaite & Strang 2001 : 1 -2; Sherrnan et al. 2005 :367) . In addit ion

to th is , effective forms of shaming and rei ntegration are significant

components of restorative justice praxis (cf. Bra ithwaite 2000) . According to

Braithwaite & Strang (2001 : 1 ) , restorative justice has come to be d iscussed i n

two ways: 'process conception' and 'va lues conception ' . Accordi ng to process

conception , restorative justice is a process that focuses on bring ing together

al l 'stakeholders affected by some harm that has been done' (Bra ithwaite & Strang 200 1 : 1 ) . lt is notable that the focus here is not on crimi nal violation ,

a l though the criminal ity of an action is not ignored , but on harm. I n th is way,

restorative justice processes may be used to subvert constructions of

mascu l i n ity that value cri mi nal violence, if appl ied at an appropriate time and

i n an appropriate way (cf. Braithwaite & Daly 1 994) . Conceptual i si ng

restorative justice i n terms of val ues , focuses on the ways i n wh ich it d iffers

from 'trad itional puni tive state justice ' , or what is typical ly understood as

1 52

retri butive justice (Bra ithwaite & Strang 200 1 : 1 ) . This model purports to reject

pun ishment as the on ly reasonable and potentia l ly effective response to

harms , and focus i nstead on 'heal i ng that begets heal ing ' (Braithwaite & Strang 200 1 :2 ) . Restorative justice is not necessari ly appositional to, nor

excl us ionary of, a l l p rinciples of retri butive justice (cf. Skotnicki 2006 : 1 90 ; Daly

2002 ) .

Recognis ing that retri butive justice often fai l s survivors of gendered violence,

some theori sts and practitioners have proposed a sh ift to restorative just ice

processes as a means of better meeti ng the needs of victim/survivors . This

debate has largely been held i n terms of i nt imate partner violence and sexual

assau lt offences (cf. Hudson 2002 ; Daly & Stubbs 2006 ; Cameron 2006) .

Wh i lst victim/surv ivor centeredness is a princ ip le of restorative justice , its

ab i l ity to del iver secure , non-threaten ing environments where victim/su rv ivors

are free from man i pu lation by perpetrators of violence is a major concern for

femi n ist crit ics . With i n th is d iscourse i t i s recognised that apology and

forg iveness al ready play a rol e in i ntimate partner violence (Stubbs 2004: 1 6 ;

2006 :6-9) . U ndenia bly , as i n the Church , apology has often been used by

perpetrators of csa to s i lence thei r victim/survivors and a l low abuse to

continue (cf. Franz 2002) . I n explori ng the common ground of apology and

forg iveness , restorative justice does provide some usefu l resources for

consideri ng partici pants' perspectives .

I n Hol ly 's (non-trad itional ) case above , her abuser was able to subvert the

need for apology and attempt to man i pulate Hol ly i nto a d iscourse of

forg iveness by pleadi ng the 'blood ' of Jesus as a coveri ng agent. The abuser

in th is i nstance attempted to construct a p ictu re by appeal ing to the

forgiveness and sacrifice of Jesus, the h igher authority. S imi larly to

adversaria l systems of justice , this abuser constructed the resolution of h is

offences in a way that excluded the victi m/su rvivor i n any mean ingfu l way .

Th is abuser's concept of justice placed the dispute between h imself and God ,

just as adversarial justice places the d ispute between the perpetrator and the

State . After she commented that Church leaders rarely returned to chu rches

1 53

to apologise for thei r abusive behaviours , I asked Naomi (trad itiona l ) to reflect

on why th is was so. Naomi responded sayi ng :

Well isn 't that a l l tied up with [the] thing that um, they would see their behaviour as responsible to God . I think, I mean , I th ink it 's the issue of who their accountable to and many priests would see that they're accountable to God in terms of their behaviour. Where 1 wou ld add the people they serve.

I n this, Naomi identifies i ssues of accountabi l ity that are partly tied to

constructions of Church leaders and thei r positions of power that h igh l ight the

structural positions of Church leaders as often problematic. I n Hol ly's case

she was potential ly s i lenced in the tel l i ng of her story in any mean ingful way ,

through a construction of the perpetrator as reconci led with God and so not

need i ng to reconci le mean i ngful ly with his victim. This essentia l ly means that

the perpetrator is accountable only to God , not to the victim/survivor or others

who may be harmed . Hol ly rejects th is sayi ng :

. . . He thought he d idn 't have to say sorry, see I guess you know, sure God can forg ive them and does forg ive them for sexua l abuse , but my understanding of what God wants from us to say, you know, if I had wronged you , I 'd have to put i t right with you as wel l as God . . .

Hol ly i nterprets any construction of forgiveness that excludes the survivor as

abusive and a mis-appropriation of Bibl ical constructions. James (trad itional )

reflects further on the role of acknowledgment and b ib l ical standards :

. . . lt 's a , a g ross ah , misunderstanding of the sacrament of penance or reconci l iation to th ink that by some incantation of bel ls and smel ls and um, going through a formula that that then wipes everyth ing away. Ah , and the best clues are in scripture ah , and in the teach ing trad ition of the teaching church , a l l of wh ich say there has to be ah , a recogn ition , an awareness that you 've done wrong , contrition , and part of that wi l l be repaying the debt you owe another,

For James, Hol ly and other research partici pants , forgiveness is relational

and , therefore , i ncomplete where survivors are not i nvolved . The fact that

attitudes that have excluded survivors have been a l lowed to exist, and at

times thrive , in churches has no doubt contributed to questions as to the

viabi l i ty of forgiveness as a heal i ng concept. As James i nd icates, this is most

l i kely when ritua ls , formal or i nformal , are spi ritual ised as mag ical formu las .

For James, th is is evident in sacraments of penance . With in restorative justice

l i terature the significance of 'genu ine ' apology has been recogn ised (Stubbs

2004 : 1 6 ; cf. Bennett 2006; Cook 2007) .

1 54

..

Repentance and a pology

For the majority of research partici pants ' , repentance of the perpetrator,

expressed in the form of apology to the i r victim/survivors, and even church

commun it ies affected by their abuses, composed an important element of

forgiveness, because it recogn ised the agency of perpetrators . For research

participants , repentance was encapsulated by processes of accepti ng

responsi b i l i ty , mak ing reparation of some form, accepti ng pun ishments and

accepti ng accountab i l ity. For Josiah (non-traditiona l ) :

. . . Repentance is own ing the action, owning the s i n and admitting it and u rn , and being wi l l ing to pay the consequences for the sin and turn ing around and, and not doing that aga in .

Ad mitti ng one 's si n as a process of own i ng it is important to many partici pants'

constructions of repentance . For restorative justice the process of admission

of g ui l t and acceptance of responsib i l i ty is p ivota l i n effective shaming and

re integration of offenders (Braithwaite 1 989: 1 62- 1 65 ; Cohen 200 1 a :223-224) .

For Phoebe (traditiona l ) , confession and repentance are i ntimately tied :

. . . fo l lowing a confession there needs to be repentance . U m which means , not just confessing or apologis ing , or intending not to repeat, urn , it actua l ly means to turn around , to change your behaviour, to change your l ife so the offence will never be repeated . . . . l t may mean th ings l ike taking the necessary steps for justice , making amends for what they've done in some way even , even just , just acknowledging it was the wrong th ing to do . . . .

W hat appears to be lacking i n many chu rch responses to csa by Church

leaders are appropriate forums for perpetrators to acknowledge thei r

acceptance of responsib i l ity for their abusive behaviours and consequent

accountab i l i ty (cf. Beste 2005; Pal i ng 2005) . As restorative justice recognises ,

it i s not enough that th is may happen away from the view of those affected by

the harm. Rather, there must be forums where stakeholders, or thei r

representatives , share i n justice processes and the heal i ng of harms

(Skotn icki 2006 : 1 88- 1 89) .

As ceremon ies of repentance , restorative justice conferences provide an

opportunity for perpetrators of harm to g ive thei r account of the relevant

events , accept responsib i l i ty and seek forgiveness. Repentance was h ighly

va l ued by research partici pants as a necessary step for perpetrators of csa in

their own heal i ng and d i rectly related to seeki ng forgiveness from God ,

1 55

victim/survivors and chu rch communities . Simi larly to Phoebe (non­

traditional ) , John (non-traditional) emphasises an understanding of

repentance that entai l s a complete change in attitude:

. . . repentance l itera l ly means ah, a turning back from. l t 's l ike chucking a u-ey and head ing back the other way. So it 's not just saying sorry but ah , it takes a whole change of attitude and behaviour. Um, often you get the picture of ah, you say sorry and go on , ah , repentance doesn't have that feel at a l l and ah , real ly shou ld happen in a communa l setting , 'cause I th ink you need help in ah , chang ing . . .

John identifies a signifi cant issue i n apology and its role i n repentance . For

John , this i s encapsulated in a disti nction between saying sorry and moving

on and true repentance which is much more complex. The use of apology as

a means of simple release from consequences has been recogn ised by a

number of authors (Yantzi 1 998 : 1 23 ; Jenkins 200 : 1 55- 1 56) . Apology uti l i sed

in this way is essentia l ly far too simpl istic, man ipulative and is often used to

p lace expectancy on victim/survivors to forgive rather than generate

ci rcumstances where it is emotional ly , psychological ly , spi ritua l ly and

physical ly safe for survivors to forg ive . Sociologist and Counsel lor Mark

Yantzi , ( 1 998: 1 24) reflects on this :

I n the Church's understanding of forg iveness , the focus often seems to be on the victim , more than on the offender. Victims are pressured to justify their refusal to forg ive . Th is is most unfa ir . The Bible has much more to say about repentance than it does about forg iveness . We wou ld be wise to fol low that example .

Focussi ng on perpetrators' repentance rather than survivors' forg iveness is a

means of min imis ing the potentia l for vict im/survivors to bear the brunt of

responsib i l ity.

Rebekah (non-trad itional ) recognises the danger of forgiveness as a means of

avoid ing accountabi l ity (cf. Jenki ns 2006) . Rebekah defi nes repentance as :

Where a person understands what they've done, understands the pain that they've brought on other people and . . . endeavours to change and be a d ifferent way. They're sorry for what they've done , they ask for forg iveness but it's not forg iveness just to get themselves out of trouble, it's because they're prepared to change .

Ju l ich's (2006) New Zealand study revealed that perpetrators uti l is ing apology

and forgiveness as a means of avoid ing responsibi l i ty was a pri mary concern

for adu lt survivors of chi ld sexua l abuse when explori ng alternative models of

ach ieving justice . Although participants in Ju l i ch 's (2006: 1 3 1 ) study

1 56

recogn ised that the crim inal just ice system was often s i lenci ng of survivors ,

and that secondary victimisation was l i kely, they were wary that restorative

justice practices may faci l i tate means for perpetrators to easi ly avoid real

accountabi l ity . One concern for survivors was that perpetrators wou ld be able

to say sorry and move on regard less of whether there were any rea l

understand ing of the effects of the i r crimes or any real desire for change and

accountabi l ity (Ju l ich 2006 : 1 33) . Ju l ich (2006 : 1 35- 1 36) recognised the

s ign ificance of these concerns , but d id not concl ude that they were

i nsurmountab le obstacles to i ntroduci ng restorative justice as a mean i ngfu l

and a ppropriate means of ach ievi ng justice for survivors of ch i ldhood sexual

v iolence .

Restorative justice has va l id ity i n responding to cases of gendered violence

because of its potentia l as a forum for victi m/survivors to tel l thei r stories , have

thei r stories val idated by others , and for perpetrators to engage on a deep

level with transformative repentance, apology and potentia l ly forgiveness and

re i ntegration . As recogn ised by restorative justice l i teratu re , the symbol ism of

these processes may hold mean i ng for perpetrators of harm, victim/survivors

and commun it ies (cf. Bennet 2006; Sherman et al. 2005) .

Ph i losopher, Christopher Bennet (2006 : 1 28) , identifies the growing

consciousness of the i mportance of symbol ism for victim/survivors of harm.

Apology is being i ncreasingly recognised as a symbol ic event that i s of

particu lar importance for both victim/survivors' and perpetrators' heal i ng when

conducted in ways wh ich are mean i ngfu l for the indiv iduals i nvolved . Apology

is a means of perpetrators expressing thei r responsibi l ity for the events , and in

doi ng so , commun icati ng to victim/survivors that victim/survivors are i n no way

responsib le for the abuse (Ha ley 1 998:850-852 ; Jenki ns 2006 : 1 55- 1 57) . As

a l ready raised , however, apology is not u nproblematic i n appl ication and , as

such , the conditions of an apology must be closely monitored (Hopki ns & Koss 2005 :7 1 3-7 1 4 ; cf. Stubbs 2007) . D inah (traditional) narrated an account

of non-genu ine apology that she had personal ly witnessed :

1 57

. . . a min ister that we had sexual ly abused qu ite a few, um , g i rls , ah , he was the youth min ister and then he was the min ister, ah , went on for qu ite a few years , we've just recently had ah, one of the women who he abused in for him to con , for her to confront him and he was wi l l ing to apolog ise. Urn, he's sti l l a part of the congregation and um, the , he sa id to her " I 'm sorry, what I d id to you was wrong because I was the min ister. I u nderstand that now, but at the time you were the one in charge of our re lationship , you were the one coming on to me, you were the one that had the power in the relationsh ip". Now there's a man who has not understood what he d id . And it's that l ittle word ' but' . Urn so as soon as he's sa id that, there's no way that you can

trust th is man not to do it again . Dinah highl ights several key issues i n her narrative . The primary poi nt is that

apologies must adequately recogn ise power in the abusive relationship and

unconditional acceptance of responsibi l i ty. Cond ition ing an apology is an

attempt to i l legitimately rel ieve responsib i l i ty for abuses and undermi nes the

position of the survivor. In Di nah's account there is an expl icit p laci ng of b lame

on the survivor for the abuse; other authors have recogn ised , however, that

th is blame shifti ng may be much more subtle , particularly when it is placed i n

the context of gendered violence i n long term relationships (cf. Koss 2000 ;

Daly 2008) . For Di nah (trad itional) a cond itioned apology is ind icative that a

perpetrator is not ready to be safely reintegrated into a communi ty (cf. Daly

2002) .

South Austra l ia has seen tria ls in applyi ng restorative justice to sexua l

offences committed by juven i les agai nst younger victims . Recogn is ing the

s ignifi cance of 'genu i ne' apology , particularly when deal i ng with sexua l

violence , the Mary Street Cl i n ic , which conducted the majority of conferences

d iscussed by Daly (2002) , often wi l l not a l low perpetrators to apolog ise to

victim/survivors unti l they are certain that: the victim/survivor feels safe to hear

an apology, the apology i s wel l thought out by the perpetrator and that the

apology is appropriate in a l l ways . Stated at the beg inn ing of this section , i t is

i mperative that churches appreciate the potentia l ly harmfu l results of

perpetrators asking for forgiveness and work effectively to avoid secondary

victimisation , wh ich may occur through i nappropriate use of forums designed

to generate or commun icate forg iveness and restoration .

1 5 8

A s ignificant component i n constructi ng the s incerity of an apology i s the

presence of remorse . South African psycholog ist and member of the H u man

Rights Violations Committee of the Truth and Reconci l iation Commission of

South Africa , Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela (2002 :23) , says of remorse :

When perpetrators feel remorse , they a re recognis ing someth ing they fa i led to see when they violated the victim , wh ich is that victims feel and b leed just as others with whom they, the perpetrators , identify . Remorse, therefore, transforms the image of the victim as object to victim as human other. (Emphasis mine)

For Gobodi-Madikizela (2002 :23) the role of narrative in remorse , through

truth tel l i ng , is essentia l to the transformative capacity of forgiveness . lt i s

narrative that gives or denies i nd iv iduals the status of victi m/su rvivor. The

narrative of the perpetrator that emerges from thei r remorse is a process of

recogn is ing that the offence has not only harmed the victim/survivor, but has

actua l ly harmed the perpetrator. Remorse recognises the pai n caused to

another and consequentia l ly pai n is felt by the perpetrator i n recogn it ion that

the i r actions have not only caused harm to others but damaged thei r own

identity as a partici pant in a moral h u man communi ty (F isher & Exl i ne

2006 : 1 4 1 ; cf. Vi lhauer 2004) . This process is premised on recognisi ng the

human ity and i nherent d ignity of the victim/su rvivor. Further, it is this process

of recognition , and the consequent feel ing of remorse, that can be

transformative for both perpetrators and victim/survivors .

Although remorsefu l apology may not necessari ly resu l t i n forgiveness , it at

least provides for the potential for forgiveness . I n provid ing for this potentia l ,

the victim/su rvivor must recogn i se the common huma nity of the perpetrator,

demonstrati ng that identity, i ncl ud ing moral identity , is flu id . No i nd ividua l is

e i ther whol ly 'good ' or whol ly 'evi l ' , but, rather , carries with in them the capacity

for enacti ng both . For perpetrators of harm, forgiveness is a part of enabl ing

fl u id i ty in identity . Just as forgiveness may be a part of identity format ion , so

too may remorse . L i ke remorse , forgiveness must recogn ise the huma n ity i n

the 'other' , but i n doi ng so affirms , rather tha n negates , the need for justice (cf.

Wolfendale 2005 :356-360) . I n aski ng for forg iveness , perpetrators of harm are

asking to engage i n transformative processes whereby they can rea l ign

themselves with commun ities (Armour & U mbreit 2006: 1 26- 1 27) . As Arendt

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( 1 958 :237) asserts , without forgiveness we can never be l i berated from our

past and ' . . . our capacity to act wou ld , as it were , be confi ned to a sing le deed

from which we cou ld never recover . . . ' . To not recogn ise the cost of th is

transformation , for both victim/survivors and perpetrators of harm, is to l imit

any rea l capacity for change . Thi s perspective has been tested i n

ci rcumstances of severe violations of human d ign ity and human rights (cf.

Qu inn 2003; Pope 2003) .

Grace

Research partici pants identifi ed constructions of grace as significant in the

ways that churches have dea lt with csa by Church leaders . For most

partici pants , g race has been misappropriated to become somethi ng that d id

not reflect a B i b l ical concept. Malaki ( non-trad itional) argues strongly on th is

poi nt:

. . . there's a kind of romanticised ah, sentimenta l picture of g race and forg iveness which umm, the, the bigger the offender the bigger the offence , the more kind of room and a l lowance is made for them . . . . And I th ink that's actually an abuse of the whole idea of grace and forgiveness , and ah , I notice that when ever people ta lk about that sort of th ing they' l l , they' l l pick ah , l i ke an extreme story about, for example , someone l i ke Manassas in the Old Testament who d id a l l sorts of horrible th ings and, and you know offered ch i ld sacrifices , or what ever, and somewhere in there he ca l led out to God and God let h im come back as king . But that's one story. But there's a hundred other stories of kings who d id s imi lar, or maybe not qu ite as bad , who got their heads cut off (laughs) . So it seems si l ly to me to p ick one extreme, outsider story l ike that and use it to bu i ld a whole theology.

Malaki 's d ia logue raises several i mportant poi nts in understand ing grace and

its app l ication . F i rstly, Malaki identifies the abi l ity of language to be mal leable

or subject to changi ng i nterpretations. In this i nstance , grace and forgiveness

have become romanticised , they have been robbed of reflecting a real ity and

the consequence has been l ibera l appl ication without accountabi l ity . There

are at least three words i n the Hebrew Old Testament that may be translated

as grace and/or favour: chesed, chen and ratsen (Smithson 2003 :73) . Withi n

the Chri stian tradition , these words were then translated for use i nto the Greek

New Testament (Smithson 2003 :73) . lt may be that translation itself has a

profound effect on understanding a word , its mean ing and consequent action ,

but as l i nguist J . R . Marti n ( 1 999) d isplays , conceptua l isations of g race and

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freedom are complex d i scourses. Malaki identifies the ' romanticised ' or

i deal i sed use of g race a nd forg ive ness as abusive . Joh n (non-trad itional ) a l so

ra i ses the issue of sp i ri tua l is ing grace i n response to a l legations of csa by

Church leaders . For Joh n :

. . . the first response i s to get them out of any posit ion where , a h , if it 's true it cou ld happen again and then once safety has happened to seriously look at whether this has happened . That ah , has both lega l and ah , spiritua l ram ifications . . . . 1 th i nk sometimes the Church th inks so long as they deal with it on the spiritua l ramifications it has, that's it , g race says give them another chance and I don't th ink that's true . . . . Because ah , g race doesn 't mean that there a ren 't any consequences.

John 's account leaves room for an appl ication of grace , but i t is a concept of

g race that a l lows for the protection of others . For both John and Malaki the

sp i ritual context of g race was i mperative to understand ing its mean ing and

app l ication . These , and other, partici pants bel ieved that chal lengi ng concepts

of g race was an important means of ensuring i ts use was beneficia l rather

than abusive and so d isplayed awareness of the need for extended

power/knowledge i n the management of csa by Church leaders .

For Sophia (traditiona l ) , a s ignifi cant problem i n the exercise of grace and

forgiveness has been den ia l of justice a nd cri minal aspects through non­

existent or inappropriate language . Soph ia a rgues:

Wel l unt i l such t ime as the issue is seen as an i njustice or crime um , then the perpetrator doesn 't exist. So once aga in we're back to not having the language, not having the , the , the theology to deal with th is particu lar issue , or any other confl ict come to that .

S imi l a rly to John , Sophia sees constructions of perpetrators that do not

acknowledge the u njust and crimi na l nature of actions as l imit i ng the Church's

ab i l ity to deal effectively with csa by Church leaders , and a means of

combating th is i s furtheri ng d iscourses . For Soph ia , perpetrators must be

constructed as crim ina l , or e lse they do not exist, or rather they exist only as

s i nners . Where abusi ng Church leaders are constructed as 'si nners in need of

forgiveness ' , and consequentia l ly thei r sp iritua l condit ion i s priorit ised , they

a re often not constructed as 'cri mi nals who need justice ' . lt i s the exclusive

formation of the former composit ion that enables maladaptive grace . l t is

worthwh i le to remember at th i s poi nt Butler's ( 1 997a ; 1 997b) argument that

1 6 1

bodies are constructed by language . As wi l l be d isplayed i n Chapter 8 , the

body of Hol l i ngworth as a perpetrator of harm was constructed by particular

d iscourses . Simi larly here, Sophia i s identifying a need for the development of

a theological language that enables abusi ng Church leaders to become vis ib le

in terms of crimina l ity. Whi lst Chapter 7 wi l l d isplay the ways in wh ich church

pol icies are addressing the criminal ity of Church leaders who perpetrate csa ,

there rema ins much work to do here. Malaki further explored the production of

theological knowledge.

Malaki 's second poi nt i s that abusive grace d iscourses are supported by

narrative. Narrative, in this circumstance , is selectively appl ied to support

constructions of grace that have resulted in the support of perpetrators at the

expense of victim/survivors . Malaki goes on to make th is point clear:

. . . I th ink a lot of Christian leaders use grace and forg iveness, they h ide beh ind the apron strings of grace and forg iveness and they are actua l ly gutless. And ah , I would say that's probably, I guess, the reason I 'm saying this is because I fee l l ike our, our um , church leaders a re a pack of wooses basical ly . . . . So they've lost a l l credibi l ity and lost a l l authority to make clear pronouncements about how to handle paedoph i les.

For Malaki there is a need to reconsider grace a nd forgiveness, to d isengage

them from romanticised compositions and to create strength in leadersh ip that

does not ignore grace and forgiveness where it is beneficia l , but that acts

efficiently and effectively i n protection of vulnerable peoples (cf. Beste 2005) .

To do th is necessitates a shift in narratives that enables the formation of grace

and forg iveness i n ways wh ich acknowledge them as profoundly difficult and

costly. Theolog ian , Bonhoeffer ( 1 959:43-56) , a rgued aga inst what he termed

'cheap g race' . Bonhoeffer's ( 1 959 :43) warning that 'cheap grace is the deadly

enemy of the Church' remains val id today. The danger of too easi ly offeri ng

forgiveness is also reflected in crimi nology throughout restorative just ice

l i terature wh ich recogn ises that, particularly i n the case of gendered and

sexua l violence , power i ssues cannot be ignored (cf. Hopki ns & Koss 2005;

Curtis-Fawley & Daly 2005) .

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For Malaki , g race was a concept that requ i red a h igh level of abstract

reason i ng and so was particu l arly problematic i n relation to chi ldren

confronted with thei r perpetrator. Ma laki addresses this sayi ng :

So I th ink, to try and ta lk to a ten year old about showing g race towards someone who has molested them, I th ink in that kid 's mind if they'd try to do that they wou ld probably urn, someth ing inside them would feel l i ke they were g iving into that person again . So I don 't th ink they can separate between grace and g iving in .

Malaki shows an i ns ight not on ly i nto age appropriate mora l reason ing , but

a lso i nto i mp l ici t power dynamics between adu lts and ch i ldren . This is

particu larly i mportant because ch i ldren who have been abused have been

subject to abuses of power by an adult who is a lso a spi ritua l authori ty .

Attempti ng to teach chi l d ren about grace runs a rea l risk of teachi ng ongoi ng

powerlessness that may contin ue to leave them vu l nerable to abuse. In th is

u nderstandi ng , Malak i expresses grace as a release for the perpetrator that

young chi ldren may easi ly confuse with 'g ivi ng i n ' . There is growing

recogn i tion that for forg iveness and grace to be legiti mately expressed they

must come from a posit ion of power and autonomy (cf. Beste 2005; Armour & U mbreit 2006) . To place th is i n theological terms the Christ ian God may be

ab le to express u l ti mate grace but th is is only because He has u l ti mate power.

Ma laki acknowledges that grace may be a powerfu l concept in the l i ves of

adu lt survivors . Theolog ian Jenn ifer Beste (2005) also d iscusses the

beneficial nature of g race for survivors i n terms of thei r abi l ity to regain their

agency and sense of 'self . For Beste (2005:92) grace is conceptua l ised as

comi ng from God but expressed in i nterpersonal relationsh ip . Beste (2005) is

concerned with mitigati ng concepts of g race which place responsib i l i ty on the

surv ivor. With i n a model of survivor responsib i l ity , g race is conceptua l ised as

vertica l , i ts relat ional d i rection i s between God and the survivor . Th is model

a ppeals to ideal ist ic concepts such as 'God won 't ever g ive you a tria l g reater

than you can handle ' ( Beste 2005 :95) . Th is often leads to vict im b laming when

they fi nd it d ifficul t to be l i berated from the trauma of csa . Further, because si n

i s the factor that i s attributed as d isrupti ng relationsh ip with God , survivors are

compel led to confess their si ns as a means of gai n i ng i ntimacy with , and

hea l i ng from , God . Such si ns may i ncl ude the s in of being ' unforgivi ng' (cf.

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McCord Adams 2005) . Survivors of csa may a lready feel h igh levels of

responsib i l i ty for the abuse perpetrated against them and any use of grace

that p laces the responsib i l i ty on them wi l l only compound this and cause

greater shame (Casey 1 998 :225) . To counter this , uti l i sing Rhaner's ( 1 983)

theology of grace , Beste (2005) argues that grace shou ld be understood on

both horizontal and vertical relational leve ls . This means, grace may orig i nate

from God , but the responsib i l ity of d ispensi ng or d isplayi ng this grace rests

with entire Christian commun ities . Accordi ng to Beste (2005:93) ' . . . persons

are not created to respond to God's self-commun ication i nd ividual ly but

through fel lowsh ip with others ' . In th is model , the point of grace is freedom to

act with agency to love others. Christian communit ies cannot, therefore ,

ignore or marg i na l ise survivors of csa , particu larly csa by Church leaders ,

because they have embraced a responsib i l ity to act with agency and love

others as the means of expressing d iv ine grace. Beste (2005 :96) argues that:

At the very least, our love for one another wi l l lead us not to judge ind ividuals who have suffered unjustly from severe interpersonal harm , that is, not hold them blameworthy for their ongoing revictimisation .

For Beste (2005) however, the natural outworking of conceptual is i ng grace as

a community responsib i l ity wi l l mean a sense of moral responsib i l i ty to enable

others to fi nd freedom by seriously address ing ways i n wh ich Christian

communit ies can contri bute to heal i ng for survivors of sexua l violence . l t i s

i nescapable that Christian commun ities must engage i n transformative work of

bel i ef and practice to become safe places for survivors . This i ncludes

cha l lengi ng theologies that resu lt i n patriarchal structures and legitim ise

violence agai nst women and ch i ldren ; churches apologis ing and repenting of

past fai l u res to protect ch i ldren from abusive Church leaders ; transformi ng

practices that have fai led to ho ld perpetrators effectively responsib le for thei r

abuse ; creating non-judgementa l affi rmative envi ronments for survivors to

remember, mourn and ta l k about thei r abuse; generati ng ritual and l iturgy that

recogn ises the csa survivors and exp l icit ly enables thei r partici pation i n

services ; and , when survivors are ready, provid ing opportunities for them to

engage with projects that i ntegrate them i nto their community i n ways that

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they can connect more broad ly i n healthy relationships with others ( Beste

2005:99- 1 1 0) .

Cr imi nological perspectives can offer further i nsight i nto Christian

communit ies in the complexities of engag ing with victim/survivors and

perpetrators of csa . For example , despite the benefits of enabl i ng

victi m/surv ivors to tel l thei r stories i n a supportive envi ronment, there has

been concern that the use of restorative just ice in addressi ng gendered

v iolence , i ncl ud ing csa , may resu l t in re-privatis ing its management and

furthering victimisation (cf. Hopkins & Koss 2005; Ju l ich 2006) . Femin ist

activists and academics have worked long and hard to have gendered

violence recognised as a publ ic and cri mi na l issue . The i ncreased recognit ion

of gendered violence in terms of social justice and crimina l just ice has been

recognised as a sig n ifi cant step in empoweri ng victi m/survivors of gendered

v iolence (cf. Hudson 2002 ; van Wormer & Bednar 2002 ; van Wormer & Bednar 2002) . Were restorative justice processes to be app l ied i n response

to csa by Church l eaders , churches may provide a source of support for

v icti m/survivors and accountabi l i ty for perpetrators . The emphasis of this

chapter, however, i s that there must continue to be considerable work done

on constructi ng forgiveness in ways that do not further harm v ictim/su rvivors .

Val idati ng stories

The desire of victim/su rv ivors of gendered , i ncl ud ing sexual , v iolence to have

their story val idated by others i s being increasing ly recognised (Coker

2006 :68 ; Curtis-Fawley & Daly 2005 :6 1 5-6 1 6) . D issatisfaction with cri mi na l

justice processes i s often a sig nificant motivator i n explorations of the use of

restorative justice measures i n addressi ng gendered violence . Key to this

d i ssatisfaction i s victim/survivors ' frustration with the narrow ways i n wh ich

they a re ab le to tel l the i r story whi le givi ng evidence , and/or the way i n wh ich

a gu i lty p lea prevents them from tel l i ng their story (Coker 2006:68; Curtis­

Fawley & Daly 2005:6 1 5-6 1 6) . Simi l a rly , it has been recognised that a

s ign ificant part of churches' compl i city i n csa by Church leaders has been the

severe l imit i ng of v ict im/survivors ' ab i l i ty to tel l thei r story i n ways that

1 65

recognise the real ity and legitimacy of the damage of abuse (Gorre l l

2006:255-256; cf. Dunne 2004 ; Ken nedy 2000) .

One of the strengths of restorative just ice practices , i n address ing sexua l

violence , i s that they create a forum for survivors to tel l their story in a

supportive envi ronment and i n the presence of s ignificant others who wi l l g ive

their experiences legitimacy (Stubbs 2004 :6-7; cf. Koss 2000) . This is , of

course , not u nproblematic. lt has been recognised that victim/survivors

confronti ng perpetrators of gendered violence is wrought with power dynamics

and should on ly ever occur with h igh ly ski l led and trai ned faci l i tators (Hopki ns

& Koss 2005: 7 1 0-7 1 2 ; Braithwaite & Daly 1 994:225) . The particu lar dynamics

of such conferences exist because , un l i ke vict ims of other crimes addressed

by conferencing , victim/survivors of sexual abuse are often groomed i nto

relationsh ips of i ntimacy by perpetrators . Whi lst it is unwise to assume that

restorative just ice processes wi l l enable victim/survivors of sexua l abuse to

g ive voice to thei r stories and feel i ngs, the d ifficulties of power i mba lances i n

restorative just ice sett ings are not i nsurmountable when managed wel l (Morris

& Gel lsthorpe 2000:4 1 6-4 1 7) .

Enabl i ng victim/survivors to give voice to their stories can assist i n combati ng

shame that is often felt by victim/survivors of csa . Although shame plays a

s ign ificant role for the majority of victim/survivors of csa , where that csa has

been perpetrated by Church leaders there i s often an added sense of

responsib i l i ty and shame felt by survivors because thei r abuser was viewed as

a man of God by others (cf. Wel ls 2003 ; Farre l l 2004) . For victim/survivors ,

th is shame often manifests i n thei r abi l i ty , or inabi l ity, to construct a healthy

spi ritua l ity and so , for churches seeki ng to engage positively in the spiritua l

l ives of victim/survivors , effectively addressing th is is a key issue. With i n

restorative justice processes, the emphasis i s on coming to a place where

offenders and communit ies engage with reintegrative shaming . As has

a l ready been addressed , apology when accompan ied by remorse is a means

of offenders taki ng responsib i l ity for the abuse. By effectively provid ing a

space for victim/survivors to tel l their story, legitimis ing their experience

1 66

through the voices of supportive others , appropriate and productive shaming

of offenders may occur i n ways that do not happen i n cri mina l just ice . By

shami ng offenders , v icti m/su rvivors may be enabled to real i se that shame

rightly belongs to perpetrators (cf. Harri s , Walgrave & Bra ithwa ite 2004) .

Lifti ng the shame from victim/survivors and a l lowi ng them to legiti mately

express anger , are crucia l steps in enabl i ng forgiveness to occur (Casey

2005 :228) . Th is forg iveness wi l l be ' . . . borne out of a l i fe of l i ved experience,

out of a l ife that has known pai n , heartache, oppression and i njust ice ' (Casey

2005:229) .

I m portance of forgiveness for perpetrators

Research participants val ue forg iveness , from both God and victim/survivors ,

as an important factor for perpetrators of csa and their ' recovery ' . Forgiveness

by God is seen by partici pants as someth i ng that perpetrators should seek

with few reservations . Although some partic ipants are cautious about

perpetrators aski ng for forgiveness from victim/survivors, a l l acknowledged

that forgiveness from God was of primary i mportance . Forgiveness is seen as

able to have a powerful transformative function in perpetrators' l ives when

managed wel l . Ma laki (non-trad itional ) says :

. . . the perpetrator has to ah , ask for God's forg iveness and assume that it's been g ive n ah , in spite of how they feel about that . lt's just a techn ical th ing . . . . The offender gets release knowing God has forg iven them . . . .

For Malak i , release from the past through forg iveness from God i s a

s ignifi cant e lement of forg iveness for perpetrators . I n th is account God is not

attributed with the same vu l nerab i l it ies as victim/surv ivors and forgiveness can

be assumed despite feel i ngs to the contrary. This i s expla ined more fu l l y by

Hol ly (non-traditiona l ) who argues that forgiveness has l i fe g iving potentia l

whe n it i nvolves both victim/survivors and God :

Wel l , I th ink urn , for a perpetrator to say sorry to a victim is a real ly big th ing , it 's them taking ownersh ip , it releases the victim to g row um , it certa in ly changes um , the victim development and thought processes. For a perpetrator to ask God's forg iveness it has to br ing l ife as wel l , yeah .

I n Ho l ly's statement the point of asking for forg iveness from the victim/survivor

is the victim/survivor's release and growth through perpetrator's 'ownersh ip of

the harm caus ing behaviours . I n contrast, the purpose of asking forg iveness

1 67

from God is the perpetrator's growth . This release from the past i s very much

about identity transformation , whereby perpetrators can engage in identity

formation by d istancing themselves from their past actions (cf. Gobodo­

Mad ikizela 2002 ; Tutu 1 999) . For Holly and Malaki it is forg iveness from God

that enables perpetrators of csa to l ive l ife d ifferently through engaging i n

identity transformation . Th is identity transformation wi l l be d iscussed i n

relation to O r Peter Hol l i ngworth i n Chapter 9 . Research partici pants

expressed concern , however, over this d istanci ng of the past happen ing too

readi ly .

Reservations about d istancing of the past through forg iveness are framed by

Rebekah (non-traditional) as cou nter productive because it may enable the

perpetrator to d imi n ish the s ignificance of forgiveness and consequently

undermine transformative processes:

. . . if you rush into the forg iveness cycle too soon it's counter productive , especial ly for the perpetrator . . . because um, they can th ink 'oh well , the Church has done its process, I 've been forg iven , she's right I don 't have to worry about anyth ing now' .

Rebekah does not d isti ngu ish if thi s i s the forgiveness of God , or the

forgiveness of vict im/survivors . In Rebekah's statement the emphasis i s on

satisfying the requ i rements of the Church , rather than a thorough engagement

by the perpetrator with the s ign ificance of repentance , apology and

forgiveness . Josiah ( non-traditional ) articulates s imi lar apprehensions:

. . . Being forg iven by the victim , ah , i t may have I th ink probably ah , a two-fold effect I guess. lt maybe encourage that person . . . get right , or they may say "wel l I can just do i t aga in because people wi l l just forg ive me anyhow you know. They see me as a , as a sick person so they forg ive me".

I n these passages partici pants articulate the potentia l for forg iveness to be a

d iscourse of denia l (cf. Grayland 2004) . The danger i s that perpetrators and

those who forg ive them wi l l deny, not that the abuse occurred , but the real i ty

of what csa by Church leaders means for victim/survivors , church

commun it ies a nd the i ntegrity of the Church 's i nstitutional character. l t is clear

from research participants' perspectives that the forg iveness of both God and

victim/survivors he ld powerfu l transformative potentia l , but th is potentia l

needed to be managed effectively i n relation to perpetrator engagement . A

1 68

part of th is effective management i s understood as addressi ng forgiveness i n

terms of accountabi l ity and trust , rather than as uncond itional .

I nteresti ngly , no partici pants argued that forgiveness shoul d be enti rely

uncon di tional , but rather they affi rmed that forg iveness and repentance must

be accompan ied by ongoing accountab i l ity. For Aaron (Pentecosta l ) ,

con structi ng forgiveness in th i s way contri buted to the identity of the Church

as acti ng with wisdom:

. . . the outworking of the leve l of forg iveness. Ok , so I mea n , what I 'm saying is the , the way we respond to that, any , we would be stupid in God's eyes i f somebody who has been found gui lty and admitted to sexua l ly abusing kids in our church , we stand them up the front and say "Ok, forg iveness is part of what we do so we now forg ive th is person . They've repented absolutely, tota l ly and they' l l never do this aga in so if they could just g ive them your kids, they' re going back up to Sunday School" . . . . We can forg ive a person and stand by them when they've genuinely repented of what they've done the , the I guess, more than the , more than the level of forgiveness the way we the, the way that forg iveness is outworked is depend ing on the level of repenta nce.

For Aaron , forg iveness is characterised as an ongoi ng event that may bui ld i n

level but these levels , a re not necessari l y d i rectly correlated with leve ls of

trust. To 'stand by' a perpetrator necessitates thei r i n cl usion i n some form of

church community . For Josiah (non-traditional ) :

. . . they [perpetrators] need to know they' re forg iven , they need to know they've done someth ing wrong , but they need to urn, once they've owned up to it and apolog ised for it there needs to , for the congregation to urn , hopefu l ly restore then , that b rother, back into fel lowsh ip . And there needs to be signs that that person has genuinely repented too .

Jos iah and Aaron characterise forgiveness as conta in ing a communal

e lement . When appl ied to perpetrators of csa , Christian forgiveness is

u nderstood as conta in i ng a restorative measure that meant ongoing

accountabi l ity was a primary concern .

Research partici pants frequently acknowledge that churches must play a role

in the ongoing management of Church leaders who abuse (cf. Grayland

2004) . I f restorative justice measures , or any other means of effectively

addressi ng a busive behaviours , a re to be a pp l ied effectively , the envi ronment

with i n which perpetrators are rei ntegrated must be considered . For churches

1 69

to provide appropriate forums there wi l l need to be conti n ued focus on

understand ing and manag i ng power in relationsh ips, as wel l as the effects of

th is on ceremon ies of repentance, apology, and potentia l ly forgiveness (cf.

Grayland 2004 ; Jenki ns et al. 2002) . For too long forgiveness has been

uti l i sed in the Church with l ittle or no accountabi l ity.

Conclusion

This chapter has demonstrated the significance of forg iveness discourses in

the management of csa by Church l eaders . Forgiveness is important to the

management of csa in the Church as it is a primary e lement of identity

formation with i n the Church . The mean ing of forgiveness , and its capacity as

a component of identity formation , i s often conveyed through the use of

narratives . I n th is way, forgiveness becomes a discourse by wh ich subjects

become recogn isable and , where conceptua l ised wel l , may express the i r

autonomy (cf. Butler 2005) . I n the sense that forgiveness becomes a

d iscourse whereby the subject is made recogn isable , it i s consistent with

post-structural i st theories of power, autonomy and the formation of identity

(cf. Butler 2005; Foucault 1 994) . The abi l ity of victim/survivors, Church

leaders perpetrators of csa and church communit ies to manage csa by

Church leaders through forgiveness is important as it has been recogn ised

that d iscourses of forgiveness have often been used as a means of si l enci ng

victim/survivors . l t i s further recogn ised , then , that power may function

through discourses of forgiveness to protect and enable Church l eaders who

are perpetrators of csa . For this reason , the praxis of forgiveness is being

recogn ised as a complex matter i n respond i ng to csa by Church leaders . One

means of empoweri ng victim/su rvivors is by faci l itati ng envi ronments that

enable their stories to be told . Restorative justice has much to offer in terms

of frameworks which may al low th is to happen . Of prima ry consideration

with i n restorative justice l i terature on respond i ng to gendered violence, is a

concern that such envi ronments not result i n fu rther victimisation of

victim/survivors . Rather, it is recognised that there is a need to place

emphasis on genu ine apology and repentance on behalf of perpetrators of

harm. Although such environments do pose a risk for further abuses of power,

1 70

there i s much to be sa id for the need to val idate the stories of victim/survivors

of csa as a means of addressi ng power i mbalances , faci l i tating the

empowerment of v ict im/survivors and furthering knowledge a bout csa by

Church leaders . Through the val idation of the i r stories , victim/su rvivors may

not on ly regai n a sense of personal power and autonomy, but also the i r

contribution to theological knowledge may be recognised and celebrated . I n

add ition , mean i ngfu l forgiveness is considered to b e of i mportance to

perpetrators of csa and their own jou rneys of heal i ng . One primary

cons ideration i n thi s i s the d istinction between forgiveness from God and

forgiveness from v ictim/survivors . Where forgiveness from God may be

cons idered to be necessary , mu lti p le d imensions of power make forgiveness

from victim/survivors a complex matter in praxis . The fol lowing chapter

continues an exploration of responses to csa by Church leaders i n

considering power, forg iveness and denominational ch i ld protection pol icy

documents .

1 7 1

Chapter 6 Policy: a community ethos ?

Clergy sexual abuse survives because it is consistent with the dominant theology of the Church (Pal ing 2005 :57) .

There is a deep feel ing of cyn icism , scepticism and d isappointment in the Austra l ian publ ic about the internal processes and pol icies used by institutions to dea l with a l legations of sexua l abuse (Aitobel i 2003 :3) .

Introduction

One of the s ignificant responses that many denominations have made to csa

by Church leaders is the development of ch i ld protection pol ic ies. The

purpose of th is chapter is to explore denominational pol icy documents of

Austra l ian churches and the ways i n which power and forgiveness d iscourses

appear. This is not i ntended to be an exhaustive study of denominational

documents that may raise and add ress issues of forg iveness , csa , gender,

power or forg iveness. Such a task is beyond the scope of thi s work. The

pr imary policies uti l i sed here i nclude documents from the Presbyterian

Church , Baptist Union of NSW , Assembl ies of God (AOG) , Cathol ic Church ,

Lutheran Church of Austra l ia , Uni ti ng Church and the Angl ican Church . Al l

pol icies uti l i sed i n th is chapter were developed for Austra l ian Churches and

a re publ ic ly avai lable . Denominational chi ld protection pol icies can be

understood as contributi ng to the ethical environment of church commun ities .

Not surpris ingly , al l pol icies d raw on interpreted , and sought to inform praxis

th rough, B ib l ica l scripture . Bib l ical narrative formed a s ign ificant component of

pol icy documents. Pol icy documents often express one of thei r objectives as

enacti ng the Gospel of Christ and recognis i ng the value of perpetrators and

victim/survivors . Pol icy documents can a lso be seen to be motivated by lega l ,

fiscal and insurance matters . I n several research partici pant perspectives , the

push for pol icy development was predominantly motivated by women . Justice

was a theme of pol icy documents and was frequently conceptua l ised i n

relation to theological d iscourse and concepts of natura l just ice . Legis lative

frameworks were a lso a theme of pol icies and are d iscussed with reference to

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the need to educate Church leaders on : the i r responsib i l i ties ; the role of

confidentia l i ty , secrecy and confession ; the need for leadersh ip screening ;

and fosteri ng transpa rency i n chu rch leadersh ip . lt i s important to recognise

that, a lthough pol icy development i s essentia l to effective chi ld protection , it

wi l l only be as effective as the commitment of church communit ies to the

transparent i mplementation of such pol icies .

Pol icy i n context

One purpose of pol icy development is to contribute to an ethical envi ronment.

Ch i ld protection documents from mult ip le denomi nations reflect this in drawing

s ignifi cantly on vi rtues of love , just ice and mercy. These vi rtues are , of course ,

subjective and have been used to harm as wel l as enhance the wel l bei ng of

i nd iv idua ls , commun it ies and institutions . Brown ( 1 999 : 1 1 ) asserts that 'ethos

defi nes the setti ng that is conducive for the formation of a community's

character' . An intention of pol icy is to speak to this community character, be

that a commun ity of leaders, a congregational commun ity , or a

denomi national community . By defin ing appropriate pri nciples to respond to

csa , pol i cy documents have the potentia l to contri bute to the mora l i dentity

formation of communit ies. Communit ies and i nd ividuals , however , must

choose to engage with mora l formation . This i s recogn isable i n those

denominations whose management bod ies have developed pol icies , but

emphasise the importance of ind ividua l congregations in choosing to adopt

the pol i cies (cf. Barnett 2004 : 1 ) . This i s problematic i n that leadership , who

may be res istant to recogn ising csa as a s ign ifi cant i ssue, wi l l not readi ly or

effectively engage with the processes outl i ned in pol i cy documents . I nd ividual

congregational adoption of pol i ci es i s i mportant, however, in that it places

power and responsib i l ity in the hands of sma l ler communities to manage ch i ld

p rotection i n ways which are appropriate for them.

Denominational pol i cy documents draw extensively on i nterpreted B ib l ica l

understandings of moral i ty and vi rtues. For example , the Baptist Un ion of

N SW (2004 :2 ) adamantly states :

Christian faith strongly upholds the virtues of love, justice and mercy. Jesus Christ came to give freedom to the captives, sight to the bl ind and l i berty to

1 73

those who are oppressed (Luke 4 : 1 8) . I n situations of sexual abuse i n the Church, victims, abusers and the congregation are al l captives in a web of oppression . They desperately need the penetrati ng l ight of the transforming gospel .

This passage provides a key example of the uti l isation of Bibl i cal metaphor to

support the development of pol icy itself and the contents of pol icy. The exp l ici t

i ntent of pol icy, i n this passage, rests on virtues of love, justice and mercy.

Love, justice and mercy are not un iversal ly homogeneous concepts , however.

The s ign ifier of 'Chri stian faith ' becomes centra l to understand ing love , justice

and mercy. The objective of pol icy is to enact the freedom, s ight and ' l i berty'

from oppression , that Jesus came to g ive . The hope of these is the ' l ight of the

transforming gospel ' (Baptist U nion of NSW 2004:2) . We see , then , that to be

'mora l exemplars' i s to enact love, just ice and mercy in accordance with

Bib l ica l conceptual ization . This is not d i rected at commun it ies outside the

Church , however, but specifical ly at csa withi n church institutions . Hence , a n

i nterna l standard , an i nternal ethos , and a d iscourse b y which the Church i s

i ntended to be recognisable , i s bei ng estab l ished where i nterpretations of

love , justice and mercy are pivotal . This is the work of developing institutional

character and i s accompl ished through the work of storytel l i ng and leadership

(Takala & Aaltio 2005 : 1 ; Gare 200 1 :2 ) .

Professor i n Business Admin istration and Economics , David Boje (2000 :2) ,

argues that 'stories are part of the col lective sense-maki ng of the

organization' [s ic] . In pol icy documents the stories that are employed are

frequently those of Jesus' own i nteraction with h is d iscip les, ch i ldren , the sick

and the oppressed (cf. The Ang l ican Church of Austra l ia Trust Corporation

2005:4 ; Baptist Union of NSW 2004:2 ; Un iti ng Church Press 1 999: 1 4) . This is

selective story tel l i ng and functions to root pol icy and i nstitutional character i n

B ib l ica l perspectives . l t a lso external ises, to some extent, other stories told

about churches and thei r negative responses to csa and , because of th is ,

pol icy documents can be constructed as a form of resistance d iscourse . They

can serve to res ist characterisations of churches as secretive and

mani pu lative , as accepting of chi l d abuse, and as i neffective and i mmora l i n

the ways i n wh ich csa by Church leaders is addressed . This does not

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necessari l y mean that pol icies reject enti rely the stories of institutional power

abuses, but i nstead that they now choose to enhance an ethos of love , just ice

and mercy that creates, and is created by, stories of posit ive , ethical and

mora l responses to csa . A key example of th is i s fou nd i n Towards Healing

(Austra l ian Cathol ic B ishops' Conference & the Austral ian Conference of

Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996 , 2000 : 1 ) , wh ich beg ins with an

acknowledgement of the legiti macy of stories of the Church's past fai l u res and

then moves on to constructi ng a pol icy that d i rectly resists damagi ng

responses . What is meant by eth ical and mora l is defined with in pol i cy by

estab l i sh i ng the pri nci ples and objectives that are to characterise i nstitutional

responses i n this area .

This uti l i sation of B ibl i ca l text i n denominational pol i cy documents i s hard ly

su rprisi ng . N umerous authors have argued that ' . . . b ib l ica l text has mult ip le

mean i ngs that are constructed with in the commu nity' (MacKenzie Sheperd

2002 :93) . The use of B ib l ical text and pri ncip les i s not excl usive to church

bodies (cf. Friedman 2005) . Hence, what it means to be a captive , to be

without sight and to be l i berated , as cited by the Baptist U nion of NSW

(2004 :2) above , i s i nterpretable with in community understand ing . One critique

presented by femin ist theolog ians has been that communities and i nd iv iduals

have had mean ings foisted on them by a dominantly male Church leadership

(Goldstei n 2001 :25 ; McPh i l l i ps 1 994 :250-52) . Consequently , a lternative

i nterpretations, particu larly of scriptura l text , and therefore other d iscourses ,

have been marg ina l ised (Lee 1 997: 1 23- 1 24; Gray 1 999 :333-334) . There is

much room for col l aborative theolog ica l u nderstand ing to be generated from

with i n church commun ities .

The Lutheran Church of Austra l ia ( 1 997 :5) argues that sexual abuse is

primari ly a theologi ca l issue rather than 'merely a legal , psychological ,

economic or pol it ical real i ty' ( Evangel i ca l Lutheran Church of America

2005 :6) . The need for greater recogn ition and development of theological

d i scou rses relevant to csa by Church leaders is d iscussed throughout Chapter

4. The Lutheran Church of Austra l ia ( 1 997 :5) asserts:

1 75

As a chu rch it is imperat ive that we respond to issues of abuse i n a l l forms from an understand ing of our place i n God's creation . To do otherwise means that we are no longer prophetic as we are cal led to be, but react ionary , fol lowing the d ictates of society, cultural mores , economic rational ism etc. -none of which has at its centre the essential preciousness of each human bei ng , created , yearned for, reconci led and empowered to be by God .

As i n Crossing the Boundary (Baptist U nion of NSW 2004) , this pol icy

specifi cal ly identifies the publ ic role of the Church as central to chi ld protection

pol icy . Here , the Church uti l i ses theological d iscourse because of its mission

to be prophetic . There is in this statement a repudiation of the 'd ictates of

society, cultura l mores, economic rational i sm etc' (The Lutheran Church of

Austra l ia 1 997:5) . Sexual abuse is a fundamental theolog ica l issue because

Bib l ica l ly based , theological interpretations of humanity and human behaviour

are the ultimate contributors to the ethos of church commun it ies ( Evangel ica l

Lutheran Church of America 2005:6 ) . Central to th is is an understand ing that

the value of humanity can be reduced to our position as 'd ivi nely created

beings' and our i nd ividua l responsib i l ity in relationsh ip with God (Wright

2004 :363-365) .

This argument means that we are only as val uable as we are i n the eyes of

God . Once aga in this is often problematic for victim/survivors of csa by

Church leaders , as their concept of God can be powerfu l ly tied to thei r abuse

(cf. Pattison 1 998 ; Grovijahn 1 998) . Because th is is so , the ways i n wh ich

pol icy i s implemented wi l l have the most profound effect on victim/survivors of

csa . Churches that i ntend to seriously address the needs of victim/survivors

wi l l benefit from uti l i si ng praxis that demonstrates adequately a God who

creatively and compassionately actual i ses victim/survivors' experiences and

subject position . l ragaray ( 1 986 :6) argues , 'To become a woman , to

accompl ish her femin i ne subjectivity, woman needs a god which figures the

perfection of her subjectivity' . This wi l l undoubtedly i ncl ude far greater

exploration of the femin in ity of God . l ragaray's ( 1 986 :6) point appl ies a lso to

victim/survivors of csa by Church leaders and to chi ld ren . Victim/survivors and

chi ldren do need a God that offers an i ntrins ic value . This value , however,

must be supportive of the victim/survivors' self-actua l isation and

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empowerment, both persona l ly and with i n chu rch structures (Wel ls 2003 :203-

204 ; Pal ing 2005:63-64 ) .

Whi lst pol icy may further victim/survivor access to representations of God that

support thei r i ntri ns ic value , the abi l ity of churches and Church leaders to

effectively commun icate th is wi l l mean that broader church based cu ltural

d iscourse and praxis must come u nder add it ional scruti ny. This is particu larly

so with regards to gender and ch i ldren (Porter 2003: 1 63) . This i ncludes

addressing some specific constructions of the character' of God and

v ictimisation . Certai n 'myths ' , such as the protection of God bei ng extended to

those who a re ' l ivi ng right' , conti n ue to p lace b lame on victim/survivors and

construct a God of judgement and pun ishment (Waite rs & Spri ng 1 992 : 3 1 ; cf.

She ldon & Parent 2002 ; Cozzens et al. 2004) . Pol icy may exp l icit ly recogn ise

that victims/survivors a re without blame i n csa , but without broader

theological , cu ltural and envi ronmental change, verbal and written statements

that articu late the i ntri ns ic val ue and support of v ictim/su rvivors wi l l be

mean i ng less (Bridgers 2005 :35) .

Th is i s particu larly so where the same statements of i ntri nsic val ue are appl ied

to perpetrators , without regard for the effect th is may have on victim/survivors'

conceptua l isation of God . Whi lst i t may be therapeutic for all affected

i nd iv iduals to appeal to the i ntri nsic value of perpetrators , th is shou ld not

enab le any d im in ish ing of the harm caused (Tutu 1 999:34-36) . There is

benefit in perpetrators reta in ing human ity for effective therapeutic treatment,

but th is construction of their human ity must i ncorporate ful ly thei r potentia l for,

and enacti ng of, great harm. Personal accountabi l ity for thi s harm must a lso

be seen as essentia l to therapeutic i ntervention (Appleby 2000 : 1 7- 1 98; Mu l ler­

Fahrenholz 1 997 :25-27) . There must be a l i nk from ' rea l i sm to hope' ;

forg iveness i s this l i n k (Shriver 1 995:9 ) . The role of forgiveness i n pol i cy is

developed further below. Whi lst it clear that the establ ishment of healthy

env i ronments is an essentia l e lement of pol icy, th i s is not the only motivation

for denominational chi ld protection pol icy development. Amongst other

1 77

reasons, many participants saw women as central motivators for the

development of chi ld protection pol icies.

Policy motivation

In the minds of several female partici pants, the response to csa by Church

leaders and the necessary push for a change from churches has largely been

gendered . Rebekah (non-traditional ) expl icit ly states that the development of

sexual misconduct and chi ld protection pol icy in churches has largely

occurred due to the motivation of women :

I th ink it 's part of who a woman i s when it becomes umm, these sort of issues about sexual misconduct or umm, ch i ld protection , that a woman wil l ask the questions and a woman wi l l push the point and we don't . . . I mean I , th is is a genera l isation because I know that's not a lways the case . . . But , I th ink women don 't go into the boy's club , ' let's protect h im ' in the same way, or, or her, in the same way that men may.

This construction of the nature of a woman is i nteresti ng in that it is contrary to

a tradit ional i nterpretation of Bibl i ca l construct ions of women and femin i n ity .

Where women were once thought of as marg ina l ised , s i lenced and as havi ng

doctrine foisted on them, women are now being constructed as actively and

publ icly question ing ; women are now seen as a point of resistance to

dominant d iscourse (Dickerson 1 990 :244; Lee 1 994 :80-8 1 ) . As Rebekah

recogn ises, there is a danger in essentia l isi ng the nature of women ; she

expl icit ly states of her own denomination and ch i ld protection pol icy:

. . . I th ink empowerment of women has had someth ing to do with the **** Church being the first church to put effective , to put processes in p lace , umm, because they are issues that are more of concern to women , o r have trad itional ly been .

Here we see Rebekah unambiguously tying institutional structures that

'empower' women to the development of 'effective' pol i cy . This i s consistent

with other female participants who have identified patriarchy as s ignificant i n

the maintenance of chi ld sexua l abuse i n the churches . Chal lenges to

patria rchy then become i ndicative i n the process of developing pol icy. Th i s

argument i s developed further below.

lt wou ld be fool ish to bel i eve, however, that pol icy development was solely

motivated by theological concern for the safety and wel lbeing of i ndividua ls

1 78

and church communit ies . Pol i cy i s a lso motivated by l ega l , fiscal and

i nsurance requ i rements , as wel l as the fear of l i ti gation . Mu lti ple pol i cy

documents acknowledge that i n o rder to obta i n i nsurance cover they must

have chi l d protection pol i cies and tra in ing i n place (cf. Baptist U nion of NSW

2005 ; Presbyterian Church of Austral ia 2005) . This , of course , has a specific

socia l context where much attention has been drawn to l itigation i nvolving

chu rches and accusations of csa by Church leaders . l t i s a real i ty that fai l ure

to appropriate ly address csa by Church l eaders has been fiscal ly costly to

chu rches (Sa l laday & Kent-Ferraro 2002 :69) . For many churches of Austra l ia ,

engag ing with past fai l u re and recognis ing gu i l t has not happened without

external socia l and pol it ical i nfl uences . For i nd ividua l denomi nations , thi s has

often meant that pol i cy has been d i rectly responsive to broader socia l and

pol i ti cal critiques . For example , we see from the Presbyterian Chu rch of

Austra l ia (2005 : 1 ) :

The response of the P resbyterian Church of Austra l ia in the State of New South Wales to the Wood Royal Commission was to produce Breaking the S i lence : pol icy and procedu res for protecting against and deal ing with sexua l abuse with in the Church . . . This represented a very s ign ificant step towards understa nding and deal ing with the problem of abuse with i n the Church in New South Wales.

Pol i cy construction here is part of a d iscourse of acknowledgement of past

fa i l u re , a d iscourse of confession .

Theologian , Donald Shriver Jr , (2004 :205) argues for the s ign ificance of

naming the wrong and that 'promoting publ ic assent to the moral fact that it

was wrong is a logica l step on the road to peace ' . Pol icy documents not only

have a role in naming ch i ld sexua l abuse as wrong , but in creati ng a space for

ongoing remembrance of the wrong . Th is remembrance must a lways be

balanced . Just as i nd ividua l perpetrators may be offered hope from unending

condemnation , so , too , may the Church as a social i nstitution and as

commun it ies with in communit ies , be ab le to move from condemnation to

hope. Pol i cy documents ensure some l evel of accountabi l i ty i n th is shift.

Towards healing (Austra l ian Cathol ic B ishops Conference & The Austra l ian

Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996, 2000:6) specifically

1 79

recogn ises the shift from condemnation to hope as sign ificant for perpetrators

of abuse. Offering a means to achieve this shift is essentia l i n the Church

fu lfi l l i ng its social obl igation to manage perpetrators in effective ways .

Towards healing (Austra l ian Cathol i c Bishops Conference & The Austra l ian

Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996, 2000 :6) states:

Church authorities need to have some contact with offenders and some form of influence over their conduct. In order to ach ieve change , they need to hold out to them something more than the prospect of unending condemnation . They need to be able to tel l them that there can be forgiveness, by human beings as wel l as by God , a nd that change is possible.

What is expressed here is a sense of reta in ing some level of control through

mai nta i ni ng contact and ' i nfl uence' over the perpetrators' conduct. Pastoral

power and pastoral care in this way are extended towards perpetrators . The

Church is the active agent, asserti ng autonomy and seeki ng to actively

engage rather than disengage. This demonstrates a s ignifi cant shift from

previous perspectives observable with in the Church's response, particu larly

the Cathol ic Church (McCal l 2002 :89; Barrie 2005 : 1 85) . Here , the Cathol ic

Church demonstrates that it i s refuting denial and cover-up as an effective

response to csa by Church leaders . Further, there is need to acknowledge

openly, and actively address, the i ssues i ntricately l i nked to the existence of

chi ld sexual abusers with in Cathol ic institutions. I n this sense , we see a

d iscourse of change; the Church seeki ng to change the way that perpetrators

see themselves , are seen by others and the way that the Church is seen i n

manag i ng perpetrators . Maintain ing contact with perpetrators i s a means of

caring for the community as wel l as supporti ng the i ndividua l (Austra l ian

Cathol ic Bishops Conference & The Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of

Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996, 2000:6) . By reta in i ng some ' i nfluence' over

perpetrators' conduct, the Church is able to care for the need of the

community to be safe , as wel l as care for perpetrator's need to be

accountable and achieve some level of 'change' (Austra l ian Cathol i c B ishops

Conference & The Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes

1 996, 2000:6) . This wi l l mean that the Church can monitor perpetrators'

thoughts and behaviours .

1 80

As has been previously d iscussed , there i s a d isti nct demonstration with i n

some church responses that protection has been afforded to abusive priests ,

and faith i n their character uphel d , despite the i r abusive behaviour. l t i s from

th is position that we can see d iscourses of 'he was otherwise a good man ' as

particu larly rel evant (cf. Austral i an Cathol ic Bishops Conference & The

Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996 , 2000:6) . He

may have d i splayed characteristics of a 'good man' but, as pol icy documents

are now recogn isi ng , these characteristics may actual ly enable the

perpetuation of abuse . Some pol i cies now recognise the nature of csa as a

progression i n behaviours wh ich i nclude grooming behaviours that are rel iant

on presenti ng a perception of good character (cf. Presbyterian Church of

Austra l ia 2005 :30 , 63 ; Austra l ian Cathol ic B ishops Conference & The

Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996 , 2000:6) . This is

s ign ificant in that i t recognises to a greater extent the i ntentional , predatory

nature of csa wh ich undermi nes the val id i ty of claims to good character (cf.

Lutheran Church of Austral ia 1 997 :8-9; Assembl ies of God i n Austra l ia , New

South Wales 2005: 1 5- 1 6) . Where csa is seen as a resu l t of de l iberate action ,

rather than merely the actions of a hopeless s inner, it i s easier to view the

i ndiv idual as dangerous , man ipu lative and in need of comprehensive

treatment and conti n uous boundaries . The ind ividual rema ins a s inner , but

the 's in ' is now recogn ised for its entrenched , and resulti ng in powerfu l ly

damaging effects on the perpetrator, thei r victims and the Church ( I rons & Roberts 1 995 : 33-34 ; Parkinson 2003 :25-26) .

Pol i ci es have recogn ised that one consequence of a fu l ler picture of offending

behaviours , and offenders , is that i t bri ngs to l ight certa in complexit ies of

confession , repentance and forgiveness. Confession , repentance and

forg iveness are not enough to secure the compl iance of perpetrators to non­

offend ing behaviours . As is fitti ngly pointed out in Breaking the Silence

(Presbyterian Church Austra l ia 2005:65):

Do not assume that because an offender has confessed and repented that there is no longer a risk. For their sake and the sake of those around them, actively put in place and mainta in protective measures. (emphasis in o rig ina l )

1 8 1

I n this statement the i nteraction between the i ndividual and the i r environment

is recogn ised . Pol icy wi l l only be as effective as the wi l l i ngness of i nd ividua ls

with i n institutions to address broader structural and cultu ra l factors that

perpetuate al l forms of violence , i nclud ing csa by Church leaders (cf. Jordan

1 999; E l l ison 2003; Keenan 2005) . Seed (2001 :2) argues:

Justice demands that abuse be recognised and abusers become accountable for their behaviour. But this in itself is insufficient response to abuse. For victims to be reconci led with the ideals and bel iefs of the rel igious organ isations that orig inal ly nurtured the abuser, the structures and processes of that organisation have publ icly to be examined and rectified .

As previously d iscussed , churches, and particularly Church leaders , wi l l

benefit from engag ing in the difficult work of understand ing and responding to

csa , developing further theological understanding and ensuri ng that the

demands of justice are met with sensitivity, compassion , i ntegrity and d ignity.

Pol icy documents cited the justice of God as s ign ificant to pol icy development

and praxis . Concepts of justice are largely contextua l ised in pol icies with in

th ree frameworks ; theology and justice , natural just ice and l egis lative

obl igations. That pol icies i dentify justice as significant i s i mportant, i n that i t

i nd icates a search for a more comprehensive eth ica l framework for pol icy.

Theology and j u stice

Theological conceptions of justice with in pol icies are expl icitly tied to three

d ifferent themes; the character of God , Bib l ical commands to love and act with

justice , and the obl igation of Christians, particu larly Church leaders , to imitate

God 's character and l ive i n obedience to the wi l l of God (cf. Baptist Union of

NSW 2004 ; Presbyterian Church of Austra l ia 2005; Lutheran Church of

Austra l ian 1 997) . This threefold theological perspective encompasses

concepts of natura l justice and legisl ative obl igations . Theological constructs

form the broadest and fou ndational p ri nciples of justice i n pol icy documents .

Merrick (2006:295) argues that 'Justice i s at the core of any properly

function ing society, being fundamenta l to i ts health and governance ' . From a

Bib l ica l perspective justice , the character and the authority of God are

inseparable (Psalm 89: 1 4 ; Wright 2004 :253) . I n addition , God requ i res that

those who love h im act with justice towards others (Proverbs 2 1 :3 ; Micah 6 :8) .

1 82

With i n pol i cy documents , justice can be seen as relational , reconci l iatory and

fou ndational to the ' ru l e of God ' , wh ich the Church i s committed to d isplay (cf.

Rae 2003 ; Soares 2005) . Integrity in Ministry (National Committee for

Professional Standards 2004 : 1 3) expl icitly states :

The reign of God is revealed when the h ungry are fed , the naked a re clothed , the poor and the outcast a re gathered back into the commun ion of God 's love and receive the i r share in the g ifts of creation . . . . For the Church which is com mitted to be a sign of God 's reign , justice is centra l to its way of l ife a nd m ission.

Section 5 of this document specifical ly addresses the commitments of Church

leaders in rel ation to thei r own behavioural just ice i n their community, justice

i n work environments and justice in responding to compla i nts of a l l types of

abuse, i nclud ing compl iance to l egis lative requ i rements (National Committee

for Professiona l Standards 2004 : 1 4) . Abuse is p laced with in the context of

da i ly l ife matters of justice and the personal i ntegrity of Church leaders. This is

l i nked to the very nature of Church leaders as representatives of God .

Integrity in Ministry (National Committee for Professional Standards 2004 : 1 3)

states , 'Clergy and rel ig ious serve as witnesses and agents of God's justice

by l ivi ng and min isteri ng just ly in a l l thi ngs' . The type of justice that Church

leaders serve is i nde l ib ly God 's justice . I n th is context, God's just ice is

constructed in terms of socia l welfare and socia l justice.

With i n pol i cy documents there is a recognisable endeavour to ensure that

concepts of 'justice' identify the needs of victim/survivors as wel l as the needs

of perpetrators (Presbyterian Church of Austra l ia 2005; Austra l ian Cathol ic

B ishops Conference & The Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious

I nstitutes 1 996, 2000 :6) . M ica h 6:8 i s frequently cited as s ignificant to the

foundational v i rtue of justice i n a l l thi ngs (cf. Baptist Un ion of NSW 2004) .

M ica h 6 :8 reads :

He has showed you , 0 man , what is good ; and what does the Lord requ i re of you but to do justice , and to love kindness, and to wa lk humbly with your God? (Revised Standard Version)

This verse ties justice together with God's display of 'what is good ' and h is

requ i rement of love , ki ndness and humi l ity. Theologian , Chri stopher Wright

(2004:253) emphatica l ly asserts:

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If justice perished the whole cosmic order wou ld d is integrate , because justice is foundationa l to the very nature of the LORD, the creator of the u n iverse and to the core of God's government of h istory [emphasis in orig ina l] .

I n this understanding just ice i s , i n short, personified i n God . Justice , a s

personified by God , is then i nterpreted i nto situations a n d enacted through

human i ntervention (Worthington , Sharp & Lerner 2006 :34-35; Soars

2005:69) . Pol icies commonly begi n the process of expressly outl i n i ng the

responsib i l it ies of Church leaders in ensuring 'just' outcomes. This is a n

important recognit ion of the powerfu l position held b y Church leaders and thei r

abi l ity to enact and construct justice social ly as wel l as i n local congregations

(cf. Costigan 2004 ; Hawley 2004) . Pope John Paul l l (cited i n Burke 2004 : 1 1 )

identified Bishops as ' prophet(s) for justice' . Church leaders are charged with

the responsibi l ity of ensuri ng justice with in church commun it ies i n order that

church commun ities can model justice with in broader commun ities .

Pol icies often cite the purpose of churches as being places where a n

experience of God can b e mediated for ind ividuals (Austra l ian Cathol ic

Bishops Conference & The Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious

I nst itutes 1 996, 2000 :4; Un iti ng Church Press 1 999: 1 ) . There i s an exp l icit

recogni tion that churches have fai led in this task by fa i l i ng to act justly towards

victim/survivors and thei r compla ints of sexual violence by Church leaders (cf.

Austra l ian Cathol ic Bishops' Conference & the Austra l ian Conference of

Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996 2000: 1 ; Baptist U nion of NSW 2004 :2 ;

Presbyterian Church of Austral ia 2005 : 1 ) . Justice , however, does not change

and cannot be human ly changed when it is viewed as removed from huma ni ty

as an absolute pri nciple i n God (Wright 2004:253) . I n order to access justice

i n this construct , one must access God . Once agai n , gender and power

become key i ssues i n this as Bib l ical justice is largely identifi ed with reference

to a mascu l i ne God .

For victim/survivors of chi ld sexua l abuse, i nclud ing male victim/survivors ,

accessing a predominantly male Church leadership to receive just ice from a

male God can be extremely daunting (Grovijahn 1 998:3 1 -32) . The gendering

of justice i n theological terms h igh l ights the subjective i nterpretation of God

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a nd its sig nifi cance to the construction of justice . An a ppea l to the B ible as an

i mmutab le standard and tool for u nderstanding God may be made , but th is

becomes prob lematic where the social nature of B ib l ical i nterpretation i s not

adequately acknowledged (Soares 2005 :70 ; Walker 1 999 : 1 6- 1 7) . Jesus

h imself warned about havi ng eyes to see , but not seeing , and ears to hear,

but not heari ng , the word of God (Mark 8 : 1 8) . Theological representations of

God as the essence of 'justice' have often been i nherently patri archal and

uti l i sed for the oppression and abuse of vul nerable i nd ividuals and

communit ies as wel l as for thei r l iberation (Soares 2005:70; Reid 2004:376-

337 ; Lochhead 200 1 : 3-4; Walker 1 999 : 1 5- 1 7) . Theological concerns,

however, have not been the on ly conceptua l isation of justice with in pol icies.

Concerns for natura l justice are identified in mu lti p le d ocuments .

Natu ral j u stice

' Natu ral just ice' i s uti l i sed to ensure protection of i nd ividuals accused of wrong

do ing . The appeal to natural justice incorporates a desi re to i nclude fai rness

as a princi ple of justice (Munro 2005:54 ; White & Perrone 1 997 :84-90) . By

acknowledg ing thi s , churches a l ign themselves with common law pri nci ples.

Natu ral just ice is a card inal cons ideration in deve loping a comprehensive and

responsive pol icy. lt is a lso i mportant in that it mediates against purely

reactionary , d ismissive or vi nd ictive responses towards perpetrators and

victim/survivors which may undermine or deny the i r rights (White & Perrone

1 997 :84-90) . W ith i n criminal just ice , a fundamental means of protecting the

r ights of the accused is through the use of adversaria l justice , wh ich takes

natu ra l justice as one of its found ing concepts . Amongst other e lements ,

adversaria l just ice presumes the i nnocence of the accused unt i l gu i l t i s proven

beyond reasonable doubt (Bagaric & Arenson 2004 :34-35; cf. Bernado, Tal ley

& Welch 2000) . Adversaria l justice has been acknowledged as particularly

problematic when a ppl ied to cases of csa .

For victim/survivors of sexua l violence of any ki nd , adversaria l justice has

been devastati ngly i nadequate and often re-victimis ing (Cook, David & Grant

200 1 :44) . Church pol i cy documents are often eager to emphasise the

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necessity of crimina l proceedi ngs. Whi lst th is movement towards i nvolvi ng

crimina l and civ i l agencies is important in legitimis ing the seriousness of

offences for both victim/survivors and perpetrators , pol icies do not d i rectly

acknowledge the inadequacies of these processes. For example Towards

Healing (Austra l ian Cathol ic Bishops' Conference & the Austra l ian Conference

of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996 , 2000 :20), states:

If either a pol ice investigation or a church process makes i t clear that the accused did not commit the a l leged wrong , the church authority shal l take what ever steps are necessary to restore the good reputation of the accused .

Without much clarifi cation on what constitutes 'clear' judgement that abuse

has not occurred , this statement has the possib i l i ty to vastly undermine the

abi l ity of the Cathol ic Church to effectively manage offenders . The rel i ance on

defin it ive judgement of factual gu i l t , by pol ice , presumably courts , or church

processes , is demonstrated in the mandate that 'what ever steps are

necessary to restore the good reputation of the accused ' shal l be taken by the

church authority (Austra l ian Cathol ic Bishops' Conference & the Austra l ian

Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996 , 2000:20) . This cannot be

simply a determination of legal gu i lt , or rather not legal ly gu i lty, as trust i s

being i nvested back i n the accused through restoration of thei r reputation . I n

th is way, legal gu i l t i s constructed as factual gu i lt . This i s particu larly

problematic where i nd ividuals may be factua l ly gu i lty, yet found to be not

legal ly gu i lty . Pol icies become problematic when the complexit ies and fai l u res

of crimina l justice are not acknowledged and yet much is i nvested in them (cf.

Maynard & Manzo 1 993; Li ndley 1 977) .

1t is of course not 'just' to punish any i nd ividua l for an offence that they have

not been proven gu i lty of. This does not, however, undermine the d ifficulties of

i nvesting such a high level of trust in a system that has an attrit ion rate of u p

to 9 out of 1 0 cases for sexual offences (Cook, David & Grant 200 1 :44) . Adversaria l justice i s demonstratively problematic as it perpetuates the

violence towards victim/su rvivors through its own processes and through its

inabi l i ty to protect victim/survivors from perpetrators (Braithwaite & Daly

1 994 :22 1 ; Hudson 2002 :62 1 ) . l t may not be the place of the Church to

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comment on th is ; if they are to take seriously the needs of victim/survivors,

however, chu rches can not afford to rely on cri mi nal justice as a measure of

safe or rel iab le determination of factual gu i lt . Thi s does not mean that

legis lative requ i rements do not have a mean i ngful role to play i n

denominat iona l chi ld protection pol icy.

Leg islative obl igations

Chi ld protection leg islation i n Austra l ia has undergone s ign ifica nt changes in

the last 1 5 years . The Children and Young Persons (Care and Protection) Act

NSW 1 998, demonstrates a cons iderable enhancement i n ch i ld protection

legis lation , particu larly in the area of mandatory reporti ng (Waugh & Bonner

2002 :285; Sachs & Mel ior 2005: 1 3 1 ) . Denomi nationa l pol i cies now reflect

nomi na l obl igations of clergy and church personnel as mandatory reporters

u nder this legis lation . Whi lst the Children and Young Persons (Care and

Protection) Act 1 998 NSW does not exp l icit ly identify clergy as mandatory

reporters many denominations now requ i re Church leaders to report

susp icions a nd d isclosures of a buse to the appropriate legislative body (cf.

Bapt ist U nion of NSW 2004; Presbyterian Chu rch of Austra l ia 2005) . Pol icy

documents a l so reflect a need to educate Chu rch leaders and other church

person nel to enhance their abi l ity to identify ch i ldren and you ng persons at

r isk of harm and the i r responsib i l it ies to report. Th is is largely addressed

th rough the i nclus ion of defi n itions and some i nd icators of abuse with i n pol icy

documents (cf. Presbyterian Chu rch of Austra l ia 2005:23-27 ; Assembl ies of

God 2005:7-8 ; Lutheran Church of Austra l ia 1 997 :6-8) . Defi n it ions such as

those in Towards Healing (Austra l ian Cathol ic Bishops' Conference & the

Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel i gious I nstitutes 1 996, 2000:2) have

been criticised for thei r use of l anguage and their i nadequate construction of

sexua l violence as violence and as a gendered act (Medley 2004 :36-37)

Wh i l st defi n i tions and ind icators of abuse can be helpfu l , they are by no

means exhaustive and do not guarantee that Church leaders and other

chu rch person nel receive sufficient tra in ing i n thei r legis lative, theologica l and

eth ical obl igations in regards to chi ld protection , sexua l vio lence and sexua l

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misconduct (cf. Meek et al. 2004; Gregoi re & Jungers 2004 ; Reid 1 999) .

Femin i st perspectives recognise that such tra in i ng should i nclude a theology

of sexua l ity and gender that is just and able to empower women and ch i ldren

with i n church structures (cf. Med ley 2004 ; Pattison 1 998; Wel ls 2003; Porter

2003b) . Several denominations have accompanied the i r pol icy development

with ch i ld protection trai n i ng packages for al l i ndividuals who work with

ch i ldren (cf. Barnett 2004; Presbyterian Church of Austra l ia 2005; U niti ng

Church Press 1 999) . Tra in ing i n appropriate boundaries and behaviours

towards chi ldren , as wel l as i n identifying and respondi ng to chi l d abuse, i s

essentia l i n equ ippi ng Church leaders and other church personnel to

adequately manage a l legations and instances of csa by Church leaders, as

wel l as in meeti ng the i r legislative obl igations. One such obl igation is Church

leaders' responsib i l it ies as potential mandatory reporters under the

Memorandum of Understanding between DoGS and Participating Churches

2001 (cf. Sydney Ang l ican Network nd ; Department of Commun ity Services

(DoCS) 2001 ) . This memorandum of understand ing i s a voluntary agreement

between s ignatory churches in NSW and the Department of Commun ity

Services . Whi lst it acknowledges that Chu rch leaders may not be mandatory

reporters u nder the Children and Young Persons (Care and Protection) Act

1998 they do have mandatory reporting obl igations (DoCS 200 1 :6 ) .

Fortune ( 1 985: 1 ) has , however, identified mandatory reporting obl igations as

problematic i n the ethical framework for Church l eaders . The historical

confidentia l i ty of the 'confessional ' and the nature of trust i nvested in Church

leaders by constituents , has proven to be eth ical ly problematic , particu larly

when appl ied to csa both by Church leaders and also csa more genera l ly

(Audette 1 998 :80; Fortune 1 985: 1 ) . More thoughtful denominational pol ic ies

specifical ly identify the difference between confidential i ty , secrecy and

confession (cf. Lutheran Church of Austra l ia 1 997 :4) . This i s particu larly

important for more trad itional denominations where the role of Church leaders

i n confession has been very exp l icit and powerfu l (cf. Jordan 1 999) . This i s

one area where further pol icy development and tra in ing for Church leaders i s

particularly relevant. Church leaders hold a position o f power and trust; as

1 88

such they a re often g ive n access to privi l eged information that has sig nifi cant

i mpact on the l ives of multi p le i nd ividua ls . Church leaders must be able to

manage th i s i nformation with the appropriate knowledge, ski l l s and resources

(Tru l l & Carter 2004 : 1 04-1 06) . Th is point i s a lso identified as sign ificant by

research participants . James (trad i tional ) says of h is own experience of the

problematic natu re of respond ing to i nd ividuals with in the context of

confession :

Well f ine you 're not going t o dump i t a l l over m e a nd th ink that I 'm just going to walk a round th inking I know . . . If you ' re being honest with me then there's a process to engage with , part of which is you r acknowledgement, your recogn ition umm, of who you are . lt 's a very interesting , and it , it isn't for the fa int hearted . We norma l ly don't a l low clergy to hear confessions . . . u nti l you 've been 3 years a priest . . . .

James' statement i nd icates a desi re of some i nd ividua ls to man ipu late

confession for thei r own persona l perception of the i r release or wel l bei ng .

Th is has i mp l ications regard ing the man i pu lative nature of csa offenders and ,

a s James asserts , manag ing Church leaders' responsibi l i ty not to mai nta i n

secrecy with i n situations of csa . James a lso emphasises h is posit ion that

abusers must understand that confession is not a p lace to come to ease thei r

conscience , but a p lace where they wi l l be held accountab le to face the

consequences of their actions. Church leaders have a responsib i l i ty to

commun icate this message and ensure that they are knowledgeable and

aware enough to avoid bei ng man i pu lated i nto s i lence. An understand ing of

pr inci ples of ch i ld protection that are relevant to reporti ng obl igations , is

i mportant in help ing to equ ip a l l professionals , i nclud i ng Church leaders (cf.

Fare l l 2004 ; Ainsworth 2002 ; Sachs & Mel ior 2005) .

Pol icies recogn ise and outl i ne the procedures for Working with Children

Checks and Prohibited Employment Declarations (cf. Presbyterian Church of

Austra l ia 2005:235-242 ; Assembl ies of God 2005: 1 9) . These mechanisms are

des igned to screen out any i nd ivi dua ls who have committed a serious criminal

offence and/or been convicted of a violent offence i nvolvi ng a minor. l t is

i mportant that i nstitutions do not develop a false sense of security through the

uti l isation of employment screen ing (cf. Mathews & Walsh 2004) . An obvious

critic ism of these measures is that they wi l l only ever detect those i nd ividuals

1 89

who have been convicted of an offence . As th is is so, it is encouragi ng to see

policies developing mechan isms that enhance commun ication with i n

denominations i n regards to employment su itabi l i ty screen ing other than

externa l screen ing tools (cf. Presbyterian Church of Austra l ia 2005 :235-242;

Assembl ies of God 2005: 1 9) . The i nclusion of personnel checks is i mportant

in counteri ng a culture where perpetrators have been protected with i n church

h ierarchy and enabled to move between congregations without honest

communication of thei r status as chi ld abusers .

Pol icies , such as Towards Healing (Austra l ian Cathol ic B ishops' Conference & the Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes 1 996, 2000 :23) ,

not only outl i ne church obl igations to perform these checks , but a lso foster a n

environment of transparency and openness through provisions for clergy to

seek accountabi l ity and counsel l i ng . Towards Healing (Austra l ian Cathol i c

Bishops' Conference & the Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious

I nstitutes 1 996, 2000 :23) states:

Church personnel who feel that they might be in danger of committing abuse shall be offered opportunities to seek both spiritua l and psycholog ica l assistance before the problem becomes unmanageable and they offend .

This assumes , of course , a wi l l i ngness or desire on the behalf of Church

leaders to prevent or conta in thei r own offend i ng behaviour . Self report of

deviant arousal and fantasy has conti nued to prove complex i n the

assessment and treatment of sex offenders (Grossman , Martis & Fichtner

1 999:350; M i l ner & Murphy 1 995:484-485) . G iven the demonisation of sex

offenders , it i s un l i kely that there wou ld be a strong incentive for any ind ividual

to report deviant arousal or attraction (cf. Pratt 1 999) . l t i s , none the less,

encourag ing to see pol icy at least making attempts to faci l i tate th is type of

preventative strategy. This statement is , at the very least, acknowledging the

possib i l i ty of csa as a struggle for Church leaders and the hope of

preventative assistance rather than purely responsive pol icy . Toman (2003: 1 )

recogn ises that genu ine participation i n treatment is essential to treatment

effectiveness. Further, treatment must i nvolve a process whereby offenders ,

o r potential offenders , are not demonised , but where violent, criminal and

1 90

abusive behaviours a re addressed mean ingfu l ly (Toman 2003 :2) . The

treatment of even potentia l offenders is embedded in a cal l for greater

survei l lance .

I n some pol i ci es survei l l ance i s necessary where ever there is any concern

about the behaviour of an i nd ividual . Towards Healing (Austra l ian Cathol ic

B ishops' Conference & the Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious

I nst itutes 1 996 , 2000 :23) also states:

Whenever a Chu rch Authority is concerned about the behaviour of any person connected with that Church body which might lead to a com pla int of abuse, th is fact should be brought to the attention of that person and appropriate steps taken to determine whether the behaviour is the symptom of a deeper p roblem requ i ring attention .

This pol icy , then , seeks to faci l itate an environment of increased externa l and

i nternal surve i l lance , and couple this with accessi ble 'space' for addressing

csa by Church l eaders . What i s i mportant i s that these statements

demonstrate a wi l l i ngness of chu rches not to handle potentia l csa perpetrators

by i nterna l mechan isms a lone. l t i s unclear if, by referri ng Church leaders for

psycholog ica l assistance , there is an i mpl icit admission that the average

Church leader, no matter how high thei r position , does not have the complete

ski l l -set necessary to appropri ately treat csa offenders. Sex offending is not

on ly a spiri tual or mora l issue , but , a lso a complex socia l and i nd iv idual

phenomenon (cf. Toman 2003; G rossman , Martis & Fichtner 1 999; B i rchard

2000) . There is , of cou rse, some danger that if the bodies that are uti l i sed to

treat csa offenders are not monitored , then these services may i n fact

reinforce church structu res and i deologies that support chi ld a buse . For this

reason , i nstitutional processes can never be entirely private matters, but must

conta in some level of pub l ic accountab i l i ty (Atobe l l i 2003 : 1 ) . One particular

a rea where there needs to be signifi ca nt levels of accountabi l ity i s the

exercise of forgiveness .

Forg iveness i n pol icy

I n terms of denominational chi l d protection pol icy, forgiveness is rel evant i n

severa l ways. Dominant themes i n pol ici es are , for example , definitions of

what forg iveness does not mea n , emphasis on responsib i l iti es rather than

1 9 1

rights of churches i n relation to forgiveness, identification of the need for

offenders to seek forgiveness from God , and the l i nk between forgiveness and

other theologica l concepts such as confession, repentance , hope and

reconci l iation . These themes are reflective , not only of church tradition and

doctri ne with regards to forgiveness, but a lso of broader socio-polit ical

criticisms and pressures d i rected at churches for their previous (mis)hand l i ng

of csa by Church leaders .

With i n Christian traditions , forg iveness by God is both tempora l , o r this

wor ld ly, and eternal , or other world ly (Jones 1 995 :5 , 253-254) . I n pol i cy , some

churches attempt to d isplay this dual i stic conceptual isation of forgiveness

(Presbyterian Church of Austral ia 1 995:49-5 1 ; Austra l ian Cathol ic B ishops

Conference & The Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of Rel ig ious I nstitutes

1 996, 2000:6) . Towards Healing (The Austra l ian Conference of Leaders of

Rel ig ious Institutes 1 996, 2000 :6) frames forg iveness as part of accepting a

commu nity responsibi l ity to ensure perpetrators are accountable for the i r

abusive behaviours. Th is i s evident i n paragraph 29 of th is document, cited

above , where chu rch leaders are characterised as offeri ng someth i ng other

that ' unend ing condemnation' and tel l ing perpetrators that 'there can be

forgiveness, by human beings as wel l as by God ' . Bib l ical ly , d ivi ne

forgiveness and human forgiveness are bou nd closely together in statements

of Jesus, such as, 'For if you forgive men when they sin agai nst you , your

heavenly Father wi l l a lso forgive you ' (Matthew 6 : 1 4 N IV; cf. Jones 1 995 :2 1 5-

2 1 9) . Forgiveness, then , is an essentia l spiritual d isci pl i ne with i n Christian

tradition that i s understood to beg in i n relationsh ip with a forgivi ng God and i s

specifi cal ly demonstrated i n the l ife , teachi ng and death of Jesus Christ (Ladd

1 959:90-94 ; Worth ington , Sharp & Lerner 2006:32-3) . Recogn isi ng th is

standard i s i mperative i n understanding the pressu res that victim/survivors

feel i n relation to perpetrators and the responses of churches in pol icies .

Forg ivi ng one's enemies i s a ha l lmark of the Christian tradition of forgiveness

and yet, as has been d iscussed in Chapter 5 , is often depicted in ways that

underestimate , fai l to acknowledge and abuse the power dynamics i nherent i n

forgiveness d iscourses (cf. Franz 2002; B lumenthal 2005) .

1 92

This potenti a l for abuses of power through forgiveness is recognised by the

Baptist Un ion of N SW (2004:4) . Crossing the Boundary (Baptist Un ion of

NSW 2004 :4) states :

Premature or inappropriate forg iveness is damaging to the compla inant's recovery, especia l ly where it is the outcome of expectations by someone seen to be in a position of power within the denomination .

Forg iveness i s dep icted here as not bei ng a s ingular , easi ly understood

concept. I n a simi lar vein , Breaking the Silence (Presbyterian Church of

Austra l ia 2005:57) priorit ises victim/surv ivor centred responses stati ng that,

'The fi rst th i ng we can do is ensure that our process for dea l ing with

a l legations a bout those with i n the Church g ives victi m/survivors a sense of

just ice ' . These pol i cies val ue mai nta i n i ng victim/survivor centred pol i cy as

i mperative to just and healthy outcomes in responding to csa by Church

leaders . This fi na l poi nt acknowledges that forgiveness has become

problematic both i n pri nci p le and praxis . Citing McCiean (2003) , it i s , once

aga i n , Breaking the Silence (Presbyteria n Church of Austra l ia 2005:50) that

expl i citly add resses th is argument:

Forg iveness has become more and more meaning less in our society in that it is not clear what is meant when the word is used . Some people mean that they simply want to forget what happened - just put it out of mind . Others mean by forgiving that the offence or injury wh ich occurred is okay, i . e . that it somehow became a non-offence . Neither of these meanings is adequate to the experience of rape or sexua l abuse .

There is a recogn i tion here that the use of language should not be taken for

g ra nted . Forgiveness has been i mbued with mixed mean ings and because of

th i s , its deployment as a tool when encounteri ng victim/su rvivors of csa is

problematic .

That these d iscourses appear in church pol icies i s a n encouraging i nd icator

that on a denominationa l level churches are prepared to address some of the

damag ing management strateg ies that have misused forg iveness . There is

add it ional evidence that churches are seeking to respond to forgiveness and

reconci l iation . One source of evidence of this i s the publ ic apologies of church

officia ls on behalf of church i nstitutions (Commonwealth of Austra l ia

1 93

2004 : 1 89- 1 9 1 ) . lt has been recogn ised that genuine apology can be h igh ly

s ignifi cant for victim/survivors of abuse and forms a s ign ificant part of

reconci l i ation d iscourse (cf. Govier & Verwoerd 2002 :67) . On its own ,

however, it i s not s ignificant enough to faci l i tate long term restoration of

relationship , much less good wi l l between institutions and the societies i n

which they exist (Commonwealth of Austra l ia 2004 : 1 9 1 -1 92) . l t must be

recogn ised that apology is only one part of understanding the processes and

praxis of forgiveness.

I nherent i n th is , however, i s the argument that i nstitutions themselves do not

perpetrate abuse, but rather indivi dual representatives perpetrate abuse. Thi s

is certain ly the argument asserted by the Cathol ic Church (Ratzi nger 1 999) .

The a rgument is that the Church herself cannot perpetrate abuse because, as

the Holy Bride of Christ , the Church is not capable of si nn ing . Rather, i t is

some representatives of the Church who perpetrate abuse and hence it is

these i ndividuals a lone that need to be cal led to account, repent of thei r

attitudes and behaviours and seek forgiveness and reconci l iat ion (Ratzi nger

1 999; Ragazzi 2004 :366) . Ragazzi (2004) argues:

The sinner (a lbeit imperfect) remains a member of the Church as a resu lt not of h is sin , but of those very spiritual values that subsist i n h im. I n this sense, therefore, the antiecclesial character of s in , whi le effecting the Church as an offence, does not become a sin of the Church .

I n short, the s ins of its members and leaders are si ns against the Church not

of the Church . This argument is helpful in that i t protects those i nd ividuals who

are not gu i l ty of abuse from col lective label l i ng . The argument a lso has the

potentia l to protect those who have tolerated abuse and the i nstitutional

structures and pol icies that have faci l i tated abuse. This difficulty in hold ing

i nstitutions to account has been seen elsewhere i n cases of human rights

violations where entire governments have been responsib le for the

construction and deployment of violent, d iscriminatory pol icy, such as in South

Africa duri ng Apartheid or Nazi ruled Germany (cf. Herbert 1 996) . Here i t i s

not merely bad i ndividuals with in 'good ' institutions, bu t corrupted i nstitut ions .

L iterature which addresses pol itical forgiveness for i nstitutions wou ld provide

some val uable i nsight for churches as they continue to form pol icy which

1 94

helps to faci l i tate safe and heal i ng envi ronments for v ictim/su rvivors of csa by

Church leaders (cf. Frost 1 99 1 ; Appleby 2000; Shriver 1 995) .

Concl usion

Pol icy documents do more that establ ish responses to csa by Church leaders.

I n so far as pol icy i s u nderstood as contributi ng to the i nstitutional ethos of the

Church , i t is a form of estab l ish ing norms by which the Church seeks to be

recogn ised socia l ly and i nterna l ly (cf. Butler 2005) . Motivation for the effective

management of csa by Church leaders i s , i n the majority of cases, very much

i nformed by broader social d iscourses of csa by Church leaders and i n

settings othe r than the Church . These d iscourses i nclude legislative

requ i rements , the fi scal cost of i neffective management through legal action

taken against chu rches, external enqui ries such as the Wood Roya l

Com miss ion and a gendered push , largely by women , with i n denominations.

In l i ght of these d iscourses, denominational pol icy documents can , in part , be

seen as d iscourses of res istance that seek to establ i sh a socia l identity of the

Church as competent in its management of csa by Church leaders . Further,

denominational pol i cy documents can be u nderstood as formi ng a particular

type of knowledge a bout csa by Church leaders and , i n doi ng so, d raw on

B ib l ica l and theologica l d iscourses to support themselves. This form of

knowledge production considers identity formation of perpetrators and

victim/survivors and attempts to fi nd ways to make them recognisable to the

Church so as to engage with csa by Church leaders in ways that are

cons istent with constructed institutional character. For pol icy documents th is

has enta i led a concern for justice with reference to theolog ica l d iscourse,

natural justice and l egis lative obl igations. In add ition to this , for the

denominational pol i cies presented here , it is clear that d iscourses of power

and forgiveness a re perceived as s ignificant to the management of Church

l eaders who perpetrate csa and a lso of victim/survivors. I n recognis ing that

forgiveness has been u sed to marg ina l ise and s i lence victim/survivors of csa

by Church l eaders , pol icy documents begin to br ing understanding to the

presence of power i n constructions of Church leaders , victim/survivors and

forg iveness itself. The fol lowi ng two chapters continue an exploration of power

1 95

and forg iveness through examination of the Hol l ingworth affa i r as it was

represented through media sources .

1 96

C hapter 7 The Hollingworth A ffair: Trial by Media ?

The underlying shame that Christians must a l l face up to here and now is that it has taken secu lar journal ists and brave ind ividua l citizens (often the vict ims of abuse) to b low the wh istle . The Church that preaches a gospel which shou ld be sufficient to carry its own institutional self-critique in every time a nd place , has not been true to its own mission and character (Hogan & Cowdel l 2003 :5) .

This chapter is particularly concerned with examin i ng ways that media

accounts have constructed d iscourses of csa by Church leaders . This is

pursued through a case study of the sca ndal surround ing a l legations made

aga inst Or Peter Hol l i ngworth regarding his management of csa by Church

leaders whi l st Angl ican Archbishop of the Diocese of Brisbane . The focus of

th is chapter i s particu larly on the ways i n wh ich med ia accounts construct

Ho l l i ngworth as a subject th rough d iscursive representation . I n this way,

Hol l i ngworth is scruti n i sed to create a 'normal ized ' or doci le body (Foucault

1 975:25-30, 1 83) . The work of J ud ith Butler ( 1 990 ; 1 993; 1 997a ; 1 997b) is

uti l i sed to provide further i nsight i nto this process. Of central importance is

Foucault's ( 1 975 : 1 1 ) construction of the d ispersal of d i scip l i ne , with i n wh ich a

norma l is ing gaze i s extended from solely crim ina l justice agents to broader

socia l agents as bearers of knowledge that i s attributed with a specia l status .

This chapter wi l l fi rstly explore the role of media in addressing csa by Church

l eaders , i nclud ing research partic ipants' u nderstand ings of this . The specific

study of the Hol l i ngworth affa i r wi l l begi n with consideration of the a l legations

made against h im. This wi l l be fol lowed by an exploration of the case that was

bu i lt against h im with a specific examination of the Hein rich case and the role

of gender and power. Hol l i ngworth's defence , i nclud ing h is appeal to victim

status wi l l a l so be examined . I n combination , these factors demonstrate ,

fi rstly , the location of power i n discourses and , secondly, the way that media

have been u sed as agents of resistance to d iscourses which have enabled

the perpetration of csa i n churches.

1 97

The Hol l ingworth affair

What has become known as the Hol l i ngworth affair now represents an icon ic

example of the management of csa i n Austra l ian churches . Prior to being

appointed as Governor-General , Or Peter Hol l i ngworth had a long career in

the Angl ican Church of Austral i a , i n particular, the Brotherhood of St

Laurence. As his fi nal appointment in the Ang l ican Church , Hol l i ngworth was

Archbishop of the Bri sbane Diocese . At no poi nt i n h is career was

Hol l i ngworth was ever convicted of a crime i n any court of Austra l ia ( The

Australian 2002 : 1 0 2 January) . By and large, the offences that he was

accused of were not cri mi nal by nature but, rather, were seen as offensive to

the moral conscience and standards of Austra l ians . There were a l legations of

rape made against Hol l i ngworth h imself, but these were d ismissed after the

compla i nant committed su icide (Middleton 2003 The West Australian 26 May) .

The rape had a l legedly occurred 40 years prior to the compla int and

Hol l i ngworth vehemently denied that he had been the perpetrator. In th is

matter the legal proceedi ngs brought against Hol l i ngworth were civi l , rather

than criminal , in nature . Hol l i ngworth managed to avoid being extensively

made the subject of scandal by these accusations (Middleton 2003 The West

Australian 26 May) . These al legations of rape came after Hol l i ngworth had

been accused of a lack of compassion and fa i l ure i n h is duty of care towards

victim/survivors of csa by Church leaders with i n h is jur isd iction . As the rape

al legations were somewhat short l ived and attracted substantia l ly less media

attention than the i nitia l a l legations, they wi l l not be the focus here . This i s not

to say that they are not of concern at a l l , but rather for our purposes here ,

they do not form a substantia l element of the accusations made against

Hol l ingworth . The majority of other a l legations rested on the construction of

Hol l i ngworth as a powerful male , serving the interests of a powerful institution ,

and then h id ing beh ind excuses of legal and i nsurance considerations when

cal led to account for h is actions (cf. Bolt 2001 :2 1 , Herald Sun 20 December;

Woodley 200 1 :2 The Australian 21 December) .

During h is time as Archb ishop, Hol l i ngworth oversaw the management of

several a l legations of csa against a board ing house master i n an Ang l ican

school i n Toowoomba Old (cf. Gearing 200 1 a The Courier Mail 22

1 98

November) . Th is case was heard i n the Supreme Court wh ich heard evidence

that Hol l i ngworth had not responded appropriately to protect victims of csa

(Taylor 200 1 :2 Sunday Mail 9 December) . This case has come to be referred

to as the Toowoomba school case . Med ia representations of the results of thi s

case and the i mp l ications for Hol l ingworth a re d iscussed below.

I n addit ion to the Toowoomba school case, Hol l i ngworth became engaged i n

the management of an a l legation against a priest who had sexual ly abused a

young woman i n ru ral N SW duri ng the 1 950's . lt i s comments made i n relation

to th is case that brought Hol l i ngworth the most amount of medi a scruti ny (cf.

ABC 2002a Australian Story 1 8 January ; Middleton 2002 : 1 4 The West

Australian 1 9 February ; Roberts 2002 : 1 Sydney Morning Herald 20 February ;

S lake 2006 :87) . In th is i nstance , it was a l leged that a young priest named

Donald Shearman had engaged in a sexua l ly abusive relationsh ip with the

then 1 4 year old Beth Heinrich . Beth was at thi s time a student board ing at a

chu rch-run school board i ng house (Porter 2003a :27-28) . A further i ntimate

relationshi p between Beth Hein rich and Donald Shearman occurred when

Beth was an adu lt. Th is relationship ended when Shearman returned to h is

wife and continued h is career as a priest, becoming B ishop of Rockhampton ,

Queensland (Qid) , and later Bishop of Grafton , N SW (Porter 2003a :27) .

Med ia representations of Hol l i ngworth and his response to thi s case form the

most s ign ifica nt part of what is d iscussed below.

Media as agents of power/knowledge

l t is i mportant to understand the type of knowledge that media presents, the

status it holds, and the fu l l ness of its ab i l ity to have i mpact . Of Foucau lt's

(cf. 1 977 ; 1 976) knowledge/power nexus, Hudson (2003 : 1 40) argues :

As wel l as acknowledging that knowledge ca n bestow power, Foucau lt cla ims the reverse, that knowledge can be an emanation of power. One every day experience of th is is the status g iven to knowledge claims accord ing to the position of the person making the cla im .

I n l i ne with recognis ing the sign ificance of the status of those making

knowledge claims, i t i s essential to acknowledge here that media

representations are not enti rely homogeneous and their abi l i ty to i mpact can

vary g reatly . lt i s broadly recognised that 'the media ' is i n fact a plura l istic

1 99

entity a nd that med ia representations are strongly affected by economic,

social and polit ical motivations (Briggs & Cobley 1 998 : 1 ; Greer 2003:9- 1 4) .

This i s , i n part, reflective o f the i ncreasing d iversity of electron ic and pri nt

med ia sources (cf. Kerr 2000) . I n acknowledgment of th is , and the i mportance

of lang uage, every attempt wi l l be made to avoid homogen i sing med ia

representations by referri ng to 'the media ' without qual ification . Where the

term 'med ia ' is uti l i sed here it wi l l specifical ly reflect a focus on pri nt news

med ia , from popular press , and selected television representations wh ich

specifical ly depict the Hol l i ngworth affair .

As a central component i n enabl ing free speech in democratic society, mass

med ia have a crucial role i n representing social ideologies and identities

(Sawant 2003: 1 6- 1 7 ; cf. Plaisance 2000; Brake, Bel l & Fin lelstei n 2000) .

Sawant (2003 : 1 6) attributes much to mass media argu ing that, 'Journal ism is

an i nd ispensable institution of modern society and the source of any

democratic pol ity' . The i ncreasi ngly multi pl ied forms of mass med ia make

communication of knowledge, ideologies and representations more d iverse

and i nteractive than ever before in human h istory (cf. Briggs & Cobley 1 998;

Spitu ln ik 1 993) . Briggs & Cobley ( 1 998:279) argue:

. . . Ideology precedes media representations but i t a lso charges them with the task of d isseminating nutshel l versions of the complex configu rations of our identities . Media representations reduce , shrink , condense, and select/reject aspects of intricate socia l relations in order to represent them as fixed , 'natura l ' , 'obvious' and ready to consume.

These processes of knowledge and identity constructions have a profound

consequence for the credi bi l ity of journal i sts and media outlets who are often

criticised for eth ica l components of constructi ng and deployi ng

representations ( Ryan 2001 :4-5; Morgan & Herman 200 1 :6 ) . Eth i ca l critic isms

d i rected at news media i nclude: egotism and bias, privacy i nvasion ,

sensational ism and i naccuracy (Ryan 200 1 :4-5 ; Morgan & Herman 200 1 :6) .

Because of the power of modern media i n representi ng identities and

ideologies, there is an i ncreased awareness of the need for a l l forms of med ia

to be subject to eth ica l practices (Sawant 2003 : 1 6 ; Spitu ln ik 1 993:294) .

Eth i cal practices serve med ia , as wel l , i n that they ensure ongoing credib i l i ty.

200

Whether the motivations of med ia outlets are economic, socia l or pol i ti ca l ,

credi bi l ity i s an essentia l component of the ir viabi l ity. Sawant (2003: 1 6- 1 7)

a rgues :

The power the med ia have to wield in society i s enviable . There is no subject on which they cannot comment and no individual or institutions immune to the i r criticism. The med ia can make and unmake ind ividua ls and institutions.

The result of th is power i s an abi l ity to create d iscursive representations that

are selectively, rather tha n comprehensively, accurate regard ing any situation ,

i nd ivi dual , i nstitution and/or event. l t has been recogn ised that there i s an

i nti mate relationsh ip between mass media and crime ( Reiner 2000 :7 1 ; Sacco

2005 : 80) . There are superfl uous representations of crime as entertai nment

through TV shows such as Law & Order and CS/. This is true not only of

imported American crime shows , but a lso of loca l ised Austra l ian ' i nfota inment'

and 'docu-soaps' (Stockwel l 2004 : 1 ) . l nfota i nment and docu-soaps fit with in a

genre of ' real i ty TV' wh ich seeks to depict the l ives and experiences of ' rea l '

people (H i l l 2000:2 ) . The s ignifi cance of med ia in i nformi ng communit ies

about the ' real i ties' of crime, rega rdless of the accuracy of these real i ties , has

been recogn ised i nternational ly (cf. O 'Connel l 1 999) . Further, med ia

representations often provide a very publ ic face for what Karstedt (2002 :299-

30 1 ) termed the 'emotional ization (sic) of law' , a process where emotions

such as shame, remorse , passion , forg iveness and g rief have become a part

of the processes of cri mi na l law, and have been recognised for their growing

legiti macy with i n thi s sphere .

News media sources have a particular i nterest i n substantia l ly representi ng

crime. There is i ncreasing criticism of news media because , although there

may be a p rol i feration of outlets and medi u ms , they are largely owned , and

therefore control led , by a rel atively sma l l number of corporations and/or

fami l ies (Sacco 2005:8 1 ; M i l ler 1 998) . This is recogn ised in notions of

'newsworthi n ess' which have been analysed i n terms of 'aud ience d riven'

representatio n and 'supply d riven ' representation (M i l ler 1 998:65-66 ; Sacco

2005:92) . I n the first model aud iences decide what they want i n media

representations by 'purchasing ' particular media products . Accord ing to Sacco

(2005 :92) the second model describes newsworthi ness as ' . . . determined by

20 1

powerfu l g roups i n society that make self-serving judgements about what wi l l

be and what wi l l not be treated as news' . l t i s the second model that most

strongly views med ia as constructing dominant ideologies that are control l ed

by those few corporations and fami l ies who act as gatekeepers (Sacco

2005:92) .

Greer (2003:2) acknowledges the function of selectivity , or gate keeping, i n

relation to media representations of ch i ld sexual abuse. Specific forms of

ch i ld sexual abuse shape a substantia l part of media d iscourse on the matter .

This i ncludes csa perpetrated by Church leaders , strangers and , more

recently in Austra l ia , csa in remote Aboriginal communit ies (cf. H iggins 2007 :6

The Australian 25 June) . Csa perpetrated by a fami ly member, or

acquaintance of the chi l d , i s largely conspicuous by its absence from media

d iscourse (Greer 2003:2) . This is i nteresti ng , g iven that the latter type of csa

occurs at a far g reater level than any other form (Goldman & Padayachi

2000:30 ; Spiecker & Steutel 2000 :283) . Even given th is , it i s clear that a l l

forms of med ia have played a significant role in the growing awareness of csa

and its effects on i nd ividua ls and communit ies (Chasen-Taber & Tabachn ick

1 999:780; cf. Proctor, Badzinzki & Johnson 2002) . Simi larly , popular media i s

attributed with a sign ificant role i n chi ld protection education (Saunders & Goddard 2002 :2 ; cf. Aldana 2006) . Media attention to chi ld abuse i n many

forms is sporadic but usual ly i ntense when it is present, hence, its

effectiveness i n motivating and susta in ing long term change is questionable

(Saunders & Goddard 2002: 1 ) . Med ia attention has been a pivotal factor i n

bringi ng csa by Church l eaders to the publ ic's attention and provid ing an

impetus for pol icy change and identity management with i n churches (Biake

2006:87; Hogan & Cowdel l 2003:5) . The Hol l i ngworth affair provides an

important case study of th i s media attention to csa by Church leaders .

Given that the majority of Austra l ians do not have a personal relationsh ip with

Hol l i ngworth , med ia representations are largely all we are afforded in bui ld ing

an opin ion of Hol l i ngworth as a man who stood accused . In th is way, media

representations have some level of exclusivity through the abi l i ty to mediate

the knowledge that graces i ts content. Hence , media has the powerful

202

potentia l to construct a d iscourse of just ice , and of those who are engaged i n

just ice processes (cf. Davis 200 1 ) . I n the u ltimate publ ic spectacle of justice,

the g aze of media shapes and moulds i nd ividua ls as victim/su rvivors as wel l

as perpetrators. I nt imate deta i ls of character, relationships, fi nancial status,

sexua l i ty and gender a re placed in the publ ic doma in for the scruti ny of a l l .

The processes of tria l , judgement and pun ishment a re enacted i n the publ ic

spectacle of justice , at times , both with i n courtrooms and with in media

representations (Davis 200 1 :97-98 ; cf. Matchett 200 1 ) . Foucault ( 1 977 :32-69)

a rgues that pun ishments , such as executions , were once a pub l ic spectacle

with p re-determined i ntent. The spectacle has now extended through media

representations and thei r abi l ity to bri ng mora l sanction through the publ ic

identifi cation a nd potentia l humi l i ation of i nd ividua ls accused of mora l , crimina l

or social fai l u res. The publ ic spectacle of the Hol l i ngworth affair represents

the power of such d iscourse .

Ach ieving th is sense of publ ic spectacle rel ies heavi l y on the abi l ity to a l low

the broader publ ic to view and engage with Hol l i ngworth through purchasing

media representations and to provide personal i nvestment through , for

exa mple , ed i toria l comment. The creation of the spectacle a lso rel ies on the

generation of emotional engagement with csa which is typica l l y considered a

crimi na l matter (Foucault 1 975:3- 1 0) . Although Hol l i ngworth's management of

csa was never determined to be crimi nal , the emotively i nvoked moral i ssues

surround ing csa were sufficient to ensure that concerns of responsibi l ity, harm

and justice were given voice through representations of h is character, status

and body. Ho l l ingworth represented the pinnacle of hegemonic mascu l i ne

success and was brought to censure because of h is mishand l ing of csa by

Church leaders wh ich occurred over a decade prior to h is appointment to

pub l ic office (cf. Geari ng 200 1 a The Courier Mai/ 22 November) . Hol l i ngworth

had wi l l i ng ly resigned from h is position with the Ang l ican Church of Austra l ia ,

and held a pol itical office at the ti me when a l legations against h im were made

(cf. Gearing 200 1 a The Courier Mail 22 November) . Popu lar media

characterised h im as a man facing tria l ; what i s known as 'tria l by media ' (cf.

Ge ise 2000 ; Davis 200 1 ) . I n this way it can be seen that with in media

203

accounts Hol l i ngworth represents the 'accused ' at tria l , and , as a condemned

man , bears the sanction for his offences.

Through this tria l by med ia , the Hol l i ngworth affair a l lows an examination of

relationships between multi p le parties. Th is specifical ly i ncludes Beth Hei n rich

as victim, Donald Shearman as perpetrator , and Hol l i ngworth as the

neg l igent, moral ly culpable faci l i tator of csa by Church leaders . I n this

parad igm, Hol l i ngworth need not have perpetrated csa h imself to be attributed

the character of a perpetrator. Of victims' engagement with power and med ia

d iscourses, Lewis Herman (2005 :572) argues:

Victims often perceive qu ite accurately that their abusers are acting with the tacit permission , if not active compl icity, of fami ly , friends, church or community . . . . By their nature these crimes are d isplays of raw power, intended to subord inate the vict im and teach her to know her place.

The i mp l ication of this use of power is one of personal and institutional

cu lpabi l i ty when chu rch leaders deny abuse (van Wormer & Berns 2004:63 ;

Adams 2006:52-53; cf. McAi i nden 2006) . This i s certa in ly reflected i n Beth

Hei nrich's statement that i ntimately l i nks the personal sense of betrayal by

both Hol l i ngworth and Shearman : ' I can 't forgive h im (Shearman) for what he

d id and I can't forgive Hol l i ngworth for protect ing h im' (Roberts 2005:27 The

Australian 1 2 March ; cf. Roberts 2004 :5 The Australian 26 August) . A further

exami nation of this i s provided below.

Participants' perspectives on media

Churches' responses to csa by Church leaders have received resonant

criti cism, i nternational ly , especia l ly in the U nited States of America . Greeley

(2003 : 1 6) evocatively identifies the New York Times coverage of csa by

priests as a 'feedi ng frenzy' . Cri ticis ing the use of statistics , Greeley (2003 : 1 6)

says :

I suspect the Ratzingerfrimes estimates are too low, but double the number to 4 percent - which I suspect is closer to the truth - and one stil l finds that 96% of priests are not abusers. The horror is doubled but the picture is not nearly a bleak as The Times and other media have h inted through the last year.

Plante & Daniels (2004 :38 1 ) identify the coverage of the Boston Globe (The

I nvestigative Staff of the Boston G lobe 2002) as causing ' . . . an a lmost

hysterical national and i nternational response to the a l legations , convictions,

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res ignations, and cover ups of priest sex offenders ' . Gartner (2004 :31 -32)

criticised media content as being more concerned about the scandal ised

chu rch than victim/su rv ivors and the impact of abuse on thei r l i ves. Comment

on media representation in Austra l ia has general ly been more neutral and/or

positive towards med ia for rais ing the standard of publ ic awareness of csa by

Church l eaders (cf. Porter 2003a ; Parkinson 2000) .

Med ia representations of csa by Church leaders are s imi larly constructed by

research participants i n positive terms. Rather than being overtly suspicious of

media on grounds of sensati onal ism, partici pants actua l ly i nd icate some level

of gratitude for med ia i ntervention and 'truthfu lness ' . Med ia representations

are certa in ly seen as a catalyst for change and a means of ongoing

accountabi l ity. For Rebekah ( non-tradi tional ) this particu lar form of

accountabi l i ty i s a veh icle for i nstitutional change:

We're much less rel iant, wi l l i ng to accept cover-ups in a l l spheres of l ife . We know to ask questions and we know there has to be more to the story and umm, journa l ists umm, wi l l be prepared to take up issues and to investigate and to publ icly a ir , a i r them .

For Rebekah , focus by media a lso generates an educational asset. W ithi n th is

assessment, aski ng questions i s now acceptable in church organ isations, i f

on ly because of the threat of jou rna l ists publ icly reveal i ng fai l ures . I n many

ways med ia has become an i nseparable presence in d iscou rse of csa by

Church leaders (cf. Fawley-O'Dea 2004) . Media is seen as an agent of control

with i n churches and functions by means of deterrence . The 'spectacle ' of

media exposu re , the resulti ng scandal and shaming are effectual i n the

generation of deterrence, at least for churches as i nstitutions. Th i s is

cons istent with Foucault 's ( 1 977 : 1 82) argument that survei l l ance and

pun ishment has a 'normal izi ng ' (s ic) effect in that the subject begi ns to shape

their own behaviour and character to comply with the expectations of those

deployi ng the norma l i sing gaze . For Hol l i ngworth th is is observable i n h is

eventual res ignation and engagement with d iscourse of redemption . This i s

explored i n g reater depth i n the Chapter 8 .

205

Med ia representation has also had a significant i mpact on the personal l ives

of some research participants . In responding to medi a reports , John (non­

traditional) asserts :

I guess on the one hand would long ingly hope that it wasn't true and on the other see it as a wel l documented fact . Ah , and I guess the same feel ing as in the ind ividua l , fee l l ike there's been a tra itor and can't imagine umm, doing anyth ing ah , that was more ant i everything that Jesus is about. Ah , to bel ieve it? I ntensely hurt for those that are hurt and I guess wanting to, where as you want to g ive a leader in ah , position some level of ah , trust , ah , there's another where ah , I guess I 've lost trust. Umm, and it, probably shows that ah , with my own kids, very slow to trust anyone, maybe especial ly in authority in the Church ; which is rea l ly sad .

For John, media reports have caused a personal loss of trust i n church

leaders . This loss of trust has influenced his parenting . Although there is a

grief associated with this loss of trust, there i s also awareness that chi ld

sexua l abuse by Church leaders i s a real i ty that can no longer be avoided.

John (non-traditional) demonstrates the ongoi ng relevance of Spitu ln i k 's

( 1 993 :294) argument that:

. . . in some approaches, mass media are ana lysed [sic] as forces that provide aud iences with ways of seeing and interpreting the world , ways that u ltimately shape the i r very existence and participation within a g iven society.

As a pastor, John is intimately engaged with an organisation and yet media

representations of that i nstitution, and its leaders' trustworthi ness , have had a

profound effect on h is personal practices . Although not wanting to bel ieve the

reports, John has recognised that the documenting of csa by Church leaders

is multi farious and consequently, a risk for h imself and h is fami ly with in thei r

social networks . This reveals the ways i n wh ich the normal is ing gaze , through

vi rtual panopticon capabi l it ies of mass media , extends itself through the l ives

of i nstitutions and i ndividuals (Foucault 1 975: 25-30, 1 83) .

The Hol l i ngworth affair provides a powerfu l example of the targeting of

i nd ividuals by the media 's norma l isi ng gaze. Sacco (2005:87 -90) identifi es the

'tendency' to i mpose broader concerns of crime and cri me control onto

i nd ivi duals as a process of personification . Sacco (2005:90) goes on to assert :

The emphasis is consequently placed , implicitly or explicitly on the mora l inadequacy of ind ividua l offenders and the poor choices made by individual vict ims. What we loose i n such a focus is a usefu l assessment of the relationsh i p between crime and larger structura l and h istorica l trends.

206

The rema inder of thi s chapter examines the construction of Hol l i ngworth by

news med ia , with a special examination of the Hein rich case, the relevant

socia l , theological and pol itical d iscourses and the i nfl uence of i nstitutional

structures and obl igations .

Hol l ingworth as a s u bject of d iscou rse

As a subject , Hol l i ngworth is constructed with i n a number of competing

d i scourses . F i rstly , h e i s a physical ly large man , successfu l as Archbishop

and acqu i ri ng the powerful position of Governor-General . Prior to these

positions , however, Ho l l i ngworth had served 25 years with the Brotherhood of

St Lau rence . During th is time he had received a s ignificant med ia profi le for

h i s work campaign ing for the rights of underprivi leged chi ld ren . This i ncl uded

a very publ ic argument with the then Prime M i nister, Bob Hawke (Harvey

200 1 : 3 The Herald Sun, 23 Apri l ; Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC)

2002b :6) . This work showed Hol l i ngworth as a ' man of the people ' someth i ng

he had recogn ised as central to h is own a rt iculation of the rol e of priests (ABC

2002a2 :3 Australian Story 1 8 February) . Harvey (200 1 :3 The Herald Sun 23

Apri l ) described Hol l i ngworth as being ' regarded as a champion of the

underpriv i leged . . . . ' . lt is because of his compassion and focus on betteri ng

the l i ves of so many that there i s a d issonance in constructions of h is

character and h is behaviours as fai l i ng to demonstrate an u nderstand ing of

the i ssues of csa . Th is i s compounded by an apparent fai l u re to make use of

compassion and justice for victi m/su rvivors . Hol l i ngworth becomes a wal ki ng

paradox to which the most s i mpl i stic response is that he betrayed

victim/survivors and knowi ngly acted without compassion or integrity. Such a

reduction ist conclus ion does not adequately a l low for the complexity of the

competing constructions of Hol l i ngworth . These constructions were evident i n

the earl iest accou nts of Hol l i ngworth's appointment a s Governor-Genera l .

I n assuming the role of Governor-General , Hol l i ngworth presents i n what are

seen as i rreconci lab le roles and/or identities : pol it ician/priest, Church/State

(cf. Murray 200 1 : 1 3 The Australian 25 Apri l ) . The issue was not that

Ho l l i ngworth had a personal faith , but rather that this faith had taken h im

beyond the 'normal ' commitments of a Chri stian to vocational commitments

207

(cf. Mcgu iness 2001 : 1 2 The Sydney Morning Herald 26 Apri l ) . Writ ing for The

Sydney Morning Herald (SMH), d i rector for the Centre for Comparative

Constitutional Studies, Professor Cheryl Saunders (24 Apri l 200 1 : 1 4) ,

identified the issue a s one of symbol ism and princip le . As a h igh profi l e

church leader Hol l ingworth had wielded sign ificant power. Moving i nto a n

unelected pol i tical position was seen to b l u r the boundaries between Church

and State with the potentia l to affect polit ical decis ion maki ng . Saunders'

(200 1 : 1 4 SMH, 24 Apri l ) conclusion on Hol l i ngworth 's nomination as

Governor-General was : ' . . . I have no reason to doubt that Hol l i ngworth

personal ly wi l l make a very good governor-general . But we should not make a

habit of making appointments of this ki nd ' . Critic isms of Hol l ingworth's

appointment were g iven much more cred ib i l ity when the scandal over his

management of csa as Archbishop broke .

I n itia l ly , however, the announcement of Hol l i ngworth as Governor-General

' . . . won support from Labor, the Austra l ian Democrats and even the republ i can

movement' (Harvey 2001 :3 The Herald Sun 23 Apri l ) . The SMH (200 1 : 1 4 , 23

Apri l ) said :

Archbishop Hol l ingworth has shown a capacity for leadership on mora l and spiritua l questions. But there is a great d ifference between taking such a role when it is expected and understood with in the terms of a position at the head of a particu lar church and taking such a role as governor-genera l .

Hol l i ngworth defended h is appoi ntment saying it wou ld be d iscrim inatory to

d isa l low it on the grounds of vocation (Balough & Leech 2001 The Australian

24 Apri l ) . Acknowledging the relevant i ssue however , Hol l i ngworth (cited i n

Balough & Leech The Australian 24 Apri l ) argued that h e 'clearly u nderstood

the clear l i nes of demarcation between Church and State roles and

responsib i l iti es ' .

The fi rst accusations of mishandl i ng of csa broke i n November 200 1 (cf.

Geari ng 200 1 a The Courier Mail 22 November) . News that the Governor­

Genera l , wh i lst Archbishop of Bri sbane, had fa i led to effectively manage csa

by priests and church employees i mmediately reignited the crit icisms of those

who had i n itia l ly argued against his appointment. After the eventual

resignation of Hol l i ngworth , Henderson (2003: np The Age 26 May) stated :

208

Put s imply, John Howard fa i led to see that there were inherent p roblems in appo inting a consecrated b ishop as governor-genera l . Not on ly d i d th is b lu r the d isti nction between Church and State , i t was risky - because a l l churches a re inherently private organ isations. We just do not know much about what skeletons may reside in what clerical cupboards .

Henderson's (2003 :np The Age 26 May 2003) comment provides a synopsis

of the risk and suspicion that continues to be associated with chu rches i n

med ia representation . Accordi ng to this perspective , the Church i s secretive ,

protective of i ts own , and u l ti mately untrustworthy (cf. O'Grady 200 1 ; Barrie

2005) . Hol l i ngworth was not the first Governor-Genera l to be i nvolved with a

private organ isation . Governors-Genera l have traditional ly been

predominantly pol i ti cians and lawyers ( McKeown 2003 :2) . I nternati onal ly ,

Hol l i ngworth was not the fi rst cleric to be appointed as Governor-General

(Murray 2001 : 1 3 The Australian 25 Apri l ) . l t is clear, however, that

Hol l i ngworth was subjectified by particu lar constructions of particu lar roles . l t

was a rgued that as a consecrated Bishop he wou ld be u nable to represent a l l

Austra l ians , as the role of Governor-General requ i res . Then Prime M in i ster

Howard defended Hol l i ngworth on th is poi nt saying , 'H is immediate

predecessor is a devout practici ng Cathol ic and the Governor-General before

that was a self-declared atheist ' ( Harvey 200 1 :3 Herald Sun 23 Apri l ) .

Th is demonstrates how language is uti l i sed i n media representations to

pub l icly embody Ho l l i ngworth . To describe Hol l i ngworth as a consecrated

B ishop is not on ly a factual descri ption of h is vocationa l achievements , but the

agency of language engages particular socio-h i storical d iscourses (cf. Butler

1 997a; Naffi ne 1 997) . Hol l i ngworth becomes suspect because of the specific

t i t le and role he had occupied . There wou ld be l itt le poi nt i n Henderson ( The

Age 26 May 2003) uti l i s ing the particular words 'consecrated B ishop' if they

had not come to represent a particu la r d iscourse that can be used to

operational ly construct Hol l i ngworth . Naffine ( 1 997 :96) a rgues of the

con struction of identity through d iscourse: 'We do not personal ly i nvent the

complex mean ings of identity' . Whi lst Hol l ingworth may have chosen the

vocation of Bishop, he d id not personal ly construct the d iscursive mea n i ng of

th i s positi on . There are of course competing d iscourses of what the words

'consecrated Bishop' embody. Not least of these are national and i nternational

209

d iscourses from proven instances of church h ierarchy coveri ng up csa by

Church leaders (cf. Brun i & Burkett 1 993 ; cf. The I nvestigative Staff of the

Boston G lobe 2002 ; Porter 2003) .

lt i s arguable that national and i nternational discourses have embodied

Bishops who betray victim/survivors of csa by Church leaders as male and

acting i n powerful positions (cf. Brun i & Burkett 1 993; The I nvestigative Staff

of the Boston Globe 2002; Porter 2003a , b) . Butler ( 1 997a :5) argues that:

Language sustains the body not by bring ing it into being or feed ing it in a l itera l way; rather, it is by being interpel lated with in the terms of language that a certa in social existence of the body first becomes possible.

The body is not 'discovered ' by language , but made 'accessible' (Butler

1 997a :5) . I n th is way, Hol l i ngworth is not a vaguely constructed entity but

through the use of language, h is gender, h is sex, his bel ief systems construct

a specific 'body' . Hol l i ngworth 's wife Anne, commenti ng to Australian Story

(ABC 2002a:2 1 8 January) understood this :

He a lways looks very confident. I think a person of h is physica l size , he 's not a bad looker, and these th ings often come through as an a rrogant person . I wouldn 't say he 's got an arrogant bone in h is body. He may appear h igh-handed because , ah , he's so committed to what he's doing.

Anne Hol l i ngworth understands that the language used to describe her

husband , h is physicality, i s essentia l i n the construction of h is publ ic persona .

Mrs Hol l i ngworth (ABC 2002a :2 Australian Story 18 January) uti l i ses

language to construct an understand ing of her husband, his identity , h is

physical ity and its relationship to perceptions of h is character. I n short,

Hol l i ngworth 's embodiment occurs in d iscourse.

As i l l ustrated by Foucau lt ( 1 976) , there i s an i ntimate l i nk between

constructions of justice and constructions of bod ies . The mean ing and

enactment of justice, and related concepts of punishment and forgiveness ,

are bu i lt by language (Naffine 1 997 :98- 1 00 ; Howe 1 996 : 1 46) . This i s

Foucault's ( 1 977 ; cf. Foucau lt 1 976: 1 39- 1 40) point as he argues that

d isci pl i ne is effected through d iscourse , in the course of the construction and

man ipu lation of doci le bodies. This has long been recogn ised by femin ist

positions, which argue that the construction , control and man ipu lation of

2 1 0

women's bod i es through the knowledge/power nexus i s extremely s ignificant

in u nderstand i ng not on ly da i ly functions of power and gender, but sexua l i ty,

v iolence , oppression and justice (cf. Howe 1 996; Ki ng 2002 ; Butler 1 997b) .

Ho l l i ngworth , however, does not fal l neatly i nto even the problematic

construction of bod ies as understood by many femin i st positions (cf. Naffi ne

1 997 : 1 1 1 - 1 1 7 ; Geiger 2006) . Ho l l ingworth's gendered body i s s ignifi cant

because the i nstitutions he has represented i n h is career are sexua l ised and

gendered organisations and he has acted as a powerfu l moderator of

knowledge (van Acker 2003: 1 1 7 ; Lindsay 2005 :32; cf. Hearn & Parki n 1 987;

Stone 2005) . The language and praxis of both pol i ti cs and the Church have

h istorical ly , a lmost exclusively , attributed leadersh ip to heterosexual , male

bod ies and mascu l i ne styles (cf. Parrish & Taylor 2007; Li ndsay 2005 :32) .

There is a demonstrated need for the development of femin ist pol itica l thought

and activ ism in the socia l sector, the Church , and government (Chappel l & H i l l

2003: 1 ; Lindsay 2005:32 ) . The role of constructions of gender and

power/knowledge i s explored below i n relation to the He inrich case .

Hol l i ngworth d id attempt to construct h imself i n ways that resisted the

accusations made aga inst h im and the resu ltant identity formation through

media representatio n .

H o l l ingworth's construction o f self a n d others

Hol l i ngworth tended to neatly encapsulate the i deolog ical d ifficu lties that most

pervasively reflected the problematic positions of churches. When he d id

engage with media i t rarely won h im any fans . Perhaps most ( i n )famous is h is

statement in Australian Story, broadcast on the 1 8th February 2002 (ABC

2002a) . I n addressi ng the relationsh ip between a priest and a 1 4 year o ld g i rl ,

Ho l l i ngworth (ABC 2002a :7 Australian Story 1 8 January) stated :

My bel ief is that this was not sex abuse. There was no suggestion of rape or anyth i ng l ike that. Qu ite the contrary , my information is that it was , rather, the other way around. And I don't want to say any more than that.

This statement created a media furore and wou ld return to condemn

Ho l l i ngworth for years after (M idd leton 2002 : 1 4 The West Australian 1 9

February; Roberts 2002 : 1 SMH 20 February; Slake 2006 :87) . Hol l ingworth's

attempts to qua l ify his statement consol idated the view that he had bought

i nto the myths that so frequently result i n the denia l of victimisation . I n h is

2 1 1

statement, Hol l ingworth constructs the victim/su rvivor of csa as responsib le

for i nitiating the abuse. In what has been an a l l too common response i n

churches , the priest becomes the victim of the enactment of a young g i rl ' s , or

boy's , fantasies and feel i ngs (O'Grady 2001 :55 ; Goddard 2005: 1 3 SMH 1

March ) . That the abuse continued on to an adult 'affair' is uti l i sed by

Hol l i ngworth as evidence that this was not an abuse of power by the priest

(ABC 2002a :7 Australian Story, 1 8 January) . Hol l i ngworth (ABC 2002a :7 ,

Australian Story, 1 8 January) said :

. . . 1 a lso understand that many years later in adu lt l ife , their · relationsh ip resumed and it was partly a pastoral relationship and it was partly someth ing more.

In doing this , Hol l ingworth negates the ongoing power i mba lances held

between an adult priest and those over whom they hold pastoral i nfl uence .

The position of the priest i s held as sanctified and sacred , yet vulnerable to

fa lse accusations. These ideologies of priests can be used to enable

predators to uti l i se the posit ion to man ipu late their victim/survivors i nto si lence

(van Wormer & Burns 2004 :59; Reid 1 999:79) . Where power i s not a ptly

acknowledged , as i n Hol l i ngworth's (ABC 2002a :7) account, abuse is a l lowed

to flourish .

B ishop Hurford , of the Angl ican d iocese of Bathurst and Shearman's former

Dean , became i nvolved with responding to claims of mismanagement made

by Beth Hein rich (cf. AAP 2006 :np The Age 5 August) . Hurford had contact

with Beth after Hol l i ngworth and is clear that h is understanding was a

'developing one' that was profoundly changed by h is d i rect i nteraction with

Beth Heinrich . In contrast to Hol l ingworth , three years on , Hurford (ABC

2005: 1 Australian Story 28 February) states :

My understanding of the relationsh ip between Donald Shearman a nd Beth He inrich has been a developing one. I understood it to be an adulterous relationsh ip when I first heard of i t . About a year ago I met with Beth Hein rich and it was a complete gobsmack, as my kids wou ld say. She gave me access to documents and corroborative materia l which I had never seen . She walked me through her journey and it was gut-wrenching.

Perhaps it i s the benefit of learn ing from Hol l i ngworth's mistakes , and three

years of further debate , that enabled Hurford to come to thi s position . In th is

programme Bishop Hurford i s constructed as starkly different from

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Hol l i ngworth because of h is wi l l i ngness to engage with victim/survivors , h is

wi l l i ngness to recogn ise h is need for growth and h is wi l l i ngness to express h is

emotiona l response to revelations of abuse (ABC 2005 : 1 Australian Story 28

February) .

This i s appreciably d ifferent from media accounts whi ch depict Hol l i ngworth

as being unavai lab le to victim/survivors and unresponsive to thei r concerns

(cf. Gearing 200 1 b :5 The Courier Mail 24 November; Geari ng 200 1 c: 1 The

Courier Mail 1 0 December; Taylor 200 1 Sunday Mail 9 December) . This

representation contri buted strongly to the demon is ing of Hol l ingworth 's

character . We see this demonstrated not only in the Beth Hein rich case, but

with i n the Toowoomba schools cases. Evidence was g iven duri ng one trial

that Hol l i ngworth had refused to cal l the parents of victim/survivors when

approached to do so by psychologist Joy Connol ly . lt i s reported that

Hol l i ngworth claimed he was 'very ti red and needed a hol iday and there was

noth ing he could do' (Taylor 200 1 :2 Sunday Mail 9 December) . This is a cla im

Hol l i ngworth eventua l ly d isputed i n a med ia release on 1 9 December 200 1 ,

saying he attempted several times, without success, to contact the g i rl s'

parents (Hol l i ngworth 200 1 :2) . The case aga inst Hol l i ngworth conti nued to

bu i ld momentu m based on a h istory of reports regard ing h is a l leged

mismanagement of csa by Church leaders .

I n May 200 1 there were reports that 'church leaders' were res istant to

recommendations made by the Forde I nqu iry rega rd ing reconci l iation and

heal ing services for victim/su rvivors of csa by Church leaders (Parnel l 200 1 : 1

The Courier Mail 1 6 May) . At the time Hol l i ngworth was quoted by The

Courier Mail (Wen ham 200 1 : 1 1 The Courier Mail 1 7 May) as expressi ng the

Angl i can Church 's commitment to 'dea l ing with any legitimate case and cla im

as they a rise ' . Hol l i ngworth was then cited as saying , 'However , to the best of

my knowledge, none has arisen to date' (Wenham 2001 : 1 , The Courier Mail,

1 7 May) . lt became clear that this issue of legitimacy was a s ignificant

component of Hol l ingworth's defence of his management of csa by Church

leaders (cf. Official Secretary to the Governor General 2002 : 1 ; ABC 2002a : 1 2

1 8 January) . As a l ready seen , Hol l ingworth 's construction of the abusive

2 1 3

relationship between Donald Shearman and Beth Heinrich constituted victim

blami ng that constructed this case as i l legitimate (ABC 2002a : 7 Australian

Story 1 8 January) . Hol l i ngworth 's concern for testing the legitimacy of

accusations may be consistent with the particular concerns of retri butive

justice d iscourses.

Princip les of retri butive justice place the burden of proof on the prosecution

and adhere strongly to the need for due process . These are foundations of

western crimi nal justice i mplemented to protect the rights of the accused

(Bagaric & Arenson 2004 :34-35; Nygh & Butt 1 998: 1 38- 1 39) . Both restorative

just ice and femin ist critiques of retributive pri nciples have recogn ised thei r

s ign ificance, yet questioned thei r practice i n relation to sexua l violence (cf.

Green 2006; Carmody 2003; Ju l ich 2006) . lt has been argued that, due to the

very nature of sexual violence, these constructs of law have far too often

resulted i n the i nab i l ity of victim/survivors to even mount a case (cf.

Hovdestad 200 1 ; L 'Heureux-Dube 200 1 ) . lt is a lso important to recogn ise that

these components of law a re very much embedded in particu lar socia l ly and

gendered l ingu istic conventions (Naffi ne 1 997: 1 8-2 1 ) . Whi lst i t is important

that the legiti macy of cases is establ ished , i t is a lso important that the

language used to substantiate the ' leg itimacy' of i nd ividuals and thei r cla i ms

of sexual violence , does not become a barrier to service provision to

victim/survivors , nor enable victim blaming (Phi ladelphoff-Puren 2003 :48 ;

Butler 1 995: 1 8) .

Attitudes which place responsib i l ity for gendered and sexua l violence o n

victim/survivors have long been critiqued (cf. Shortlad & Goodste in 1 983;

Richardson & May 1 999 ; Campbel l et al. 200 1 ) . The myths that young g i rls

desire sexual abuse and are seductive have been uti l i sed for centuries to

marg inal ise victim/su rvivors and si lence thei r voices. These myths often form

the foundation of cultural stories and ideologies used to exp la in and identify

'genu ine victims' and 'genu i ne perpetrators' (Fonow, Richardson & Wemmerus 1 992: 1 08; cf. L 'Heureux-Dube 2001 ) . Fonow, Richardson & Wemmerus ( 1 992 : 1 09) argue :

2 1 4

A myth is a trad itional story with ostensibly h istorical content that is ne ither a total fab rication nor the on ly story that can be told . The rape myth may feel comfortable to someone because it a l lows them to d isavow themselves of potential rapists or as vict ims because it fits with other cu ltura l bel iefs and fami l iar structures of oppression .

Fonow, R ichardson & Wemmerus' ( 1 992 : 1 09) comment rema i ns i mportant

because it recogn ises that rape occurs i n mu ltivariate ways , but that some of

these ways are legitim ised and become the mythic template for all cases of

rape . Often such myths are based on a denia l of power in relationsh ips . For

exa mple , even if the young Beth had been seductive in her behaviours

towards her p riest, the priest sti l l bore responsib i l ity for the maintenance of

appropriate professional conduct with in thei r relationsh ip (Reid 1 999:83; Tru l l

& Carter 2004 :83) . Legiti macy is not on ly a matter for courts , defendants and

i nstitut ional management, but a lso can be an issue for victim/su rvivors .

The abuse of Beth Hei n rich by Donald Shearman is a classic example of an

abus ive relationship bei ng constructed as legi ti mate with i n the mind of the

v icti m/survivor. Van Wormer & Berns (2004 :62) identified an i n it ial i nabi l ity to

identify behaviours by Church leaders as sexua l abuse or exploitation , as

s ignificant to women's bel iefs regard ing their own stories . I n th is case the

legitim isation of the relationship is continued on i nto adult years and th is in

turn i s used to de-leg itim ise the orig inal abuse of power. Hence an ongoi ng

abuse of power i s further ignored unti l Beth herself recogn ises it and i s able to

articulate her understand ings , some 40 years later ( Roberts 2005a :27 The

Australian 1 2 March ; Math ieson 2005 :26 Herald Sun 8 March) . What was

once u nderstood as genuine consensual love and i ntimacy may now be

constructed as abuse. Th is is rarely a stra ightforward process. Fifty years

after the abuse took place, Beth Heinrich was reported as saying she would

take Shearman back if he wou ld leave h is wife (Roberts 2005:27 The

Australian 1 2 March) . lt was suggested with i n med ia representations that this

was more a resu lt of the ongoing effects of abuse, rather than an i nd ication of

l eg itimisation of the early relationsh ip (Roberts 2005:27 The Australian 1 2

March ) . This is problematic i n terms of Beth being able to actual ise her

i nd ividual agency.

2 1 5

For Beth, this construction of genui ne love was supported for many years by

the very authority of the position of priest and an appeal to other spi ritual

authorities such as The Bible (cf. Reid 1 999) . In one of his ' love letters ' to

Beth , Shearman draws on The Song of Solomon saying 'How beautifu l you

are , my love, how perfect you are . I have entered my garden, my sweetheart,

my bride' (Song of Songs 5 : 1 ; ABC 2005: 1 Australian Story 28 February

2005) . I n doing this , Shearman is constructing the relationsh ip through

uti l i sation of B ibl ica l d iscourses of sacred relationsh ips . B ishop Hurford

recogn ises the i mpact of th is , tel l i ng Australian Story (ABC 2005 : 1 ) :

The letters are a potent symbol of betrayal . . . . The huge commitments made, and a l l m ixed up as part of God's plan for us, beggars my bel ief that a person in h is position , as a leader in the Christian Church , would go down such a path with someone who a lso was investing herself in not just bel ieving h im , but the God-spin on stuff he was writing .

Spi ritual authority is used on multi ple levels to both man i pu late and control the

victim/survivor of sexual abuse by Church leaders(cf. Reid 1 999) . Levels of

authority i nclude the d irect relationship between the perpetrator and the

victim/survivor and the relationsh ip between the victim/survivor and the

Church . For Beth to understand her relationshi p with Shearman as abusive

she must confront what has been held as valued i n her own spi ritua l ity . Van

Wormer & Berns (2004 :6 1 ) argue:

When a spiritual leader violates a woman's boundaries, he tramples on the Church 's abi l ity to provide sustain ing spiritua l gu idance , and because of threats to the woman's reputation if she seeks help , he robs her of an arena in which to participate and receive succour from the parish community. Victimized women are often not able to retum to any church because their trust has been so violated .

Whether i ntended to or not, Hol l ingworth 's very publ ic comment neatly

isolates Beth as a deviate, seductive adulterer, rather than the legitimate

victim she was (K innear, Chisolm & Rees 2002 :9) . This was not a question of

whether events had taken place , but very much a question of what these

events constituted . This case i l l ustrates the real i ty that victimisation is often

complex and problematic, but that this should not lead to denyi ng victimisation

(cf. Geiger & Fischer 2003; Geiger 2006) .

Multip le sources , i ncludi ng research participants and academic analysis ,

identify Hol l i ngworth's social and pol it ical position as i mperative to an

2 1 6

i nterpretation of h is response to a series of a l legations of csa by priests he

managed (Spry 2002 :65 ; Hogan & Cowdel l 2003 :3 ) . Those who have risen to

Ho l l i ngworth's defence have argued that he was very much a man of h is

generation respondin g appropriately accord i ng to socia l standards concerni ng

csa . Such a rguments cite the benefit of h indsight and a rgue that it i s unfai r to

judge an i n dividual outside of thei r h istorico-pol it ical and h istorico-social

context. Aaron (Pentecostal ) argues for example :

I have a , not a problem, I do have a problem with people d ragging up , not d ragging up , but going back to th ings that were done 30 years ago and having a witch hunt now to , to have justice done .

Aaron susta i ns th is a rgument by d rawing on the changing nature of d iscourse

and the construction of 'best knowledge' :

l t was the best th ing people knew at the time , to dea l with the situation . Turns out now it might not have been doing them any good but at the t ime, best knowledge we had in deal ing with the situation , we should do these things. And umm, a nd to now turn a round and b lame 'the Church ' for a l l these cover u ps , the Church may simply have been dea l i ng with it i n an appropriate response to the way the whole of society deal with it, whether al l right or al l wrong, but we can 't stop, we can 't do those processes now.

Aaron extends the argument, from i nd iv iduals respondi ng , to i nstitutions

respondi ng accord ing to social norms. B lame , then , i s placed on society wh ich

makes accountab i l i ty of ind ividua ls and i n stitut ions highly problematic . The

notion of a modern day 'witch hunt' is employed emotively to emphasise the

i njust ice of persecuti ng those who were powerfu l at the time and yet subject to

socia l attitudes and bel iefs (cf. Parti ngton 2004 ; Kampmark 2003; Spry 2002) .

Alternatively , responses to sexua l abuse are characterised as responsive only

to 'mass hysteria ' over unsubstantiated , often fa lse, accusations ( Partington

2004 :58) . When appl ied to Hol l i ngworth these arguments frequently

u nderestimate or i gnore the power that Hol l i ngworth held , the tra in ing that he

had u ndertaken in h u man services as a socia l worker and h is years worki ng

with i n under-privi leged commun it ies.

The generational response argument a lso ignores, or min i ma l ises, the role

that the Church has embraced as contri buting to the moral fabric of society

and maintai n i ng leadersh ip i n i ssues of socia l justice and ethica l responses.

Such a standard draws on a heavy d isti nction between 'the Church' and 'the

world ' in terms of moral standards and i nfluence (cf. Calvi n 1 986 :23 1 -250;

2 1 7

Ladd 1 959:79-94) . The Documents of Vatican 11 (Abbott 1 966:239) says of the

Church : 'She serves as a leaven and as a ki nd of sou l for human society as it

i s to be renewed in Chri st and transformed i nto God's fami ly ' . As raised i n

Chapter 3 , sixteenth centaury theolog ian , Ca lvin ( 1 986:23) argues: ' I n th is

church there i s a large number of hypocrites who possess noth ing of Chri st

except h is name' . With in this understanding, there is an i nvis ib le church only

identifiable by God . The hypocrites that cla im to be of the Church are not of

the true Church and , subsequently , their behaviour cannot be representative

of the Church . Calvi n ( 1 986 :237) is clear that the Church 'herself wi l l always

struggle with those amongst her who wi l l cause 'fault' . Calvi n ( 1 986:237)

portrays the Church as struggl i ng with 'hol i ness' as 'she' struggles to portray

'hol iness to the world i n which she exists ' . The most s ignificant i nsight that

may be taken from Calvin 's ( 1 986) theology is that the Church must actively

resist , not protect, perpetrators of sexual violence. This res istance wi l l enta i l

the support of victim/su rvivors not the protection of the institution .

Those who reject generational response defences emphasise Hol l ingworth's

role and responsib i l it ies as priest and social worker. This argument places

weight on the choice to privi lege protection of the i nstitution , and those with

power with i n it, over more vu l nerable lay members (Porter 2003a : 1 7-33) . For

example , Mary (non tradit iona l ) states:

I was just absolutely flabbergasted by Peter Hol l ingworth . Because it seemed to me that both as a social worker and a priest, never mind being an Archbishop, but he was in itia l ly a social worker responsible for the de l ivery of community services through the brotherhood of St Marks3 • • • • And as a P riest he should have understood that a l l P riests have a responsibi l ity to behave appropriately and cannot put the responsibi l ity onto the ch i ld or adolescent, or even an adult parish ioner . . . And , and I mean he, he just seemed to have cut h imself off from his basic professiona l responsib i l ities both secu lar and rel ig ious.

lt i s true that Hol l ingworth was not an i solated case , but thi s only enhances

the val idity of question ing i nstitutional norms and the i nd ividua ls that susta in

them for the i r own benefit, and the benefit of those most l i ke themselves

(Porter 2003b:2 1 ; Kinear, Chisholm & Rees 2002 :8) . I f the 'man of h is

generation ' logic i s carried to its concl usion , i t only serves to encourage the

3 Mary's reference is to the Brotherhood of St Laurence. Mary at th i s time was quite animated and genuine in her expression of her shock, hence, her mis-statement is a simple mistake in reference.

2 1 8

s i lenci ng of courage, just ice and compassion , rather than promoti ng them as

expected norms. Th i s i s demonstrated in the ways that victim/survivors and

their supporters have often courageously spoken out about abuse, but been

marg i na l i sed and si lenced . l t is true that i nstitutional and social d iscourse is

i mperative in understand ing how and why i nd ividua ls behave in a particu lar

manner. l t i s a lso i mportant to recognise, however, that focussing on

i nd iv iduals risks denies broader i ssues that must be addressed . This does not

d i mi n i sh the s ignifi cance of the need for those who have been compl icit ,

tolerated and faci l i tated csa to be cal led to account i n mean ingful ways

(Colton 2002 : 34 ; Wel ls 2002:21 2 ; cf. Doyle 2003) . O'Cal laghan & Briggs

(2003 :40-4 1 ) demonstrate that th is is often a problematic process where

u nderstand ing and judg ing the behaviours of others wi l l i nevitably end with a

confl i ct of opi n ion . The strength of understand i ng the role of d iscourse i s , of

course, that it can be acknowledged that dominant d iscourses change over

time. I ndeed , as Doyle (2003 : 1 89) acknowledges of csa by Church leaders i n

the Cathol ic Church :

These contemporary compla ints lead to the assumption that through the centuries the Cathol ic Church has a lways reacted to clergy sex abuse i n the same manner. Rather, there have been times when church leadersh ip has been much more open and forthright about its interna l problems.

Even when accommodati ng for an understand ing that d iscourses with in

chu rches may change over time, with in d iscourses of the Hol l i ngworth affair,

b laming generational responses with i n i nstitut ions was not accepted as a

suffici ent defence for i neffective or u njust management of csa by Church

l eaders . Pub l ic outcry aga inst Hol l i ngworth , through media d iscourse , and the

cal l for h i s resignation as Governor-General reflected the need for

accountab i l i ty to occur, and to be seen to occur (cf. Taylor 2001 :2 Sunday

Mai/ 9 December) .

I n the Toowoomba school cases, Hol l i ngworth constructed h is institutional

posit ion as placing h im in an eth ical ly problematic position . To Australian

Story (ABC 2002a :6 1 8 January) he said :

The deepest mora l d i lemma that . . . . .as a Christ ian , a s a Christian leader, I would want to do one th ing . As the leader of an institution , I 'm tied into a legal contract with an insurer that determined other th ings . Ah , you've got a mora l d i lemma here between saying "wel l , to

2 1 9

hel l with the insurance. We' l l put our energy behind the vict im and if they sue us , wel l so be it , we' l l pay. And if we're not insured , tough luck . " Ah , I mean , I can understand that argument, of course , and I have a lot of sympathy with it , but the other side of it that has to be out, is that if you've got three or four cases that went against you , it' l l close the schoo l .

Hol l i ngworth clearly articulated a process of choosing between the i nstitutional

legal responsib i l ities and care appropriate for the victim/su rvivor. Hol l ingworth

is engag ing i n ethical appl ication of practice that privi leges the financia l

survival of an i nstitution over its moral surviva l . I n the same program, Hetty

Johnson (ABC 2002a:6 Australian Story 1 8 January) articulates the position of

many:

The Church , as I understand it , is founded on mora l ity and decency and compassion . Legal advice , at the end of the day, is just that. lt is advice , it 's not a d i rective.

Both Hol l ingworth and Johnson (ABC 2002a:6 Australian Story 1 8 January)

i l l ustrate that th is is a matter of both i ndiv idual and institutional character and

their appl ication to ethical decision making . Even for Archbishops, decis ions

are not made in i solation and , as Rayner (2002:5) argues, 'The Church is not

only the mystical body of Christ, i t is also an i nstitution of the world . ' l t i s ,

however, because the Church considers itself to be the 'mystical body of

Christ ' that so much has been expected of it. lt is because the Church has

claimed the mora l and ethical h igh ground , especial ly in relation to sexual ity,

that Hol l i ngworth's 'mora l d i lemma' as a 'Christian leader' has such profound

impl ications (cf. Mawson 2002; Scott 1 998 ; Johnson 2003) . Hol l i ngworth

actual ly engaged i n decis ion making that contributed to a specific i nstitutional

culture . Hol l i ngworth made decisions about what type of i nstitution the Church

wou ld be in the Brisbane Diocese duri ng his time as Archbishop. Although

Hol l i ngworth was no doubt affected by the existi ng i nstitutional cultu res, h is

decisions perpetuated and grew th is culture (cf. Palacious 2004 ; O'Hare

2004) . The question becomes, can you preserve an i nstitution 's physical

presence if you undermine its character? By h is own admission Hol l ingworth

was a man 'on a steep learn ing curve' as a new Archb ishop and 'wasn't u p to

it ' (ABC 2002a :4) .

Hol l ingworth was no stranger to eth ical decision making i n the cross section of

rel ig ion and justice. Hol l i ngworth's own work for social justice on behalf of

220

Austra l ia 's under-priv i leged i s testimony to h i s wi l l i ng ness to cha l lenge u njust

socia l i nstitutions and practices . Further, Jesus' example was one of

compassion for the weak and a wi l l i ngness to chal lenge rel ig ious leaders and

i nstitutions for the benefits of the vulnerable (cf. Matthew 23) . However

tenuously , Hol l i ngworth was a lso prepared to engage with change regard ing

the recogn ition of women's r ights and abi l ity to exercise leadersh ip i n the

Church . This was despite his admitted reservations about p lann ing the

i mp lementation of the ord ination of women (ABC 2002b:3-4 Australian Story

1 8 February) . Mrs Ho l l i ngworth supports th is by ra is ing his ordi nation of the

fi rst women clergy and h is i nstigating a welfare focus as h igh points of his

t ime as Archb ishop of B risbane (ABC 2002a:3 Australian Story 1 8 February) .

Th is i nd icates that Ho l l i ngworth was aware of church structures and cultu res

that were problematic concerni ng power and its abi l ity to marg i na l ise

particu lar i nd ividua ls . Yet, i n the area of csa by Church leaders he has hidden

beh ind the argument that h is behaviour was consistent with the social norms

of the time . This is an argument that is readi ly rejected with in femin ist

frameworks , wh ich recogn ise the transitory nature of d iscourses i n human

h istory and yet mainta i n that, however entrenched , d iscourses cannot be used

to susta in their own leg itimacy. The preservation of any d iscourse, just or

u njust , requ i res the maintenance of human actors (cf. Butler 1 993) . Despite

Ho l l i ngworth's cla ims that h is personal autonomy was compromised , he

clearly exercised it for justice i n a reas other than csa by Church leaders .

I n h i s positi ons, as both Archbishop of Bri sbane and Governor-General ,

Ho l l i ngworth was a man with power at h is d isposa l . Because of this abi l ity to

p rofoundly influence both ind ivi dua ls and church institutions, if he did not hold

the relevant i nformation by wh ich to make appropri ate decisions it was h is

responsib i l i ty to obta in i t . O'Cal laghan & Briggs (2003:30-3 1 , 43) recognise

that Hol l i ngworth was at times i l l-advised, but, judge that this was not

s ignificant enough to excuse h is decis ion making . M istakes may be forgivable ;

pol itical forgiveness requ i res, however , appropriate publ ic acts of contrition

and a pology (Helass 2004 :5-9). These are acts of contrition that Hol l i ngworth

seemed unwi l l ing to ful ly engage i n . In media representations , Hol l i ngworth's

apologies were g iven l i ttle credib i l ity , at least in part, because of his ongoing

22 1

defiance and a pparent lack of understanding (Carney 2003: 1 1 The Age 3 1

May; MacDonald 2003:4 Canberra Times 2 9 May; Wade 2002 :2 The

Scotsman 2 January) . The feel ing of media reports is general ly that

Hol l i ngworth engaged 'too l i tt le too late' after the scandal broke (Herde 2002 :8

The Daily Telegraph 9 January) . These representations of Hol l i ngworth fai l i ng

to grasp the real i ties of csa , its consequences , and the consequences of h is

own actions, became central to understand i ng the publ ic construction of

Hol l i ngworth's identity . Sign ificant in this are the construction of gendered

identities .

'Male and female he created them . . . '� I dentity i s not stable , static nor i nherent . Identity is, rather, socia l ly

constructed , socia l ly defined and socia l ly enabled (cf. Lockie 200 1 ; Beams

2005) . As a component of identity, gender must be understood as socia l ly

constructed , social ly defi ned and socia l ly enacted (cf. Connel l 1 987; 1 995;

Cowan 2005) . Each of the individuals involved in the Hol l i ngworth affair can

be seen as enacting particular gendered identities. These gendered identities

are i mposed u pon them and expectations and i nterpretations of thei r

behaviours and attitudes are construed accord ingly . Butler ( 1 990; 1 993;

1 997a) argues that gender and sex are performative . Defin ing performative

Butler ( 1 993 :3) argues:

I n the first instance , performativity must be understood not as a s ingular or del iberate "act", but, rather, as the reiterative and citational practice by which discourse produces the effects that i t names.

In this way gender is susta ined through a series of ritua ls and d iscourses that

are socia l ly enacted . In l i ne with Foucault ( 1 976:94-95; 1 994 ; cf. Butler

1 997a :34-36) power and agency are contained with in d iscourse , not

i nd ivi duals . As a lready stated , however, d iscourse requ i res the partici pation of

i nd ivi duals to be sustai ned . Because of th i s need for d iscourses to be

susta ined through partic ipation , the use of language is a powerfu l tool and, i n

Butler's ( 1 997a) assessment, can constitute a form of violence . For Butler

( 1 997a:9) :

The violence of language consists in its effort to capture the ineffable, and , hence , to destroy it, to seize hold of that which must remain elusive for language to operate as a l iv ing th ing .

4 Genesis 1 : 27b

222

Centra l to th is i s an u nderstand ing that l anguage itself has an agency other

than the agency of those who use it (Butle r 1 997 :7) . Language can constitute ,

the n , an act i n i tself. Butle r ( 1 997 :4) argues:

To be injured by speech is to suffer a loss of context , that is , not to know where you a re . I ndeed , it may be that what was unanticipated about the injurious speech act is what constitutes its injury , the sense of putt ing its add ressee out of control (emphasis in orig inal } .

This analys is of language is essentia l i n understand ing the ways in wh ich the

actors in the Hol l ingworth affair are constructed , how they suffer and how thei r

sufferi ng is u nderstood . l t i s also essentia l i n understanding how res istance is

poss ib le . Because speech and l anguage are i nherently unstable , i n Butler's

( 1 997a) a nalysis , there is room for existence of imposed subjectivity; there is

an ab i l i ty to assert and reassert agency (M i l l s 2000 :266) .

The Hol l ingworth affa i r represented a performance of gender that can be seen

to para l lel that of the Fal l . The B i b l ical account of the Fal l i s a d iscourse that is

sti l l h igh ly s ignificant for the construction of gender i n church theology today

(Grey 1 999:8 ; Arzt 2002 :34) . The primord ial man and woman conti nue to be

uti l i sed as prototypes. Thei r actions are sti l l held as central to explanations of

gendered roles and gendered relationships (Arzt 2002:34) . I n th is case Beth ,

as the seductive and deceived Eve , undermines Shearman , the holy Adam.

Ho l l ingworth must then i ntervene in d iscip l i nary and pastoral ways to mediate

justice, pun ishment and mercy. I n this way Hol l i ngworth paral le ls God . This is

not to say that Hol l i ngworth i s God or God l i ke , but that h is institutional position

bears the res ponsib i l i ty of acting protectively and mediating the consequences

of s infu lness (Rayner 2002 :5- 1 1 ). In thi s construction , whi l st Beth bears the

fu l l brunt of scorn , Shearman is largely protected . Th is situation is consistent

with gender constructions that have been wide ly critiqued by femin ist

theologians (cf. Confoy 1 997; Dowel l 1 987 ; Johnson 2003) . Shearman , as the

priestly Adam, carries the authority of the Church that is invested in h is

performance as 'mascu l i ne' and as 'pri est' . Shearman cannot, in thi s analysis ,

be the seducer beca use that undermines the theological d iscourse of priest as

sp i ri tua l protector, counsel lor , confidant, gu ide and authority (Riga 2005:23-

24 ; Rowel l 2000:64) .

223

This performance of gender was then g iven an account on the publ ic stage of

media representation . Just as Hol l i ngworth sought to construct Beth i n a

particula r way, so media representations engage specifi c l i ngu ist ic

construction to constitute Beth as a particular subject. In these accounts Beth

becomes the victimised , powerless female who is victimised fi rstly by an

i ndividual predator and then , i n the form of Hol l i ngworth , by the institution that

supported and enabled the i ndividual (cf. Roberts 2002 : 1 The Sydney

Morning Herald 20 February; Mathieson 2005:26 Herald Sun 8 March ) .

Further discussion wi l l now focus on Beth Hei nrich and the performance of

gender i n relation to Hol l i ngworth and Shearman .

Beth Hein rich

With in media accounts, Beth 's body has a sexual i ty i nscri bed upon it by

Hol l ingworth (cf. ABC 2002a Australian Story, 1 8 February) . Beth is ascri bed

an autonomy by Hol l i ngworth , but it is an autonomy that is deviant by its very

existence . Beth does have a power within this construction , but it was

constructed as an i l legitimate power; it i s i l l i cit and unholy; Beth becomes the

'troubled woman' ; she is a point of contention ; she is a threat. This is best

exempl ified by Hol l i ngworth 's representations of Beth as the active seducer i n

her relationshi p with Shearman (Seccombe 2003 : 1 0 SMH 29 May) . As the

active party, responsibi l i ty is placed on Beth for the 'affair ' ; this is someth ing

Beth (cited i n Roberts 2002 : 1 SMH 20 February) vehemently rejects stating :

I was warned by a church official last year that if I dared to speak up I would be vi l ified , and that's exactly what has happened . . . I th ink it's absolutely outrageous for an Archbishop of a church to suggest on national te levision that it was ok for one of his priests to have sex with a 14 year old g irl , no matter how you look at it.

Beth retal iates by placi ng responsibi l i ty back on Hol l i ngworth . Shearman is

'h is priest ' , Hol l i ngworth is an 'Archbishop of a church' and it is because of this

position that his derogation of Beth is 'outrageous' (Roberts 2002: 1 SMH 20

February) . Beth d isplays a strong understanding of the power dynamics with i n

the i n i tia l abuse, Hol l i ngworth 's responses, and in her abi l i ty to resist the

positioning of her as blameworthy.

These responses of Hol l ingworth and the Ang l ican Diocese of Brisbane are

not i solated to the case of Beth Heinrich . I n the Toowoomba school 's cases,

224

a l legations made by one student were d ismissed by the headmaster of the

school by describi ng her as 'the type of g i rl to make u p stories to get attention '

(Geari ng 200 1 a : 3 The Courier Mai/ 22 November) . Further, i n d i recting staff in

the ' ru le of thu mb' regard ing physical contact with ch i ldren , the headmaster of

Toowoomba Preparatory School a l l egedly said that 'ch i ldren often d istort or

exaggerate , or may cause problems for the unwary' (Geari ng 200 1 c: 5 The

Courier Mail 23 November) . The a l leged victim/survivor therefore becomes

emotiona l ly needy, unstab le , u n re l iable and even mal i cious. U ndermi n i ng the

credi bi l i ty of witnesses is a tactic far too often deployed by churches, who

have an obl igation to be min i steri ng to the very people who become

marg i na l ises and typecast th rough such tactics (Porter 2003 :5 ,6 ) . Churches

are not a lone i n this . Femi n isms have long viewed as problematic the

understand ings of victimisation and a focus on victim/survivor credibi l i ty i n

legis lative processes and d iscourse (cf. Richardson & May 1 999; Brownmi l ler

1 975 ; Campbel l et al. 200 1 ) .

As a victim/survivor media accou nts do attribute Beth with autonomy. Media

constructions came to emphasise Beth's autonomy and her 'power' . Beth

becomes 'the woman whose sex abuse a l legations d rove Peter Hol l i ngworth

from h is job as governor-genera l . . . ' (Greg 2005:9 The Courier Mail 1 March) .

Beth , i n thi s way, had her identity defi ned i n terms of the abuse enacted

aga inst her by Shearman and l ater by Hol l i ngworth . Beth is further defi ned by

her responses that tri ggered Ho l l i ngworth's res ignation . This i nvolves a

strugg le for a new subjectivity . Beth i s no longer a confused , i solated victim,

but a survivor and a powerfu l agitator for change. In th is way, media i s very

much an agent of resistance uti l i sed by, and for, Beth through the construction

of v ictim/survivor affi rming d iscourses . Whi lst i t i s i l legiti mate to define the

teenage Beth as a seductress and rob her of victim status, to continue to

p lace her with i n victim status is problematic. As an adult , Beth resumes a

relationsh ip with Shearman and at 60 tel l s Australian Story i n March 2005

(ABC 2006 :8 ) :

I sti l l have this fantasy that he ' l l turn up a t my door and say , "forg ive me. I 've been . . . " what ever he's been , "and I 'm fina l ly here . " lt bothers me that if Dona ld Shearman came back and sa id he was sorry and wanted to l ive with me, it bothers me that I might be wi l l ing to let h im .

225

The power dynamics of this are extremely complex. By legal defin itions, as a

ch i l d , Beth cannot consent to a rel ationsh ip ; as an adult she may (Simpson & Figgit 1 997 :4-6) . The nature of this consent may be changed , however, by the

power dynamics of adult relationsh ips . Because Bath 's decision-making i s the

cu lmi nation of her experiences, any relationsh ip with Shearman rema ins

problematic . Chancel lor of Canberra University, Wendy McCarthy told

Australian Story (ABC 2006:7) :

Donald Shearman's overtures to Beth as an adu lt d rew on the relationship he had started with her in a sexual way as a schoolg irl . S o h e knew h e had a bond with her. So , i t was a continuation of the same sort of sexua l abuse . However, in and of itself , it's sti l l sexua l abuse. He is a man in a position of trust and authority . She's a vu lnerab le woman .

I n this summation there is no possib i l ity that any relationshi p between

Shearman and Beth may not be abusive . This i s because of the abuse that

began in Beth 's ch i ldhood , but a lso because Shearman remai ned a

consecrated priest and bishop, who used th is position and i ts power to

man ipu late Beth spi ritual ly , emotional ly, psycholog ical ly and sexual ly (cf.

Roberts 2005: 1 The Australian 1 2 March) . That th is u nderstandi ng of Beth 's

position i s broadly supported with in media accounts , i l l ustrates that advances

have been made in understanding power dynamics of csa with in popu lar

media d iscourse . Beth 's agency and subjectivity are always defined i n the

publ ic eye accord ing to the abuse perpetrated against her.

As a publ ic d iscursive entity, Beth i s highly l imited in her abi l ity to control her

own identity. Butler ( 1 997b :2) argues that 'subjection consists precisely of th is

fundamenta l dependency on a d iscourse we never choose but that,

paradoxical ly , i n itiates and susta ins our agency' . Beth , however, may be a

brave survivor cha l lengi ng a powerfu l institution , she may be a man ipu lated

victim , but with in a publ ic d iscourse she wi l l never be free from bei ng

subjectively defined by the csa she endured . L ike Hol l i ngworth , Beth i s

constituted as a subject through media constructions. Beth partakes i n a form

of power and exercises an agency in both accepting and resisti ng these

d iscourses.

226

Forgiveness forms a part of these d iscourses, i n that it i s identified by Beth as

s igni fi cant to her construction of her 'se lf as victim/survivor (ABC 2006:8

Australian Story 28 February) . Beth stated that she fea red exercisi ng

forg iveness wou ld compromise her strength and enable Shearman to return to

her home (ABC 2006 :8 Australian Story 28 February) . Beth fears this because

she now recogn ises h erself as a v ictim/su rvivor of a buse, but a lso conti nues

to hold strong attachments to the promises that Shearman made to her

throughout the most s ignifi cant portion of her l i fetime . Th i s fear may be

legitimately recogn ised with i n some constructions of forgiveness. These

constructions of forg iveness put emphasi s on u nconditional ity . These models

a lso tend to emphasise self-sacrifi ce , forgetting , and not demand ing justice or

repentance of perpetrators (cf. Casey 1 998; Grayland 2004) . For Beth ,

forgiveness that reconci les her to Shearman is based on a fantasy. I n

acknowledgi n g this , Beth recogn ises that there i s l i tt le chance that i t wi l l

become a real i ty. What th is i l l ustrates is the potentia l for bonds that are based

on deception and secrecy to remai n strong between the victim/survivor and

thei r abuser. Beth 's confusion over her fee l i ngs , in regards to accepting

Shearman back, should he ask for forg iveness, i l l ustrates her struggle to

define her new subjectivity . Roberts-Cady (2003 :293) argues that a

v ictim/survivor of gendered i nterpersonal violence must fi rst recogn ise the

'wrongness' of the a buse before genu i ne forg iveness may become a

poss ibi l i ty . To forgive without th is recogn it ion , i s to remai n i n the same

subjectivity and is on ly a perpetuation of abuse (Roberts-Cady 2003 :293) .

U nconditiona l i ty i s not the only way i n whi ch forgiveness may be constructed .

I n articulati ng the wrong of Ho l l i ngworth's and Shearman's actions against

her , Beth may begin a process whereby forgiveness can contin u e the

conceptua l isation and representation of a new subjectivity. The abi l i ty to

control one's exercise of forgiveness may be a means of exercis i ng one's own

agency and choosing subjectivity . Arendt ( 1 958 :237) argues that forg iveness

is a necessary component of h u man rel ationsh i p . Arendt ( 1 958 :237) famously

asserts :

Without being forg iven , released from the consequences of what we have done, our capacity to act wou ld , as it were, be confined to one

227

single d eed from which we cou ld never recover; we wou ld remain the victims of its consequences forever, not un l ike the sorcerer's apprentice who lacked the magic formula to break the spel l .

Here , Arendt is concerned with the abi l ity of the forgiver to affect the

subjectivity and agency of the potentia l ly forgiven i nd ividua l . Arendt's

( 1 958 :237) argument is that without forgiveness perpetrators wi l l a lways be

defi ned by the acts they have perpetrated . Forgiveness releases perpetrators

of harm from this defi nit ion and rel eases them to their greater potentia l . With in

Arendt's ( 1 958) a rgument, however, forgiveness a lso releases the

victim/survivor from being contin ual ly subjectifi ed by the actions of harm

perpetrated against them. Arendt ( 1 958:24 1 ) contends:

Forg iving , in other words, is the on ly reaction which does not merely re-act but acts anew and unexpected ly, unconditioned by the act which provoked it and therefore freeing from its consequences both the one who forg ives and the one who is forgiven .

The transformative potential of forgiveness is s ignificant for Beth , as it i s a

means of redefin ing her subjectivity, exerting a new agency and re­

constituti ng herself beyond the victim/survivor. This i s extremely d ifficult to

express without further development i n the area of empoweri ng survivors of

violence to define themselves l ingu istical ly beyond a victim/su rvivor. For Beth ,

the beg inn i ngs of th is process may simply be rejecti ng forgiveness as

mean ing that she must fu l ly reconci le with Shearman should he request this .

Forg iveness may be constructed i n ways which al low victim/survivors to heal

from the harms of sexua l abuse without compromis ing accountab i l i ty for

perpetrators. This was d iscussed previously i n Chapter 6 .

Conclusion

Uti l is ing Foucault's ( cf. 1 975; 1 976) work on the spectacle of punishment and

the norma l is ing gaze , the Hol l i ngworth affa i r can be seen to represent a trial

by med ia . Media representations can be seen to constitute a spectacle that

constructs Hol l ingworth as an accused man , mediates h is defence and

confers a verdict of gu i lty through representations of h im as powerfu l and Beth

Heinri ch as victim. I n this way, Hol l i ngworth is being constructed as a

condemned man who stands at the centre of the spectacle and the publ ic

gaze (cf. Foucault 1 977) . Hol l i ngworth's defence came in the form of attempts

to attribute blame to victim/survivors, to attribute responses to csa to the

d i rection of i nsurance compan ies and to deny h is institutional and personal

228

exercise of power. These defences represented a s ignificant e lement of the

spectacle because they served to confi rm the a l legations made against h im ,

rathe r than attribute victim status to h im . Th is is further d iscussed in the early

stages of the fol lowing chapter .

But ler's ( 1 990 ; 1 993; 1 997a ; 1 997b) work i s useful i n i nforming the ways i n

wh ich language i s uti l i sed to construct gendered subjects and , used i n

conjunct ion with Foucau l t (cf. 1 977; 1 976) , offers much i nsight i nto the

formation of subjects by media d iscourse . With i n Butler's ( 1 990 ; 1 993; 1 997a;

1 997b) understand i ng , l anguage is seen to have agency to constitute a

subject i n d iscourse . Th is i s evident not only i n media attempts to constitute

Ho l l i ngworth as a subject , and Hol l i ngworth's attempts to constitute Beth

He inri ch as a subject , but a lso i n Beth 's attempts to construct herself as a

subject through med i a d i scourse . Each of these subjects can be seen to

exercise l evels of a utonomy through med ia d iscourses i n attempti ng to

establ i sh thei r understand ing of thei r 'self' and the 'other' (cf. Foucault 1 980 ;

But ler 2005) . The He in rich case further d isplays the gendered and the

patria rchal nature of the management of csa by church leaders and the way

that power can be seen as function ing through d iscourse to construct identity.

Not on ly th is , the personal representations made by Beth d isplay the way i n

wh ich theologica l d iscourses can be used to man i pu late v ictim/survivors,

fi rstly , i nto a busive situations and then i nto s i lence . Where this i s able to

occur , d iscourses of resistance may a rise from v ict im/survivors and thei r

supporters , but these wi l l need to be supported withi n the praxis of church

i nstitutions. The fol l owing chapter wi l l explore ways i n wh ich Hol l ingworth can

be seen as engag ing i n e lements of pun ishment and forgiveness discourses.

229

C hapter 8 Hollingworth censured?: The affair continues

One confesses or is forced to confess . . . . Western man has become a confessing animal (Foucault 1 976 :59) .

This chapter i s a conti nuation of the previous chapter. The purpose here i s to

further an exami nation of the Hol l i ngworth affair by bu i ld ing on the use of

Foucau lt's ( 1 975) u nderstand ing of power/knowledge and its app l ication to the

sanction i ng of the sou l through broadened d iscourses of pun ishment. Thi s

chapter a lso explores representations of confession , apology, forg iveness and

reparat ion , as they apply to the sanction ing of Hol l i ngworth through media

d iscourse . Apology and reparation have been positively i ncluded i n a number

of i nternational enqui ries i nto i nstitutional abuse, includ i ng the Senate Enquiry

into Forgotten Australians fi rst and second reports on chi ld ren i n i nstitutional

or out-of-home care (Commonwealth of Austral ia 2004; Commonwealth of

Austra l ia 2005a , b) and the Canadian Law Commiss ion 's (2000) report on

ch i ld abuse i n Canadian institutions. These reports s ign ifi cantly i nform

d iscussion of apology and reparation in this chapter . The ways in wh ich

Hol l i ngworth's body and character were constructed for publ ic presentation

through media d iscourse are also further explored here .

Med ia judgement of Hol l i ngworth as a gu i l ty man was on ly one element of the

ongoing Hol l i ngworth affa ir . His punishment as a condemned man a lso

formed a significant element of media representations . From early on i n the

affa i r there were cal ls for Hol l ingworth's resignation from the posit ion of

Governor-General . lt was argued that Hol l i ngworth should not be a l lowed to

hold publ ic office because his mismanagement of csa by church leaders

d isplayed poor character and was seen to undermine the position of

Governor-General (Bolt 2001 :2 1 Herald Sun 20 December) . Pub l ic pressure

for the withdrawal of a right to occupy publ ic office i s constructed here as a

230

form of pun ishment . What became evident was that the Hol l i ngworth affa i r

became a battle betwee n d iscourses by which h is character cou ld be defi ned.

Media sentiment was that Hol l i ngworth shou ld confess, repent and make

some form of reparation for h is poor treatment of victim/survivors .

Ho l l i ngworth , however , steadfastly resisted the construction of a man who

needed to confess, a pologise or be pun ished . When his confessions came

they came i n conjunct ion with justifications . When Hol l i ngworth fina l ly chose

to apolog ise , his apo logies were rejected because thei r accounts of the past

are not consistent with pub l ic expectation of unconditional acknowledgement

of wrongdoing . The battle to construct the mean ing of h is i nfri ngements , and

an appropriate response to them, was p layed out in the publ ic forum of med ia

accounts. These d iscourses can be seen to be about constructi ng

Hol l i ngworth 's need to acknowledge victim/survivors through confession ,

repentance , a pology a nd reparation .

The j u dgement o f H o l l i n gworth

I n itia l media representations of a l legations aga i nst Ho l l ingworth were framed

with i n the context of a cri mi na l tria l (cf. Geari ng 200 1 a :3 Courier Mail 22

November) . l t is a rguable that this leant the a l legations a certa in leg i timacy

that was the n rei nforced by the record amount awarded i n compensation

payments to victims of mismanaged responses to csa in chu rch i nstitutions

(cf. Sweetman 200 1 :92 Sunday Mail 1 6 December) . With in media

representations , the trial , conviction and pun ishment of the Diocese of

Br isbane are i nseparably tied to questions of Hol l i ngworth's knowledge of,

and reaction to , csa with i n the Angl ican Church . As a h igh profi le publ ic figure,

Ho l l i ngworth provided a simple way to render judgement on an i nd iv idual who

became the person i fi cation of institutional i nadequacies (Sacco 2005:87-9 1 ) .

Ear ly crit ics of 'bandwagon' condemnation of Hol l i ngworth pointed out that the

D iocese of Brisbane was the defendant, not Hol l i ngworth , and that the case

was run by the chu rch's i nsurance company (F l i nt 200 1 : 1 1 The Australian 20

December) . lt i s acknowledged that it i s responses by i nsura nce compan ies

that genera l ly s i lence d iocesan representatives (F l i nt 200 1 : 1 1 The Australian

20 December) . Despite the early media releases from the Angl i ca n Church ,

which exp la ined the autonomy of Ang l i ca n schools and how Hol l i ngworth was

'severa l degrees removed' from management, l i tt le concession was pub l ic ly

23 1

afforded to Hol l ingworth because of this (Roberts 200 1 :7 The Age 1 4

December; Sweetman 200 1 :92 Sunday Mail 1 6 December) . Duri ng these

early days of the affair there was a repeated cal l for Hol l i ngworth to expla in

h is position ( Bantick 200 1 : 1 1 The Australian 1 8 December; Kemp 2001 : 1 9

The Advertiser 1 8 December) .

Through med ia , the publ ic , Angl icans and chi ld advocacy groups cal led for a

confession from Hol l ingworth . The Courier Mail (200 1 : 1 0 1 1 December) said

' . . . he [Hol l i ngworth] needs to exp la in whether it is true . . . ' conclud ing that 'we

should be i nformed' . There was a strong cal l for Hol l i ngworth to speak, to g ive

voice i n response to the a l legations . H is ongoing si lence served to condemn

h im, to i nd icate h is gu i lt (cf. Sweetman 200 1 :92 Sunday Mai/ 1 6 December) .

I n crimina l proceedi ngs the accused has a right to remai n s i lent and juries are

told that th is should not be taken as an ind ication of gu i lt (McNicol & Mortimer

2005: 1 50- 1 5 1 ) . This , of course , was not a court of law, but of publ ic opi n ion

and the publ ic , as represented in med ia , felt l i ttle inc l ination to forward the

benefit of the doubt to Hol l i ngworth . In response to med ia reports of

Toowoomba schools cases, Hol l i ngworth's 1 2 day si lence became h igh ly

s ignificant in publ ic judgement of h im as gu i lty of neglecting h is duty of care ,

as wel l as bei ng unavai lable to , and acting without compassion towards ,

victim/survivors . I n remain i ng si lent, Hol l i ngworth was seen as not pub l icly

engag ing i n h is own construction ; he was not 'accessib le ' through h is own

words , but only through others' words about h im. The representations of

Hol l i ngworth from external sources constituted a more powerfu l social real i ty

of h im . Hol l i ngworth's s i lence rei nforced what was sa id about h im and the

secret, private nature of 'the Church' (cf. Sweetman 200 1 :92 Sunday Mail 1 6

December) . The s i lence itself is not a vacuum. I n the sense that i t i s able to

have an effect, it has an agency (cf. Butler 1 997; 1 988 ; H ucki n 2002) .

Hol l i ngworth's s i lence a lso draws agency from what i s sa id about i t and so it

propels other d iscourses in the construction of the socia l and pol it ical

embodi ment of Hol l i ngworth . Th is s i lence was contrasted with the Diocese of

Brisbane's acknowledgement of the abuse and consequent apology.

232

The d iocese of Bri sbane had been forced i nto a position where they

acknowledged the abuse and i ssued an apo logy. Geari ng , Cole & Frankl i n

(200 1 :7 The Courier Mail 1 1 December) uti l i sed these acknowledgements to

contrast it with Hol l i ngworth however:

The Ang l ican Diocese of Brisbane yesterday expressed its regret for the chi ld abuse that took p lace 1 1 years ago. But Or Hol l ingworth has steadfastly refused to publ ic ly acknowledge the issue , or to expla in what he knew.

This expression of regret did not come qu ickly from the d iocese . The

T oowoomba Preparatory School and the Diocese of Brisbane denied that the

abuse had occurred rig ht up to the tria l (Geari ng 200 1 c: 1 The Courier Mai/ 1 0

December) . H owever forced it may have been , thei r eventual admittance and

a pology was taken to further condemn Ho l l ingworth and provide support for

read ing h is s i lence as gu i lt (Gearing , Cole & Frankl i n 200 1 :7 The Courier Mail

1 1 December) .

By refus ing to speak, Hol l i ngworth was seen as , on a purely socia l , rather

than cri mi nal or civi l l eve l , refus ing to engage with a process of 'justice ' . The

cry for Hol l i ngworth 's publ ic shaming was very much a bout justice being seen

to be done. Uti l i si ng Foucau lt 's ( 1 977 :9) u nderstand ing , a publ ic conviction

wou l d hold the shame necessary to serve the purposes of justice . Foucault

( 1 977 :9) a rgues that conviction i tself marks the offender, whi le the tria l and

sentenci ng form the pub l ic spectacle . Justice i s a communicative process and

so , in judg ing Hol l i ngworth gu i lty and issu ing the pun ishment of a forced

res ignation , the pub l ic moral conscience wou ld be eased . The performance

of justice i s complete when the condemned man confesses , acknowledges h is

gu i l t and endures the pun ishment meted out for h im (Foucault 1 975:65-67) .

When they final ly came, Ho l l i ngworth 's confessions i ncluded justifications.

Acknowledg i ng the damaging effects of h is s i lence , Hol l i ngworth (2001 : 1 )

declared :

. . . as it has become clear that some people would use my si lence not on ly to draw i nto controversy the stand ing of the office of Governor­Genera l , but a lso make completely unfounded a l legations against me personal ly , I cannot stand by and al low th is to happen .

Hol l ingworth justified h is si lence , both duri ng the time of the Toowoomba

sca ndal and in res ponse to its publ ic exposure , through legal advice he was

233

given and h is particular positions as Archbishop and Governor-General ,

respectively (Hol l i ngworth 200 1 : 1 -2) . The publ ic had l i ttle sympathy for th is

and media sources impl ied that this was, once again , a case of churches and

thei r l eaders h id i ng beh ind legal ities. Blame shifti ng was not a part of the

publ ic agenda. In media representations there was instead desi re for

accountabi l ity (cf. Seacombe & Mottram 200 1 : 1 SMH 20 December; Geari ng

2001 d :2 The Courier Mail 20 December) . With mitigati ng circumstances

considered , there was a resounding conclusion that Hol l ingworth was gu i lty as

charged and must now fu l ly acknowledge this and embrace the

consequences as a condemned man .

Hol l ingworth's Punish ment

In the area of csa , pun ishment and accountabi l i ty always present as emotive,

yet seemingly pivotal (Quinn , Forsyth & Mul len-Qui nn 2003 :2 1 5-2 1 6 ; Bi rgden

& Vi ncent 2000:480) . There are frequently cal l s from victim/survivors' groups

and commun ities for i ncreased survei l lance of ch i ld sexual offenders in the

form of pub l ic notifi cation of thei r post-release place of residence (Quin n ,

Forsyth & Mul len-Quinn 2003:2 1 5-2 1 6 ; Bi rgden 2004 :5) . Whi lst an i ncrease of

awareness and responsiveness to sexual violence with i n the commun i ty

consciousness is a tri umph for femin ist actors and theorists, i ts consequences

extend beyond victim/survivors and perpetrators . Hol l i ngworth i l l ustrates th is

clearly . W ithout ever actual ly bei ng convicted of a crime in any cou rt of

Austra l ia , Hol l i ngworth is now restricted i n the 'spaces' he can occupy. For

exa mple, despite a desi re to work for ch i l d advocacy groups, Ho l l i ngworth's

'offers of help have been shunned ' (Ciark 2005:9 SMH 27 September) .

Hol l i ngworth had been the patron of several charitable and chi ld protection

organisations , who then d istanced themselves throughout the saga (Walsh

2003:2 1 The Sun Herald 1 0 August; Guerra 2003:2 The Age 9 May) . To fu lfi l

h is professed ambition to help sexual abuse victim/survivors , Hol l i ngworth

needed to cover a lot of ground in restori ng trust (Peake 2003:2 Canberra

Times 30 May) . The s ignificance of these restrictions p laced on Hol l i ngworth

and thei r construction as a form of pun ishment and/or survei l lance must be

cons idered .

234

The censure of Hol l i ngworth was very much rel iant on media representations

of h im . This made such censure a very pub l ic affa i r (cf. King 2002; Howe

1 996 ; McNay 1 992 ; Oksala 2004) . Foucau l t ( 1 975:9) argues that i n the mid to

early 1 800's ' . . . pun ishment had gradual ly ceased to be a spectacle ' . I n

Foucault 's ( 1 977 :9) assessment this i s a result of chang ing convictions

regard ing justice and violence. Where publ ic torture had been essential to

conceptua l isi ng the enactment of just ice , i t was now seen as ' . . . a hearth i n

wh ich violence bursts again i nto flame' (Foucau l t 1 977:9) . Foucault ( 1 977:9)

goes on to a rgue:

Now the scandal and the l ight are to be d istributed d ifferently; i t i s the conviction itself that marks the offender with the unequivocal ly negative s ign : the publ icity has sh ifted to the tria l , a nd to the sentence ; the execution itself is l ike an add itional shame that justice is ashamed to i mpose on the condemned man , so it keeps its d istance from the act . . .

I n th is vei n , pun ishment turned to focus on the redemption of the soul rather

than bei ng focussed on the body of the convicted . Justice no longer meant the

very publ ic d issection of the condemned man's body, but the private

man i pu lation of h is soul (Foucau l t 1 977 : 1 1 ; 1 980 :388-389) . Commun it ies may

become h igh ly i nvolved i n mora l sanction i ng through thei r consumption of

med ia representations .

Med ia construction , then , can be seen as a form of surve i l lance , sanction ,

pun ishment and governance (cf. Hodge 1 994 ; Pecora 2002 ; Foucault 1 980).

Howe ( 1 996 : 1 57) argues that censure ' . . . becomes a process which i s at once

pun ishment and patrol , physical and symbol ic ; it traverses the d iscursive and

non-discurs ive ' . The pol iti cs beh ind the truths media tel ls and the sanctions it

brings should not ever be i gnored (cf. McMu l len 2005; Foucault 1 980) .

Arguably, had it not been for the media 's i ntense pursuit of the Hol l i ngworth

affair , and h is position of Governor-General , Hol l ingworth wou ld have

escaped any real censure of h is fai l u res (Porter 2003a :24-25) . Hol l i ngworth ,

however, repeatedly sought to resist a d iscourse of censure with one that

constructed h im as a v ictim.

With in media constructions, Ho l l ingworth was neglectfu l of the rights and

concerns of victim/survivors of csa by church leaders . The issue of cover-up is

235

much less clear i n Hol l i ngworth's particular case . At least i n the Toowoomba

schools' cases it i s recognised that Hol l i ngworth was actua l ly s ignificantly

removed admin istratively (Porter 2003a:2 1 ) . As Porter (2003a :2 1 )

acknowledges, th is does not actual ly remove his responsibi l i ty . Hol l i ngworth

had , however, attempted to d istance himself from these abusive events i n the

Angl ican Chu rch's h istory. The Austra l ian publ ic , as represented through

media accounts, d id not accept Hol l i ngworth's attempts at d istancing himself

as an appropriate response . Porter (2003a :35) argued :

Whether he felt any personal responsibi l ity or not for what had happened , stepping down wou ld have been a gracious act , d isplaying love and care for both the victims and for the Church. As one Angl ican priest suggested privately, 'Our Lord so loved the Church that, an innocent man , he was prepared to d ie for i t . Sure ly Hol l ingworth cou ld have stood down ' .

These issues of loving care and personal sacrifice are crucia l i n

understand ing projections of Hol l i ngworth as d iscursively complex. Supporters

of Hol l i ngworth often d irected critici sms at med ia outlets and their

representations of Hol l ingworth as gui l ty of acts for which he bore l i ttle or no

personal responsibi l ity. Such positions saw Hol l i ngworth as the victim of

med ia bu l lyi ng (Jones 2003:4 The Courier Mail 30 May; Ede 2003:23 The

Advertiser 30 May) .

Support for Hol l i ngworth as a victim of this controversy came from, amongst

others , the then Pri me Min ister. Then Prime Min ister Howard (Parnel l & Atkins

2002 :2 The Courier Mail 19 February) label led the al legations aga inst

Hol l i ngworth as 'extreme' sayi ng of h im:

He has a lways impressed me as a person of immense character and abi l ity and an extremely conscientious ind ividual who wou ld bring a sincere commitment to any job he had .

Accordi ng to h is supporters , Hol l i ngworth was 'hounded' from office (Jones

2003:4 The Courier Mail 30 May; Ede 2003:23 The Advertiser 30 May) . Ede

(2003 :23 The Advertiser 30 May) reports Hol l i ngworth's brother as sayi ng of

h is resignation :

What sort of message does th is sort of behaviour g ive our young people , that ta l l poppies can be hounded from office l itera l ly at the whim of a few people who . . . d rum up the sort of, I th ink , fa irly d isgusting behaviour . . . . The activists l ike Hetty Johnson , the Opposition politicians, the republ icans, they've all been helped by the media to whip up a rea l feeding frenzy.

236

Hol l i ngworth's brother represents the centra l issue, not as Hol l i ngworth's

behaviour, but as the behaviour of those who oppose him. This explanation

not only min i mises the abusive responses to csa by church leaders and

martyrs Hol l i ngworth , but it a lso blames and sensationa l ises the methods that

have cal led h i m to account.

The effect of the supporters' account is to formulate Hol l ingworth as bei ng

pun ished for harms he was not responsib le for, or was not responsible for to

the extent that it should cost h im h is career (F l i nt 200 1 : 1 1 The Australian 20

December; Spurr 2003 :8 ; Kampmark 2003:27-30) . I n this way, Hol l ingworth is

constructed as a scapegoat for bad institut ional practice. Hol l i ngworth ,

h imself, placed blame for contin ued criti cisms on 'a coal ition of rel ig ious and

pol it ical opponents seeking to undermine h im and the v ice-regal office' (Ya l lop

& Legge 2002 : 1 The Australian 1 6 February) . He later told Australian Story

(ABC 2002a : 1 2) :

What people a re going to have to face i s if certain persons and certain organ isations wish to keep up th is campaign-l 'd cal l it that-of i nnuendo, of a l legation aga inst me , that is something I 'm going to have to l ive with and Anne's going to l ive with and my family's going to have to l ive with . But l ive with it we wi l l .

I n articulating the a l legations as part of a conspiracy aga inst h im and the

office of the Governor-General , Hol l i ngworth a lso conceptua l i ses h imself and

h is fami ly as having the resol ution of martyrs in the face of persecution .

For severa l reasons Hol l i ngworth's attempts to construct h imself and h is

fami ly as v ictims of persecution were d ifficu lt to susta i n . l t has a l ready been

estab l ished that, with i n his i nstitutional and social setti ngs, Hol l i ngworth had

power. Power, however, is rarely straight forward (cf. Foucault 1 980; 1 994) . I n

manag ing csa by chu rch leaders , Hol l i ngworth was confronted with a situation

where he had multi p le competing demands . The consequences of potentia l

l i ti gation are a legitimate concern ; thi s has never been the question . The

reaction of publ ic and media was d i rected at the priv i leging of this , over and

above concern for victim/survivors and thei r fami l i es (cf. Bolt 2001 : 2 1 Herald

Sun 20 December; Woodley 2001 :2 The Australian 2 1 December) .

Ho l l i ngworth (200 1 : 3) recognised this i n an earl y statement regard ing the

management of the Toowoomba schools i ncidents , saying :

237

I am sorry that legal and insurance considerations to some extent i nh ib ited our taking a more active role and more overtly expressing the Church's concern for the physical , emotional and spiritua l welfare of those affected by the actions of Mr Guy.

Although this apology received some med ia attention i t did not have a

soothi ng i nfluence (cf. Woodley 200 1 :2 , The Australian 2 1 December;

Seccombe & Mottram 2001 : 1 SMH 20 December) . Th is is perhaps explai ned

best by Hol l i ngworth's (200 1 :3) further comments :

Resolving the serious di lemma facing a l l rel igious, charitable or benevolent organ isations in balancing their desire to show compassion with their legal obl igations and risks is a matter to which the community and its caring organ isations need to g ive detai led thought.

There had been 'deta i led thought' given to the situation , but the conclusions

were largely not i n sympathy with Hol l i ngworth's (200 1 :3 ) appeal to h is

victimisation by media and his compulsion to comply with ' legal obl igations' .

The pri mary feature of th is is that the institution of the Angl i can Church was

resourced , held sign ificant power i n responding to victim/su rvivors of csa by

chu rch leaders and had fai led in its duty of care practical ly , legal ly , mora l l y

and spi ritual ly (Porter 2003a :2 1 ; O'Cal laghan & Briggs 2003:29-30) .

Hol l i ngworth was the man at the 'head ' of this i nstitution at the relevant time

and i n the position to chal lenge and manage th is power structure . However,

he specifi cal ly chose a course of action that privi leged the protection of the

institution over the protection of those who were abused withi n its structures .

Despite O'Cal laghan & Briggs (2003:30) finding that Hol l i ngworth cou ld not be

d i rectly criticised for his role in the Toowoomba schools cases , his position as

Archb ishop invested h im with s ignificant power and responsibi l i ty to not just

'assume, on the basis of what he was told . . . that the matter was being

appropriately and properly handled . ' Hol l ingworth d isplayed a h istory of

actively questioning and resisting what he was told by victim/survivors and

their fami l ies , but not by i nsurers , lawyers and leaders with in the institutions of

the Angl ican Church (ABC 2002a:5 ,6 , 1 0 , Australian Story 1 8 February) .

Hol l i ngworth may, i n fact, have been a scapegoat if he had not had the power

of choice. Even if he cou ld not change the course that h is superiors of the

i nsurance company wished him to take , he had the opportunity to exercise h is

autonomy and resign .

238

By attempti ng to shift b lame to i nsu rance requ i rements , consp i racy theories,

i nadequate theology and i nstitutional structures , Hol l i ngworth actively

attempts to portray h imself as i l legitimately bei ng pun ished for h istorical

i nstances of csa by chu rch leaders that he was not responsible for. Thi s axis

of resi sti ng responsib i l i ty , and therefore punishment, may in fact undermi ne

the legitimacy of any ki nd of sanction . Bentham's ( 1 996 :5- 1 1 ) 1 9th century,

c lassical construction of pun ishment is that, to be effective in its

transformative and d eterrence capacities , it must be recogn ised as legiti mate

socia l ly and by the i nd iv idual who is pun ished ; it must a lso be proportional .

With in Bentham's ( 1 973 : 1 67- 1 68) understand ing , pun ishment i s a

comminative , and therefore , a commun icative process that i s aimed at

i nfl uenci ng the wi l l of i nd ividua ls through specific deterrence and col lectives

through genera l deterrence . Bentham ( 1 973: 1 68) argues that pun ishment

must be announced i n order to be effective , i ts presence must be pub l icised i n

some way (cf. Foucau l t 1 975: 1 1 0) . Bentham ( 1 996 : 1 3) summarises:

I n order for pun ishment not to be, in every instance , an act of violence of one or many against a private citizen , it must be essentia l ly pub l ic, prompt, necessary , the last poss ib le i n the g iven circumstances, proportionate to the crimes, d ictated by the laws.

Hol l i ngworth rejected the sanctions brought against h im as i l legiti mate on a l l

these cou nts , resisti ng the construction of h imself as responsib le for the

v iolation of s ign ificant mora l or ethical standards and , therefore , rejecti ng the

imposition of any form of pun ishment (Yal lop & Legge 2002 : 1 The Australian

1 6 February; ABC 2002a: 1 2 Australian Story 1 8 February) . W ith in

Ho l l i ngworth 's perspective, the sanctions brought against h im were not

motivated by the good of society nor were they just responses, but acts of

v io lence generating from those who opposed h im and opposed h is pol it ical

positi on (Yal lop & Legge 2002 : 1 The Australian 1 6 February; ABC 2002a : 1 2

Australian Story 1 8 February) . This does not mean that Hol l i ngworth d id not

recognise that he was being p un ished , only that the perceived pun ishment

was i l leg itimate.

Demon isi ng Hol l i ngworth , however, far too readi ly d istracts from the very

i ssues of i n stitutional change that conti nue to confront churches (Porter

2003b :2 1 ; Ki n near , Ch isolm & Rees 2002 :8) . l t has been acknowledged that,

239

i n effectively addressing csa by church leaders poor management and

i nstitutional abuse should rema in the central issue (Goddard 1 997:42) . Hol l i ngworth , (2004 : 1 3 SMH 4 May) himself uti l ised the 'positi ve spin ' of

i ncreased attention to csa , sayi ng :

However d ifficu lt the past few years have been for me, one positive th ing has emerged : media attention focussed on chi ld sexual abuse has brought th is previously h idden issue to the fu l l publ ic attention .

Hol l i ngworth appealed to this d iscourse stating repeatedly that h is concern

had always been for the protection of ch i ldren (ABC 2002b:2 Australian Story

1 8 February; Hol l ingworth 2002 : 1 ) . History has repeatedly shown , however,

that attention to social issues because of media attention is rarely long l ived

(cf. Goddard & Saunders 2001 ) . Further, whi lst identifying the good that has

come from harm may be consistent with in the spirit of atonement, here ,

Hol l i ngworth chooses to d istance h imself from the harm by b laming others'

constructions, rather than ful ly accepti ng responsib i l i ty for his behaviours

(Swinburne 1 989 :8 1 -89) . By the time Hol l i ngworth came to res ign he was

showing , what may be understood as, a much clearer wi l l i ngness to recogn ise

the perspectives of victim/survivors and thei r supporters . Hol l i ngworth's

(2003:2 The Courier Mail 29 May) eventual resignation speech i s tel l i ng i n

terms of h is mixed posit ion o n csa .

With i n h is resignation speech , as throughout the cris is , Hol l i ngworth (2003 :2

The Courier Mai/ 29 May) repeatedly and adamantly cla ims to understand the

issues i nvolved with csa . He a lso, however, demonstrates the constricted

nature of h is understanding of issues for victim/survivors . I n th i s speech

Hol l i ngworth (2003:2 The Courier Mail 29 May) remains i ntent on not only

establ i sh ing and defending h is h istorical decisions but a lso establ ish ing h is

misrepresentation in media scrutiny. Hol l i ngworth (2003:2 The Courier Mai/ 29

May) cla ims:

I have examined my actions, my records , my conscience , my memory and my responsibi l it ies. I have also taken into account the d ifficu lt issues of confidentia l ity. On balance , I have decided that I must issue th is deta i led statement. While I understand and share the anguish of people involved d i rectly or ind irectly in ch i ld abuse situations, I feel obl iged to set the record stra ight as there have been serious d istortions in the way the issues have been projected in the med ia .

Here Hol l i ngworth (2003:2 The Courier Mail 29 May) appeals to h is

u nderstanding of the 'anguish' caused by csa and fol lows th is with an appeal

240

to the complexities of csa . He fol l ows th i s with h is wi l l i ngness to engage with

the enqu i ry of the Ang l ican Church and his exoneration on all but one

i nstance (Hol l i ngworth 2003:2 The Courier Mail 29 May; cf. O'Ca l l aghan & Briggs 2003) . l t i s with regards to this account that Hol l i ngworth (2003:2 The

Courier Mail 29 May) offers h is regret and apology to 'those i nvolved who

have suffered as a consequence ' .

In earl ier admissions of gu i l t , Hol l i ngworth's decision to leave a priest in any

posit ion of power d isplayed a d isti nct lack of u nderstandi ng of offending

behaviours . By h is own construction , Ho l l i ngworth was not just a priest but

a lso a socia l worker a nd counse l lor (ABC 2002a : 1 2 Australian Story 1 8

February) . One of the d ifficulties of Hol l i ngworth 's med ia engagement i s that

he appeared to invoke th is construction of h imself as a socia l worker and a

priest, i n h is defence , when it su ited h im . lt nevertheless remains a lmost

i nescapable to perceive h im as a man in authority who chose to admin ister

l ittle sympathy or justice to victi m/survivors and much trust in priests . This is

demonstrated by Hol l i ngworth's (2002b: 1 5 The Courier Mail 2 1 February) own

account of h is i nteractions with a confessed paedoph i le and priest. I n l i ght of

h is conversations with the priest, and some 'safeguards' aga inst re-offend ing ,

Ho l l i ngworth (2002b : 1 5 The Courier Mail 21 February) took the word of the

priest and i nvested a h igh level of trust by returni ng the priest to min istry with

'a n umber of conditions designed to avoid the danger of recurrence ' . Th is may

have been a reasona bl e decis ion on Hol l i ngworth's behalf if the sti pulation of

the priest's m in istry were wel l i nformed . Hol l i ngworth d id this , however,

despite bei ng advised by a psychiatrist that paedophi les frequently re-offend

(Ho l l i ngworth 2002b : 1 5 The Courier Mail 21 February) . I nstead , Hol l i ngworth

appears to have chosen to trust the priest because of h is position , h is fa ith ,

and a particu lar con cept of forgiveness (cf. Hol l ingworth 2002b : 1 5 The

Courier Mail 2 1 February) . I n th is way, Hol l i ngworth displayed attitudes of

church leaders that have resu l ted i n the protection of priests and the re­

victimisation of vulnerable i nd ividua ls ( Pa l lone 2002 :342-343) .

Further revelations regard ing this particu lar priest confirmed that he was a

repeat offender. When later revelations brought to l ight additional offences

24 1

committed by the priest, Hol l ingworth (2002b: 1 5 The Courier Mail 2 1

February) went on to claim h is deep disturbance that the priest had l ied to

h im . This deceit was brought to Hol l ingworth's attention when the priest i n

question was subsequently arrested and charged with further abuses that

occurred prior to those at the Toowoomba schools. Hol l i ngworth (2002b : 1 5)

stated :

I am deeply disturbed that, despite my specific questioning of h im on this point , the priest d id not inform me about these other abuses and that evidence of them was not otherwise avai lable to me . Had this been the case , my decision wou ld most definitely have been d ifferent.

In this account, Hol l i ngworth (2002b: 1 5 The Courier Mail 21 February) was

wise enough to question the priest about prior abusive i ncidents , but not

ci rcumspect enough to consider that he may l ie about these . Hol l ingworth 's

(2002b: 1 5 The Courier Mail 21 February) contention that 'evidence of them

was not otherwise avai lable to me' is i ndicative of his d isposition to fervently

extend the benefit of the doubt to priests . Hol l i ngworth may have felt he cou ld

not deprive a man of a position on the basis of unproved and unspecified

other abuses, but i n doing so he also sealed h is i nabi l i ty to effectively manage

r isk . Hol l i ngworth (2002b: 1 5 The Courier Mail 21 February) attri butes thi s to

church structures and an i neffective theology rather than personal d isposition .

The praxis of forgiveness is one such ineffective theology. By Hol l i ngworth's

own ad missions it is an inadequate understanding of forgiveness that has

enabled the frequent mishand l ing of csa . Hol l i ngworth (2002b : 1 5 The Courier

Mai/ 2 1 February) states :

One of the fundamenta l problems is that the Christian notion of forg iveness has not been reconciled clearly enough with more robust and transparent community processes for remediation and the avoidance of future risk. I hope that an outcome of the focus on my handl ing wil l be a qu ickening of the pace of reform.

l t is clear from the above statement that there is a perceived d isti nction

between community and church standards . Although th is may be true , it does

not adequately address the reasons why forg iveness has been a part of the

faci l i tation of secrecy regard ing csa by church leaders with in chu rches nor is it

an adequate excuse for mismanagement of csa by church leaders (cf. Jenki ns

Hall & Joy 2002 ; Doyle 2003; 2004) .

242

l t i s clear that Hol l i ngworth does engage with , and i s i mpacted by, d iscourses

of pun ishment. H is pun ishment can be seen as constructed in d iscourse

whi ch is cons istent with the Foucaulti an approach of power/knowledge

( Foucau lt 1 975:27) . Hol l i ngworth (2003:2 The Courier Mail 29 May)

demonstrates the i nternal isation of pun ishment by articu lati ng h is great

d i stress , h is referral to recovering from severe depression and Post Traumatic

Stress Disorder, and h i s anguish in cal l i ng out to God (cf. Byrne 2005 The

Bulletin 1 7 May; ABC 2002a :6 A ustralian Story 1 8 February) . These aspects

exh i bit Foucau lt's ( 1 975 : 1 1 ) analysis of modern pun ishment being much more

concerned with acti ng on the soul , although sti l l med iati ng the body. The

Hol l i ngworth saga a lso i l l ustrates Foucau lt's ( 1 975 : 1 1 ) position that

pun i shment i s no longer mediated by cri mi na l justice systems alone, but a

broadened spectrum of professionals . For our purposes here these other

agents of punishment have been med ia . A s ign ificant part of enacti ng the

pub l ic tria l by med ia was the cal l for Hol l i ngworth to g ive an account of his

behaviours , in short , to confess .

Confession

Confession has become a hal lmark of modern society (Webb 1 999: 1 44 ;

Besley 2005 :369) . Pub l i c confession is not un ique to contemporary society;

however, the prol iferation of g lobal ised media has mea nt that publ ic

confession has taken on a greatly extended form (Webb 1 999: 1 44; Besley

2005:369) . Webb ( 1 999 : 1 44) a rgued that 'True confessions are the most

basic bu i ld i ng blocks of the enterta inment industry. ' Because of global ised

media , the confessions of pol it icians , world leaders, survivors of sexua l

v iolence and a plethora of others , are now extensively avai lab le . As a result ,

Western societies have come to expect pub l ic confession (Webb 1 999: 1 44;

Bes ley 2005 : 369) . Besley (2005:369) argued :

Confession is a deep-seated cultura l practice i n the West, that involves a declaration and d isclosure , acknowledgement or admission of a fau lt , weakness or crime and is expressed to be the 'truth ' that d iscloses one's actions or p rivate fee l ings or opin ions.

Besley (2005 :369) a lso recogn ised the extensive h istory of confession as a

cu ltural practice i nformed by Judeo-Christian tradition i n the West.

243

As d iscussed elsewhere , confession is a significant theme i n Foucault 's

( 1 984 ; 1 977; 1 976) work. Foucault ( 1 977 :59) argued :

We have since become a singu larly confessing society. The confession has spread itself far and wide. lt plays a part in justice , medicine, education , fami ly relationships, and love relations , in the most ordinary affairs of every day l ife , and in the most solemn rites ; one confesses one's crime, one's sins, one's thoughts and desires, one's i l lnesses and troubles; one goes about tel l ing , with the greatest precision , what ever is most d ifficult to tel l .

For Foucault ( 1 977 :59) , because of the productive force of language,

confession i s a means of constructing identity. This identity i s not superfi cia l ,

but h ighly personal , deta i led a n d bui l t o n self-d isclosure . Besley (2005 :370)

supports th is , argu ing that:

Confession then is both a communicative process and an expressive act , a narrative in wh ich we (re)create ourselves by creating our own narrative , reworking the past, in publ ic, or at least in d ia logue with another.

I nstead of reconstructi ng h is identity th rough confession , Hol l i ngworth

confirmed the accusations of d istrust and mismanagement through denia l and

what were deemed i nadequate apolog ies (Farr 2002 : 1 Daily Telegraph 22

February; Videnieks, Tedmanson & Nason 2002 : 1 The Australian 1 8

February) . The expectation about a ful l confession may, i n part , be a

voyeuristic desire of the publ ic to view the soul of Hol l i ngworth , the way i n

which he constructed h imself by reference to h i s management of ch i ld sexua l

abuse as Archbishop, and h i s credib i l ity as Governor-General . Farr (2002 :5

The Daily Telegraph 2 1 February) summarises the problem wel l :

Peter Hol l ingworth i s seeking forg iveness for being a seria l forg iver. He argued . . . that if he d id anyth ing bad , it was because he was being very good . H is mistakes were those of the sa ints . The Governor­Genera l is asking politicians and the publ ic to absolve h im of being too k ind ly and trusting in his handl ing of chi ld sex abuse cases.

The problem as summarised by Farr (2002 :5 The Daily Telegraph 2 1

February) i s that Hol l ingworth 's confessions were a imed at min i mis ing ,

justifying, and evoki ng sympathy, rather than demonstrati ng contri tion . Farr's

(2002 :5 The Daily Telegraph 2 1 February) prediction that 'the danger for Mr

Hol l ingworth is that the pub l ic wi l l see h is statement as being as kind on

h imself as he was to some of the molesters ' , was both real istic and accurate .

Confession , then , gained a particular s ignificance to Hol l i ngworth and h is

construction throughout the 'affair' that has come to so strongly bu i ld h im as a

partic�lar publ ic persona . For Hol l i ngworth , the expectations around h is

244

responses to a l legations and the ostensib le surety of h is gu i lt , resulted i n the

expectat ion of his 'confession ' and d isappointment in its form when it came.

Th is was less because Hol l i ngworth fai led to offer a confession at a l l and

more because h is confessions were mit igated by thei r self-justifying flavour

(Farr 2002 :5 The Daily Telegraph 21 February ; Emerson & Balough 2002 :7

The Australian 21 February) . Hol l i ngworth's narrative , confessions and

reconstruction of the past were not to the publ ic's l i ki ng and so he fai led to

d i stance h imself from h i s past by demonstrating effectively h is trustworth iness

(Farr 2002 :5 The Daily Telegraph 21 February; Emerson & Balough 2002:7

The Australian 2 1 February) . Hol l ingworth's perspectives may have gained

i ncreased val id ity if his confessions and apolog ies had have conta ined

adequate acknowledgement of the harm suffered by victim/survivors of csa by

church leaders (Canadian Law Commission 2000:45; Commonwealth of

Austra l ia 2004 : 1 7 1 ) .

Acknowledgement has been identified as important for those harmed by

i nstitutional a buse (Canadian Law Commission 2000:45; Commonwealth of

Austra l ia 2004 : 1 7 1 ) . Acknowledgement and confession are extremely s imi lar

and overlapp ing terms that represent the changing nature of language to

convey mean ing . The Law Commission of Canada (2000 :45) identifies

acknowledgment as havi ng three key features ; acknowledgement must fi rstly

be:

. . . specific, not genera l , and forthright not reticent; noth ing less than a candid descript ion of persons, places and acts is requ i red . Second , it must demonstrate an impact of the harms done; acknowledgment requ i res recogn it ion of the consequences perpetrated . Th ird , it must a lso make clear that those who experienced the a buse were in no way responsib le for it ; acknowledgement means there can be no sh ifting of blame on to survivors .

These features are consistent with concepts of confession (cf. Gold & Weiner

2000 ; Johnson & Weigert 2001 :370) . Although the th ird factor of the Law

Commission of Canada's (2004 :45) analysis of acknowledgement a l lows

room for negating victim b lami ng , it does not sufficiently enforce the need to

address processes and actions of denia l that have had a profound impact on

victim/survivors of i nstitutional abuse. Whi le it is often acknowledged that

den ia l is a s ignifica nt component of i nstitutions' responses to a l legations of

abuse, apologies and acknowledgements rare ly concede that this behaviour

245

i n i tself is h igh ly damag ing . For example, the apology issued by the Angl ican

Synod (2004 : 1 -2) recognises the abuse of ch i ldren i n church run i ntuitions

and the damage caused by that abuse, but does not specifica l ly acknowledge

the si lencing of victim/survivors , nor denials of the abuse . In contrast to this ,

the Austral ian Cathol ic B ishops' Conference (2004 cited i n Commonwealth of

Austral ia 2005:2 1 5) expanded on thei r in it ial apology of 1 996 stating :

We are also deeply regretful for the hurt caused whenever the Church's response has den ied or min imised the pa in that victims have experienced . And we regret the hurt caused to many good people who have worked in this area.

This statement makes notable advances towards acknowledging denia l as

s ignifi cant. In l i ne with the Law Commission of Canada's (2000:45) assertions

regard ing the specificity of acknowledgement, the denial of abuse itself and

the pain caused by this denial , are significant steps i n accepting the real i ty of

abuse for victims/survivors of csa by church leaders .

A publ ic confession and apology?

With i n the Hol l i ngworth saga, to not confess to the broader communi ty

continued to bring the Church and the office of Governor-General i nto

d isrepute . Although Hol l i ngworth resisted this, h is inevitable concl usion was

that he was u nable to fulfi l h is obl igations as Governor-General whi lst pub l ic

d iscord di rected at h im was unresolved (Hol l ingworth 2003:2 The Courier Mail

29 May) . As a l ready d iscussed , much of th is publ ic d iscord centred on

Hol l i ngworth's ongoing resistance to responsib i l ity . Th is i s something that

mean ingfu l publ ic confession could have a l leviated . Towards the end of h is

resignation speech , Hol l i ngworth (2003 :2 The Courier Mail 29 May) began to

show signs of accepting responsibi l ity, i n expressing h is need to 'atone' and

conceding that, 'the hard fact to face is that i n at least one i ncident, although

acting in good faith , I got it wrong' . This , however, l acked the specificity of a

mean ingful confession given without justification . I n sympathy for

Hol l i ngworth , it i s i mportant to acknowledge that revelation i s ongoing and h is

growth i n understa nd ing continued after th is point. Hol l ingworth (2003:2 The

Courier Mail 29 May) accepted some level of responsib i l ity i n h is resignation

speech saying , 'now the onus i s on me to move forward and do somethi ng

constructive to help Austral ia 's vulnerable chi ldren and their fami l ies ' . I n this

way, confession and a commitment to change became a part of the means of

246

develop ing a new identity and d istancing the component of one's identity as a

perpetrator of harm (Weiner et al. 1 99 1 :283) . Th is is not an issue for

Ho l l i n gworth a lone.

To a polog ise is a l i nguistic act that carries mean i ng and value . I f th is were not

true , then it wou ld not matter whether churches or i ndividuals ever apologised

for thei r role i n institutional abuse . Much l i ke confession , apology plays an

i mportant role i n identity transformation . Goffman ( 1 967 : 1 22) sees apology as :

. . . a gesture through which an ind ividua l spl its h imself into two parts, the part that is gu i lty of an offence and the part that d issociates itself from the de l ict and affirms the bel ief in the offended rule.

As d iscussed above , Hol l ingworth's i nit ial apolog ies and confessions were

rejected i n med ia accounts of pub l ic attitudes. Accord ing to Goffman 's

( 1 967 : 1 22) a nalysis , Ho l l i ngworth's apolog ies were not acceptable because

he fa i led to sufficiently separate h imself from h is prior bel iefs i n the

appropriateness of his actions. Hol l i ngworth may wel l have been a na·ive ,

forg ivi ng and overly generous i ndiv idual caught i n a n insufficient system, but

th is was not his conclusion to make . I n doi ng so , Hol l i ngworth fai l s to

adequately uti l i se a pology to spl it h is self i nto d isti nct identities as Goffman's

( 1 967 : 1 22) construction of apology requ i res.

There was a danger that, given the media pressure , Hol l i ngworth could have

been coerced i nto a confession he d id not genu inely bel ieve . Such a

confession wou ld have been a imed at a me l iorati ng pressures and satiating

pub l ic demands. Confession that is coerced, i n any way, wi l l not meet the

standards of a transformative acknowledgement as presented by the Law

Commission of Canada (2000 :45) . lt is expected that confession wi l l be more

tha n an account of events it wi l l be a n acceptance of responsib i l ity and a

wi l l i ngness to enact change (cf. Swi nburne 1 989; Gold & Weiner 2000) . I n l i ne

with th is , mean ingfu l confession wi l l be accompan ied by genu ine apology,

repentance and some attempt at reparation (Swinburn 1 989:82) . Hol l i ngworth

was most criticised for the ways in which he avoided accepti ng responsib i l ity

for the wrong that occurred . He i s not a lone i n th is . Apology conti nues to be a

complex subject for publ ic and rel i gious figures from multip le backgrounds.

247

Atonement, penance and reparation

There is much conjecture about whether forgiveness is possible without

processes of atonement, i nclud ing reparation . For Swinburne ( 1 989 :81 -89) ,

some attempt at reparation is an i mportant component of the satisfaction of

atonement. Reparation holds that those who commit a ' mora l ly bad act' must

offer someth ing to the offended i n order to compensate them for the i r loss . •

Further, the offended has a right to take from the offender someth i ng which

may or may not be of benefit to them; money, goods, services . Accordi ng to

Swinburne's ( 1 989 :84-89) argument, the offended mai ntai ns th is right even if

the offending i ndividua l has nothing wh ich is of value to them. Hence, they

may extract from them their l i berty and freedom from pai n . I n modern nation­

states this i s med iated and managed by the State through civi l and cri mi na l

just ice systems . An examination of State sanctioned pun ishment i s , of course ,

the subject of Foucau lt's ( 1 975) work.

Media accounts of Hol l i ngworth from 2004 construct h im as very much a

humbled man . He is now being portrayed as an i ndividual engagi ng i n

'penance' (Murphy 2004a : 1 SMH 4 May) . For Hol l i ngworth h is partner i n

redemption has been jou rnal ist, author and csa survivor, Barbara Biggs.

Along with Biggs, Hol l i ngworth acknowledges the letters from victim/survivors ,

that he reportedly spent reading throughout the year post h is resignation , with

faci l i tati ng a personal cha nge in position regard ing csa (Legge 2004 :6 The

Australian 25 May; Murphy 2004b: 1 The Age 4 May) . Med ia reports now cite

t ime spent with Biggs as bei ng an ongoi ng catalyst for Hol l i ngworth's

continued education (Legge 2004:6 The Australian 25 May; Murphy 2004b : 1

The Age 4 May 2004) . I ndeed , Hol l i ngworth wrote the forward to Biggs' (2004)

book about her own recovery from chi ld sexua l abuse. At the launch of Biggs'

(2004) book, Gordon (2004:3 The Age 25 May) captures a new picture of

Hol l i ngworth sayi ng :

One year after he resigned as governor-genera l , Peter Ho l l ingworth stepped tentatively into the spotl ight yesterday to elevate the issue that cost h im his job .

In th is account, Hol l i ngworth has lost the arrogance and resistant attitudes

that had typified media accounts of him just a year earl ier. Biggs (cited i n

Gordon 2004 :3 The Age 2 5 May) helped perpetuate th i s new i mage for

248

Hol l i ngworth by strongly commend i ng h im for respond ing to her req uest that

he read her book, approach ing her for ongoing i nteractions and most

s ign ificantly :

I n being pre pared to open h is mind and have the courage a nd humi l ity to admit h is b l ind spots, he has become an examp le to a generation who continue not to 'get it' .

Hol l i ngworth , who was previously held u p as the qu intessentia l representation

of what not to do in respond ing to chi ld sexual a buse, i s now be ing app lauded

for mode l l i ng what to do. lt is i nteresti ng that he is now quoted in a form of

specifi c confession . Hol l i ngworth (cited i n Gordon 2004 :3 The Age 25 May)

says :

Too few of us understand or rea l ly com prehend the terror, the trauma and the awful long-term side effects of ch i ld abuse , especial ly sexua l abuse. I for one took far too long to comprehend these th ings , but I am learn ing . . .

Hol l i ngworth 's redemption was seeming ly mad e complete i n Biggs (cited i n

Gordon 2004 : 3 The Age 25 May) assertion that The Austra l ian publ ic and the

ch i l d protection industry can take the risk to bel ieve in h im' .

A year later , however, Hol l i ngworth was aga i n drawing med ia criti ci sm. He

remai ned the Governor-Genera l who was forced to resig n in d isgrace

(Kearney & Legge 2005:8 The Australian 30 Apri l ) . Hol l i ngworth was being

reproached for the cost of sustai n ing his Melbourne offices and travel

expenses ( Kearney & Legge 2005:8 The Australian 30 Apri l ) . l t is clear that

Hol l i ngworth has not managed to entirely reconstruct h imself and also that the

med ia can be qu ite u nforgivi ng when the issue of a potentia l scanda l is at

hand . In responding to a l legations that h is offices are exorbitant Hol l i ngworth

(cited i n Kearney & Legge 2005:8 The Australian 30 Apri l ) comes across as a

mix of a man committed to fu lfi l l i ng h is i ntentions to serve h is commun ity with

hum i l ity sayi ng :

Any retired governor-genera l is going to be actively involved in the commun ity and expected to fu lfi l those responsibi l ities . I am deeply conscious of my ob l igations to taxpayers . . . . City prices a re city prices a nd that's regrettable, but being in the city is crucial to the things I want to do.

In constructi ng h imself i n l i ne with 'any reti red governor-general ' , Hol l i ngworth

(cited i n Kearney & Legge 2005 :8 The Australian 30 Apri l ) d isplays res i l ience

i n h is desi re to put beh ind h im the scanda l that has haunted h im and fu lfi l h is

ob l igations . As the p revious year's work with Barbara Biggs d isplays ,

249

however, th is resi l ience is no longer significantly rooted i n denia l of

responsib i l ity. This change is an important i ndicator that processes of

atonement may now succeed i n sufficiently distancing Hol l i ngworth from past

acts so as to reconstitute h is identity. Engagement with forg iveness is now a

poss ib i l ity. Hol l i ngworth may have final ly taken sign ificant steps towards

reconstructing h is identity . I n this way atonement may be seen as

transformative . S imi larly, forgiveness is a transformative process whereby

victim/survivors no longer hold past harmfu l events aga inst an offender

(Swin burne 1 989: 1 06- 1 09) . Whether the Austra l ian publ ic , media and those

d i rectly impacted by Hol l i ngworth 's actions, are wi l l i ng to extend forgiveness i s

yet to be seen .

Conclusion

Med ia representations of the Hol l ingworth affa i r provide a particular d iscou rse

that contributes to an u nderstanding of the role of gender, power and

forgiveness d iscourses in the management of csa . The Hol l i ngworth affair i s

now a n icon ic representation of the management of csa by chu rch leaders i n

Austra l ian chu rches. This is largely due to the h igh leve ls of d iscourse

generated by media i n the construction , not only of Hol l i ngworth but, of

v ictim/survivors , church institutions and d iscourses of forgiveness. Drawing on

a Foucaulti an (cf. 1 977) analysis of the spectacle of pun ishment enables

Hol l i ngworth to be seen in med ia d iscourse , not only as a condemned man

who is marked gu i lty and subsequently pun ished , but a lso as an i nd ividual

who engages in various ways with identity formation through confession ,

apology, penance and reparation . With in media d iscourse we a re ab le to see

the complexity of Hol l i ngworth's construction as a d iscursive subject u nder the

normal is ing gaze of med ia . This gaze brought Hol l i ngworth to the Austra l ian

pub l ic i n ways that defi ne h im by reference to , what can now be seen as , a

journey through forgiveness d iscourses . From early phases of denia l of

responsib i l ity, victim b laming , through punishment i n the form of demands for

h is resignation , unsatisfying apologies, partia l confessions and final ly to a

humbled penitent, Hol l i ngworth d isplays some of the spectrum of attitudes to

the management of csa by church leaders i n Austra l ian churches. The

personification of these d iscou rses i n Hol l i ngworth aptly d isplays both

Foucaults' (cf. 1 977; 1 980) and Butlers' (cf. 2005; 1 997) point that webs of

250

power function through d iscourse and that d iscourse constructs subjects and

enables thei r autonomy in d iverse ways. For Austra l ian churches, and church

l eaders who are responsib le for the ongoing management of csa with in the i r

i nstitutions , the Hol l i ngworth affai r stands as a reminder that thei r private

d iscourses can become very pub l ic d iscourses for wh ich they may wel l be

he ld accountable i n ways which h ave a pervasive effect on the i r identity.

25 1

Chapter 9 The Heart of the tin man: Identity, research and reflexivity

Writing is a process in which we discover what l ives i n us . The writ ing itself reveals what is a l ive. . . . The deepest satisfaction of writing is precisely that it opens up new spaces with in us of which we were not aware of before we started to write (Nouwen in Yancey 2001 :285).

This chapter i ncludes data of an unusual kind. In order to take seriously

femi n ism's i nterest i n research reflexivity, this chapter has been i ncluded as a

way of i nd icati ng the personal significance of this project for researcher

identity and practice of autonomy. The abi l ity of researchers' to negotiate

elements of self in the research, and so enhance thei r autonomy, is of

increasing i nterest to femin ist research perspectives (cf. Wesley 2004) . The

d iscovery of self through research is not the purpose of this project , but

became an unexpected element of the research that cou ld not be ignored .

This chapter uti l i ses two excerpts from a reflective research journal . They

d isplay a battle of identity that was a d i rect result of engaging in this research

project. The decision to i nclude these excerpts , as an unusual form of data ,

was made i n recognition that this search for identity and l iberation has been a

s ign ificant contributor to the shape, content and process of th is thesis . I n

unexpected ways, participants' words , l iterature , progression through

analyses and sti lted attempts at writing began to speak to me of who I am ,

what I bel ieved and what I was prepared to accept for myself and my various

forms of work. This work i ncluded not only my work as a research student, but

a lso my work as a sexua l assault cris is counsel lor. What i s presented here is

recognition that research is personal and , because th is i s so , honest, open

reflexive engagement is essentia l to integrity. With in the text of th is passage i s

my own batt le to address reflexivity, to act reflexively and to u nderstand the

personal nature of research .

Reflexivity

I n a research project which draws on femin ist post-structural perspectives , the

use of d iscourse in the construction of identity for oneself and others is of

primary concern . With in this , self is understood as being social ly constructed

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through d iscou rse , fl u id , multifaceted and subject to change as dominant

d iscourses a re cha l lenged by resistant d iscourses (Weedon 1 997:40;

Deveaux 1 999 :238) . The notion of a transitory self a lso embraces post­

modern understand ing of the ways i n wh ich identity is developed , mai nta ined

and chal lenged (cf. Walker 2000; Wesley 2004) . A transient notion of self has

not been easi ly i ncorporated i nto femin ist perspectives which emphasise the

need for shared identity in order to enact pol iti ca l resistance (Tanesi n i

1 999 :256-266) . Wesley (2004 :5) says of a decentred , fl u id sense of identity in

the research process :

Femin ist researchers who incorporate such perspectives accept that there is not one static con struction of self for them or the women in their study. This th inking makes room for the complicated nature of identity and recognizes the researcher and participant may be shaped by the study and each other, affected in terms of their l ived body experiences and identities .

As a resul t of this research, the frameworks with i n which I measured and

mainta i ned my sense of se lf have altered deeply. lt i s th is alteration that is

explored through the i nclusion of two excerpts from my reflexive research

journa l .

During the course of my doctorate I have period ica l ly kept a reflexive research

journal where I felt free to express, as they related to research , my thoughts

and emotiona l processes unh indered (Giarratano 2003:2 1 ) . This became a

means of engag ing i n reflexive activities . Far from bei ng 'just a journal ' i t

provided me with an account of my own research journey. In the i nterests of

true consistency with femin ist emphasis on reflexivity, I now choose to i ncl ude

two excerpts from that journal which are written in the junction of my personal

self, my researcher self and my professional counsel lor self. These spaces

demonstrated profoundly to me the femin i st posit ion that it is impossible to

ent irely remove oneself from the research process emotional ly, that one's

subjectivity should show, and that it i s not a s imple process of a researcher

writ i ng research , but that the research a lso writes the researcher (cf. Hurd

1 998; Mauthner 2000) . At times th i s i nvolves powerfu l moments of self

revelation . I have chosen to i nclude these passages in text so as to recognise

that th is i s not an adjunct to my research , but a powerfu l tool of my research .

Both excerpts have common themes of sens ing betrayal , experienci ng trauma

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and spi ritual ity and thei r use here is to demonstrate that the process of

research impacti ng on researcher identity can i nvolve a deeply felt i nvestment

of self.

Research is an i nvestment from which there spri ng hopes of a personal ,

professional and pol i tical nature (Ciough & Nutbrown 2002 :4- 1 4 ; Moore

2000:vi i -xi ) . This research project i s born out of a long term i nterest i n sexual

assau lt and a commitment to the churches of Austra l ia . I spent my chi ldhood ,

adolescence and early 20's i n Baptist churches, undertook some br ief

theological tra in ing after h igh school and , unti l relatively recently , attended a

Pentecostal church . I n explori ng the occurrence of, and response to , sexua l

abuse with i n churches, I found myself examin i ng something extremely

personal and sensitive . Whi lst my own journey to heal i ng from ch i ldhood

sexua l abuse has occurred through multiple min istries with in churches , I am

pai nfu l ly aware that for many, 'the Church which was once a safe place for

hea l ing i s now the enemy' (Wi l lerscheidt et al. 1 997: 1 ) . I have had to

personal ly struggle through confl icti ng attitudes towards women i n chu rch

sett ings I have been i nvolved i n . I have engaged with d iscourses of

forg iveness and leadership , of repentance and sin , and am very much aware

that, as a researcher, this project is i ndeed personal . Just as the 'personal is

pol iti cal ' , it may also be professional , and this is , i n part, the poi nt of femin ist

research frameworks (cf. Moane 2003 ; McGraw et al. 2000) . The a im is not to

d isengage from our i ndividual h istories duri ng research , but, rather, to be

aware of them and how they i nfluence our understand ings of research , are

i nfluenced by engaging i n research and to be prepared to grow i n these

u nderstandings (cf. Hurd 1 998; Mauthner 2000) .

For me th is g rowth was particularly painful and i nvolved a transition from

identifying as a Christian woman to identifyi ng with Daly's ( 1 985) account of

'post-Christian femin ist' . This jou rney was a traumatic one that incorporated

some of the emotional dangers of researchi ng and work ing i n the often

traumatic area of sexual violence (cf. Morrison 2007) . The fol lowing passages

are presented , for the most part, as they occurred in my journal . Some ed iti ng

has occurred , i ncl uding a reduction in the size of each entry. For the readers'

254

ease , a d ifferent font i s used to d isti ngu ish them from general text. Every

attempt has been mad e to preserve for the reader the flow of my narrative of

self, process of self a nalysis and , consistent with post structural research

concerns, presents the ful lest narrative possible (cf. Wendt & Boylan 2008 ;

B l un rich 2004 ; Gannon 2006) . I nclud ing these excerpts as large pieces l imits

the possib i l ity for detai led analysis in this work. I am aware that th is means

there is some l imitation on thei r effectiveness here and bel ieve that there is

scope to provide further analysis i n other publ ications . Non-the-less, as stated

a l ready, these excerpts offer a form of i nsight for the reader as wel l as

demonstrati ng transparency and a process of reflexivity . I nclud ing these

passages has felt very much l i ke putti ng the heart in the ti n man . Excerpt one

was written 1 9 months i nto th is research journey in the midst of strugg l i ng to

identify and i nterview research partici pants .

Excerpt one Tuesday ] 3 September 2005

I surfed a l i t t le as a teenager. I was never part icularly good at it . I remember t he

humi l iat ion of being caught wit h my swimmers t ucked firmly between my but tocks a fter

a l a rger t han usual swel l t hat I fai led to navigate with any skill or agil i ty . I remember an

u ncontrol lable board bobbing at w il l between my t highs as my exhausted arms t ried to

rega in st rengt h to paddle once more. I tel l you t his now because it i s a l i t t le like my

Doctorate has fel t . I began w i th idea list ic, perhaps girl i sh , dreams of being Dr Death . This

beaut i ful dream was tempered wi t h t he eager and s incere p ursuit of making a d ifference. I

o ft en say that my Doctoral researc h is a col lision of my two passions. my Christ i an fa ith

and sexual abuse . The coll ision has t urned into somewhat of a t rain wreck rat her t han

passionate merger. So far t he vict i m has been my fai t h a s I know it and I find myself

bobbing uncontrollably in merging currents of spirit ual it y , intel lectualism and my own

sense of sel f. Navigat ing t hese current s has become a matter of personal survival .

I a m a firm believer i n t he Feminist insistence that ' the personal is pol i t ica l " (Cullen

2000 :2 : Redfern 2001 : 1 ) . I further bel ieve. along with Feminist positions. t hat research is

i nherently personal and t he researcher cannot ever ext rac t t hemselves entirely from t heir

work� (Cunliffe 2003:983-986: cf. R ose 1997 ) . So. on some level I do not t hink of t he tears

5 If I truly believe this then how much of the reflexive journey is the reader entitled to know? How much of it i s valid to the research? Arguably, it is essential that those who view this research know as much as possible of my experience of interpreting and constructing the final product. Perhaps it is not

255

and temper t antrums as anyt hing ot her t ha n part o f t ht> proc•t>ss. What I fai lt>d t o rt•al ist>

was t he profound sense of isolat ion. of al most silt>nce fro m t he• C h u rc h . Plea se do not

misinterpret what I am saying. I have bt>en wt'lcomt>d and engagt>d i n somt> int t>nse

conversat ions with manv beaut i fu l and t alented so uls w host' voi c�t's so und c • lea rl v on t lu· . . issue of child sexual abuse by clergy . Perhaps t hen. I am t>x pt·c· t ing t oo much . W ht•rt> I ft•t>l

betrayed is in my personal leadership circles. by a l i ft>t imt> of w ha t I h a n rt•al i sc•d i s

inadequate teaching. I feel bet rayed because I feel i l l t•q u i pped t o dea l wi t h sll (•h an

onslaught to my fait h as t his has been . I fed ht•t rayNl hc•c·au st• s o m u d 1 o f m y dum· h

experience has n o t encompassed t he q u es t ions t ha t h a u n t me now . H ow c ·an I ft•t•l

betrayed by a l ifetime of honest . s incere peoplt> w ho h a n t ri c•cl so h a rd t o i nn•!i t pos i t in•l y

in my l ife? How can I expect t ha t anyont" t>l st> can answc·r t ht>!iC' c1 uc•s t icms t ha t han•

emerged to so temper my real i t y � I feel ht•t rayecl perha ps most of al l hy lll\ ' St• l f bt•c ·a u se

neither I, nor anybody else. t old me t ha t t hc•rc• w a s a s i l c•n c·c• in m y soul .

The silence is l ike a vacuum, a no t h i ngnt•ss t ha t i s somt> t h i n g . I han• st u m hlt>cl on t h is

nothing/something only recen t l y w hc·n I rc•a l isecl w i t h a final i t y t ha t m y pi c · t u rt" of a

masculine God was not eno ugh to s u s t a i n me• t h ro ug h t h i s jo u rru·y . l t eanw as a n

awareness t hat somet hing p ro found w a s miss ing from my Christ ia n rc•\' t• la t ion a n d t ha t

t hat somet hing w a s int i mate ly about m ysel f a s a woman rc·la t ing t o t i i C' fc·m i n i n i t y of t i l t'

one I know as God. I t was a shock. I rec·oi l t>d i n ho rro r a n d t hc>n I rec�o i l t>tl in horror

because I had recoiled in ho rror a t the ft>minini t y of t ilt' cmt' I know a s ( ; cui . I hc>ga n t o

question why i t i s t hat m y Christ ian sd f can legi t i m i11t> !it' l l t c>nc�c>s tmc�h a s ' rc�v el a t ion11 o f

God' and not 'revelat ions o f Goddess · . \\' h a t i 11 i t t ha t 11 0 a!itm rnc>s t he> rna11c� u l i n e norrna t i H�

of God and so fears exploring t ht> femin in i t y of G oddess� Can I hc>y he> I he> sanu� ·t Doe!i G od

have a wife? I s t he Holy Spirit Sht> ra t lwr t h a t l i t> � 1 t al l seems l ud icro u s t o t ry a rul

describe Divini ty in gendered t erms. Yet for cent uries t ht> C hrist ian Church has largely

been content to embrace t he normat ive mascu l ine c:onst ruc t ion of God ( Pol inska 2004:40:

cf. Johnson 1 993) .

I suddenly see myself facing a wave t hat wi l l inev it ahly wash me u p o n t he sho res o f a

land whose laws are not consist ent w i t h my cu rren t c h u rch e x perience . A m I des t i ned t o

h e a margin dweller? A feminist t heologian ? A myst ic? Somet h i ng i n m e screa ms an cJ

recoils, yet again. a t launching myse l f at t he vacuum t ha t w i l l push me so far from m y

current posit ion . A n d st il l I a m compel led. I t hirst . I hunger for t ha t revel a t ion of God a s

entirely my job to distinguish what is relevant and what is not . Perhaps that is in part the job of the reader. lf l am truly committed to honest reflexivity, then my own journey becomes a part of the data.

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Creator of woman, of God/Goddess as revealed through woman. How does my feminine

body e mbody a God I can only describe in masculine terms? The 'God is without gender"

argument no longer sat isfies. I recognise it now as a lie that has marginalised women's

spiri tuality in t he Church . Perhaps it i s not that God/Goddess is without gender but t hat

God/Goddess resembles t he perfect fluidi ty of gender. But w hat can t his mean? I return

agam t o t he problem of masculine l anguage. I return to Dowell 's ( 1987 :208) assertion

t hat , ' A s a feminist I believe that wisdom and tradit ion have been hijacked by

pat r iarehy' . I f Dowell ( 1 997 :208) is correct however, i t means t hat my own spiri tual i ty

has been h ij aeked hy pat riarchy. I belong to an inst i tut ion t hat is inherently part of the

problem. This point of cont ention for women has. of course, been explored by Mary Daly

(ef. 1 985, 1 990) and ot her brave women before me. Do I have t he courage to face t his as

t hey have, or do I choose to hum a l i t t le hymn and pretend that al l is ok? 'Yes Jesus loves

me, yes J esus loves me' .

Yes J esus does love me. but I a m a woman and must know t his as a woman knows it . I

must know t he revela t ion of God in a woman's body. w it h a woman "s spiri t . a woman's

in t el lec t , a woman's sexual i t y. a woman's sensualit y . This is Grovija lm's ( 1 998:29)

con t ent ion wi t h regat·ds t o vict i m/survivors of c hild sexual abuse and t he knowledge of

God a s interpre ted t hmugh t heir corporeal ity . I q uest ion w het her t hi s revelat ion wil l l ead

to a l oss of my God, in order to find my Goddess? Or is t here a different opport un it y ? I s

t here a d iffere n t way of underst anding gender and divinity? This is the vacuum for me. I t

i s t he si lence I encount er, t he not hing/somet hing t hat beckons me at t he risk of scorn from

my closest al l ies in t he Church . This has arisen as my research speaks to me of my own

needs. my own inadequacies. This is indeed personal . It is gendered.

The Church as yet has an inadequate response and underst anding of child sexual abuse

because on multiple levels t he Churc h remains in an inadequate underst anding of gender

(cf. Cole 2003) . This is not only gender roles, masculine and femin ine as oppositional. or

even fluid. but as to how gender reveals divini ty to us. We fear gaining recognition of God

from a female body because we remain in fea r of t he female body. well at least t he female

body t hat we cannot cont rol (cf. Walker 2004a; Cole 2003) . Yet for t he sake of so many

vict i m/survivors and for our own sake. we who represent t he Church, on any level. must

grapple with t his in meaningful ways.

This grappling is an intense experience for many w ho engage in i t . I t is intense because as

Christ ians we subject ourselves to our fai th . \Ve choose to have our understanding of our

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fai th define us as individuals. as su bj ect s . as agen t s . To q ues t ion t hi s fai t h i n non ­

t raditional ways i s to ques t ion not onh· o u r defi n i t ion o f ou rseh·es a n d t he defi n i t ions o f

outside sources including church t ra d i t ion . scri p t u re a n d i n d i v i d u a l s o f i n fl uem·e. h u t t o

question our ability to define ou rseh·es a t a l l . This i s s o lwcause ' fa i t h · w ht•n i t r s

t radit ionally viewed as being in ' p u re" form. req u i n•s t he su hj t•t· t t o a l l ow a n a l l

encompassing pervasion of t he sel f. This s u rrender i n effet· t says · 1 do n o t know w ho 1 a m

and I look t o God to tell me w ho I a m· . l l erH't'. wt• a rrin· a t a �ra pp l i n � w i t h o u r

understanding/revelat ion of God. The C h rist i a n Chure h howen· r. h a s o ft eu no t bt•eu

overt ly fort hcoming in support i ng t hi s sea re h w hen it n•n t u rt•s i n t o �ro u nds t ha t �o

beyond a patriarchal/t radit ional st a nce.

We are now able to underst and w hy Daly ( 1 985: 1 990 ) and o t l lt'rs. rdt•r to t h t• mse l ws as post -Christ ian. The very term post -Chris t i a n i mp l i t's a mon•. a dum�t· o f posi t io n . \\ ' h a t

once defines us. Christ i a n . no longer dot's. The tp lt'st io u ht•eo mt•s: ca n ont• dt' fi rw o n t•st•l f a s

Christ ian if t here i s mon• ment bey ond t ht• t ra d i t ional pa ra me l t•n; ? C a n w t· iden t i fy

ourselves a s Christ ians i f w e e hoost• t o em hraee a n a l le� ia uct• t o a ( ; oddt·ss rt' \ t• la t io u ? M ust we ei t her re-defi ne w ha t i t means t o he a C h ri st i a n . or rt•j el'l t lw i d t•n t i t v fo rm a t io n

t hat t raditional defini t io n s of C h ris t i a n i t y o fft' rs "! T ht• rt•t lt• fi n i t ion o f C h ri st ia n i t y u t•t•d n o t mean a total abandonment of al l t ra d i t ions . doet ri nes or ot llt' r rt•n•l a t ions. b u t m a y l l l t'a n

a t rue embracing o f a ' progress ive revt'l a t ion · . t ha t has a l w a y s ht't'll a p a rt o f .l ud at•o-

Christ ian beliefs (cf. Dowell l 987) . I t i s ht'rt•. a lso. t h a t W t•i l " s ( 1 950 : :�2 ) u n d t•r�;t a n d i n � of

herself and fait h is relevan t :

Of course I knew q u i t e wel l t ha t m y I'IIIH�t·p t io n o f l i ft' w a s Christ i a n . T h a t i s w hy it never occurred to me t ha t l co u l d eu t er t he Christ i a u Com m u u i t y . I had t he idea t hat I was horn i mide . B u t t o add do� ma t o t h i s cmwept io u of

l ife. wi t hout being forced to do so by ind i�;pu t a bl t' t' V i tJence. would hav e seemed to me a lack o f honest y .

Weil ( 1 950:32) clearl y embrat'es a Chris t i an et ho�; in her defi n i t ion of �;d f and yt• t rt·jet� l s

t he Christ ian Communi ty t hat is seek i ng t o tit• fi n e t he Christ i a n et hos she e m braces . A s

such. W eil ( 1 950:32) engages in agency. de fi n ing lwnw l f. h e r concept i o n o f l i fe . no t o nl y hy

what sustains her ident i ty bu t by wha t she rt>jeeh ;, t h u�; assu m i ng a posi t ion o f powc· r. A s

Butler ( 1 997b:2) asserts :

. . . I f. following Foucaul t . we underst and power as forminfl t he subject as

wel l . as providing t he very cond i t ion o f i t s ex i st ence a n d t he t ra j e c� t ory of

i ts desire. t hen power is not s i mply w hat we oppose bu t al so . w ha t we

depend on for our ex ist ence a n d w ha t we harbour and presen·e i n t he

beings that we are. The historical and cont inually sh i ft ing posit ion of women 'w i t h i n t he inst i t u t iona l f.hu rch

aptly demonstrates the val ue o f progress i ,·e revel at ion i n prax i s . f.hanges t owards w omen

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i n the Church and t heology have not only been related to 'role' , but to the construction of

t he identit y of 'woman' (cf. l ragaray 1 986:6) . We are not only seeking t o change roles but

ident ity, one's subject ificat ion as w ell as one's agency and one's praxis. This posit ion holds

power, even for v ic t im/stuvi vors.

This fi rst excerpt d isp lays the way my identity as a Chri stian woman began to

u nfol d i n response to the nature and content of my research . This process

recogn ises the femin i st position that women often engage with research i n

ways that are d ifferent from traditional , o r positiv ist , research methodolog ies

(Oakley 2005: 222-227 ; Campbe l l & Wasco 2000 :779-780) . A s ign ificant part

of th i s is that we bri ng to research our identities as women . Our gendered

corporeal experiences a re important and must be recognised as contri buting

to the research processes in everythi ng from choosing a study, bu i ld ing

rapport with partici pants , i nterpreti ng data and writi ng up (Oakley 2005:222-

227; cf. F ine 1 998) . l t has been recognised that i t is largely women , work ing

with i n femin ist parad igms , who have fought to draw attention to issues of

gendered vio lence (cf. Atmore 1 999; Mardorossian 2002 ; Reavey 2003) .

Research partici pants i n thi s project identified women as key motivators i n the

generation of pol i cies to address csa withi n churches .

The above excerpt articulates a battle with i dentity that conti nued throughout

the course of my thes is . The pivotal question became how I , as a Christian

woman researching csa by chu rch leaders , u nderstood and exerted my

autonomy i n the research process and i n my personal l i fe . The decis ions I

made about content, l i ne of arg u ment and representi ng research partici pants ,

necessitated self reflection when confronted with conflicting d iscourses and

emotions. Fri edman (2003:5) says of self-reflect ion:

Self-reflection is the process in which , rough ly, a whole self takes a stance toward particu lar wants and va lues she finds herself to have. Self reaffirmation brings the (whole) self in to accord with some of those wants or values. A person 's self-reflections g ive a crucia l imprimatur to the wants and concerns on which they focus approvi ngly. Those wants and concerns become more tru ly a (whole) person's "own" .

The concl usion of my self reflection was the recognit ion that my faith was

l imit i ng , even cripp l ing , my research , but only because it was becoming

personal ly destructive to my sense of autonomy (Friedman 2003:4-5) . This

259

recogn ition i nvaded a l l aspects of my l ife as woman , as Christian , as

consultant, as sexual assault cris is counsel lor, and as a corporeal and sexua l

i ndividual . I found that the wants and concerns I had always held as centra l to

my identity were changing i n response to engag ing with this research . I d id

not feel l i ke I could be an autonomous i nd ividual and mai nta in my position as

a Christian woman . As Friedman (2003 :7) recognises, 'Autonomy is a matter

of degree . No fi n ite bei ng is thoroughly self determined . Even self-reflection

i tself can range along a conti nuum' . Both Butler (cf. 2005; 1 997a ; 1 997b) and

Foucaul t (cf. 1 980; 1 994) recognise self exami nation as dangerous to the self

as i t may result in the rejection of d iscourses that have defined the self. In this

way, such reflection can be a form of suicide because the language which

propels the self i n a place of recognition is rejected . Such a process i nvolves

some form of trauma to identity and the recognisabi l i ty of the subject (cf.

Butler 1 997b) . This sense of trauma that I experienced , th is partial su icide of

self, is perhaps a primary reason why I struggled to write .

I n attempting to put words to paper I felt as if I was attempting to define my

voice. The difficulty with this is that I no longer had defi nite ways of

recognis ing my own voice and so was, to a large degree, committed to the

journey of findi ng my voice through the trauma of losing my voice . In al l of this

I a lso felt heavi ly the responsibi l ity of representi ng the voi ce of partici pants , of

representations of Hol l ingworth and of church pol icies. The struggle with faith

meant that there were no clearly defined discourses from theology, the Bib le

or chu rch leaders which I felt I could a l ign myself with i n the ways which I had

for a l ife time . Fi ndi ng a certai n level of comfort and understanding of my own

voice has been a s ignificant development of this project and has impacted

strongly on the final outcome. Understanding th is is an important progression

in my understanding of femin ist research methodolog ies (cf. McCorkel & Myers 2003; Seibold 2000; Cun l iffe 2003) . As Sophia (traditional ) articulated ,

the abi l ity to l ive with unresolved issues is a part of what it means to be

huma n . The second excerpt continues to reveal this struggle for a sense of

self as it gained in i ntensity . This excerpt was written in response to the

enquiry of another femin ist researcher's questions as to reflexivity and the

260

persona l nature of researchi ng sexual violence and was written just over 2

years i nto my research .

Excerpt two M o n d a y 1 3th M a rch 2006

M y t h i n k ing o f l a t e about my research and w h a t I expect of m yself has b een

clarified . I expect mysel f to be "mat ure' enough to separa t e m y research from m y

o w n s p i ri t ual j o u rney and fa it h experience. I expect t o be a b l e t o w a l k i n t o church

a nd do as I h a v e a l ways done: be mildly aggravat ed by ent renched p a t riarchy , but

pat i en t l y t ry a n d work it out . I expect t hat i n t h is environment I won't let i t get

t o me as I let it get t o me in i n t ellect ual ly pursui ng a specific academic p roj ect . I n

t h is s pace I expect t o s e e w i t h d ifferent eyes.

The sa m e is t rue o f my w o rk as a sexual assault cou n sellor. I expect det achment ;

det achment is good. I can separat e myself o u t from my work. I expect t o be able

to hear t h e h orror s t o ries of c l ients ' experiences wit h d eeply viola t i n g sexual

I ra u m a a JHf he ca l m , ra t ional and suppo rt i ve. I can h a ndle t h e words penis,

vagma, blood, hruise, punch, knife, drugs, anus, shame, weapon, guilt , secret ,

a fraid , forens ic exa m . . . . I can hear of t he horror, t he a n guish, t he horrendous

t h i ngs t h a t peop l e do to each ot her. I a m t ra ined a ren't I? I am counsellor? I am

resea r·d iCr'? I am wo m a n ? lt d oes not a ffect me like i t a ffect s ot her people, I have a

d i fferen t capaci t y .

I t i s t h is d i fferent capaci t y , t his d i fferen t view of t he world t hat ma kes m e t hink I

should he able t o respond d i fferen t l y from al most al l other people I know. I a m

one o f t h o s e w h o a re edu ca t ed i n t he vast real i t y o f chi ld a buse, of sexual violence.

I do not put m y head i n t he sa n d , I act ively seek unders t a nding! ! Here lies t he

heart of my a t t i t ude: I 1 'iew trauma, I no longer experience it (The shame of such a

sel f- revela t io n ) .

I fou n d m yself. o n e nigh t , s i t t i ng on a m o u n t a i n side. looking at a t ruly i ncredible

moon t h rough beaut ifu l cloud, sobbing. I sobbed because m y fai t h as I have

known i t my whole l i fe is dead. I sobbed b ecause t he Church t hat I have loved my

26 1

whole l ife has bet rayed m e a nd I feel such a fool . I don "t t hink it is t he bet ray a l

t hat m o s t people, w h o wish n o t t o t h ink but b e bl indly led . feel . Wit h o p e n eyes I chose t o engage, I chose t o t hink. I chose to serw. I d10se t o give m ysel f a n d s t i l l I find i rreconcilable d i fferences t hat t ru l y rendt>r t ra u m a t o m y senst> o f sp i ri t ua l i t y .

I sobbed because I face t h e c hoice of giving u p t hat which I have a l ways d u ng t o

for hope and what will I d o now "?

I wonder when it is t hat I expect ed t h a t I wou l d no l o nger he a ffect ed hy t h e

real i ty of t h e horror humans inflict o n each ot her? I k n o w t h a t w e leam t o cope.

t hat we learn t o integra t e i n t o ou rsel ves new capaci t ies t o address t ra u m a wit hout

being undone. I know the psyc hology . I know t he t hen ries . What I want to know is when I became a person w h o w a n t ed to st o p bei n g i m pact ed ? The real i t y is t h a t

I should weep, I should weep for m y d ien t s . I should weep ov«�r t h e survi v ors"

stories I read all t h e t ime. I should lw m oved . Yes t here a re d i fft·rent propo rt io n s

at differen t occasions t hat a re app ropri at e. A sobbi ng cou n sel lor i s ext rern d y

inappropriat e when w i t h a cl ien t . as i s a researcher w i t h a part ici pa n t . Th e

quest ion I have is when did I stop expect ing that trauma would do as trauma (loesr

I ask m yself t h is becau se I have awa kened t o t he real i t y t ha t m y research has been

a t rauma to m y sp i ri t u a l i t y. my worl d view. my i n t el l e<� t . m ysel f a s a wom a n . I always knew i t was d i fficu l t hu t I a l so t h ought I was i n con t rol . I t h as been a

t rauma not because of t he h orrendous nat u re o f child sexual a b u se in t he C h u rch.

not becau se of t he behaviours of perpet ra t ors alone, or even t h e effect t h a t t h ese

behaviours have on v ict im/su rv i vors. I have been t ra u m a t ised by t h e d eep desi re

of most churches not to bt> i m pact ed . not t o acknowled ge what t ra u m a is and what

it does . I ha t 'e been broken �Y the silences that still exist and that we st ill willing(y embrace. But I knew t his was t h ere al l along, I say t o myself! I j u st did not expect

t hat it would be so p ro foundly persona l !

As researcher I ask m y sel f t hen. what role does t h is have in m y researc h ? As a

Femi nist researcher I believe t ha t ·research is personal ' , t h at t h e ' personal is

polit ical ' as t he old cat ch cry says. I believe in reflexivit y, emot ion and t heir role

i n research. I bel ieve t hat t he l i ved experience of resea rch can be profou nd in and

262

o f itsel f. What , however, a m I p repared to reveal o f myself and m y engagement

wit h t hese t hings?

I suddenl y feel a s if t he researcher h a s becom e t he researched; I t urn on m yself and

exa m i n e t he int ricat e details of m y t ra u m a t ised soul. I t ry t o piece t oget her h o w it

is t h at my research so invaded m y life. I t ry to recognise when it is t hat researcher

becam e friend t o survivors, act ivist , consul t ant ? I t ry to understand when it is

t hat I became t his wom a n t hat I now am and I wonder what all t his means in

t erms o f " research ' ? Trul y I cannot separat e t he researcher from t he woman . t hey

a rc moulded int o one. l f I m ust separat e t hem t hen I will fail . I have one set o f

eyes t o sec w i t h , I can st ep i n t o d i fferent posit ions t o view d i fferen t perspect i ves

h u t I can o n l y ever see w i t h t hese eyes of m y own . H ave I failed because I am a

woman o f f1 u i(l i t y not neat com part men t s ?

So I ean spiel t o y o u a bout t heories o f forgiveness and m y participant s'

perspect ives . I can t el l you t ha t , yes, I t h ink forgiveness, o n some leveL i s

i m pera t ive t o h e a l i n g from sexual t rauma. I can rave for pages a bout h o w t his

does n o t necessaril y m ean reconcil iat ion. I can discuss pat riarchal st ruct u res in

d m rche8 and how forgiveness has become a weapon for silencing vict im/survivors.

I can t el l st ory a ft er s t ory aft er st ory from m y part icipan t s and t heir at t em p t s to

crea t e a safe place fo r vic t im/survivors. I can analyse t heir words and repo rt on

t heir a t t i t udes a nd u n d erst andings. I can t al k about a moral reckoning a nd t he

need for it i n t he C h u rch . All of t h is is of benefit . All of t his is necessary, but as

Kat e has point ed o u t t o me on more t han one occasion lately, it all seems l ike in

t ry i n g t o do t ha t a lone, I am t rying t o wri t e someone e lse 's t hesis . So I con front

t he quest i o n o f w h a t t h e " o t h er' t h a t I have been so avoiding will look like. What

wi l l i t do t o my academ ic credi b il it y ? What will i t do t o me as a wom a n "? What

w i l l i t cost m e and what will I gain "?

I feel less a n d l ess despair now. I a m not a small woman, I am not a weak woman.

I guess I j ust have not been able to recognise t he t rue essence of whatever power

t his is t h at defi nes me. I have not been able t o st and o n t hat mount ain before and

feel as if I can ret ain m y self in t he face of im measurable conflict . I have not

263

underst ood, on t his l eveL t hat weepi n g doesn"t mean t hat I lose who I a m . but

t hat I l ive who I am.

I guess t he point of t his i s t o o u t l ine what my research h a s real ly become. � y

research part icipan t s always ask me w h y I chose t o look a t const ruct ions o f

forgiveness and child sexual abuse b y clergy. I have always answered somet h i ng t o

t he effect o f "it i s t he nat u ral col l is i o n o f m y t wo great est passions i n l i fe: t he

C hurch and child sexual abuse· . The t rut h is I have grown u p w i t h bot h a JHI bot h

have p rofoundly sha ped t he wom a n I a m . M y research is a n a t u ral ext ension o f

who I a m . I j ust d i d n o t expect t ha t I would b r i n g s o m ueh o f m y sel f t o i t .

cert ainly not t hat i t would become t he prim a ry s h a ping foree i n m y l i fe righ t n o w .

I did not expect the research process to so blatantly describe to me who I am. l\"or did I expect t ha t t he act s of d escri b i n g wou l d become a part o f t h e

research it self.

This excerpt begins with my recognition of my 'self as struggl ing to separate

my emotion from my experience through constructing my identity as

professiona l , academic, educated , aware and , u ltimately , as viewing a nd

managing trauma but not experienci ng it . I n th is , I was attempti ng to do the

very th ing that femin ist research methodology says I cou ld not: separate my

self, my emotion , my l ived experience from my research (cf. Hard ing & Norberg 2005; Broussine & Fox 2003; Oakley 1 998) . This excerpt i l l ustrates

more clearly , and personal ly, the i nteractive processes of engaging i n

research . I do not just 'do' research , I bri ng to i t who I am and i t forever

becomes a part of my story, my narrative of self. Research speaks to me

about myself and my capacities i nclud ing my capacity to respond to trauma .

The above extracts demonstrate turn ing points i n a process of self criticism

and engagement with research as it exists with in broader l ife . The d iscovery

of the self i n , and through , research is a complex and at times powerfu l and

deeply personal experience that is essentia l to femin ist research methodology

(cf. Wesley 2004 ; Kempskie 2004) . Understand i ng the researcher's own voice

is i mperative to heari ng , u nderstanding and representing the voices of others,

264

who often i nvest deeply i n the research . Hence reflexivity and voice are

i nseparable and deeply relational (McCorkel & Myers 2003 : 1 99- 1 2 1 ; cf.

Mauthner 2000; Thapar-Bjorket & Henry 2004 ) . As these extracts i l l ustrate ,

there existed with in me competi ng voices , competi ng d iscourses which I

uti l i sed to defi ne and g ive an account of my self (cf. Butler 2005) . The resu l t of

engag ing i n th i s research project was a rejection of d iscourses of self wh ich

constructed the primary defi ni tion of self as Chri sti an . Thi s profoundly

changes my view of self and a l l e lse in my l ived experience . This was a

strugg le to retai n my sense of self even though my fa ith as I knew it had

a l ready changed to a point where I cou ld no longer reconci le i t with my

chang ing sense of self.

Trauma , experienci ng it vicariously , became the loudspeaker shouting to me

that the task I was attempti ng was i mposs ib le . Eventua l ly, recognis i ng that I

cou l d not separate myself emotional ly or personal ly from my research , I felt

freed to wri te , to represent the words of partic ipants without feel i ng the need

to i mpose a position that was cons istent with my perceptions of what i t meant

to be a Christian woman with an a l leg iance to a Christian God . Becoming

aware of my i nternal confl ict was essential to my researcher reflexivity . The

second excerpt, in particu lar, represents a tu rn i ng point whereby I came to

feel as if I cou ld ' . . . reta i n my self i n the face of immeasurable confl ict ' . This

second excerpt repeats one of the central questions asked of me by others

and i nevitably by myself: why d id I choose this study, th is project? The answer

i s identity .

I chose this study beca use of my embodied experiences as a woman with in

the Chri sti an Church , as a survivor of chi l d sexua l abuse, i n order to become

a research student and because I care a bout the autonomy and wel l being of

a l l survivors of sexua l violence. Thi s fi na l description of self is the i ntegrating

theme of my identity as a Christian woman , a post-Christian woman and as a

researcher. A concern for survivors is what currently i ntegrates the elements

of my self, but is not i n itself sufficient to mai nta i n an i dentity . lt is sufficient to

motivate my dedication of th i s part of my l i fe journey to th is research project.

Th is is of course not an enti re ly a ltru istic motivation , as, in undertaking a

265

doctoral thesis , I hope to pass and be able to identify my self as Or Death . I n

identifying this I admit that I a m neither impartia l nor objective as femin ist

research methodologies confirm (cf. Wesley 2004) . The i nclusion of excerpts

from my research journal is a way of extend ing the revelation that this has

been a journey of personal knowledge just as i t has been a pursuit of the

generation of academic knowledge. This is not a conclusion of self but

represents a s ign ificant extension of my reflexive engagement in research .

The above excerpts i nd icate a sti l l raw g rowth of identity and persona l

autonomy.

Conclusion

I ncl ud ing excerpts from my research journal i n th is work wi l l be considered by

some to be self i ndu lgent. An honest statement of my chang ing self through

th is research is not i ncluded to be self indu lgent, but as necessary to rema in

true to the demands of femin ist reflexivity. I have de l iberate ly l imited the

i ncl usion of only two excerpts , in part, because they represent two specific

poi nts of revelation with in a whole shifti ng picture of my self and its

presentation through the end product of th is research . This is i mportant to the

i ntegrity of this project as I bel ieve it i s not only important to honestly

represent the words of research participants but also to contextual i se my own

presentation of voice . These two excerpts were chosen specifical ly because

they clearly h igh l ight two points where I real i sed as a researcher that the

research I was engaging in was tel l i ng me i ncreasingly more about my own

sense of identity and my own subjective position. In a sense, by explori ng the

perspectives of the Church , research partici pants and media constructions of

Hol l i ngworth I was compel led to examine the d iscourses that had been the

primary formation of my own identity. In Butler (cf. 1 990 ; 1 993; 1 997a; 1 997b;

2005) and Foucault (cf. 1 977; 1 976; 1 988) I found ways to make sense of the

ways i n which power worked i nteractively through d iscou rses to a l low my self

to become accessib le . This chapter also displays the warni ng of Butler ( 1 990 ;

1 993; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 2005) and Foucault (cf. 1 977; 1 976 ; 1 994) that scrutiny

of d iscourses that construct the subject may result in a form of su icide , or

loss, of the self. This occurs when the d iscourses that have been used to

define self are rejected . For my own journey this meant a rejection of the

266

d iscourses whi ch i nformed my Christian identity and a question ing of my

researcher, professional , counsel lor , self.

267

Conclusion

Csa by church leaders has come to form a s ign ificant part of d iscourses about

the Christian Church , particularly in the Western world . The purpose of thi s

work has been to explore some of these d iscourses with particular reference

to power and forgiveness . Just as it has involved examin i ng the identity

formation of others, th is research has also i nvolved a significant shift i n

identity formation for myself as the primary researcher. This unexpected

development has been d isplayed as an i mportant element of taking femin i st

understandings of researcher reflexivity as central to conducti ng research and

writi ng up knowledge developed through research . The purpose of th is fi na l

chapter is to draw together the major themes of th is work, i dentify some

possible future d irections for churches in responding to csa by church leaders ,

and a lso to identify potentia l areas of future research .

Summary of major themes

History has shown that the Church certainly has the capacity to have a

s ignificant social i mpact even i n the most un l i kely ci rcumstances (cf. Danie ls

2007 ; Yahaya 2004) . The crises of csa by church leaders have shown ,

however, that power exercised with in churches may a lso be extremely

damaging i n the l ives of i ndividuals when it i s not managed wel l and when

corruption , deceit and secrecy are a l lowed to flourish (cf. Doyle 2003; Franz

2002) . These crises have also been shown to have an impact on the

construction of churches and of church l eaders in socia l , theolog ica l and

church d iscourse . The d iscourses, or stories , told about the i nstitutional

church and its leaders have been seen to have an i mportant role in the

grooming of victims by predators and the management of perpetrators a nd

victim/survivors . This has, i n part, occurred because of identities which have

been formed out of d iscourses of naive trust, u nconditional forg iveness and a

denia l of the real i ties of power held by church l eaders .

268

M uch of the power held by chu rch leaders has been seen to function through

d iscourses which are used to construct the i r identity as 'ca l led ' . The function

of ca l l i ng is to set chu rch leaders a part from others in ways which may often

restrict their capacity to h ave healthy i ntimate relationsh ips , shield them when

they perpetrate csa and be used to man i pu late victim/survivors i nto s i lence

(cf. Pope 2004 ; Plante & Boccoccin i 1 997) . The understand ing of chu rch

leaders as cal led by God to their vocation has been recognised as having a

profound i mpact on the experience of victim/su rvivors of csa by chu rch

leaders (cf. Brown & Brown 2002; Lee 2004). The majority of partici pants of

th i s study were able to recogn ise the ways in which this type of power

functioned i n their own mi n istries and a lso identify ways i n which they, and

churches, cou ld respond to manage risk. This i nternal ised u nderstand ing of

the function of power with i n personal m in istries impacted on the personal

praxis of research participants , i nclud ing thei r wi l l i ngness to trust other church

leaders . In this way, power has been recogn ised as function ing through

d iscourse to take effect in the techn iques of self exercised by participants in

thei r performance of thei r identity as church leaders (cf. Foucault 1 988; Butler

2005) .

The role and function of church leaders i s set with i n broader d iscourses which

i nform the role and function of the Church . Trust i nvested in the Church ,

because of a h istory of provid ing for socia l welfare and education needs, can

be seen as enabl i ng csa by chu rch leaders i n i nstances where it i s not

managed wel l . Th is trust , together with an ongoing concern for social wel fare

and a self characterisation of beari ng respons ibi l ity to mai ntai n socia l and

mora l standards , has been seen as i nformi ng the perceived identity of the

Church throughout this study. Church pol icies are recognisi ng that there is a

need to act p rotectively towards vulnerable ind ividuals , as wel l as generate

knowledge of csa withi n churches and establ ish professional boundaries for

chu rch leaders . lt i s hoped that ongoing pol icy development wi l l continue to

i nform the ethos of chu rches i n beneficia l ways (cf. Brown 1 999; The Angl i can

Church of Austral ia Trust Corporation 2005:4 ; Baptist Union of NSW 2004 :2 ;

Un iti ng Church Press 1 999: 1 4) . Forgiveness i s a s ignificant element of th is

ethos for chu rches i n respondi ng to csa by church leaders .

269

Forgiveness has been identified as potentia l ly abusive in its capacity to

man ipu late and marg i nal i se victim/survivors, a perspective that has been

supported in particu lar by reference to the works of theologian Bonhoeffer

( 1 955, 1 959, 1 985) . The theoretical works of Butler ( 1 988; 1 990; 1 993;

1 997a ; 1 997b ; 2001 ) and Foucault ( 1 977 ; 1 978; 1 980) have a lso been used

to offer i nsight i nto the ways in wh ich power functions withi n and through

d iscourses of forgiveness . Foucault's ( 1 977 ; 1 978 ; 1 980) analysis of

power/knowledge has been shown to be of particu lar i mportance i n

understandi ng the ways i n which d iscourse shapes knowledge, especia l ly

with regard to the subject , bodies and sexua l ity. Butler (cf. 1 997a ; 1 997b)

goes further to explore the ways in which d iscourse shapes bod ies, gender

and sexual ity . Forg iveness discourses may be seen as abusive when they

are used to si lence and man ipu late victim/survivors , whi l st protecti ng

perpetrators. The gendered nature of knowledge construction with in churches

has been seen as i mportant for u nderstandi ng the ways in which power and

forgiveness have function i n praxis regarding csa by church leaders. For

example , d iscourses of a male God who requ i res forg iveness of perpetrators

from victim/survivors may be used to further abuse, control and marg i nal ise

the voices and spi ritual ity of victim/survivors (cf. Grovijahn 1 998) . This i s not

the only way in which d iscourses of forgiveness may have i mpact on the l ives

of v ictim/su rvivors, perpetrators of csa and church communit ies. Forgiveness

has a l so been seen as able to offer l iberation and hope to victim/survivors as

wel l as perpetrators and the Church . Much knowledge about forg iveness and

its role and function has been seen to be transmitted through narrative .

Narrative has been understood i n thi s work as having an i mportant role i n

understandi ng forgiveness and its praxis . D iscourses of forgiveness have

been seen as being made apparent through the use of metaphor, B ib l ica l ,

personal and more general stories told by research participants as a way of

constructing forg iveness as both a positive and potentia l ly abusive construct.

This has i l l ustrated the ways i n which forg iveness is composed as a concept

that could generate agency for actors . This has further i l l ustrated the

i mportance of forgiveness in the construction of identity for victim/survivors ,

270

perpetrators and churches. I n understand ing the potentia l of forg iveness i n

identity formation , i t h a s been recogn ised that i t i s i mportant that forgiveness

not be forced u pon victim/survivors as an obl igation of thei r Christ ian identity.

Rather forgiveness may be seen as heal i ng when it is i n itiated through

v ictim/su rvivor agency. W ith i n th i s understand ing , forgiveness should not be

sought from victim/su rv ivors by perpetrators of csa by church leaders, but on ly

i n itiated by victim/surv ivors . Perpetrators' engagement with forg iveness from

God i s recogn ised as a potentia l ly i mportant part of thei r heal i ng journey

with i n the Church . Where forgiveness becomes poss ib le between

v icti m/su rvivors and perpetrators , i t i s a lso recognised as i mportant that

apology and repentance occur i n contro l led environments so that further

a buses of power a re prevented . This i s consistent with much of the restorative

justice l i terature which recognises that a lthough apology, repentance and

forg iveness may be beneficia l for both victim/survivors and perpetrators , this

i s not stra ight forward (cf. H udson 2002 ; Daly & Stubbs 2006 ; Cameron

2006) . S ign ificant to th is is the recognition that apology often has a role i n

gendered vio lence i n a way that u ltimately a l lows the violence to continue

(Stubbs 2004 : 1 6 ; 2006 : 6-9) . Restorative just ice l iterature has much to offer

churches that are seeking to develop mean ingfu l ways of manag ing

forg iveness between v ictim/su rvivors and perpetrators .

Where power/knowledge has been understood to function throughout the

perpetration a nd management of csa by chu rch leaders , i t has been

recogn ised as i mportant to faci l i tate appropriate forums whereby

v ictim/survivors can a rticulate thei r stories of abuse, the responses they have

received from the Church , thei r u nderstand ing of what it means to embody a

theology from an abused body and their perspectives on concepts such as

forg iveness . G iven the particu larly sensitive nature of power in relation to

sexua l violence, chu rches may benefit from ensuri ng that these forums are

safe p laces , wh ich i nclude wel l trained personnel and programmes that a re

extensively accountable . Further, i t has been recognised that a lack of

theologica l d iscourse that i s supportive of the personal power, autonomy and

respect for chi ldren , v ictim/su rvivors and just sexua l ity , h inders the abi l i ty of

many chu rches to respond mean ingfu l ly to the perpetration of csa by church

27 1

leaders . Where power has been understood as function ing through d iscourse ,

the development of d iscourses which resist the marg ina l isation of

victim/su rvivors , chi ldren and unjust sexual i ty may resu lt i n fu rther

development of knowledge that empowers and protects churches i n

respond ing to csa by chu rch leaders . Victim/survivors of csa by church

leaders , in particular, may offer much to the construction of mean ingful

d iscourses of what it means to embody forgiveness .

Forgiveness that enables secrecy, as opposed to confidentia l i ty , may be seen

as an ongoing threat to the i ntegrity of churches because it i s maladaptive .

Forgiveness need not always function th is way, however (cf. Franz 2005) . l t

has been recognised in thi s work that the articu lation of memories of csa by

church leaders withi n a d iscourse of forgiveness, or even wi l l i ngness to

forgive , may enable victim/survivors to reconfigure thei r experience of

remembering and move their identity beyond victim , beyond survivor, to

healed i ndividual . In this understand ing , forgiveness may g ive

victim/survivors an agency that was compromised by the perpetration of csa

against thei r bodies, minds and spi ritual i ty. lt has been recognised that such

work by victim/survivors entai ls engagement in identity formation , of which

forgiveness d iscourses may play a role . For the purposes of this work,

forgiveness as an element in identity formation has involved an appl ication of

post-structura l , power/knowledge theories in the construction of bodies, sex,

sexua l ity and gender (cf. Butler 1 988; 1 990 ; 1 993; 1 997a ; 1 997b; 200 1 ;

Foucault 1 977; 1 978; 1 980) .

Using the work of Foucault ( 1 977 ; 1 978; 1 980) and Butler ( 1 988; 1 990 ; 1 993;

1 997a; 1 997b; 2001 ) Chapters 7 and 8 demonstrate the ways i n wh ich

perpetrators, victim/survivors and managing church leaders are constructed

through the use of discourse . Here bodies, sexual ity and identity were seen to

be associated with forgiveness d iscourses, whereby Hol l ingworth engaged

both d i rectly and i nd i rectly with constructions of h is physica l , spiritual and

emotional self i n media d iscourse. Hol l ingworth has also been seen as

uti l is ing language to construct others. This is evident in his denial of Beth

Heinrich 's victim status (Hol l ingworth ABC 2002a :7 Australian Story 1 8

272

February) . Simi la rly , responses of churches i nternational ly have often sought

to deny victim/survivor credi bi l ity by constructing them i n alternate ways .

Forg iveness d iscourse has played a role i n this (cf. Franz 2002) . l t is

i ncreasi ngly recognised that forgiveness discourses have at times been

uti l i sed as a means of s i lenci ng and marg i na l is ing victims of csa by chu rch

l eaders (Doyle 2004 :5 ; Colbert 2003:4; Pope 2000 :8 1 2 ; Sloyan 2003 : 1 54 ;

Doerr 2003:42) .

I n d rawi ng on femin ist post-structural research methods, researcher reflexivity

has been seen as an i mportant e lement of this project (cf. McCorkel & Myers

2003 ; Seibold 2000; Cun l iffe 2003) . Chapter 9 presented a g l impse of the

primary researcher's u nexpected personal journey undertaken through this

project. Fi ndi ng a certai n level of comfort and understand ing of my own voice

has been a sig nifi ca nt development of th is project and has impacted strongly

on the fina l outcome. U nderstand ing th is has been an important progression

in my own understand ing of femin ist research methodologies (cf. McCorkel & Myers 2003 ; Seibold 2000; Cunl iffe 2003) . As Sophia (traditional) articulated ,

the ab i l i ty to l ive with u n resolved issues is a part of what it means to be

huma n . My own sense of voice and my own spiritual i ty are neither fina l ised

nor resolved , but wi l l continue to i mpact on the course of my l ife and my work.

Whi lst I no longer have a personal affi l iation with the Christian Church I

continue to hold both concern and hope that th is social institution may

powerfu l ly impact for social justice and good . This has largely formed the

motivation to conti nue with what has been a personal ly difficult project.

F uture directions

The complexity of forg iveness as a discursive construct and the need to

ensure the safety and wel l being of victims is the framework with in which the

fol lowing recommendations for future d i rections i n responding to csa by

chu rch leaders emerge . These recommendations are , fi rstly , i ncreased and

continued d iscussion across mul ti ple discip l i nes on the nature and role of

forgiveness as a response to csa . This is i mportant not only i n recognition that

knowledge production is col laborative but a lso , as a measure to he lp protect

against the a busive use of forgiveness i n praxis . I n so far as this work has

explored d iscourses of forgiveness, it has a lso become evident that where

273

grand narratives have functioned to exclude other narratives , without

accountabi l i ty, abuses have been more l i kely to take place . This has been

seen as particularly so in relation to attempts to form d iscourses where

victim/survivors are asked to offer forgiveness that releases perpetrators of

harm from consequences or the requirements of justice .

Secondly, i ncreased forums with i n churches, where victim/survivors feel free

to speak about thei r experience of csa by church leaders and how it has

affected thei r embodied theology, may offer much i n the ongoing production of

knowledge and i n sharing power i n more equitable and healthy ways . These

forums need not, and should not, only accommodate csa by church leaders

but rather wi l l be a part of constructing environments where gendered and

sexual violence is openly acknowledged for its damaging i mpact on

i ndividuals , communities and churches. The importance of th is is identified not

only i n relevant l iterature but i n research participants' recognit ion that

victim/survivors of csa by church leaders have often been si lenced by the very

churches that have claimed to offer them hope and l i beration .

Thi rd ly , greater theological recognition of femi ni ne understand ings of d ivi n ity,

at both a grass roots and theoretical level , represents an important furthering

of knowledge. Such work may contribute strongly to crit ique and balancing of

the overwhelming construction of a mascu l ine God served by male church

leaders (cf. Choles 2004) . As femin ist theologians have recogn ised ,

heteronormative and andocentric theologies have had a signifi cant contri butor

not only to the gendered nature of csa by church leaders , but also to past

responses csa by church l eaders (Feenan 2005 : 1 24 ; Yip 2003:60-6 1 ) .

Fourth ly, continued critique of the construction of church leaders withi n

institutional structures of the Church , as wel l as institutional structures of

churches themselves , may further both knowledge and accountabi l i ty of and

for church leaders . This should occur i n ful l and open recognition of the uses

and abuses of power through particular d iscourses which place church

leaders in privi leged positions as the bearers of knowledge about God (cf.

Dowl i ng 2002) .

274

F inal ly , conti nued pol i cy development, and redevelopment, i n ways which

i nclude the most recent research , may further enhance just and effective

management of csa by church leaders . Benefi cia l pol i cy development can be

viewed as a col laborative process that is inc lusive of the knowledge and

i ns ight of victim/survivors of csa by church leaders , relevant leg islative ch i ld

protection bod ies and other experts from mult ip le d i scip l ines.

Future Research

There i s a far greater wea lth of knowledge about forgiveness and csa by

church leaders than was able to be presented here. This project only probed

the minds of a sma l l number of church leaders for thei r i nd iv idual

perspectives . Simi larly , th is project presented a l imited analysis of church

pol i cy documents and media representations. There i s much to be gai ned

from both further qua l i tative and quantitative research i nto the role and

function of forgiveness in respond ing to csa by chu rch leaders . l t wou ld

certa in ly be beneficia l to gai n g reater i nsight i nto the role of ceremonies of

confession , repentan ce and apology i n terms of their impacts on church

leaders ' , victim/survivors' and perpetrators' att itudes and understand ing of

csa . F uture research wh ich particularly targets the voi ces of victim/survivors

may be benefi cia l i n provid ing feedback and i ns ight to churches as a wel l as

i ncreasi ng recognit ion of the particular harms caused through csa by church

leaders .

Final comments

This work began with an understanding that l ife was comprised of the stories

we tel l about it. The stories that have been exp lored here have related

specifi ca l ly to csa by church l eaders , power and forg iveness. Gender,

sexua l ity and identity have been d isplayed as s ignificant narratives i n the

construction a nd deployment of knowledge about csa by church leaders and

the construction and function of forgiveness. How churches and society

proceed i n addressi ng csa by church leaders , and by others , i s a story that

continues to u nfold and in th i s there is hope that l ife for v ictim/survivors ,

chu rches , communit ies and even perpetrators , can reflect l i berty and even joy

i n transformative ways.

275

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