For the Love of Queers: Picturebooks about, for and by the LGBT Community
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Transcript of For the Love of Queers: Picturebooks about, for and by the LGBT Community
For the Love ofQueers:
Picturebooks about, for and bythe LGBT Community
Erica GillinghamJanuary 2010
This dissertation is presented in part fulfillment of therequirements of the
MA in Children’s Literature of Roehampton University.
2
Abstract
In ‘For the Love of Queers,’ I will discuss the ways in
which picturebooks have been created to reflect and
reinterpret LGBT families and individuals through a medium
which is designed for the experience of the child. This
dissertation will survey a range of picturebooks about, for,
and by the LGBT community published in the United Kingdom
and the United States since 1976. Using John Stephen’s
reader response theory, I will examine the ideologies
communicated through ‘narrative transactions’ within the
visual and textual narrative. Applying queer theory, namely
Judith Butler’s ‘compulsory order of sex/gender/desire,’ I
will also discuss how identity categories of sex, gender and
sexuality are constructed and produced within LGBT
picturebooks. Overall, I argue that since the 1980s
picturebooks about, for and by the LGBT community have moved
beyond didacticism; instead, ‘troubling’ the ways in which
‘the family,’ romantic love and our identities are
understood. Furthermore, I suggest that queer picturebooks
3
offer the child reader the opportunity, at their own level,
to notice and ask questions about the inevitable
inconsistencies that arise in every moment of our world.
4
Acknowledgements
This dissertation would not have been possible without the
help, inspiration and love of many fabulous individuals. I
would like to thank the ever-insightful tutors of Children’s
Literature programme at Roehampton University—especially Liz
for her consistent inspiration and enthusiasm for all things
picturebook, and Alison for her compassion and guidance
throughout this ‘queer’ adventure. To Eleonora, gracias
amiguita for keeping me grounded. To Sarah, thank you for
loving subversive picturebooks as much as I do, and for
pushing me to look just one more time. To Andrea, that phone
conversation definitely got me unstuck; I will always be
grateful. Alexandra, amongst all the ways you constantly
support me, I particularly appreciate the instant
celebratory dance parties and all the dishes you have done.
Finally, this dissertation is dedicated to my parents, Chris
and Charlie, who give the best supportive hugs and have
always believed in me. This one’s for you.
Erica Gillingham
5
Contents
Chapter 1
‘Troubling’ Picturebooks: An Introduction ........................................................................ 5
Chapter 2
Picturebooks about, for, and by LGBT Families .............................................................. 14
Chapter 3
Queer Love Stories ......................................................................................................... 32
Chapter 4
The Queer Child .............................................................................................................. 48
Chapter 5
What ‘Troubling’ Does: The Possibilities of Picturebooks .............................................. 62
Bibliography
Picturebooks .................................................................................................................... 68
Secondary Sources ........................................................................................................... 69
Appendix
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Appendix 1: John Stephens’ ‘Frame of narrative transactions’..................................... 72
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Chapter 1
‘Troubling’ Pictureboooks: An Introduction
Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude.
And Alice is Alice.
And Gertrude and Alice are Gertrude and Alice.
(Winter, 2009: n.p.)
So begins the recent picturebook about the life, love and
artistic friendships of Gertrude Stein by Jonah Winter and
Calef Brown, Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude (2009).
Playfully written, the facts learned about Gertrude’s life
are combined nonsensically with modern art, food, and the
occasional animal. The title and text echo Stein’s famous
line ‘rose is a rose is a rose is a rose’ and there is no
doubt the impact of that line. The repetition makes the
object seemingly unquestionable: a rose is a rose, Gertrude
is Gertrude—and Gertrude and Alice are Gertrude and Alice
(Winter, 2009: n.p.). Not only does the picturebook text
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acknowledge, implicitly, the committed, romantic
relationship between Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Tolkas from
the onset, but the presentation of that information allows
for a ‘troubling’ of Gertrude and Alice’s identity
categories. ‘Troubling’ the constructions of identity,
particularly the constructions of sexuality in contemporary
picturebooks, is the primary focus of this dissertation.
Since the early 1980s, picturebooks have been published for
children in Denmark, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom
(UK) and the United States (US) which attempt to deal with,
discuss, or narrate the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual and
transgender (LGBT) people, parents and children. Their
methods and didactic overtones vary and yet the primary
concern to address (or redress) the ways in which identity
and sexuality are constructed in our Western cultures runs
consistently throughout the picturebooks’ text and
illustrations. How I plan to produce queer readings of these
texts as picturebooks for children (and adults) is the focus
of this chapter. As an introductory example from Winter and
Brown’s picturebook, let me explain how a single, repetitive
10
line—‘Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude’—troubles
anything, let alone the constructions of identity.
For this analysis, and many others to come, I am
borrowing the term ‘trouble’ from Judith Butler’s
foundational feminist/queer text, Gender Trouble (1990). In
her preface, Butler explains that to ‘trouble’ something is
to call into question a notion’s stability and examine the
power structures which attempt to hold something, like
gender, as a fixed category. In this context, Winter and
Brown’s line, like Stein’s own, ‘troubles’ or disallows a
direct interpretation of ‘who’ Gertrude is, forcing the
reader to create their own identity for Gertrude. A reader
might guess or know that Gertrude was a woman, a writer, an
artist, a lesbian, and a partner to Alice. The text and
illustrations of the picturebook give clues for each of
those interpretations—or intersections—of Gertrude, but they
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From Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude by Jonah Winter and Calef Brown.
do not explicitly confirm any one aspect of her identity.
The constant reference to who ‘Gertrude is’ throughout the
picturebook, with its varying illustrations of her in
different scenarios, ‘troubles’ the reader’s desire for a
stable understanding of their protagonist: Gertrude is
dynamic, unfixed. As such, Gertrude cannot be labelled
through any one categorization. She is not just a woman, a
lesbian, a writer, or an artist; she is also a queen, a
party host, a talker, a friend, and she doesn’t ‘have to
make sense’ (Winter, 2009: n.p.). Even the educational
biographical information included at the end of the
picturebook does not attempt to name or categorize who
Gertrude Stein was as Winter and Brown continue to give the
reader more information about Stein’s life without
succumbing to generalizations or ‘neat’ categories.
Politically, by not identifying Gertrude as ‘a woman
writer,’ ‘a female writer,’ or ‘a lesbian writer,’ Winter
and Brown construct a subversive narrative which
complicates, what Butler names, the compulsory order of
sex/gender/desire.
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To explain, Butler constructs her theory of the
compulsory order by focusing on three identities categories:
sex, gender, and sexuality. These identity categories
function within binaries which relate to a system of power.
For example, the category of ‘sex’ functions as a binary of
male and female and relates to the power system of
patriarchy; as a result, a person identified as ‘male’ has
more power because ‘male’ is constructed to be greater than
‘female.’ These categories of identity are often taken for
granted in our cultures; however, as a social
constructionist, Butler argues that identity categories are
created (or ‘constructed’) and therefore not static, or even
predetermined. Often argued as socially constructed, the
gender binary of masculine and feminine carries with each
gender a set of qualities deemed ‘appropriate’ for the
respective sexes (male and female). For example, one quality
deemed an ‘appropriate’ performance of their gender is that
girls will like and wear pink because they are girls. In the
compulsory order, gender is socially linked to a person’s
sex, and a person’s sex is socially believed to be
13
biologically determined and therefore an indisputable fact.
Butler calls into question the biological determinism of the
sex binary, and its relation to gender, when she asks:
Can we refer to a “given” sex or a “given” genderwithout first inquiring how sex and/or gender is given,through what means? And what is “sex” anyway? Is itnatural, anatomical, chromosomal, or hormonal, and howis a feminist critic to access the scientificdiscourses which purport to establish such “facts” forus?” (1999: 10).
With her argument, Butler is asking how sex is constructed
as well as how it is given power in our social structure.
Furthermore she is asking why sex and gender are related in
such a compulsory way. The answer to her latter question is
that gender is merely a performance of characteristics
deemed ‘appropriate’ for a ‘given’ sex. As I will illustrate
in Chapter 4, performing a gender can be interpreted many
ways, but it is often linked superficially to a person’s
choice of clothing.
Thus, given that in Butler’s compulsory order an
identified sex dictates a person’s performed gender, both
identity categories in turn dictate a person’s desire, as
but not limited to sexuality. Sexuality also works in a
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binary, of heterosexuality and homosexuality, that carries
with it power and normative behaviours. In the instance of
sexuality, heterosexuality is consider the ‘normal’ or
‘natural’ desire (thus having the power) and operates such
that if a person is determined to be female, she will be
feminine and desire a masculine person identified as male in
a heterosexual relationship. Butler troubles this compulsory
line of thought to question the very logic it stands on,
arguing that the hegemonising effect of the binary system
disallows for identities outside of heteronormativity.
Understanding Butler’s compulsory order of sex/gender/desire
as such, Winter and Brown’s picturebook then subversively
constructs the identity of Gertrude without resorting to
specific binary categories of sex, gender or sexuality or
demanding that she, as a character and a person, make
‘logical’ sense in our socially constructed, compulsory
heteronormative world.
Writing a character, like Gertrude, which disallows
such compulsory tendencies may be a sizeable task, but
trying to locate and understand oneself is another task
15
altogether. That journey of location and understanding is a
tradition in feminist and queer theory which often takes as
its starting point the ‘personal as political.’ Like many
feminist and queer theorist, a major starting point for my
research is a personal investment to location and understand
myself as a queer subject. Throughout my life, I have had a
deep personal desire to be understood simply as ‘Erica is
Erica is Erica is Erica,’ simultaneously wanting to be free
of identity politics and yet arguing for queer visibility
and reflection. I can easily name my identity categories:
female, woman, feminine, bisexual. I can also, personally
and politically argue for a more fluid, encompassing
identity category: queer. I desire to commit to a monogamous
relationship with my female partner and create a family,
including children, and have been an activist for gay
marriage rights, gay adoption rights and repealing
discriminatory laws based on ‘sexual orientation.’ I also
subscribe to radical queer politics which often reject
institutions such as marriage. These inconsistencies within
the construction of my identity are ever-present and the
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compulsions engrained in me to ‘make sense’ (i.e. to be
intelligible as anything other that heteronormative) are
heavy and seemingly unquestionable. Along with me on this
journey of location and understanding, I desire community. I
desire to see how others are narrating and constructing
their own identities and producing them in the world in
order to create community and ‘trouble’ the ways in which we
see and accept the people and the world around us.
But, why research picturebooks? Historically, both the
study of picturebooks and queer theory emerged more
prominently in the latter half of the 20th century, gaining
depth and breadth as the millennium came and went. Like
identity politics in queer theory, scholars have struggled
with what to name and how to describe their subjects in
picturebook studies. As Daniel Lewis writes in Reading
Contemporary Picturebooks: Picturing Text (2006):
[There] is still a good deal of disagreement over howwe might best understand the picturebooks. There haslong been a broad consensus about the basiccharacteristics of the form, its combining of twodistinct modes of representation—pictures and words—into a composite text, but it is precisely this
17
doubleness, this two-sided quality, which has led tomuch confusion and disagreement (2006: xiii).
Change the subject from picturebooks to queer individuals
and you might recognize a potential beginning argument in
identity politics. Furthermore, there is a familiar and
important attention paid to ‘the language we use to talk and
write about the subject,’ questioning the ways through which
the subjects are produced (Lewis, 2006: xiv). For example,
‘how should you spell picturebook…?’ (Lewis, 2006: xiv). Is
the word (and thus the text) two separate words, hyphenated,
or compounded? Lewis chooses the compound version of
‘picturebook,’ as do I, to better ‘reflect the compound
nature of the artefact itself…examining the picturebook is
to look at it whole’ (2006: xiv). Looking at the picturebook
as a whole allows the picturebook text to be ‘read’
textually and visually, while at the same time recognizing
that how to do this is still being understood. Still, I am
far from the first person to attempt to look at the
picturebooks through a queer lens. While the field of
queering children’s literature is growing, for this
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dissertation I will be drawing particularly from Melynda
Huskey’s article ‘Queering the Picture Book’ (2002) and
Rebecca Rabinowitz’s ‘Messy New Freedoms: Queer Theory and
Children’s Literature’ (2006). To queer a picturebook,
Huskey encourages readers to look ‘for the subtle and
flamboyant clues that reveal our presence—the hairpins some
books drop all over the place’ (2002: 74). Rabinowitz simply
states that ‘queerness can be found all over’ (2006: 25), it
is just a matter of finding it.
While theorists argue that queerness can be found
wherever we want to look, more and more picturebooks have
been produced since the 1980s which are written specifically
about, for and by the LGBT community. As these texts are
being produced for children, controversy over introducing
issues of homosexuality, gay marriage, and gay parenting of
children have become hot topics in the mass media.
Simultaneously, rights of marriage and adoption have been
granted to same-sex couples and individuals while more
families are able to ‘come out of the closet’ with LGBT
parents or family members. As a result, a demand has been
19
created for picturebooks which represent and reflect
individuals and families of the LGBT community. One aspect
of the demand for queer picturebooks stems from a desire to
educate about LGBT families. Another aspect is to provide
children (and adults) of LGBT families with picturebooks
that reflect their own lives (in addition to adding to the
cannon of picturebooks about ‘families’ for all children).
In both instances, the majority of picturebooks to be
discussed in Chapter 2, as well as throughout the
dissertation, will have underlying ideologies about familial
configurations. To aid in the discussion of families, I will
look to Elizabeth Thiel’s The Fantasy of Family as she
investigates the Victorian construction of family in
literature as a ‘domestic ideal’ of ‘mother, father and
offspring’ (2008: 157). Referring to those families ‘outside
of the established order,’ she originates the term
‘transnormative family’ which ‘identifies those family units
headed by single parents, step-parents, aunts, uncles,
grandparents, siblings or the state that exists in
opposition to the “natural” and “complete” family of
20
husband, wife and children’ (Thiel, 2008: 8). In her
conclusion, ‘Into the Future: The Enduring Potency of the
Nineteenth-Century Domestic Ideal,’ Theil relates the
fantasy of the ideal family to the representation of
transnormative familial configurations (here including
family units headed by two women or two men) in contemporary
picturebooks. Specifically, she highlights two early LGBT
family picturebook texts: Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin (1983) by
Susan Bösche and Andrea Hansen, and Heather has Two Mommies
(1989) by Lesléa Newman and Diana Souza. By examining the
ways in which ‘the family’ are produced within these
picturebooks, we can better understand the ideologies at
work in picturebooks about and for LGBT families.
In order to understand how ideologies, of the family,
queer theory or otherwise, are communicated in children’s
literature I will be relying on John Stephens’ ‘Frame of
narrative transactions’ (See Appendix 1) from Language and
Ideology in Children’s Fiction (1992). Stephens works from a non-
linear model which allows for back and forth interactions
between the events and existents of the story and, what he
21
identifies as, the key participating pairs: author/reader
(real world), implied author/implied reader (ideological
function) and narrator/narratee (executive function).
Stephens’ narrative transactions occur between the
individuals of the pairs as well as between pairings. The
narrator tells the narrative to the narratee regarding the
events and existents of the story. This narrative is then
‘overheard’ by the implied reader, as told by the implied
author. As the crucial communication is taking place between
the implied author and the implied reader, Stephens’ has
flagged this transaction as carrying out the ‘ideological
function’ of a text, or the space where ideology is
conveyed. The diagram’s dotted line surrounding this
transaction infers that this ideology is then transferred to
the actual world reader from the actual world author (in a
way which does not affect the narrator or narratee)
(Stephens, 1992: 20-26). Whether or not the actual world
author gets across their intended or unconscious ideological
messages to the actual world reader is always a question;
however, Stephens’ frame of narrative transactions is
22
convincing and helpful when determining the meaning-making
process by the real world reader through examining the
paired relationship of the implied author/implied reader.
For it is by looking at the implied author and implied
reader of Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude, that we can
begin to make arguments for the picturebook’s subversive
narrative and meaning made by the real world reader. The
implied authors know about Stein’s life and are familiar
with her work enough to mimic her rhythm and style.
Additionally, the implied authors take care to address Stein
and her companions’ identities as unconcerned with
categories and more concerned with details and
characteristics. In exchange, the implied readers are
children who enjoy repetition, word play, writing and art as
well as adults who are familiar with Stein and, more than
likely, align themselves with her politics and/or lifestyle.
Through these transactions, we can argue that the ideology
conveyed promotes the celebration of the arts, independent
thinking, acceptance and appreciation. What this framework
of transactions also allows for is the possibility of
23
children (and adults) to notice, at their own level,
inconsistencies within their own culture, question them, and
‘trouble’ their conceptions of the world themselves.
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Chapter 2
Picturebooks about, for, and by LGBT Families
The family is the first social structure with whichchildren interact, and usually the first contact a childhas with books is with picture books... Picture bookscan, of course, exist for fun, but they can never besaid to exist without either a socializing or educationintention, or else without a specific orientationtowards the reality constructed by the society thatproduces them...a picturebook will be grounded in someversion of consensus reality and use conventional codesof representation (Stephens, 1992: 158).
Like those discussed in Stephens’ chapter ‘Primary Scenes:
the family and picture books,’ picturebooks about, for and
by lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender (LGBT) families
operate as socializing and educational tools for young
children, and adults. In short, picturebooks concerning LGBT
families are invested in transferring normalizing and
accepting ideologies concerning who makes up a family and
how non-heteronormative families are constructed. Such
ideologies are communicated through the transactions between
Stephens’ implied author/implied reader pair outlined in his
25
book Language and Ideology in Children’s Fiction (1992). As referenced
in Chapter 1 of this dissertation, Stephens’ frame of
narrative transactions distinguishes three pairs of
participants within a text (author/reader, implied
author/implied reader, narrator/narratee), highlighting the
implied author/implied reader pair as encompassing the
ideological function (1992: 21). In this chapter, I will
survey a selection of LGBT family picturebooks widely
available in the UK and the US over the past thirty years,
historically ranging from such texts as the translated UK
edition of Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin (1983) by Susan Bösche
and Andreas Hansen to the US editions of Heather has Two
Mommies by Lesléa Newman and Diana Souza (1989) and Newman
and Carol Thompson’s Mommy, Mama and Me and Daddy, Papa and Me
(2009). I will argue that there are distinctions between a
picturebook about an LGBT family and a picturebook for an
LGBT family (regardless of whether or not a picturebook is
by an LGBT author or illustrator) and that the difference
can be tracked within the transactions between the implied
author and the implied reader. I will illustrate how LGBT
26
family picturebooks have the potential to craft textual and
visual narratives without the necessity of heavy didacticism
or the erasure of difference.
Before jumping into an analysis concerning the
difference of a picturebook for and/or about a LGBT family,
however, I want to first open a discussion of the term ‘LGBT
family.’ Stephens argues that ‘the family is the first
social structure with which children interact’ and
picturebooks offer ‘some version of consensus reality’ with
regards to children, their family structures and the social
world around them (1992: 158). But what ‘version of
consensus reality’ is he referring to and who makes up ‘the
family?’ Stephens takes for granted his readers’ ‘consensus’
understanding of family, referencing instead different
family members through his analysis—mother, father,
siblings, grandparents, etc—instead of defining ‘the
family.’ In The Fantasy of Family (2008), Elizabeth Thiel
discusses the template of the ‘domestic ideal’ (‘mother,
father, and offspring’) as prevalent throughout children’s
literature from the nineteenth-century to the present day
27
(2008: 157). Thiel argues that while ‘transnormative
families’ appear in children’s literature, ‘nevertheless,
the concept of the domestic ideal remained the template by
which all was gauged and it has proved resistant to change,
regardless of the new paradigms of family life that are now
intrinsic to the Western World’(2008: 157). She continues
on to state ‘Even those authors who ostensibly focus on the
children of transnormative families frequently incorporate a
longing for the familial ideal which is both nostalgic and
poignant, a manoeuvre that reinscribes the desirability of
the idyllic domestic sphere...’ (Thiel, 2008: 159). As Thiel
describes, transnormative families are intrinsic within our
modern Western culture, accepting multiple family structures
which move beyond the ideal family, such as families headed
by two women or two men. Considering her argument then, even
as children’s own familial structures may be transnormative,
the template of the ideal family structure of ‘mother,
father, and offspring’ in an ‘idyllic domestic sphere’
remains present (explicit or not) within the picturebooks
children read today (Thiel, 2008: 157-159).
28
To pair Thiel’s definition of the ‘ideal’ family with
the term ‘LGBT’ then becomes a political calculation. For an
example of the political relationship between LGBT and ‘the
family’ look no further than the definition of the phrase
‘family values.’ The Oxford English Dictionary defines
‘family values’ as:
values attributed to or derived from family life; spec.values allegedly learnt or reinforced within atraditional, close family unit, and typically relatingto moral standards and discipline (in this sense, freq.associated with a conservative political outlook inwhich such values are often perceived to be inregrettable decline) (OED).
In the 2008 US and state elections, conservative candidates
and supporters argued that the institution of marriage and
the family were in ‘regrettable decline,’ often in reference
to legalizing same-sex marriage or adoption. As such, with
the anti-gay marriage California Yes on 8 campaign employing
the slogan ‘Protect Marriage’ as a specific example, ‘family
values’ became short-hand for anti-gay (Protect Marriage).
Conversely, on the radical left side of the political
spectrum, the queer community also does not necessarily want
anything to do with gay marriage or gay adoption either.
29
From Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore’s edited collection of
essays That’s Revolting! Queer Strategies for Resisting Assimilation (2008),
Carol Queen writes in her essay ‘Never a Bridesmaid, Never a
Bride’ that she ‘could have never predicted that joining the
[US] Army, getting ordained, and getting hitched would be
the big issues they are as the new century dawns’ (2008:
112). For a radical queer like Queen, legalizing gay
marriage is not what her politics are interested in. In the
same volume, Stephanie Schroeder essay ‘Queer Parents: An
Oxymoron? Or Just Moronic?’ argues that queers consider
their politics before becoming concerned with family in her
essay. Schroeder states:
I am not and will not be just like...everyone else. Iwill proclaim my allegiances to the queer community, tomyself, to my new lover and son as a lesbian and I willnot accept being accepted—for something I am not....Queers must take these things into consideration beforeexchanging their activist/community membership cardsfor shitty diapers and college tuition bills (2008:104).
For Queen and Schroeder, to be queer and be involved in
campaigns (or picturebooks) about or for gay marriage or
LGBT families is not first on their political check list.
30
Thus, the context of the LGBT family desires further
definition as from either end of the political spectrum, the
LGBT community and the concept of the family, when combined
together, create political tidal waves.
When discussing LGBT families, I am referring to both
the characters found in picturebooks and the actual world
readers of these picturebook texts. I have chosen ‘LGBT’
because it is the term most often used by political and
activist organizations, such as the nationwide Human Rights
Campaign in the US (HRC). Some organizations, like the UK’s
Stonewall, do not include transgender in their acronyms
(LGB) and other organizations additionally include
‘Intersex’ to create the acronym LGBTI (Stonewall; OSI). While
LGBT is still limiting in its (re)production and
reinforcement of the (seemingly) discreet categories of
lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender, as a woman who
identifies as bisexual, I am hesitant to erase the
multiplicity (and thus myself) from the LGBT community of
same-sex parents. For my purposes, simply reading same-sex
parents as either ‘gay’ or ‘lesbian’ reinforces not only the
31
binary of sexuality but the gender binary as well. With the
term ‘LGBT family,’ I hope to imply the political weight of
these picturebooks in addressing LGBT issues while at the
same acknowledging multiple variations (and limitations) of
family that occur. With a clear LGBT family focus, these
picturebooks display the children as part of nuclear or
extended family unit which includes same-sex couples in both
picturebooks about LGBT families and for LGBT families.
Translated from Danish to English by Louis Mackay and
published in the UK in 1983, Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin by
Susan Bösche and Andreas Hansen depicts the life of a child
within a LGBT family, illustrated with black and white
photographs. As Thiel notes in her conclusion section
‘Drumming Home the Message,’ the picturebook narrates, ‘a
weekend in the lives of Jenny, her father Martin, and his
partner Eric. It features a birthday party and a visit from
Jenny’s mother, addresses the issue of homophobia and
presents the transnormative grouping as a happy family unit’
(2008: 164). More than just a story about Jenny and her
parents, the picturebook attempts to address issues that
32
affect LGBT families. However, prior to its publishing,
there were no popular picturebooks about same-sex parents,
making Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin one of the first to approach
the subject. Shedding some light on the historical context
of the picturebook, journalist Adi Bloom quotes Paul Patrick
in a 2006 Times Education Supplement article ‘Jenny still an
outcast after 20 years,’ that at that time ‘there was no
acknowledgement that gay or lesbian people could be parents.
So even if it had been a good book, there would have been a
fuss’ (2006: 3).
Unfortunately for the LGBT community, Jenny Lives with Eric
and Martin created a big ‘fuss’ and it was not a good
children’s picturebook, leading to political action
affecting adults and children. In the Times Education
Supplement, Patrick goes on to discuss the downfalls of this
documentary picturebook, ‘it wasn’t [a good book]. There was
no understanding of children’s use of language. And it chose
to show two men in bed together, apparently naked, with a
small girl between them. On all sort of levels, it wasn’t a
good children’s book’ (Bloom, 2006: 3). In truth, much of
33
the lasting criticism about Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin regards
the decision to include photographs of Jenny, Eric and
Martin having breakfast in bed wearing little if no
clothing. Politically, Thiel notes that Bösche and Hansen’s
picturebook acted as a catalyst for conservative
legislation:
The book initiated something of a moral panic in the UKwhen it was found in a school library; as a result, in1988, Margaret Thatcher’s government introduced thelegislative Clause 28 which effectively banned thepromotion of homosexuality by local authorities. Theclause was repealed in 2003, but the book itself, nolonger easily available, has become a collector’s item(2008: 164).
Bloom’s article concurs by calling Jenny an ‘outcast’ and
discussing the ways in which schools currently struggle to
find ‘appropriate’ picturebooks with which to read about
LGBT families, the focus being to educate children about
varying family structures.
In essence, Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin focuses on a
narrative about an LGBT family. Aside from the young age of
the protagonist neither the language nor the visual
narrative, as Patrick notes, imply a child readership. Thiel
34
argues that the picturebooks
boils down to ‘mere
propaganda’ (2008: 164).
With little textual or
visual evidence to argue
otherwise, the picturebook as
propaganda, promoting the
ideologies of the acceptance
and appreciation of LGBT
families, becomes more about educating ‘others’ about
accepting an LGBT family as ‘normal.’ The implied readers
are not LGBT families who live their lives day in and day
out as an LGBT family with young children but rather an
implied readership with who does know how a family functions
with LGBT parents. In this way, Bösche and Hansen’s didactic
approach to their ideological messages fails to provide a
picturebook for an LGBT family.
Of a similar vintage, the original version of Heather has
Two Mommies (1989) by Lesléa Newman and Diana Souza was ‘one
of the most challenged books of the 1990s’ in the US about
35
From Heather has Two Mommies by Lesléa Newman and Diana
LGBT families, labelled as evidence for the ‘militant
homosexual agenda’ (Newman, 2000: 31-32). The picturebook
focuses on the young protagonist Heather who ‘has two
mommies: Mama Jane and Mama Kate’ (Newman, 1989: n.p.).
Above this resounding, singular line on the recto of the
double page spread, Souza has drawn a black and white
depiction of the happy, nuclear family of two moms, their
daughter and their two pets. The narrative then flashes
backwards in time, depicting how Jane and Kate met, when
they moved in together, and the process of the conception
and birth of Heather. The climax of the story centres on
Heather’s new realization at playgroup about her family: ‘I
don’t have a daddy,’ Heather says. She’d never thought about
it before. Did everyone except Heather have a daddy?’
(Newman, 1989: n.p.). The narrative progresses in an effort
normalize all family configurations by encouraging, as Thiel
notes, each child to describe their family and draw a
representation ‘their own family group’ to be hung on the
school wall (Thiel, 2008: 164). The final take-home message
comes from the playgroup leader, Molly, as she explains that
36
‘Each family is special’ (Newman, 1989: n.p.). For some,
this liberal ideology was no doubt exemplar ‘proof’ of the
‘militant homosexual agenda’ implicit and explicit in the
picturebook.
For others, Heather has Two Mommies became a starting
point for picturebooks about and for LGBT families—even
while still coming under much criticism. The initial
critiques of the 1989 narrative largely concerned the
explanation of artificial insemination, dense text for its
young child readers, and uncoloured drawings. Addressing the
first two criticisms, the 10th anniversary edition (2000) was
published after deleting the scenes detailing Heather’s
conception and birth as well as paring down some of the text
to, what Patrick might deem, ‘a child’s use of language’—a
few editing choices Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin might have
benefited from as well. The 20th anniversary edition (2009)
keeps the 1990 textual version, but spices up the
illustrations by adding colour to all of the drawings.
Additional criticisms have focused on the narrative’s
didactic approach as well as the textual and visual
37
narrative requiring the explanation of concepts beyond
different families. Indeed, the original 1989 textual
version of Heather has Two Mommies can require scientific and
cultural explanations. The most glaring example is the
scenes of Jane’s insemination and pregnancy. The text
rightly relies on medical terminology for its explanations,
but terms such as ‘sperm,’ ‘egg,’ ‘womb,’ and ‘vagina’ still
necessitate definition. Furthermore, a curious child might
wonder where the sperm comes from that the doctor inserts
into Jane’s vagina or how sperm and an egg form a baby named
Heather (Newman, 1989: n.p.). Underneath this section of the
story, the implied author assumes her implied readership
will do that specific reproductive explanation work for her.
But who is the implied readership for Heather has Two
Mommies, and why that particular readership? Smaller
textual and visual transactions, in addition to the scenes
described above, suggest a dual address with the implied
author visualizing her implied readers to be the adult and
child reading together: teacher and student, parent and
offspring. One such visual example is the illustration of
38
Mama Kate wearing a t-shirt with the words ‘No Nukes,’ a
slogan for the campaign against nuclear proliferation. As
nuclear weapons play no other part in the story, the slogan
may be there to confirm the liberal politics of Heather’s
two mommies; the illustration can also provide another
complicated explanation for the accompanying adult reader to
the child. Of the target audience, Thiel argues that with
the ‘excessively simple solution to Heather’s dilemma’ and
the ‘young age of the central protagonist and the
straightforward illustrations and the story-line that [the
picturebook] is for a pre-schooler’ (2008: 164-165). Even as
I disagree with her critique that the audience for Heather has
Two Mommies is solely the implied child reader, I do
similarly commend Newman and Souza’s picturebook as ‘a brave
attempt to normalize a transnormative family headed by two
women’ (Thiel, 2008: 164). This is because regardless of
whether or not an adult reader is implied, the take-home
message of the picturebook operates as one to expand a
child’s view of the world to include not only their family,
but other families as well. Thiel concludes, ‘Overall, it
39
presents a world in which all family types are available,
acceptable, and ‘normal’ and so could be perceived as
challenging the numerous ‘natural’ family models that might
also surround the child reader, although it does so in a
strictly non-confrontational manner’ (2008: 165). In such a
way, even as its ideology remains didactic, Heather has Two
Mommies is not just about an LGBT family, but about and for
ALL families.
Throughout the 1990s and into the twenty-first-century,
new picturebooks attempted to similarly address LGBT family
configurations, narrating different stories about LGBT
families, but also providing much needed picturebooks for
LGBT families. First published in 1990, Daddy’s Roommate
written and illustrated by Michael Willhoite contains rich
watercolour illustrations and simple accompanying text of
the child protagonist, his biological father, Daddy, and
Daddy’s roommate, Frank. While Heather has Two Mommies tried to
explain artificial insemination, Daddy’s Roommate attempted
to explain homosexuality, the young boy protagonist
narrating the resolution from the kitchen stool:
40
Mommy says Daddy and Frank are gay. At first I didn’tknow what that meant. So she explained it. Being gay isjust one more kind of love. And love is the best kindof happiness (Willhoite, 1990: 24-27).
Subtlety and lack of explicit ideology are not
characteristics of Willhoite’s picturebook, nor are they for
Judith Vigna’s My Two Uncles (1995) which provided a similar
message about the child protagonist’s uncle and his partner.
In 2008, Sarah S. Brannen chose to illustrate her ‘gay uncle
story’ by anthropomorphising her protagonist and family as
guinea pigs in Uncle Bobby’s Wedding. There does not appear to
be a clear purpose for anthropomorphising her characters
(other than she owns guinea pigs herself), but the guinea
pigs do not detract from the overall narrative. In contrast,
Brannen’s narrative, visually and textually, is less
didactic that Willhoite’s and Vigna’s as her focus is on the
young girl protagonist’s fear of losing her favourite uncle,
Bobby, rather than any familial disapproval of same-sex
marriage. Indeed, the marriage of Uncle Bobby and Uncle
Jamie appears, in Brannen’s picturebook text, to be
completely ‘natural.’
41
The use of
animals in
children’s
literature is not
uncommon—far from
it—thus And Tango
Makes Three first
published in
2005 by Justin
Richardson, Peter Parnell and Henry Cole is not surprising
in its portrayal of a penguin family. What is uncommon about
the animal protagonists is their veracity: the picturebook
is a true story of two male penguins, Roy and Silo, at the
Central Park Zoo in New York City and the expansion of their
family with the birth of a female penguin, Tango. From the
first moment with the picturebook, the reader views the
happy family with their newest edition on the front cover,
snuggling up together for a watercolour portrait against the
backdrop of the penguin house. Turning to the title page,
Roy
42
From And Tango Makes Three by Justin Richardson, Peter Parnell, and Henry
and Silo are almost in the exact same position, except this
time drawn without Tango. Tango’s omission offers the reader
the opportunity to wonder who these penguins are and how
they came to be the family seen on the front cover. To be
sure, the opening of the visual and textual narrative
implies that this picturebook is most certainly about the
creation of a family, in the animal world and the human
world. The first four pages contain a dozen illustrated
human and animal families in the park and the zoo. The
families are followed by an introduction to the penguin
house and an explanation of how penguins become a couple.
The reader learns that two male penguins were different
because they were not interested in girls, but did
everything together instead: ‘They bowed to each other. And
walked together. They sang to each other. And swam together.
Wherever Roy went, Silo went too’ (Richardson, 2007: n.p.).
After a while, their zookeeper Mr. Gramzay decides that they
are two penguins ‘in love’ (Richardson, 2007: n.p.).
As the picturebook text continues, the narrative and
illustrations repeatedly affirm the validity and substance
43
of Roy and Silo’s status as a legitimate penguin couple.
Pages of borderless sequential illustrations show the
passage of time as the two male penguins build a nest, watch
over it, find an egg shaped rock and try to hatch it.
Finally, Mr. Gramzay finds an extra egg from one of the
other penguin couples to give to Roy and Silo to see if they
can hatch their own baby penguin. After weeks of tending the
egg, Cole illustrates Tango hatching from her egg over
thirteen images, ending with Tango fully emerged from the
egg with ‘CRAAAACK!’ for her final push into the world
(Richardson, 2007: n.p.). As Richardson and Parnell note in
the text, ‘Tango was the very first penguin in the zoo to
have two daddies’ (2007: n.p.). Just as Roy and Silo did
everything as a couple, the family of three now does
everything together, just like ‘all the other animals in the
zoo, and all the families in the big city around them’
(Richardson, 2007: n.p.). The final endpaper of the
picturebook provides the verifying details of Roy, Silo and
Tango’s true story, filling in some of the facts not
mentioned in the text. And while the message is implicit
44
throughout the text and illustrations, the back cover
provides the explicit ideologies at work in And Tango Makes
Three: ‘Based on a true story, this charming and heart-
warming tale proves that all you need to make a family is
love’ (Richardson, 2007).
No stranger to the love story and picturebook of Roy
and Silo, The New York Times has reported on the pair and its
subsequent picturebook co-authors since 2004 when the
journalist Dinita Smith broke the story of the same-sex
penguin couple and has documented public’s reactions to the
picturebook (Smith, 2004). Like Heather has Two Mommies in the
1990s, Jennifer 8. Lee reported that Richardson and
Parnell’s narration of the penguin family has become ‘the
most challenged book in the United States,’ even as the co-
author couple became a family of their own with daughter
Gemma’s birth (Lee, 2009). Still, co-author Richardson was
quoted in a 2005 article by Jonathan Miller as stating that
his and Parnell’s, his co-author and partner, reason behind
writing the picturebook was ‘to help parents teach children
about same-sex parent families’ (Miller, 2005). Some readers
45
have looked to Roy and Silo’s story as proof of
homosexuality as ‘natural,’ but Richardson maintains that
their narrative is ‘no more an argument in favor of human
gay relationships than it is a call for children to swallow
their fish whole or sleep on rocks’ (Miller, 2005).
Regardless of whether or not penguin same-sex couples are
‘proof’ of homosexuality as ‘natural,’ And Tango Makes Three
has become a tool for teachers and parents alike to teach
children about LGBT families.
Thus far, all of the picturebooks discussed have been
about LGBT families, and for reasons ranging from narrative
structure to availability they have also served as books for
LGBT families. In the some instances, the picturebooks have
been by authors that are a part of LGBT families or the LGBT
community, like Newman, Richardson and Parnell. In the same
year as And Tango Makes Three was published, Out for Our
Children, a London Lesbian parent group, in partnership with
Onlywomen Press began published picturebooks which were no
longer concerned with delivering a didactic message to its
implied readership about LGBT families. Rather, Out for Our
46
Children wanted to provide
fun and inventive ‘books and
resources that reflect our
children’s lives and family
experiences’ (Out, emphasis
mine). Their website declares
the message behind their
group: ‘A child needs love,
support and acceptance for
who they are and where they come from: we believe that
inclusive books and other materials are an essential part of
that support’ (Out). As part of their work,
author/illustrators Katy Watson and Vanda Carter have
produced two books associated with Out for Our Children:
Spacegirl Pukes (2005) by Watson and Carter, and Carter’s If I Had
a Hundred Mummies… (2007). In addition, the same publisher
also produced a similar text by Tamsin Walker entitled Not
Ready Yet! (2009). Contrasting the previous picturebooks
discussed, these three picturebooks imaginative or realistic
stories of young children who happen to have two mothers,
47
lacking any explanation (or need thereof) regarding same-sex
couples, homosexuality, fertilization, birth, or ‘different’
families.
The first of the three picturebooks,
Spacegirl Pukes offers its readers a visceral
tale of a young girl astronaut whose space mission is
cancelled due to illness. From the front cover of Spacegirl
‘puking’ in a bucket, the picturebook text and illustrations
have everything to do with the bodily functions and
consequences of queasy illnesses. At the onset of the
narrative illustrated in ink and colourful paint, Spacegirl
is suited up for her mission, but does not feel well as she
clutches her ‘tummy’ (Watson, 2005: n.p.). After she is sick
on the control board, her two mothers—Mummy Loula and Mummy
NeeNee—clean her up and take her home, Mummy NeeNee
declaring ‘you must have caught that bug from your friend
Starboy’ (Watson, 2005: n.p.). In rapid succession, both
‘mummies,’ the cat named Trotsky, and a fellow crew member
all fall ill, ‘bleurging’ everywhere (Watson, 2005: n.p.).
In the end, Mummy Loula and Mummy NeeNee aid in getting
48
From Spacegirl Pukes by Katy Watson and Vanda Carter.
Spacegirl’s rocket off the ground and Spacegirl on her
mission to the stars (Watson, 2005: n.p.).
Visually, the illustrations not only offer rather
disgusting depictions of vomit and green faces, but also a
glimpse into the lives of an LGBT family comprised of two
mothers, a daughter and a cat. Books, biscuits, medicines
and space paraphernalia are scattered about the house and
both ‘mummies’ cycle and skate to and from the space
station. Textually, no additional information is learned
about Spacegirl’s family other than that she has two mothers
and their names. In UK newspapers, Spacegirl Pukes has been
heralding (and attacked) for broaching the subject of same-
sex parents within the classroom. In the Times Education
Supplement, Adi Bloom reviews the picturebook as helpful in
showing ‘pupils that a different family make-up is possible’
(2007). In other words, Spacegirl Pukes offers, in Theil’s
terms, a transnormative family with ‘two mothers.’ Also that
same year, Anushka Asthana reported for The Observer that the
picturebook was part of ‘a pilot scheme introducing books
dealing with gay issues to children from the ages of four to
49
11’ (2007), alongside And Tango Makes Three and King & King
(2002). While Spacegirl Pukes has become a well-noted
picturebook for introducing LGBT families to children, the
picturebook text does not contain the same explicit
didacticism as the other picturebooks with which it has been
grouped. Unlike And Tango Makes Three, Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin,
or the other picturebooks previously mentioned, the implied
audience is predominantly the LGBT family and the
ideological acceptance of the LGBT family is not explicit in
this picturebook. As I will also argue in later chapters,
Spacegirl Pukes, rather, opens up the opportunity for the child
reader to associate with Spacegirl and her two mothers
(regardless of whether or not the child reader is from an
LGBT family) and raise questions or concerns about that
family structure—if the child has any at all. Instead, this
picturebook by members of the LGBT community provides a
basic story for LGBT families to enjoy.
50
As Out for Our Children writes, providing picturebooks
for children of all ages that reflect their own lives and
familial experiences has been the motivation behind most of
these picturebooks. With Stephens’ argument that
picturebooks represent educational and social learning
tools, even the most basic picturebooks—board books for
toddlers—need to fulfil that role as well. In 2009, Lesléa
Newman with illustrator Carol Thompson produced a pair of
board books for families with two mother and two fathers:
Mommy, Mama, and Me; and Daddy, Papa, and Me. The opening double
page spread of Daddy, Papa and Me delivers the tone of both
board books with its mood and delight: on the verso, the
small androgynous toddler is running towards his fathers51
From Daddy, Papa, and Me by Lesléa Newman and Carol Thompson.
holding out a crown and a monkey mask; the fathers (one
dressed in khaki trousers and knitted vest, the other
dressed in shirt, jeans and slippers) are on the recto
drying the dishes and putting away breakfast. On the verso,
the child calls out ‘Who wants to play with me today?’
(Newman, 2009a: n.p.). On the recto, responding to the
child’s question the text reads ‘“I do!” Daddy and Papa say’
(Newman, 2009a: n.p.). The following eighteen pages are full
of brightly coloured watercolour illustrations and rhyming
couplets across each double page spread. Daddy, Papa and
child spend the whole day together, doing things around the
house, getting creative and going outdoors—anything from
painting to baking to playing in the park. This board book
ends with both fathers utterly exhausted, their young
toddler tucking them in ‘goodnight’ on the sofa. The
picturebooks not only provide entertaining rhymes for the
child reader but provide a narrative which reflects their
own life, without the necessity to overtly normalise or
educate about LGBT families.
52
What Newman and Thompson’s board books provide so
elegantly are LGBT family narratives which are not concerned
with reaching an audience beyond their family of characters.
At their core, Mommy, Mama, and Me and Daddy, Papa, and Me are
picturebooks for the LGBT family as the characters and the
implied audience are the children of families with two
father or two mothers (Newman, 2009a, 2009b: n.p.). To this
end, neither board book provides explanation of the family
structure, how the parents and child became a family, or
address them as a ‘different’ family grouping. Rather, the
narratives take as their basis that the family just is a
family, starting each book with the child narrating the
different actions they do each day with their respective
parents. The fact that each child has two mothers or two
fathers, instead of a heteronormative ‘ideal’ family, only
becomes an ‘issue’ to be addressed outside of the
picturebooks. In other words, the discussion of ‘different’
families (like that found within the text of Heather has Two
Mommies) only takes place in the ‘real’ world where LGBT
families are not always accepted as a ‘legitimate’ family.
53
Thus, what picturebooks about and for LGBT families are
able to do then is provide children the opportunity to
witness their own family or others’ family structure within
a visual and textual narrative. If the child has LGBT family
members, they will see their own family lives reflected for
them. If the child does not have LGBT family members, they
can be introduced to a family grouping other than their own.
Some picturebooks, like Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin, Heather has
Two Mommies, Daddy’s Roommate and Uncle Bobby’s Wedding, aim to
educate their implied readership about LGBT families,
driving home an accepting and loving view of those families.
Other picturebooks, like Newman’s board books, Out for Our
Children’s picturebooks and Patricia Polacco’s recent In Our
Mothers’ House (2009), create visual and textual narratives
which include families with two mothers or two fathers,
providing picturebooks for their implied readership of LGBT
families. In addition, the latter group of picturebooks does
not contain explicit ideologies about accepting ‘different’
kinds of families; instead, the child reader themselves can
determine if and when a family actually is ‘different’ at
54
all. Picturebooks about and for LGBT families may contain
traces of ‘the fantasy of family,’ and yet willingly
construct a family unit which transcends the confines of the
‘ideal’ family of ‘mother, father and offspring’ (Thiel,
2008: 157). The construction of such narratives about and
for LGBT families require the transference of ideologies to
the implied reader, with the intention that the real reader
will receive some of those ideologies as well. Picturebooks
in particular, with their ability to communicate visually
and textually, allow the real child reader to understand the
social complexity of these narratives on their own time and
at their own level. Most importantly, any child can open one
of these LGBT picturebooks and read about a family built on
love and caring.
55
Chapter 3
Queer Love Stories
Why do some women prefer to fall in love with
other women… and some men with other men?
- Babette Cole, Mummy Never Told Me (2004)
Queerness works to expand what we think is
possible and acceptable.
(Rabinowitz, 2006: 19)
In the delightful mixed media picturebook King & King (2002)
by Linda de Haan and Stern Nijland, the old queen declares
that Prince Bertie1, her son, will marry by the end of the
summer and, with a few phone calls, the princesses are
lining up at the front gates to be seen the next morning. To
each princess the prince listens and observes but with none
is he taken—that is, until Princess Madeleine arrives with
1 The reader does not actually know Prince Bertie’s name until the sequel, King & King & Family. He is only known as “the prince” in King & King, but to aid in clarity and ease I have chosen to use his name in the discussion of both of the texts.
56
her brother, Prince Lee. The narrator informs the reader on
the next recto: ‘It was love at first sight’ (de Haan, 20).
The following colourful, double page spread is full of the
princes’ love for each other: Prince Bertie (verso) and
Prince Lee (recto) stand opposite each other, arms open,
rosy cheeked and mouths in full smile (de Haan, 21-22). Suns
and hearts encircle their heads, butterflies and hearts
flutter over their stomachs and an arch of stamped and cut-
out hearts, flowers and stars form between them. The queen
looks on from behind the prince and Princess Madeleine
giggles in delight behind her brother as each prince
exclaims, “What a wonderful prince!” (de Haan, 21-22). The
princes are married, become kings, and the picturebook ends
with the fairy tale phrase “And everyone lives happily ever
after” (de Haan, 28). A familiar final line from fairy
tales, de Haan and Nijland’s ending adds a queer twist as
everyone lives happily ever after: the two kings together;
the princess from Greenland and prince’s page are in love;
and the queen has some time to herself. This “happily ever
after” gains a child addition in the picturebook’s sequel,
57
King & King & Family (2004), where a little girl from the jungle
hides in their honeymoon suitcase and becomes their adopted
daughter, Princess Daisy.
A happy marriage, a happy family—happily ever after. In
the previous chapter, I discussed the ways in which LGBT
families are constructed within picturebook texts, making an
ideological distinction between picturebooks about LGBT
families and picturebooks for LGBT families. What
distinguishes these picturebook families as LGBT, however,
is the presence of (adult) same-sex couples: the LGBT
parents, guardians or uncles of the young protagonists. A
few of the narratives, like Kate and Jane’s flashback story
in Heather has Two Mommies, provide some context for the
beginning for their romantic partnerships. In other
narratives, the parents, guardians or uncles appear as a
pre-formed couple. Additionally, the LGBT couple is
intrinsically tied to the children, their construction as a
‘family’ hinging on the children’s presence and
participation. In King & King, on the other hand, de Haan and
Nijland’s fairytale narrative allows room for the
58
construction of the kings as a couple—well before they adopt
a child and are constructed as a ‘family’ in King & King &
Family. Even before Prince Bertie and Prince Lee marry as a
royal couple, the reader witnesses the two princes fall in love
with each other. But how do we know the two princes are in
love? How is their love story constructed differently from
the later construction of their marriage and family?
The visual and textual narrative contains explicit and
implicit codes of how the princes ‘fall in love.’ Textually,
just before the princes’ themselves declare their love for
one another, the narrator simply states: ‘It was love at
first sight’ (de Haan, 2002: n.p.). Afterward, the59
From King & King by Linda de Haan and Stern Nijland.
resolution depicts the marriage of the princes and, in the
sequel, the couple adopts a child. With our inherited
cultural knowledge, the implied author expects that readers
will understand that King Bertie and King Lee must be in
love because they get married and have a family. Still, the
picturebook texts contain further clues, particularly
visual, that communicate that two people have just fallen in
love. To demonstrate how adults fall in love in picturebooks
for children, I will be looking closely at the same-sex
relationships within two picturebooks: Queen Munch and Queen
Nibble (2002) written by Carol Ann Duffy and illustrated by
Lydia Monks; and Hello, Sailor (2003) illustrated by Ingrid
Godon and written by André Sollie. For each of these texts,
a queer reading will be applied, working, as Rebecca
Rabinowitz argues, to expand what we believe to be
‘acceptable and possible’ in love stories (Rabinowitz, 2006:
19). In doing so, I will be examining how these two
picturebooks ‘trouble’ the construction of love and
friendship in narratives for children without overt
60
didacticism, instead leaving the interpretations of the
same-sex relationships up to the implied readers.
In consideration of how to apply a queer reading to a
picturebook text, I will be drawing largely from a few key
texts in queer theory and children’s literature. For
understanding the application of queer theory to children’s
literature, I will look to Rabinowitz’s article ‘Messy New
Freedoms: Queer Theory and Children’s Literature.’ For her
analysis of children’s literature ranging from picturebooks
to junior fiction, Rabinowitz draws considerably from an
influential queer theorist Eve Kofsky Sedgwick. Providing an
explanation of queer theory, Rabinowitz states: ‘Queer
theory shows sex, gender, and sexuality to be frequently
fluid and dynamic….Queerness works to expand what we think is possible
and acceptable’ (Rabinowitz, 2006:19, emphasis mine). ‘Fluid
and dynamic,’ a queer reading allows the reader the
opportunity to consider what parts of the story transcends
heteronormativity, and which do not. Quoting Eve Kofsky
Sedgwick on gender performance, Rabinowitz argues that most
books are ‘kinda subversive, kinda hegemonic’ (Sedgwick qtd.
61
in Rabinowitz, 2006: 25); she adds, ‘queerness can be found
all over’ (Rabinowitz, 2006: 25). In her book Gender Trouble,
however, Judith Butler’s theory of the compulsory order of
sex/gender/desire (Butler, 1991: 9-11) demands a stricter
‘troubling’ of texts. As discussed in my introduction,
Butler’s work calls into question the social construction of
our identities by ‘troubling’ how we view the relationships
between sex, gender and sexuality. Like the troubling
‘female “object,”’ I believe in the possibility of a
picturebook that ‘inexplicably returns the glance, reverses
the gaze, and contests the place and authority of the
masculine [and I would add, heteronormative] position’
(Butler, 1990: xxvii-xxviii). While I will return to the
notion of ‘the gaze’ during my analysis of Hello, Sailor, the
overall discussion of these queer picturebooks will involve
troubling the ‘categories’ of sex/gender/desire, friendship
and romance, and children’s literature and love stories.
With this perspective of queer theory in mind, Duffy
and Monks’ Queen Munch and Queen Nibble offers a visual and
textual narrative of a close friendship—and arguably
62
romantic love—between two queens, Queen Munch and Queen
Nibble. The story opens with Queen Munch, ‘big with cheeks
as red as tomato ketchup. She had shining ginger hair which
she wore in two plump pigtails like strings of Best
Sausages. Her eyes were the colour of chutney and her laugh
was as loud as the moo of a cow on its way to be milked’
(Duffy, 2002: n.p.). Every Saturday morning, a crowd of her
subjects gather for the ‘The Munching of the Breakfast;’
after one such Saturday’s meal, Queen Munch decides to
invite Queen Nibble for a friendly visit (Duffy, 2002:
n.p.). By contrast, Queen Nibble ‘was as tall and slender
and pale as a stick of celery….She wore her fine fair hair
up in a tidy bundle the size of a white bread roll. A simple
pearl tiara, like a row of tiny pickled onions, sat on her
head’ (Duffy, 2002: 15). From the first introductions, the
queens appear to compliment and contradict each other. As
the narrative continues, however, their contrasts begin to
dissipate following Queen Nibble’s arrival at Munch Palace
as their relationship blossoms.
63
In the first trial of
their friendship, it begins
to rain as the two queens
are heading out for a walk.
At the first drop, Queen
Nibble begins to make
jewellery from the rain;
Queen Munch hates the rain,
but she stops in her tracks
stunned by Queen Nibble’s
special talent. The illustrations depict the latter queen
finishing a bracelet while the larger queen stares at her in
awe. Meanwhile, the text reads: ‘The two queens faced each
other in the soft rain and Queen Munch held out her plump
pink wrist for Queen Nibble to fasten the bracelet around
it. Suddenly Queen Munch didn’t want to go to her bed any
more. Yes, it was raining—BUT SHE DIDN’T REALLY CARE!’
(Duffy, 2002: n.p.). Already in the short time they have
known each other, the two queens have made a considerable
impression on one another and their friendship begins. In
64
return for teaching her how to make jewellery from the rain,
Queen Munch sets up a game of ‘Find the Fruit on the Frock.’
In this game, Queen Nibble must agree to find the only real
fruit on Queen Munch’s dress and to eat it; if she finds it,
she will have a full appetite for forever forward (Duffy,
2002: n.p.). When Queen Nibble chooses the correct
strawberry, the sugary pink background of the double page
spread of the queen licking her lips radiates the sweetness
of love and affection. A great feast follows the climax of
the story and the narrator
continues on to describe
how the queens visit each others’ ‘queendom’ for six months
of every year. During these times, they are seen together
throughout the day and evening, play Snap on the balcony and
jumping on the bed—a complementary pair, but without the
‘happily ever after’ (Duffy, 2002: n.p.).2
2 The picturebook actually ends with a direct address to the reader: ‘Now…what would you like for breakfast in the morning?’ (Duffy, 2002: n.p.). While I would argue that the implied reader is an independent child reader, this final line of the picturebook troubles that implied reader definition: Has an adult been reading this to a child? Is an adult reading this to another adult? Or, is it consistent and Duffy is merely speaking directly, for the first time, to her implied child audience?
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From Queen Munch and Queen Nibble by Carol Ann Duffy and Lydia Monks.
The omission of the classic fairy tale ending notable
in the resolution of Queen Munch and Queen Nibble marks a
dramatic shift away from the pattern of King & King as well as
from fairy tale functions. As Vladimir Propp argues, there
are thirty-one functions working in fairy tales with the
last function stated as ‘31. The hero is married and ascends
the throne (wedding)’ (Propp, 1999: 382-387). King & King
troubles the sex/gender/desire compulsory order of this
conventional function to a degree as Propp’s sought after
for princess ends up being a prince instead; and yet, there
is a wedding and the hero, with his true love prince, does
ascend the throne to become King Bertie. Duffy and Monks’
queens, on the other hand, disturb the fairy tale function
by providing neither a wedding nor ascension to the crown.
By the resolution of the story, Queen Munch and Queen Nibble
simply choose dual shared accommodation for some indefinite
and ongoing period of time (even as their two servants—
Goodnurse Scrubadub, female, and the Important Reader, male—
have (also) fallen in love and exchanged engagement rings).
While not a couple through a ceremony, the queens’ decision
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to cohabitate throughout the year can be read as evidence
for the basis of a same-sex relationship. Indeed, many
couples in LGBT family picturebook authors utilize
cohabitation in order to communicate the couple’s committed
status, for example in Heather has Two Mommies, Daddy’s
Roommate, and My Two Uncles.
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Furthermore, Queen
Munch and Queen Nibble
trouble the line between
love and friendship as
discreet categories. While
Duffy and Monks do not
provide the explicit
textual explanation of
‘love at first sight,’
comparing a double page
spread from the climax of “Find the Fruit of the Frock” with
a double page spread in King & King lends evidence to the
argument that the queens are, in fact, in love as well. As
described previously, the scene where Prince Bertie and
Prince Lee fall in love follows directly after seeing each
other for the first time and all around them butterflies and
hearts are swirling as the princes exclaim “What a wonderful
prince!” (de Haan, 2002: n.p.). Viewing Queen Nibble’s
salience in the foreground on the recto of a double page
spread, licking the strawberry juice from her lips as a drop
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one another as two women. Even though I believe the implied
reader for this picturebook is an independent child reader,
there are some unmistakeable sexual innuendos within the
visual and textual narrative for the knowledgeable adult
reader. Given that the friendship and love between the
protagonists takes place between two women, there is a
strong a reference to cunnilingus within the picturebook.
Firstly, Queen Munch’s name suggests related colloquial
definitions of ‘munching,’ referring to the vagina, a group
of lesbians or the act of cunnilingus (Urban Dictionary:
‘munch;’ ‘munching’). Secondly, Duffy’s description of Queen
Nibble eating the real strawberry can be read sexually. The
description and depiction of Queen Nibble’s mouth filling
and overflowing with ‘a pink tingling juice’ while thinking
of her ‘best friend’ is not unlike descriptions of
cunnilingus found in lesbian fiction3 and erotica. That a
friendship exists between Queen Munch and Queen Nibble is
3 For example, Ruthann Robson’s collection of short stories, Cecile (1991), provides a similarly savoury description: ‘...but Cecile answers, “This does,” while her tongue separates myself from my myself. Cecile finds my wettest spot and laps it with her tongue. Then she turns, leans and half-straddles me for a deep, long kiss. Her mouth tastes like a midnight sea’ (Robson, 1991: 61).
69
part of the story itself; to acknowledge the sexual
connotations of such a relationship queers the reading of
the love between the two queens.
The combination of the deepening relationship between
the queens along with the sexual undertones of the
picturebook produce for me a queer reading that both
troubles the classic fairy tale functions as well as the
portrayal of same-sex relationships—gay, lesbian, straight;
friendly and romantic—within picturebooks for children. This
picturebook is particularly compelling because its narrative
is written for an independent implied reader that allows
them to take away a strong message of love and friendship
between two women, with or without the sexual connotations.
Furthermore, the language, illustrations, and lessons in
friendship provide a narrative which children can understand
without adult guidance. Overall, the sweet (in a picturebook
obsessed with food) and subversive storytelling in Queen
Munch and Queen Nibble does not question or attempt to justify
its characters’ relationships, but rather playfully allows
them to unfold as a genuine, real-life relationship could.
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Indeed, the subtle, yet substantiated development of a
same-sex relationship between two characters recurs within
Ingrid Godon and André Sollie’s Hello, Sailor (2003) as Matt and
Sailor’s relationship occurs without question or
justification. Kate Kellaway’s review of the picturebook in
The Observer speaks to this ideological quality of the
narrative:
It is a beautiful book. Ingrid Godon's melancholypictures are filled with seagulls, lighthouses and sanddunes. You can almost smell the sea salt. And there areno children in it. There is no family. There is no sex.It is about yearning. And it makes - just as it should- the love between two men as natural and deep as anyother (2003).
So resounding was her statement, publishers Macmillan
Children’s Books quoted Kellaway’s review on the cover of
the paperback edition, shortened to emphasise that ‘the love
between two men as natural and deep as any other.’ While her
description of the picturebook does not specifically detail
how she knows they are in love, there are a few indications
from her description of their love as ‘natural’ and ‘deep.’
Drawing again from Butler’s theory of the compulsory
order of sex/gender/desire to say that the ‘love’ between
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Matt and Sailor is ‘natural’ can be disputed. To argue that
any love is natural, regardless of sex or gender, concerns
Butler as she questions the ‘scientific’ category of sex as
not natural, but potentially socially constructed. Moreover,
she argues that all love (read: desire) is a result of an
imposed compulsory order dependent on the social categories
of sex and gender (Butler, 1999: 10-11). With this in mind,
not much about Matt and Sailor’s relationship (or any other
for that matter) can be read as ‘natural.’ In her statement,
Kellaway hopes to further validate Matt and Sailor’s
relationship ‘just as...natural and deep as any other,’ and
further support real-life same-sex relationships. However,
this line of argument potentially continues the
interpretation that same-sex relationships are still
‘other,’ in need of acceptance in our (heteronormative)
culture. Labelling same-sex relationships as ‘natural’ is a
theoretical slippery slope and yet Kellaway’s review still
resonates in its description of their relationship as
‘deep.’ A queer reading of Hello, Sailor thus is more about the
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depth of the relationship than about any justification of
its naturalness.
The depth of Matt and Sailor’s relationship comes to
light in comparison of character development and narrative
with King & King. For one instance, the amount of space given
to their developing relationships differs greatly. King
Bertie and King Lee’s love story takes place over the span
of twelve pages and ten sentences in the picturebook: from
the moment King Lee is announced to the celebration of their
wedding, completing with a final page of the two kings
kissing. In contrast, Matt and Sailor’s relationship began
well before the picturebook opens. The tone of their
relationship and Matt’s character—living in the lighthouse,
watching for Sailor’s return, interacting with his friends
and seagull in his close-knit community—are developed over
the first fourteen pages through considerable text and
gentle illustrations. Over the next six pages, Sailor
arrives late in the evening of Matt’s birthday and the
reader witnesses as the ‘two friends’ are reunited and enjoy
each other’s company around the table, leaving just before
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dawn to sail around the world. In this way, King Bertie and
King Lee’s love story occupies the final third of the
picturebook while the build
up for Matt and Sailor’s
relationship occupies the
entire picturebook, with the
exception of the final four
pages.
In addition, while the
Kings’ love is encapsulated
in the phrase ‘What a
wonderful prince!’ the
textual narrative provides
Matt and Sailor with more
room and depth for their first meeting after such a length
of time apart:
The man went inside the lighthouse and climbed thesteep spiral staircase. His heart was pounding.
“Matt?” he called again. Still no reply. He openedthe door quickly.
“Sailor!” Matt gasped. “You’ve come back!” Hecouldn’t believe his eyes. “Hello, Sailor.”
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From Hello, Sailor by Ingrid Godon and André Sollie.
Sailor laughed. “Did you think I’d forgotten you?I thought we were going to sail round the worldtogether.”
“Yes,” cried Matt. “I’ve been waiting for you!”The two friends didn’t know whether to laugh or
cry. They turned round in a circle, to get a betterlook at one another. It was almost as if they weredancing.
Sailor was back!They sat outside beneath the stars and ate
leftover cake and drank some rum. Sailor told Mattstories about the sea and the faraway countries he hadvisited, and about how they were going to sail roundthe world together (Godon, 2003: 17-18).
Even as the text itself refers to Matt and Sailor as ‘two
friends,’ the deep relationship between the men is clear and
the double page sread resonates with the ‘queerness’
Rabinowitz argues can be found all over (Rabinowitz, 2006:
25). The text itself on this double page spread describes
anticipation, excitement, joy and connection between the two
men which provide the foundation of the reader’s conception
of their romantic relationship. Still, the interaction of
the illustrations and text throughout the picturebook build
the queer interpretation of the narrative.
From the first image of Matt on the front cover to the
description of his job as a lighthouse keeper, Matt is
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depicted as forlorn lover waiting for his Sailor to return.
The front cover image shows Matt on the upper deck of the
lighthouse with his hair windswept to one side, his elbow
resting on the railing, and his hand cupping his chin,
looking out at the horizon with a seagull perched next to
him. The reader might suspect Matt is looking out at them,
but the text inside reveals that he is actually looking for
someone very specific: ‘He had to keep a lookout over the
sea. But mostly Matt kept a lookout for Sailor’ (Godon,
2002: n.p.). Even as two of his friends, Rose and Felix,
doubt that Sailor will return, Matt is ever vigilant in his
watch and mentions him frequently throughout the pages. The
repetition and longing of Sailor’s name impresses upon the
implied reader that Sailor plays a significant role in
Matt’s life, someone very dear to him. Similarly, the reader
discovers, Sailor’s focus upon arriving back to the
lighthouse is to find Matt as soon as he can, even if it
means sneaking into the lighthouse to find him. Thus, even
before the two men sail off together for an adventure around
the world, the implied reader is provided with enough clues
76
to imagine a romantic relationship between Matt and Sailor.
Then the two men do set off before dawn for their sailing
adventure, the implied reader understands that they are
taking the next step in their relationship together. While
neither marriage nor typical co-habitation resolves the
story, a commitment has still been made between the two men,
in love.
Overall, the narrative of Hello, Sailor conveys its
messages subtly and without overt didacticism. The
picturebook makes a statement by being about a love story
between two men, but does not overtly attempt to normalise
same-sex relationships. Instead, the picturebook text offers
moments which ‘expand what we think is possible and
acceptable’ (Rabinowitz, 2006: 61). One such moment is the
illustration that accompanies the text previously quoted,
where Sailor returns and finds Matt at the top of the
lighthouse. Matt, in the background looking out at sea, does
not know Sailor is there; Sailor, in the foreground, has
just opened the door quietly, but instead of looking at
Matt, looks out at the reader instead. Quoting Butler, I
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argued earlier for a picturebook that ‘inexplicably returns
the glance, reverses the gaze, and contests the place and
authority’ of the heteronormative position (1999: xxvii-
xxviii)—and this is one such moment. As Sailor looks out at
the reader in this illustration, he inexplicably returns the
glance and reverses the gaze back upon ourselves, troubling
and questioning the implied reader’s heteronormative
assumptions about relationships, love, and romance. The
illustration only captures the possibility of Matt and Sailor’s
relationship, and Sailor’s returned glance challenges the
implied reader to wonder what the nature of that
relationship might be. Even as the text provides the
detailed emotions and outcome of the scene, the
interpretation of Matt and Sailor’s romantic relationship
still remains with the implied reader.
Still, who is the implied reader for Hello, Sailor?
Returning to Kellaway’s review of the picturebook, she
writes:
When I read the book to my boys (four and six), theyadmired the lighthouse greatly. But not an eyebrow nora question was raised about anything else. As an
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attempt to educate children about homosexual love byawakening discussion, it is a failure. And, in the end,I found myself wondering whether, although it makes alovely book for children, its natural audience wasn'tan adult one? (2003).
For Kellaway, her sons’ non-reaction to the seemingly
obvious gay love story in Hello, Sailor was enough to confirm
for her that the implied audience for this text was not in
fact children, but adults. She is later clear that while the
publishers imagine it is a story only for gay adults, she
believes it is a love story that everyone (read: gay and
straight) to enjoy. That the picturebook is for adults of
all sexualities, I do agree with Kellaway. However, I also
disagree that the picturebook does not include children in
its implied readership. Kellaway validly cites her sons’
lack of questioning about homosexuality after reading the
picturebook as evidence for her claim and yet I argue that
Hello, Sailor opens up the possibilities for children to ask
questions about homosexuality, love or longingly in the way
that many picturebooks allow children to ask questions about
the world around them. The key quality of the quietness of
Godon and Sollie’s picturebook is that it allows children
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and adults the space to interpret the narrative for
themselves and trouble their preconceptions of relationship—
when they take notice.
Allowing readers to form interpretations and questions
for themselves is at the core of why picturebooks like Queen
Munch and Queen Nibble (2002) and Hello, Sailor (2003) are so
important to have on our children’s bookshelves. These
picturebooks do not directly or explicitly address the
‘issue’ or ‘controversial topic’ of same-sex relationships
between loving men and women, but rather allow the reader to
make discoveries and seek answers on their own time and with
their own agendas. When the narrator in Babette Cole’s
Mummy Never Told Me (2004) asks: ‘Why do some women prefer to
fall in love with other women…and some men with other men?’
(2004: n.p.), the narrator portends to speak for the child at
a time when a child may not be thinking that question.4 The
attempts to explicitly ‘teach’ a child about what they
‘should’ accept and what exists in the real world have a
4 Not to mention Cole’s question revealing its own underlying bias towards heteronormativity through the prepositional phrase ‘prefer to’ (2003: n.p.).
80
complicated relationship with the history of children’s
literature as vessels for morality and education. And yet,
picturebooks, like queerness, work to expand what children
know and believe to be possible and acceptable, and
narratives like Queen Munch and Queen Nibble and Hello, Sailor are
changing the way queer stories can be told.
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Chapter 4
The Queer Child
“No,” said Bailey, “but they do show
us OURSELVES.”
(Ewert, 2008: n.p.)
As I have discussed thus far, picturebooks published in the
UK and the US about and for the LGBT community have evolved
over the last thirty years. Of those picturebooks, many
feature a child protagonist whose relationship with a same-
sex couple is at the centre of the narrative. There are not,
however, many picturebooks which feature a queer child
protagonist, and their relationship to those around them. To
use the word ‘queer’ to describe a child can be slippery as
discussions surrounding children and sexuality remain taboo.
Melynda Huskey writes in her article ‘Queering the Picture
Book’ that picturebooks about ‘gay or protogay
children...would open too clear a route to the forbidden
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realm of desire’ (2002: 68), desire being the link between
queer and controversy. And yet, it is desire that I do not
want to brush aside in my discussion of the queer child in
picturebooks. To be sure, the small selection of
picturebooks I have found do steer clear of sexual desire;
however, desire for something else still exists: a word in
The Boy Who Cried Fabulous (2004) by Lesléa Newman and Peter
Ferguson, revenge in My Brother Bernadette (2001) by Jacqueline
Wilson and David Roberts, friendship in Chester’s Way (1989) by
Kevin Henkes, or the dresses of someone’s dreams in 10,000
Dresses (2008) by Marcus Ewert and Rex Ray. Unlike the
majority of LGBT family picturebooks, these picturebooks do
not necessarily address LGBT issues, and yet they are queer
as they ‘trouble’ the performance of gender and the
subsequent assumption of a character’s desire. As Huskey
writes, ‘There’s no shortage of queer picture books if
you’re looking in the right places, or with the right eyes.
For while foregrounding homosexuality, whether deliberately
or in flight, robs the picture book of its queerness,
seeking it where it “isn’t” establishes it most fully’
83
(Huskey, 2002: 68). The Boy Who Cried Fabulous, My Brother
Bernadette, and Chester’s Way are all examples of ‘looking in
the right places’ and establishing a queer child protagonist
where the narrative ignores its use of gay stereotypes of
gender performance in creating its queer characters. 10,000
Dresses, additionally, sets a precedent in creating a new
kind of queer picturebook where the protagonist, Bailey,
struggles with her5 gender and her desire in a narrative
which does address queer and transgender issues, and yet
doesn’t. I will argue that while queerness can be found in
multiple picturebooks, 10,000 Dresses is exemplary as it
elegantly troubles and calls into question the construction
of the compulsory order of sex/gender/desire while providing
a hero who refuses to be anybody but herself.
Of queerness in picturebooks, Huskey affirms that to
find queerness is simply a matter of ‘looking in the right
places, or with the right eyes’ (2002: 68). Rebecca
Rabinowitz later echoed this statement in her essay ‘Messy
5 Throughout my discussion of Bailey, I have chosen overall to honour the narrator’s use of female pronouns in writing about Bailey. In timeswhere I want to suggest a greater ambiguity, however, I will simply refer to the picturebook’s protagonist as Bailey.
84
New Freedoms: Queer Theory and Children’s Literature,’
writing that ‘queerness can be found all over’ (2006: 25).
What queerness looks like though often reads as a troubling
of an identity category, such as sex, gender or sexuality.
For example, Rabinowitz writes of gender and queer theory in
literature:
‘Queer theory’s project is to offer a new language inwhich gender’s fluctuations, fluidity, and gaps aredescribed as powerfully ambiguous and useful rather thansimply ironic or unusual. Queer theory reads genderincoherency or inconsistency as natural and inevitable.This opens up the world of gender to include perhaps asmany different genders as there are people. Inliterature, there are as many gender categories as thereare characters. Or, because of the fluidity and shiftingthrough time, as many genders as there are moments’(2006: 22).
While I am hesitant to agree that anything in reference to
gender is ‘natural,’ Rabinowitz captures the essence of what
a queer reading attempts to achieve when looking at a text.
By queering a reading of a text, the ‘stable’ categories of
sex, gender and sexuality become fluid and inconsistent. In
doing so, picturebooks which may have overt lessons in, say,
diction or bullying equally read as queer texts because
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their child protagonists refuse to embody a static gender of
‘masculine’ or ‘feminine.’
The Boy Who Cried Fabulous by Lesléa Newman and Peter
Ferguson is, well, a fabulous example of such a queer text.
Illustrated in muted primary colours, the visual narrative
is set in 1950s Americana, complete with apple pie, diners
and pill box hats. The picturebook’s protagonist Roger is a
boy about nine or ten years old who wears collared shirts,
sweater vests and bow ties. Roger sees everything around him
as ‘fabulous,’ but his wandering eyes often make him late
for class. As the picturebook opens, his mother reminds him
not to be tardy: ‘When Roger started out for school, his
mother set a simple rule. She said, “Now Roger, you got
straight—straight to class, and don’t be late.” Roger tried
hard to obey, he knew that he should not delay’ (Newman,
2004: n.p.). Given that the narrator provides that Roger is
a boy, a reader might expect Roger to be distracted by
stereotypical ‘boy’ things, sports or the outdoors for
example. Instead, Roger is distracted by clothing, fashion,
shoes and food, all stereotypical associations with gay male
86
culture. Furthermore, ‘fabulous’ is his favourite adjective
for everything he sees, a word heavily associated with the
LGBT community and the gay male community in particular
(Urban Dictionary: ‘fabulous’).
Roger, of course, gets into trouble for his tardiness,
reprimanded the following day by both parents before a
family outing into town:
‘The next day Mom said, “Roger dear, there’s one word wedon’t want to hear.” “Now son,” said Dad,” listen to us. We’re talking aboutfabulous...” (Newman, 2004: n.p.)
By now, the implied reader might wonder if there is a dual
meaning in Dad’s reminder: a homophobic fear that his son,
Roger, is growing up to be gay because he overuses the word
87
From The Boy Who Cried Fabulous by Lesléa Newman and Peter Ferguson.
‘fabulous.’ Roger instead comes up with multiple words to
describe everything he sees, avoiding the word fabulous
until the very end: ‘What a luscious smell in the
scrumptious air. What a stunning day for a charming fair.
What a thrilling show, what a brilliant clown. What a
magnificent street, what a fabulous town!’ (Newman, 2004:
n.p.). While Roger stops in his tracks after uttering the
‘f-word’ his parents announce him ‘the world’s most fabulous
son!’ (Newman, 2004: n.p.). In the end, what appears to be a
moral narrative about varying a child’s diction, The Boy Who
Cried Fabulous can also be read as a queer picturebook text for
accepting a child’s performed gender, whether it is
flamboyant, fruity or fabulous.
Like Newman and Ferguson’s title, My Brother Bernadette by
Jacqueline Wilson and David Roberts catches the queer eye
for a second look as it juxtaposes the male title ‘brother’
with the female name ‘Bernadette.’ A picturebook about
bullying, Bernard and his older sister Sara go to a summer
project where Bernard quickly becomes a focal point for
harassment. A quintessential homophobic bully, Big Dan
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bestows Bernard’s new female name upon him after he crashes
into his model car: ‘Poor little Bernard! he said,
mimicking. ‘You stupid sissy little baby. You’re like a girl
with all that long hair. Bernadette, more like. Yeah. That’s
your new name. Bernadette’ (Wilson, 2001: 14). Illustrated
in ink and watercolour, Bernard wears a plaid shirt, sweater
vest and red pointy shoes and switches to clothes design
class after his run-in with Big Dan. It is in this class
where Bernard improves his sewing, begins to earn respect
for his skills, and reclaims his name as just ‘Bernard.’
Where Bernard is depicted as camp, his sister Sara is a
tom-boy, both of them pushing the gender boundaries of what
is ‘acceptable.’ The first definition for ‘camp’ on the
Urban Dictionary relates to an ‘effeminate way of being gay.
One can be camp without being gay’ (Urban Dictionary:
‘camp’). While the definition is a casual and social
understanding of the term ‘camp,’ it is nonetheless helpful
in understanding the cultural knowledge a reader may bring
to such a text. Thus, grasping the gay, camp stereotypes
built into Bernard’s character and the reality of homophobic
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bully in schools, a queer reading of My Brother Bernadette
begins to get at the fluidity of Bernard and Sara’s gender,
without the need to question their sexuality. Unfortunately,
the un-queer resolution to the picturebook employs the same
homophobic bullying techniques first used by Big Dan against
Bernard. In the end, Bernard sews a costume jacket for Big
Dan which is decorated with pink daises and reads ‘Daisy
Dan’ across the back (Wilson, 2001: 44-46). Where the
picturebook makes gains by having Bernard holding his ground
that he is who is as Bernard (i.e. an effeminate boy), the
resolution of turning ‘Big Dan’ into ‘Daisy Dan’ promotes
revenge and a reinforcement of the gender binary of feminine
and masculine.
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In the anthropomorphised Chester’s Way by Kevin Henkes,
the two male mice, Chester and Wilson, are depicted in
similar gay fashion to Roger and Bernard and also experience
harassment that can be interpreted as homophobic bullying.
Chester and Wilson are best friends who like all the same
things and do everything together. Out on a bike ride one
day, the two mice are surrounded by three other mice who
shout ‘personal remarks’ at them (Henkes, 1989: n.p.).
Critiquing this scene for its ‘curiously indirect language,’
Huskey writes:
Wilson and Chester, astride bicycles with handlebarstreamers, banners and training wheels, look helplesslyat each other. Three larger mice, on unornamented bikes,surround them, pointing and leering. Interestingly, theyare barefoot, wearing shorts and teeshirts. Wilson andChester, shod in laceup oxfords, wear colorful shorts(one striped, one polkadotted), shirts, and cardigans.Their sunglasses are pushed up onto their foreheads. The
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From Chester’s Way by Kevin Henkes.
contrast is complete. The word “faggot” is no lesspresent in this picture for being elided by the careful“personal remarks” (2002: 70).
Supporting her argument that queerness is established ‘where
it “isn’t,”’ Huskey furthers her case as she describes how
Chester and Wilson are ‘saved’ by the cat-mask-wearing,
squirt-gun-wheeling Lilly, who becomes the third to their
trio of mice friends. Of the sole female mouse, Huskey
writes ‘Lilly is, in fact, Chester and Wilson’s Eve
Sedgwick, her flamboyant performative style the perfect foil
for their understatement’ (2002: 71). For her, the three
mice’s performance of a human gender—male, female, queer—is
‘encoded in the small details of character and image’ and
draws attention to the ‘performative’ qualities of gender
(Huskey, 2002: 71).
In some ways it is easier to see gender as a
performance when human gender characteristics are placed
upon an animal, a mouse: how do we know Chester and Wilson
are (effeminate) males if not for the ways in which they
perform their given gender through their clothing, actions
and activities. Indeed, I have read Roger and Bernard as
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queer because of their performance as effeminate males
through their clothing, diction, interests and actions.
These four characters are examples of reading queerness ‘in
the right places, or with the right eyes,’ establishing it
most fully where it ‘isn’t’ (Huskey, 2002: 68). In Marcus
Ewert and Rex Ray’s 10,000 Dresses, however, a further, more
in-depth queer reading can be made that goes beyond only
troubling the performance of gender. The child protagonist
Bailey calls into question not just the performance of
gender but the whole compulsory order of sex/gender/desire.
Known to be born as a ‘boy,’ Bailey confronts her family as
she desires to make and
wear the dresses from her
dreams, eventually finding
a way to truly reflect who
she really is.
When the reader first
meets Bailey, she is asleep
and dreaming of 10,000
dresses on a row of stairs
93From 10,000 Dresses by Marcus Ewert and Rex Ray.
waiting for her (Ewert, 2008: n.p.). In her initial dream,
Bailey tries on the first dress and the narrator lets the
reader into Bailey’s mind and body: ‘With all her heart,
Bailey loved the dress made of crystals that flashed
rainbows in the sun’ (Ewert, 2008: n.p.). This dream is the
first of three dreams Bailey has of the dresses: the second
is a dress made of lilies, roses, and honeysuckles; and the
third dress is made of windows looking onto the great
monuments of the world (Ewert, 2008: n.p.). Each morning
when she wakes she approaches another family member to ask
for their help in attaining or making the inspired dress,
but at each interaction she receives a similar refusal:
‘You’re a boy. Boys don’t wear dresses!’ To which Bailey
responds, ‘But…I don’t feel like a boy’ (Ewert, 2008: n.p.,
emphasis original).
Through these interactions, the crux of the story thus
becomes evident: Bailey thinks herself to be female: the
narrator refers to Bailey with feminine pronouns; she dreams
of dresses, a symbol of femininity; and she objects to
feeling ‘like a boy.’ Additionally, her family tells her
94
that she is a boy and thus must act like a boy (which does
not include wearing dresses). As a result of her third
interaction with a family member, her brother, Bailey runs
down the road where she finds an older girl, Laurel. Laurel
is attempting to make a dress for herself but conveniently
lacks design ideas. Bailey tells Laurel of the window dress
from her dream and together they make a similar design out
of old mirrors. Laurel is at first disappointed that the
dresses are not made of windows, but Bailey reassures her
that their dresses are even better as the picturebooks
resolves:
“These dresses don’t show us the Great Wall of China, orthe Pyramids,” said Laurel.“No,” said Bailey, “but they do show us OURSELVES.”“You’re the coolest girl I’ve ever met, Bailey!” saidLaurel. “Hey, do you think you can dream up any MOREdresses?”Bailey grinned.“I think I can dream up 10,000!” (Ewert, 2008: n.p.).
Called for the first time a ‘girl,’ Bailey also gains
acceptance from one of her community members. At the same
time, the implied reader is invited to question again the
sex and gender presentation of Bailey.
95
Throughout the picturebook, the message of the story is
clear and unwavering: everyone deserves to be loved and
celebrated for who they are. This all-encompassing message
is not unusual for books about LGBT individuals (or a story
about anyone who has been ‘othered’ for that matter)—and
yet, this picturebook is striking for its lack of
didacticism. The message of 10,000 Dresses is clear, but it is
not didactic. Unlike picturebooks which attempt to normalise
a LGBT person or same-sex couples, Ewert and Ray do not
normalize or attempt to explicitly explain Bailey’s sex,
gender, or sexuality. Instead, the interactions between the
text and illustrations encourage the reader to piece
together their own understanding of Bailey, determining
their own interpretation of the compulsory order of
sex/gender/desire.
On the opening double page spread of 10,000 Dresses, the
reader is provided the salient image of a young child, from
the neck up, sleeping on a pillow directly on the centrefold
(Ewert, 2008: n.p.). As sheep fly over the child’s head, the
text implies that this child is Bailey and that Bailey
96
From 10,000 Dresses by Marcus Ewert and Rex Ray.
dreams of dresses. The
sleeping child has short
spiky hair, long spiky
eyelashes, freckles, pink
lips and ears that stick out.
From hair to torso, Bailey is
all one colour: a pale pink.
The reader does not know if
this child is a boy or a girl
and the narrator does not
clarify. Turning the page, the image of Bailey is now at the
bottom of the verso and full-bodied, lying in bed with dream
bubbles directed from Bailey’s head into a large inset of a
staircase of dresses (Ewert, 2008: n.p.). The reader turns
the page again to see Bailey on the verso in the crystal
dress. It is not until the narrator’s pronoun use of ‘her’
in the phrase ‘with all her heart,’ however, that the reader
learns Bailey’s gender (Ewert, 2008: n.p.). At this point in
the picturebook, the only textual, gender-specific
97
information the reader has about the protagonist is that she
is a girl called Bailey who dreams of dresses.
Visually, Bailey is depicted as an androgynous
character. She has short hair—a common haircut for young
boys—but does not have any specific physical features or
clothing which could be read as ‘male’ or ‘female.’ Aside
from wearing the dresses in her dreams, Bailey’s apparel is
gender neutral as she wears white underwear and no top when
she is asleep, puts on a white shirt when she goes to find
Mother, and a white shirt and long jean shorts when she goes
to find Father and her brother (Ewert, 2008: n.p.). In terms
of performing one gender or another, Bailey is performing
neither in her daily life. And yet, through her dreams of
dresses, the reader learns of the gender is wishes to
perform. The picturebook is not just about dreaming of
fantastic fashion design, but instead addresses an issue of
inconsistency within Bailey: she is called a ‘boy’ by her
family yet does not feel ‘like a boy.’ This ‘issue’ is not
an issue for Bailey herself (or Laurel), but for her family
members. As the reader witnesses in the picturebook, the
98
external pressure to conform to Butler’s compulsory order of
sex and gender (and, implicitly, desire) from her family
members creates conflict and loss for Bailey where there was
none upon waking from her dreams. Reading Bailey’s story
through the lens of Butler’s theory of the compulsory order
of sex/gender/desire allows the reader to examine how her
identity categories are constructed within the picturebook
as they trouble the very order that creates them.
Almost systematically, Ewert and Ray first address
Bailey’s sex—or, rather, refuse to address her sex. As I
have noted previously, the narrator does not use a gendered
pronoun for Bailey until the third double page spread of the
picturebook. When the narrative necessitates a gendered
pronoun in reference to Bailey’s heart, only then does the
narrator finally use the pronoun ‘her.’ From this gendered
usage, a reader can assume Bailey’s sex is female. This
assumption of Bailey’s sex is contradicted, however, at each
interaction with one of Bailey’s family members wherein she
is referred to as a ‘boy’ through the dialogue between the
characters. Now the reader knows that the narrator refers to
99
Bailey by feminine pronouns, which would indicate the female
sex, and yet her family members refer to her as a boy (i.e.
the male sex). Furthermore, on the final page of the
picturebook, Laurel exclaims: ‘You’re the coolest girl I’ve
ever met, Bailey!’ (Ewert, 2008: n.p.)—an additional
reference to Bailey’s sex being female. On the subject of
her sex, Bailey does not comment beyond her repeated
response to her family members ‘But…I don’t feel like a boy’
(Ewert, 2008: n.p.). Bailey does not clarify who she does
feel like, however, nor do Ewert and Ray through their text
or illustrations. Without a firm understanding of Bailey’s
sex, the compulsory order is in trouble: what gender ‘must’
Bailey perform if her family believes she was born a boy,
her neighbour thinks she’s a girl, and Bailey does not
provide an answer?
Aside from being upset by her family’s responses,
Bailey appears comfortable within herself—without needing to
define her sex or gender. Illustrated in paper cut-outs and
computer graphics, Bailey shines in her dreams as she wears
the dresses and each morning when she goes to find someone
100
to help her make one of her dreams a reality. Her eyes are
wide open and her posture upright, the dresses sparkle and
the staircase radiates from behind her. In her dreams,
Bailey is performing the gender of her heart’s desire—a
gender which includes dresses. While the narrator’s use of
the female pronouns in combination with Bailey’s desire to
make and wear the dresses of her dream, Bailey still does
not clarify or, more importantly maybe, name her gender.
Even as Bailey and Laurel are reflected in their mirror
dresses, Bailey pronounces that the dresses ‘show us
OURSELVES’ (Ewert, 2008: n.p.)—no sex, no gender, just
themselves. Choosing to name—or not name—oneself is
highly important for transactivists and transtheorists
working with transsexual and transgender people. Such
distinctions become relevant particularly in discussions
about gender-ambiguous people such as Bailey as well as in
the case of Brandon Teena, who was murdered in 1993. In her
chapter ‘Transsexual Empires and Transgender Warriors,’
Nikki Sullivan writes that Brandon was born with female
genitalia but lived out his life as a man; it was also his
101
murder that provided the basis for the film Boys Don’t Cry
(Sullivan, 2003: 113). Referring to the media’s need to
define Brandon by a sex or gender—sometimes ‘Brandon Teena,’
sometimes ‘Teena Brandon;’ sometimes ‘he,’ sometimes ‘she’—
Sullivan writes:
‘Rather than attempting to define Brandon, it might bemore useful to ask what the effects of naming are, whoparticular names serve, how and why. For transpeople,gays and lesbians, and in fact anyone who has beenothered by dominant discourses and institutions, theimportance of naming is abundantly clear, and inparticular, the necessity to resist categories that areimposed by other and that are detrimental to the self.Transactivists are sensitive, as Hale notes, to the waysin which transgender or transsexual subjectivity can berendered invisible in and through the use of names andpronouns. For example, calling the gender-ambiguousperson…Teena Brandon, or referring to Brandon as “she”or “he”, cover over any sense of amibuguity, or deniesthe chosen gender of the subject concerned…’ (2003:114).
Like the media with Brandon, 10,000 Dresses renders Bailey as a
gender-ambiguous person: possibly born a male, desiring to
perform a feminine gender. Even as Bailey does not choose
for herself a definitive name, pronoun or gender, she does
chose the way in which she acts out her desires.
102
When considering Butler's compulsory order of
sex/gender/desire, desire can stand in for sexuality, the
desire for and sexual attraction to another person. Butler,
though, has specifically not chosen sexuality as the third
piece to her constructed social order. Instead, desire
represents everything a person might have desire for given
that they are of a particular (socially constructed) sex
and/or gender. In this way, there is no need to answer the
taboo question of who Bailey might desire, only what she
might desire—and what she desires is dresses. By not forcing
any definitive identity category upon her, Ewert and Ray
breakdown and refuse to make Bailey fit into the socially
constructed compulsory order. Without a definitive sex,
there is no definitive gender. Without a definitive gender,
there is not definitive desire. Thus Bailey becomes as fluid
and inconsistent and inevitable as Rabinowitz argues she
should be. As queer theory’s project is to allow and make
powerful gender ambiguity, Bailey is a triumph in queer
narrative.
103
Queerness does exist throughout picturebooks for
children, and sometimes it is just a matter of knowing where
and how to look for it. Effeminate protagonists like Roger
and Bernard are out there, taking a stand for themselves and
for their talents. Gender-bending girls are out there too,
like Bernard’s sister Sara who cannot sew and only wants to
play football. Sometimes, though, children (and adults) just
need a book that is queer, without references to particular
words or fashions. 10,000 Dresses is the ‘something better that
has proven illusive’ (Huskey, 2002: 67). To that end, Bailey
represents the queer child that defies the compulsory demand
to be a ‘boy’ or a ‘girl.’ In a queer paradigm, Rabinowitz
writes, ‘There is no single marker that always and
unquestionably defines “boy” or “girl,” so such a person or
character cannot exist, even in theory’ (2006: 22). No
archetypal boy or girl can exist, but gender ambiguous
characters (and people) happen every moment. As a character,
Bailey calls attention to the performance of our identity
categories, and seemingly brushes off the compulsory demands
and questions—unconcerned, affirmed and proud.
104
Chapter 5
What ‘Troubling’ Does: The Possibilities of
Picturebooks
In 1976, James Marshall published a chaptered picturebook
entitled Speedboat. The first illustration of Chapter One
shows the two male protagonists Jasper Raisintoast, a fox,
and Jack Tweedy-Jones, a dog, in bed together, presumably
sharing a bedroom as well as a bed. Raisintoast has just
woken up, and Tweedy-Jones is still asleep, his tonic and
anagrammed slippers next to the bed. The story concerns the
events of one day in the lives of the picturebook’s
protagonists, revealing the consequences of Raisintoast’s
speedboat ride up the river and Tweedy-Jones’ inexplicable
floating experience with bubble gum. There is no reference
or explanation of their relationship, other than that they
are ‘pals’ (Marshall, 1976: n.p.). The implied author does
not seem interested in how the two animals came to share a
home or have a pal-like relationship; the implied reader105
assumes they always have. Like the opening scene, the final
illustration is of the two animals in bed once more, this
time Raisintoast is asleep and Tweedy-Jones puts out the
light. By all textual appearances, the two male protagonists
are great pals; through a queer lens, they are two great
pals in a loving same-sex relationship. Which interpretation
is ‘correct’ only matters to the reader who holds the
picturebook in their hands. This is what picturebooks enable
readers to do: discover something for themselves they might
not have seen elsewhere.
Throughout this dissertation, I have argued the myriad
ways in which LGBT families and queer individuals are read,
heard, and interpreted through children’s literature. Some
picturebooks, like Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin by Susan Bösche
and Andreas Hansen, have set out to educate children and
adults alike, only to miss their target audience. Other
picturebooks have filled a void in children’s literature for
LGBT families, such as Spacegirl Pukes by Katy Watson and Vanda
Carter or Daddy, Papa and Me by Lesléa Newman and Carol
Thompson. More still have unapologetically brought queer
106
love stories to children’s literature in Hello, Sailor by Ingrid
Godon and André Sollie and Queen Munch and Queen Nibble by Carol
Ann Duffy and Lydia Monks. From The Boy Who Cried Fabulous by
Lesléa Newman and Peter Ferguson to 10,000 Dresses by Marcus
Ewert and Rex Ray the queer child is also being brought to
the forefront of picturebooks for young children. From the
earliest representations of LGBT families with their same-
sex parents to two queens falling in love to a child who
desires the dresses she dreams of every night, each
picturebook text has ‘troubled’ the constructions of
identity and our conceptions of sex, gender and sexuality.
Furthermore, these picturebooks enable the child reader to
discover and question for themselves, in their own time,
inconsistencies within our heteronormative culture—two men
falling in love, a child with two mothers. As Daniel Lewis
writes in his chapter ‘How do picturebooks come to possess
meaning?’: ‘The picturebook is thus ideally suited to the
task of absorbing, reinterpreting and re-presenting the
world to an audience for whom negotiating newness is a daily
task’ (2006: 137). As the medium about which Lewis is
107
writing, picturebooks which narrate LGBT and queer stories
absorb, reinterpret, and re-present their own realities for
an audience whom are still learning to negotiate the world
around them.
In picturebooks about and for LGBT families, the task
of reinterpreting and representing the world derives from
the necessity to have texts which reflect the familial and
domestic configurations of families with two mothers or two
fathers at its head. In truth, the number of picturebooks
which actually have same-sex couples as parents are
miniscule compared to the number of LGBT families in the UK
and the US or the number of picturebooks including a mother
and father as parents. From my research, five new
picturebooks6 were published in 2009 across the UK and the
US which reflect an LGBT family; by contrast, how many
picturebooks were published last year in the two countries
which included the ‘domestic ideal’ of a ‘mother, father,
and offspring?’ (Theil, 2008: 157). The list would no doubt
6 The five new picturebooks published in 2009 are Mommy, Mama, and Me andDaddy, Papa and Me by Lesléa Newman and Carol Thompson; In Our Mothers’ House by Patricia Polacco; Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude is Gertrude by Jonah Winter and Calef Brown; and Not Ready Yet! by Tamsin Walker.
108
be much longer than five. As I argued in Chapter 2,
picturebooks which reflect LGBT families are not only for
the children of LGBT families, but for any child that
becomes a reader of that picturebook text. Whether the
family in the picturebook is normalised by comparison with
the multiplicity of familial configurations or is simply
understood as a family because of their love for one another
matters less if the real child reader takes away with them a
reinterpreted view of the world that may or may not be
different from their own.
On that same level, Rabinowitz argues that ‘queerness works
to expand what we think is possible and acceptable’ (2006:
19). In Chapter 3, I looked at the ways in which
picturebooks like Hello, Sailor and Queen Munch and Queen Nibble by
Carol Ann Duffy and Lydia Monks expand the conceptions of
love to include queer love stories, additionally blurring
the boundaries between friendship and romantic love.
Relatable narratives, the love stories between two queens or
a lighthouse keeper and a sailor not only become possible,
but expected as a result of the characters’ interactions
109
with one another. The visual and textual narratives of the
picturebooks communicate their intended ideologies because
they are not overtly didactic or concerned with making their
implied reader understand that same-sex relationships are
valid or ‘natural.’ Instead, the narratives provide the
larger context of the relationships rather than
foregrounding the acceptance of a same-sex relationship—thus
establishing it ‘most fully,’ as Huskey would argue (2002:
68). A queer reading of Queen Munch and Queen Nibble as well as
Hello, Sailor opens up the narrative to fluidity and allows the
opportunity for the child reader to ask questions of their
own—on their own terms.
According to Huskey, the opportunities for reading
queer narratives are endless. She writes, ‘There’s no
shortage of queer picture books if you’re looking in the
right places, or with the right eyes. For while
foregrounding homosexuality, whether deliberately or in
flight, robs the picture book of its queerness, seeking it
where it “isn’t” establishes it most fully’ (Huskey, 2002:
137). In Marshall’s Speedboat, the picturebook about Jasper
110
Raisintoast and Jack Tweedy-Jones can be read as a quirky
story about a fox and a dog that have a few wild adventures.
Like the mice in Chester’s Way by Kevin Henkes, the
anthropomorphising of the two male protagonists through a
queer lens, however, draws attention to the inconsistencies
relevant to their human behaviours: they are two male
characters of the same sex who share a home, meals, and a
bed; buy presents for one another; and do not like ‘kissing
mean ladies’ (Marshall, 1976: n.p.). Additionally, what do
we add to a queer reading if we know that Marshall, the
author-illustrator, was also gay? (Huskey, 2002: 69).
Produced in such a way, Speedboat is as much a queer
picturebook text as The Boy Who Cried Fabulous and My Brother
Bernadette by Jacqueline Wilson and David Roberts. When read
through as fluid characters unrestricted by gender binaries,
Raisintoast, Tweedy-Jones, Roger and Bernard all push the
reader to ‘expand what [they] think is possible and
acceptable’ (Rabinowitz, 2006: 19).
111
Similarly,
narratives about
queer children
further open up
interpretations
by troubling the
very basis upon
which our
heteronormative
society is based, what Judith Butler would argue as the
social construction of the compulsory order of
sex/gender/desire. By calling into question the static
‘nature’ of sex and gender, exposing gender as a performance
understood through codes of clothing, actions, interests,
etc., the characters of picturebooks like Chester’s Way or
10,000 Dresses enable a world view which rejects binary
opposition and stasis. By not buying into an ideal that a
person must fit into one sex or another, one gender or
another, a character like Bailey enables a reader to
question whether or not desire is more a marker of who we
112
From Speedboat by James Marshall.
are than any anatomical sex. Ewert and Ray encourage the
implied readers of 10,000 Dresses to ask the questions which
become relevant to them upon reading the book rather than
providing any inquires or answers which a child may be
interested in.
In the first and final lines of his text Reading
Contemporary Picturebooks: Picturing Text, Lewis quotes Barbara Bader
on picturebooks: ‘A picturebook is text, illustrations,
total design; an item of manufacture and a commercial
product; a social, cultural, historical document; and,
foremost, an experience for a child.... On its own terms its
possibilities are limitless’ (Bader qtd. in Lewis, 2006:
137). Choosing picturebooks as my focus for exploring LGBT
issues, queer theory and children’s literature, I could not
think of a medium more ‘limitless.’ Possibilities for
representation, re-interpretation, and communication abound
on every centimetre of every page—and the interactions
between themselves and, furthermore, with the child and
adult readers. Picturebooks take the skeleton of a textual
narrative and the evoking imagery of a series of
113
illustrations and place them intertwined in the hands of a
child to interpret and learn from. As Stephens argues, there
is no escaping the communication of ideologies in children’s
literature and in picturebooks about and for LGBT families
the importance of those loving and accepting ideologies
resonate. Picturebooks become an ideal medium to communicate
such ideologies as the indeterminacy of the interactions
between text and illustrations allow for multiple
interpretations—queer or not.
Without a doubt, queering or ‘troubling’ a text becomes
a political act regardless of a critic or reader’s
intention. And yet, politicising a text is not the sole
purpose in reading a picturebook about or for LGBT families
or queering a picturebook text. The final line of Duffy and
Monks’ Queen Munch and Queen Nibble reminds the reader of
another purpose. As Queen Munch sets off for Queen Nibble’s
palace for half of the year, the implied reader turns the
page to see a question presented for them to answer:
‘Now...what would you like for breakfast in the morning?’
(Duffy, 2002: n.p., emphasis original). In a single line, a
114
simple question reminds us that these picturebooks are
‘foremost,’ as Bader writes, ‘an experience for the child’
(Bader qtd. in Lewis, 2006: 137). For the love of queers,
picturebooks have been created for children that attempt to
reflect and reinterpret the lives of the LGBT community and,
as an experience at their level, allow children (and adults)
the space to ask their own questions, making room for the
inevitable inconsistencies of our world.
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Appendix 1
John Stephen’s ‘Frame of narrative transactions’ (1992: 21)
123
Ideological Function :: Implied Author
Ideological Function :: Implied Reader
Ideological Function :: Implied Reader
Executive Function :: Narrator
Executive Function :: Narratee
Executive Function :: Narratee
events; existents (setting; interactions, functions andspeech acts of characters)
(+/- focalization)
Actual World :: AUTHOR
Actual World :: READER