DraftCopy:GavinFridell,2014.“FairTradeSlippagesandVietnamGaps:TheIdeologicalFantasiesofFairTradeCoffee,”ThirdWorldQuarterly37(5),p.1179-1194.FairTradeSlippagesandVietnamGaps:TheIdeologicalFantasiesofFairTradeCoffeeGavinFridella∗

Fairtradecoffeesaleshaveboomedsincethelate1980s,makingitoneofthemostrecognizedformsof“ethicalconsumerism”intheworld.Aroundthesametime,exportsoflowerqualitycoffeebeansfromVietnamboomed,launchingVietnamfromaninsignificantcoffeeexportertotheworld’ssecondlargestwithhistoricallyunprecedentedspeed.Thesedisparateprojectshavehadsignificantimpactsonthousandsoffarmers—withVietnam’snewclassofcoffeeproducersrepresentingoneandhalftimesthenumberofcoffeefamiliescertifiedbyfairtrade.Northernactors,however,havegivenfarmorepublicandpositiveattentiontofairtrade.Thisarticlewillarguethatthisdifferencedoesnotstemfromastrictlyobjectiveappraisaloftherelativemeritsandshortcomingsofeachproject,butfromthecompatibilityoffairtradewith“freetrade”anditsemotionallychargedideologicalfantasies.Thisincludesunconsciousbeliefsanddesiresaroundindividualism,voluntarism,democracy,andtheaffirmationoftheexaggeratedpowerofNorthernconsumers—asopposedtotheSouthernagencyandcomplicatedcollectiveactionimpliedbyVietnamesecoffeestatecraft.Keywords:fairtrade;coffee;Vietnam;ideologicalfantasy;criticaldevelopmentstudies

InApril2013abuildingcollapsedinDhaka,Bangladesh,killingover1,100garment

workersandinjuringthousandsmore,thedeadliestrecordedgarment-factory

accidentinhistory.Intheaftermath,protestsinvolvingthousandsofBangladeshi

workersandintensepressurefromunions,NGOs,andvariousgovernments

compelleddozensofinternationalretailerstosignontoalegally-bindingagreement

aInternationalDevelopmentStudiesProgram,SaintMary’sUniversity,Canada

∗Correspondingauthor.Email:Gavin.Fridell@smu.ca

toimproveinspectionandminimumsafetystandardsinover1000factories.Atthe

sametime,Westernmediagrappledwiththecomplicityofconsumersinthetragedy.

Questionsaroundindividualresponsibilityturnedrapidlytoproposingsolutions,

includingthefairlystandardturnthesedaystowards“fairtrade”consumerism.One

articleintheNewYorkTimescelebratedanemerging“revolution”infairtrade

clothes,evenwhilerecognizingthatfor“someshoppers,thefair-tradepitchgoes

onlysofar”andthatveryfewfairtradecertifiedclothingoptionsactuallyexisted—

atthetimeofthefactorycollapseandinitsaftermath,itisnotclearthatasingleline

offairtradecertifiedclothingfromBangladeshexisted.Thearticleconcludedwith

anupbeatquotefromanaverageshopperproclaiming:“wehavepoweras

consumers.”1Thissomewhatcontradictorycelebrationoffairtrade—pointingoutis

narrowsizeandreachwhilerejoicingat“consumerpower”—isindicativeofamuch

widertrendofevokingfairtrade(andotherformsofethicalconsumption)as

solutionstotheworld’smostgrievousformsofsocialandenvironmentalinjustice,

despitethemodestsizeoffairtrademarketsanditsrelativelylimitedimpactonthe

livesofpoor.Thefairtradefantasyisoftenmorepowerfulthanfairtradeitself.

Thisarticlewillexaminethepoliticalsignificanceofthisgapbyexploringthe

fairtradefantasythroughacomparativeassessmentoftwoverydistinctprojects:

fairtradecertifiedcoffeeandnon-certified,Vietnamesecoffee.Sincethelate1980s,

salesoffairtradecoffeehaveboomed,makingitoneofthemostrecognizedforms

of“ethicalconsumerism”intheworldandgarneringasmallbutgrowingshareof

specialtycoffeemarketsintheNorth.Aroundthesametime,exportsoflower

qualitycoffeebeansfromVietnamboomedinthe1980sand1990s,launching

Vietnamfromaninsignificantcoffeeexportertotheworld’ssecondlargestwith

historicallyunprecedentedspeed.Thesedisparateprojectshavehadsignificant

impactsonthousandsoffarmers.Northerncommentatorsanddevelopment

organizations,however,havegivenfarmorepublicandpositiveattentiontofair

trade.Thispaperwillarguethatthisdifferencedoesnotstemfromastrictly

objectiveappraisaloftherelativemeritsandshortcomingsofeachproject,butfrom

thecompatibilityoffairtradewiththeemotionalchargedfantasiesassociatedwith

“freetrade”and“development.”Thisincludesunconsciousbeliefsanddesires

aroundindividualism,voluntarism,liberaldemocracy,andthenarcissistic

affirmationoftheexaggeratedpowerofNorthernconsumers.Vietnamesecoffee

statecraft,incontrast,impliescollectiveaction,statism,“communism,”and

complicatedandoftencontradictorySouthernagency,leavinglittleroomforthe

benevolentNorthernconsumer.Thenextsectionbrieflylaysouttheframeworkfor

thisideologicalcritique,followedbyacomparativeassessmentofthetwoprojects.I

arguethatfairtrade,beyonditsimmediateimpactonthelivesofpoorfarmersin

need,containsanideologicalfantasythatcanobscureboththelimitsof“consumer

power”intheNorthandthepowerandpossibilitiesofeconomicstatecraftinthe

South.

IdeologyandthefairtradefantasyTheframeworkforassessingthefairtradefantasyisdrawnbroadlyfrompolitical

economy,postcolonialstudies,andpsychoanalysis,andinparticularonaŽižekian

understandingofideologyandfantasy.SincetheendoftheColdWarandthe

“triumph”ofneoliberalcapitalism,thenotionofthe“endofideology”hasgrown

rapidly,inparticularinNorthAmericaandEurope.Žižekhasbeenoneofthelead

thinkerschallengingthisassumption,pointingtothenecessityofideologyin

constructingsocial“reality,”whichisalwayscreatedonthebasisofunconscious

desiresthatentailsvariousgapsorinconsistencies(“theReal”).Ideologyservesthe

purpose,assummarizedbyIlanKapoor,ofattempting“toobscuretheReal,tocover

overthesegaps,contradictions,orimperfections.”2Ideologyisoftenoperatingatits

deepestwhenthedenialofitsexistenceismostintense.ToŽižek,thewidespread

attempttomaintain“cynical”or“ironical”distancefromideologyisinfactthe

greatestideologicalfantasyofourday.“Ironical”distanceallowspeopletoclaimto

bebeyondideologyevenwhiletheyadherecarefullytoitstenantsthroughtheir

dailysocialactivity;asituationinwhich,“Theyknowverywellhowthingsreallyare,

butstilltheyaredoingitasiftheydidnotknow.”3

Žižek’snotionofideologyhasbeenusedtodevelopnumerouscritical

appraisalsofthefantasiesofneoliberalcapitalism.Chiefamongthemaretheworks

ofJodiDeanandIlanKapoor.4Deanhasdevelopedthenotionofthe“freetrade

fantasy.”Socialscientistsanddissentingeconomistshavelongcriticizedfreetrade

economicpolicyforbeingbasedonspeculativemodelingthatignorethecentrality

ofpolitics,ideology,class,gender,race,andothersocialinstitutionstorealworld

trade;thekeyroleplayedbythestate(throughvariousimportcontrols,tariffs,

quotas,andpreferences)intheeconomicsuccessesofNortherncountriesand

emergingSouthernpowers;andthemanifoldwaysinwhich“freetrade”

agreementscontainnon-tradecomponentsaroundintellectualproperty,services,

andinvestmentrightsthatseekprimarilytoprotecttransnationalcorporate

interests.5Despiteoftenglaringgapsandinconsistenciesbetweenfreetrade

proclamationsandactuallyexistingtradeandtradepolicy,“freetrade”continuesto

trudgeonasthedominantparadigmofourday.

ToDean,thisstemsinpartfrommassiveeffortsbycorporatemediaand

corporate-backedthinktankstopromote“freetrade,”butalsotodeeplyheld

notionsembeddedinNorthAmericans’everydaypractices,rootedinanswering

“whoweare”:“wearethosewhotradefreely,whovaluefreeness.”Thepowerof

thefreetradefantasyisto“linktogetherasetofoftenconflictingandcontradictory

promisesforenjoymentandexplanationsforitslack.”6Despitecontradictionsand

gapsinfreetrade,proponentsinsistthattheseinstancesaredeviationsfromhow

theworldshouldoperate,fulfillingwhatDeanreferstoas“the‘excuses,excuses’

roleoffantasy.”7Thefreetradefantasyobscuresthegaps,inconsistencies,and

exclusionsofactuallyexisting“freetrade.”

Alongsimilarlines,Kapoorhasanalyzedthecoreideologicalfantasiesof

internationaldevelopment.Inhisearlierwork,Kapoorcriticizedtheparadigmof

“ParticipatoryDevelopment”forofferinga“self-righteous”roletotheWestern

developmentexpertinpromotingcommunity“empowerment,”whileoverlooking

localconflictsandimposingidealizeddemandsfordemocracyandparticipationon

marginalizedcommunities.Asaresult,thetargetedcommunitycanbecomean

ideological“dumpingground”for“surplusidealismanddisgruntlement”overthe

lackofrobustformsofdemocracyandparticipationintheexpert’shomecountry.8

Morerecently,Kapoorhascritiquedthepreponderanceofcelebrity

humanitarianism,whereintheoutwardattempttocombatglobalinjusticeis

actuallyafantasythatsustains“socialapartheid”;offershighspectacle,depoliticized

solutionstocomplex,long-termproblems;andentailsthe“outsourcing”ofpeople’s

beliefstorichcelebritiesandcharitableNGOs.Thisfantasyisnotsolelyimposed

throughcorporatemediabutissustainedbypeople’sseduction,drawntocelebrity

humanitarianismwhenitmeetstheirunconsciousdesiresandcoversitsgapsand

inconsistencies(the“Real”).Tocombatthepoweroftheseideologicalfantasies,

statesKapoor,itisnotenoughtoexposethem,buttoacknowledge“our

unconsciouscommandsandpassionsthatbindustoideologydespitecritical

distance.”9Wemust“uncovertheunconsciousofcelebrityhumanitarianism,”and

ourowncomplicityinit,ifweseektomovebeyondit.10

Buildingontheseworks,thisarticleseekstointerrogatetheunconsciousof

thefairtradefantasy,teasingoutitsgaps,contradictions,andwiderpolitical

relevance.Inthearticle,Iwilladoptthelanguageof“we”and“us,”asiscommonin

theliteratureonideologicalcritique,toemphasizemyowncomplicityinthefair

tradefantasy;Iseeknottostandoutsideofideology(in“ironicaldistance”),butto

interrogateanideologicalfantasythatI,asacriticofthelimitsoffairtradebutalso

asitsconsumer,participatein.Thepaperisthusacritiqueofa“Northern”viewof

fairtradecoffee,wherethevastmajorityofitissoldandconsumed.Bycomparingit

totheriseofVietnamesecoffee,Iseektoexposethegeneralitiesandpeculiaritiesof

eachproject,aswellastoteaseouttheslippages,gaps,andcontradictionsinour

ideologicalunderstandingsofboth.

Theriseoffairtradecoffee

ThefairtradenetworkisasystemofNon-GovernmentalOrganisations(NGOs)

linkingproducersintheSouthwithpartnersintheNorththroughasystemof“fair

trade”rulesaround“democraticorganisation,”nochildlabour,environmental

sustainability,andhigherpricesandsocialpremiumspaidtoproducercommunities

tobuildsocialandeconomicinfrastructure.Formedinthe1940sand1950sand

originallybasedondirecttradingrelationshipsbetweenNGOs,inthe1980sfair

tradeorganizationsdevelopedlabellingschemesthatallowedconventional

corporationstoparticipateinfairtradewhilehavingonlyacertainquantityoftheir

productscertified.Sincethen,fairtradesaleshavegrownsubstantially,overseenby

FairtradeInternational(FLO),theworld’sdominantfairtradecertificationumbrella

organization,anddriventoalargeextentbygrowingsupportfrominternational

bodies,liketheWorldBank,andmajortransnationalcorporations(TNCs),which

viewfairtrade,alongwithotherformsof“corporatesocialresponsibility,”asnon-

bindingalternativetomorerobuststateregulation.11

Fairtrade’sexpansionhashadapositiveimpactonthousandsofcertified

farmerfamilies,manyofwhomhaveattainedimprovedaccesstosocialservices

throughcommunityhealthandeducationprojects,aswellasenhancedaccessto

credit,training,technology,andeconomicinfrastructure(suchasprocessingand

transportationfacilities).Atthesametime,onemustbecarefulnottooverstatethe

benefitsoffairtrade,whoseparticipantsarebetteroff,butgenerallyremain

relativelypoor.Agreatdealofcasestudyresearchonfairtradecoffeehas

consistentlyshownthatfairtradefarmersremainhighlyvulnerabletoglobal

markettrends,thatmuchoftheadditionalincomegainedisspentonextralabor

andinputsrequiredtomeetfairtradestandards,andthatfarmersfrequentlycannot

findspaceinthefairtrademarketandmustsellthemajorityoftheirbeanson

conventionalmarketsatlowerprices.Appraisalssuchasthesearecommonfor

manyotherproductsthroughoutthefairtradenetwork.12

Beyonditsimmediatelocalimpact,moreover,thereareotherimportant

limitationstofairtradecoffee.Perhapsmostsignificantly,thebreadthandreachof

fairtradeishighlyrestrictedbyitsdependenceonrelativelysmallnichemarketsin

theNorth.Whilefairtradecoffeehasgrownconsiderablyoverthepasttwodecades,

itstillreachesonlyaroundthreepercentoftheworld’s25millioncoffeefarmer

familiesandaccountsforaroundonepercentofglobalcoffeeexports.13Thefair

tradepriceisalsolimitedbytheneedtoremainsomewhatcompetitivewith

conventionalprices,andasaresultisnotthathighbyhistoricalstandards.From

1963to1989globalcoffeebeanpriceswereregulatedbytheInternationalCoffee

Agreement(ICA),aquotasystemsignedbyallmajorcoffeeproducingand

consumingcountriesdesignedtocreatehigherandmorestablepricesbylimiting

supply.UndertheICA,from1976to1989theregularpriceofconventionalcoffee

beanswasequalto,andinsomeyearstwiceashighaswhatistodayconsideredthe

“fairtrade”price.ICAeraprices,moreover,reachedalloftheworld’scoffee

farmers.14

Fairtradehasalsobeencriticizedforhavingstandardsthat,eventhough

originallydevelopedindialogueandpartnershipwithfarmercommunitiesinthe

South,havegenerallybeenoverseenandextendedthroughaprocessdominatedby

Northernorganizations.Whilethesestandardsareoftendesirable,theyarealso

onerousandcostly,imposingextraburdensonsmallfarmerswhooftenhavelittle

ornosayintheirdevelopment.15Theburdenhasbeenincreasedbythegrowthof

anarrayofnewstandardsdevelopedbywealthystatesandTNCsthatare

increasinglyinterwovenwithfairtradestandards,suchasorganiccertificationor

EuropeanGoodAgriculturalPractices(EurepGAP).Thefairtradenetworkhas

respondedtothiscriticismbyexpandingproducerrepresentationonvarious

governingboards,butoverarchingconcernshaveremained.Theproblememerges,

toasignificantextent,outoftheverynatureofcertification,whichusuallyentailsa

pre-givensetofstandardsandanoutsideverificationbodytoprovidereliabilityand

transparencytoethicalconsumers.Puttingconsumersfirstinthisway,asHenry

Frundthasobserved,overlooksdemocraticlabourprinciplesaround“freedomof

association,”whichnecessitatesthatlabourconditionsarenegotiatedandreviewed

byproducersthemselves—notbyanexternalpartyoverwhichpeopleonthe

groundhavelittleinfluenceorcontrol.16

Criticshavealsoexpressedconcernthatfairtradepromotescontinued

dependenceontropicalcommodityexportstoglobalmarketsdominatedby

Northerncompaniesandconsumers.Aswithconventionalconsumerism,ethical

consumerismremainsrootedintheidealsof“consumersovereignty,”whereinthe

socialandecologicalconditionsofproductionandtradearesaidtobetheoutcome

ofdecisionsmadebyconsumersthroughtheir“consumerpower.”Thisperspective

hasbeenrightlycriticisedforneglectingthatconsumersdonothaveadequate

informationuponwhichtobasemarketchoices.Instead,theypurchasegoodsunder

themanipulationofhugelyexpensivecorporateadvertisingcampaigns,amounting

tobillionsofdollarsperyear,designedtoengineerconsumerchoices.17

Inacceptingtheideasaroundconsumersovereigntyandconsumerpower,

moreover,fairtradeisalsoacceptingthatoneperson’sdemandsasaconsumer

shouldtakeprecedenceoveranother’sneedsasaproducer.Fairtradeisdependent

ontheunilateraldecisionsofrelativelybetteroffNorthernconsumers,whointurn

continuetomakepurchasingdecisionsinafairlyconventionalway:asisolated

individualswhoseprimaryresponsibilitytofairtradeistoshop.Consumersarenot

connectedwithproducersinademocraticorgenuinelyparticipatoryprocessand

theirinfluenceonglobaltradepatternsislimitedtotheir“purchasingpower.”Their

knowledgeoffairtradeandthelivesofproducercommunitiesismediatedbythe

marketthroughadvertisingmedia.Asisolatedindividuals,ethicalconsumers

remainshieldedbytheglobalmarketfromthedirectoutcomeoftheirdecisions,

placingthefairtradesystementirelyatthemercyofan“ethicalpremium”that

consumersmayormaynotbewillingtopayfromonedaytothenext.18Moreover,

asMikeGoodmanhasastutelyobserved,fairtrade’smarketingsuccesshasbrought

withita“FaustianBargain”whereinsexy,upbeatimagery,oftenassociatedwith

celebritypromoters,hasgraduallycolonizedfairtrade’smediaspace,dilutingthe

possibilitiesforbuildingethicalnetworksofcareconnectingdistantproducersand

consumers.“[If]allweareseeingiscelebritiestalkingaboutandsupportingfair

trade,”statesGoodman,“consumingthesecommoditiesbecomesmoreaboutbeing

likethatcelebrity…thanitdoesaboutmakingconnectionstopoorproducersand

theirmarginalandmarginalizedlivelihoods.”19

Asafinalconsideration,criticshaveraisedconcernsthatthegrowthoffair

tradeinrecentyearshasbeendrivenbycorporationsandinternationalinstitutions

employingmodestsupportforfairtradetoobscuretheirdedicationto“freetrade”

intheirwideroperations.AcorporationlikeStarbucks,forexample,isfrequently

celebratedasaleaderincorporatesocialresponsibility.In2012Starbucks

purchased8.1percentofitscoffeebeansfairtradecertified,meaningnearly92

percentofitsbeanscamefromnon-fairtradecertifiedsuppliers.Thistrendhasonly

continuedtointensify,withmoreandmoreconventionalcorporationssigningonto

sellvaryingamountsoffairtradeproductseachyear,includingWal-Mart,

McDonalds,Dunkin’Donuts,andNestlé,thelatterofwhomistheworld’slargest

foodcompanyandbuys0.02percentofitsbeanscertifiedfairtrade.20Growing

corporateinvolvementhasledtosignificanttensionswithinfairtrade.Onemajor

examplehasbeendebatesoverwhetherornotFLOshouldpermitthecertification

oflarge-scalecoffeeplantations,somethingsuccessfullyresistedforyearsbysmall

farmers,ledbytheLatinAmericanandCaribbeanNetworkofSmallFairTrade

Producers(CoordinadoraLatinoamericanaydelCaribedePequeñosProductoresde

ComercioJusto,orCLAC),butdesiredbycorporatepartnerswishingtobuyfair

tradefromtheirestablishedsuppliers.Matterscametoaheadin2011whenFair

TradeUSAbrokewiththerestoftheFLOsystemandsetaboutdevelopingitselfas

anindependent,morepro-corporatecertificationbodythatwouldallowfor

plantationcertification.21

Thisgeneralassessmentcontrastswiththewidespreadandgrowing

popularityofthefairtradefantasy.Fairtrade’spopularityinNorthAmericaand

Europehasexplodedinrecentyears,notstrictlyintermsofconsumptionasfair

trademarketsremainrelativelysmall,butintermsofpopularinterest,discussion,

anddebateinmainstreamcorporatemedia;countlessnewbooksandarticles;

emergingfairtradeandethicalconsumptionmagazines;reportsfrominternational

financialinstitutions,governments,andhighlyrespectedNGOs;promotional

campaignsfromdevelopmentandsocialjusticeorganizations;andaneverygrowing

arrayofseeminglylimitlessacademicworks.22Whilefairtradeiscertainlyworthy

ofattentionandstudy(asImyselfhavedone,contributingtothebulgingworks),

onemightwonderwhy,givenitsfairlymodestimpacts,ithasreceivedthismuch

attention.

TheriseofVietnamesecoffee

Incontrasttothegrowthoffairtradecoffee,farlessattention,andfarless

enthusiasm,hasbeendirectedtowardtheriseofVietnamesecoffee,whichoccurred

aroundthesametime.Inthe1980sand1990s,Vietnamleaptwithhistorically

unprecedentedspeedfrombeinganinsignificantcoffeeexportertotheworld’s

secondlargest.Vietnamesecoffeeexportsnowaccountforover22percentofthe

world’stotalexports(aroundtwentytimesthequantityoffairtradecoffee)andthe

industryprovidesalivelihoodforaround1.1–1.3millionpeople(overoneanda

halftimesthenumberofcertifiedfairtradecoffeefarmersglobally).23

GrowingmostlypoorerqualityRobustabeans,Vietnam’sexportsgrewbyan

annualaverageof29percentfrom1981to2001,facilitatedbynewprocessing

technologiesallowingcoffeeTNCstotonedowntheharshnessofRobustasand

blendthemwithhigherqualityArabicabeans.Likefairtrade,theriseofVietnamese

coffeewasparalleledbythecollapseoftheICAin1989,whichbroughtanendto

collectiveactionamongcoffeestatesoverpriceregulation,sparkingintense

volatilityintheglobalmarket.Thissetthestageforamajorglobalcoffeecrisesfrom

1998to2002,whenexportsboomed,supplyfarout-strippeddemand,andprices

collapsed.Manyfactorswereinvolvedinthebust,includingproductivitygrowthin

Brazil,buttherapidandsurprisingemergenceofVietnamasaleaderincoffee

exportswasthemainfeature.Theoutcomewasadevastatingcrisisfortheworld’s

coffeefarmers,includingthoseinVietnam,whichlastedforyearsuntilpricesbegan

torecoveraround2007.24

ItwasinthiscontextthatVietnamesecoffeecametothewiderattentionof

Northernmediaanddevelopmentorganizations,focusingmostlyonthe(generally

correct)negativeaspectsoftheVietnameseboom:itsimpactonglobaloversupply,

itsecologicallydestructiveproductionmethods,anditspossibleeffectsonlowering

thebarofcoffeebeanqualitystandards.25SeveralmediaandNGOreportsinitially

claimedthattheNorthern-dominatedWorldBankandIMFwereresponsiblefor

havingfundedandpromotedtheexpansionofcoffeeproductioninVietnam.Since

then,however,thisclaimhasbeenrefutedbythosewhohavearguedthat,whilethe

WorldBankandIMFdidencourageVietnamtoexpandcommodityexports

generallytoearnforeignexchangetoservicedebtpayments,thereisnoevidence

thattheyspecificallypromotedcoffee,whichtheyhadinfactlongdiscouraged.26

TheWorldBankandtheIMFwerenotthemaindriversbehindVietnamese

coffeeexpansion,norwereglobalmarketdynamicsontheirownaccord.Thecentral

playerwastheVietnamesestate,whichoverdecadessystematicallyconstructedthe

nationalcoffeeeconomyinthepursuitofcoffee“statecraft.”Thenotionof

“statecraft”isintendedtoindicatemorethanstateactiontofacilitatemarket

activitiesasadevelopmenttool,butalso,drawingonPeterGowan’snotionof

“economicstatecraft,”involvesafarmorecentralroleforspecificallycapitalist

statesinconductingstrategicmarketmanagementtogainadvantageorpowerover

otherstatesintheinternationalarena.Thecomplexgoalsofthecapitaliststate,as

framedbyDavidHarvey,canbegroupedintomeeting“territorial”and“capital”

logics,whichcanbecompetingorcompatibledependingonthecontext.The

territoriallogicinvolvesactivitiesbystateelitesaimedatenhancingorprotecting

thepoweroftheirstateinrelationtootherstates,whereasthecapitallogicentails

stateactiontoproduceandreproduceacapitalisteconomy,basedonaspecificset

ofsocialrelations,commodityproduction,and,asEllenMeiksinsWoodhas

observed,theartificialseparationbetweentheeconomicandpoliticalrealms.27

Appliedtothecoffeeindustry,coffeecanbeemployedasatoolofstatecraft

tomeetboththeterritoriallogic(defendingtheinterestsofthenationalcoffee

sectorabroadandathometogainstaterevenuethroughtariffsandtaxation,while

providingruralemployment,statelegitimacy,andpoliticalstability)andthecapital

logic(promotingcoffeeamongprivateorsemi-privatelandholdersasacommodity

exportaspartofawiderstrategyofglobalmarketintegration).Inthe1970sand

1980s,theVietnamesestateelitepursuedcoffeestatecraftwithjustsuchgoalsin

mind,seekingtomeetterritorialandcapitalistlogicsaspartofthegradual

expansionofacapitalisteconomyandcapitalistsocialrelations.Significantly,the

stateplayednotjustafacilitatingroleincoffeeexpansion,butthecentralrole.Asa

2004WorldBankreportobserved,theVietnamese“government”has“directly

participatedineveryaspectofthecoffeeindustry,”playingan“all-encompassing”

role.“Government,”statesthereport,“istheprimaryandmostinfluentialinstitution

byfar,andhascreatednearlytheentire[coffee]sector’sotherinstitutions.”28

Seekingtomanageitsgrowingintegrationintotheworldcapitalistsystem,

theVietnamesestatebeganpromotingcoffeegrowthandexportinthe1970sasa

waytoearnforeignexchangeandstaterevenue(throughtariffsandotherformsof

taxation)whileprovidingsmallfarmerswithviablelivelihoodstoavoidordampen

protestandrebellion.ThiswasprecededbythehistoricalevolutioninVietnamofa

classofsmallholderfarmersdevotedtogrowingcommoditiesforexport,a

transformationfirstbeganundercolonialimpositionbytheFrenchEmpire(1887-

1954),thenbythewartimegovernmentsofNorthandSouthVietnamduringthe

VietnamWar(1954-1975),andfinallywiththeunifiedindependentSocialist

RepublicofVietnamfrom1975onward.

Beginninginthe1970sthestateinitiatedoutamassiveresettlement

programtotheCentralHighlandsprovinceofDakLak,whichwouldemergeatthe

country’smajorcoffee-producingprovince.Thestateboostedeffortstoexpand

coffeecultivation,offeringpreferentialcredit,exportbonuses,facilitatedlandaccess,

technologicalsupports,andanarrayofextensionservicestocoffeegrowersand

traders.Thesepolicieswereincreasedthroughoutthe1980s,withgovernment

providingincentivesforfarmerstoswitchtocashcrops,includingpreferentialloans,

subsidizedinputs,low-costland,extensionpackages(includingsuchthingsas

seedlingsandfertilizer)andsupportdevelopingirrigation.Thestatealsoimposed

pricecontrolsondomesticfoodstuffs,whichhelpedkeepurbanwagesdownwhile

persuadingfarmerstoswitchtoexportcropsinhopesofattaininghigherincomes.

Throughoutthisprocess,particularemphasiswasplacedonchemical-intensive

fertilizersandirrigation,propellingVietnamintoproducingsomeofthehighest

coffeeyieldsintheworld.29

Evenwhilecarryingouteconomicreformsaimedatgradualprivatization

andmarketliberalizationbeginninginthemid-1980s,thestatehascontinuedto

strategicallymanagethecoffeeindustrythroughdirectinvolvementandlessdirect

incentives.Thestate-ownedVietnamCoffeeCorporation(Vinacafe),forexample,

currentlymanagesdozensofcoffeefarmsaswellasprocessing,trading,andservice

companies,andisamongtheworld’slargestsingle-sourcecoffeeexporters.The

Vietnamesestatehasalsocontinuedtoexercisedirectmanagementofthecoffee

marketduringtimesofcrisis.Duringtheglobalcoffeecrisis,forexample,the

governmentorderedstateenterprisestoretaincoffeestockintheattempttolimit

supplyandpropuppricesand,in2001,orderedstate-runbankstofreeze

repaymentsonloanstocoffeegrowersforuptothreeyearstoavoidlarge-scale

default.30

WhileitisclearthattheVietnamesecoffeestatecraftplayedakeyroleinthe

rapidexpansionofthecoffeeindustry,itislessclearhowbeneficialthisexpansion

hasorhasnotbeen.Thereiscertainlynoshortageofless-than-encouragingdetails

andstatisticsaroundthesocialandecologicalimpactsoftheriseofVietnamese

coffee.Duringtheinitialboomyears,thecoffeeregionsofVietnamexperienced

improvedhouseholdincomesanddecliningpovertyrates.Thesegainswerethen

significantlyslowedbytheglobalcoffeecrisis.31Whenpricesbegantorecoverafter

2007,coffeefarmersbegandoingfairlywellagain,withtheaverageVietnamese

coffeefarmerby2012earningmorethanthenationalpercapitaincomeof$1,300

peryear.32Globalcoffeepriceshavesincebeguntofallagain,downtothelowest

levelsin6yearsbytheendof2013.Thishassparkedrenewedfearsofanother

coffeecrisisonthehorizonandtheprospectofwidespreadloandefaultsamong

farmersinVietnam.PressurehasemergedfromwithinVietnamaskingthe

governmenttoconsiderastockretentionprogramtolimitsupplyandboostprices,

somethingthatBrazilhasalreadydone,announcingplansin2013topurchaseas

manyasthreemillionbagsofcoffeefromBraziliangrowers.33

Ecologically,Vietnam’scomparativeadvantagehasbeenconstructedonthe

basisofhigh-productivity,high-inputmethods,oftenonsub-optimalland.Therapid

expansionofmonoculture,full-sunfarmshascausedhighratesofdeforestation,

whiletheheighteneduseofirrigationandchemicalfertilizershasgivenwayto

intensifiedsoilerosionandwaterscarcity,aswellasgrowingconcernsabout

pollutingwaterwaysandsoilthroughthelooselyregulateduseofagrochemicals.34

Forthesereasons,Vietnamesecoffeehasrarelybeenupheldbyinternational

organizationsandNGOsasapositivedevelopmentmodel.

Atthesametime,despiteitsmanyshortcomings,critiquesofVietnamese

coffeestatecraftmustbesomewhattemperedbytherecognitionthatstatepolicy

mustmaneuverwithinthebroaderconfinesofthecoffeeindustryandahighly

competitiveglobalcapitalistmarket.TheVietnamesestatehaspursuedcoffee

statecraftinaglobaleconomydominatedbypowerfulNorthernandSouthern

powers.Theoptionsfordevelopingaviableagroexportsectorwerenevercertain,

withunpredictablemarketsofferingonlysomanyoptionstowardwhichcountless

stateshavesoughttoconstructtheirowncompetitiveadvantages.Addedtothis,

Vietnaminthe1970swasapoorstateemergingfromadevastatingwaragainstthe

world’slargestsuperpower,compelledwithinonlyafewyearsofindependenceto

initiateacomplexandcontradictoryeconomictransformation.Underthese

conditions,thedramaticriseofVietnamesecoffeeisremarkable,itsshortcomings

matchedbyimportanteconomicandsocialgains.35

First,Vietnamisnowtheworld’sindisputablesecondlargestcoffeeexporter,

withexportlevelssurprisinglyclosetoBrazil—combined,thetwocountries

accountedforalmosthalfofalltheworld’scoffeeexportsin2012.36Inrealworld

trade,powermatters,andVietnamhasaccumulatedsignificantpoliticaland

economicinfluenceoverthecoffeeworldthatwouldhavebeenunimaginable25

yearsago.Second,domestically,coffeeisnowVietnam’ssecondmostvaluable

agriculturalexport,afterrice,andhasplayedanimportantroleindiversifyingthe

agriculturaleconomyandprovidingincomeformillionsofruralworkersand

farmers,thevastmajorityofwhomaresmallholderswithlessthan2hectaresof

land.37Thisinitselfisanimportantfeat,asagriculturaldiversificationandrural

incomegenerationonthislevelarebynomeansaguaranteeinthecompetitive

globaleconomy.Third,withinthecoffeeeconomyVietnamisparticularlywell

positionedtomaintainandincreaseitsmarketshare.Robustabeansare

increasinglypopular,duetonewprocessingtechnologiesbutalsotogrowing

demandforinstantcoffeeinemergingmarkets,whereRobustabeansarethenorm.

Thepricedifferentialbetweenlower-pricesRobustabeansandhigher-prices

BrazilianArabicabeanshasbeennarrowingforseveralyears.Combinedwiththis,

VietnamdominatestheChinesecoffeemarket,accountingfor75percentofChinese

coffeeimportsin2013.WhiletheChinesecoffeemarketisrelativelysmall,itisalso

oneoftheworld’sfastestgrowingandmanypredictitwillbecomeoneofthelargest

coffeemarketsintheworldby2020.38

Thesebenefits,ofcourse,donotmeanthatVietnamesefarmersarenot

highlyvulnerabletothevagariesoftheglobalmarket.Withglobalpricescurrently

lowonceagain,thehigherpricesofferedbyfairtradecertificationwouldcertainly

beappealing,andabonusforthosefortunateenoughtogainaccesstothefairtrade

market.Atthesametime,fewsmallcoffeefarmersintheglobalSouth,fairtradeor

otherwise,haveaccesstotherelativelyextensivestatesupports(credit,subsidized

inputs,low-costland,agriculturalextensionservices,infrastructuresupport)

offeredbytheVietnamesestate—althoughthisvariesconsiderably,withcountries

likeCostaRicaandColombiaofferingsimilarsupportsovertheyears.39One

particularlyimportantissueisaccesstocredit,whichisfrequentlyraisedasamajor

concernforsmallfarmersglobally.InVietnam,thestatehasdominatedruralcredit

throughstate-ownedbanks.Thishasallowedittobettermanagethecoffeesector—

forexample,throughtheaforementionedthree-yearfreezeonloanrepayments

duringthecoffeecrisis—aswellasoffercomparativelysignificantamountsofcredit

tosmallfarmersunderrelativelybettertermscomparedtomostotherSouthern

countries.40Thus,whileVietnamesecoffeestatecraftmaylagbehindothersinsome

areas,likeenvironmentalsustainabilityandcoffeequality,itisalsoaleaderinmany

others,includingproductivityandcreditandinfrastructureprovisionforsmall

coffeefarmers.

ComparingfairtradeandVietnamesecoffee

TheassessmentaboveisnotintendedtoargueforthesuperiorityofVietnamese

coffeestatecraftoverfairtradecertification.Rather,itisdesignedtoquestionthe

widelyheldoppositeassumption:thattheriseofVietnamesecoffee,when

recognizedatall,isaneconomicorsocialissue,whereasfairtradeisamuchhigher

status“developmentproject.”Thisassumption,Iwouldargue,isbasedmoreonthe

factthatfairtradeconformstoNorthernideologicalfantasiesaround“freetrade”

andinternationaldevelopmentthanasoberappraisalofthetwoprojectsandtheir

impacts.Theyarebothdevelopmentprojects,targetingsmall-scalecoffeefarmers,

butofdifferentsorts,withdifferentimpacts,failures,andsuccesses.Fairtrade

offersdesirablesocialandecologicalstandards,withlimitedoverallbreadthand

reach.Fairtradefarmersremainhighlyvulnerabletoglobalmarketsandtoa

certificationsystemoverwhichtheyhavelimitedinputorcontrol.Vietnamese

coffeestatecrafthasreachedconsiderablymorefarmers,althoughofferinglower

pricesunderhighlyenvironmentallydamagingconditions.Vietnamesecoffee

farmersalsoremainhighlyvulnerabletoglobalmarketdemands,onlywithstate

supportwithinanationaldevelopmentframeworkthatgoesbeyondwhatfairtrade

itselfcanaspirefor.

Inparticular,wemustbecarefulnottounderestimatetheimportanceof

productivityandeconomicefficiencyinreducingpoverty,eveniftheymightseem

eitherbanaloratoddswithmoreecologicallysoundproductionmethods.In2007,a

studyofcoffeeco-operativesinNicaraguawasconducted,surveying327members

from7differentco-operatives,classifiedaseitherconventional,organiccertified,or

organic-fairtradecertified.Thestudydeterminedthatnonotabledifferencesexisted

betweentheco-operativesintermsofincomesandgrossmarginstoitsmembers.

Onereasonadvancedtoexplainthisisthattheyieldsforallfarmersinthestudy

weresolow.Asaresult,agriculturalscientistPeterBakerarguesthat“farmerswere

doingsopoorlythatnoformofcertificationcouldhelpthem.”Yieldsfromfarms

acrossthe7co-operativesaveraged363kg/ha.Thesenumberswere“dismallylow”

byindustrystandards,comparedtoanaverageyieldinBrazilofaround1,200kg/ha

andanextremelyhigh2,000kg/hainVietnam.Reflectingonthis,Baker

provocativelyasks:

Isittoomuchtohopethatbeforefarmersaretroubledwiththeextrawork

andexpenseofcertification,thattheycouldenteramuchsimplerschemethat

concentratesongettingyieldsuptoalevelwheretheystandachanceof

turningtheirfarmsintosuccessful,resilientbusinesseswhichcertification

couldthenverify?41

Productivity,ofcourse,isnopanaceafordevelopment.Whileitmighthelpspecific

farms,regions,orcountriesattherighttimeandcontext,increasedproductivityin

coffeeandothercommoditiesonaglobalscalehasfrequentlyleadtooversupply,a

bustinprices,andmajorsocialandeconomiccrises.42Moreover,productivity

pursuedinthemannerthatVietnamhasdonecontributestoglobalenvironmental

crises.Thepoint,however,isthatVietnam’sproductivity-drivenmodelisa

developmentmodel,offeringlessonsandconundrumstocritiqueandtolearnfrom

aroundthenecessityorsuitabilityofbasingincomegainsonhighproductivity

coffeegrowing.

Regardlessofhowonemightweightheprosandconsofeachproject,the

increasingattentionandsupportofferedfairtradeamongNorthernmediaand

developmentNGOsislikelybasedlessonarigorousdevelopment“scorecard”than

ontheunconsciousorconsciousbeliefthatfairtrade’svoluntary,market-driven

approachandgrowingcorporatesupportiscompatiblewiththefreetradefantasy.43

Asonefairtradepromoterapprovinglyputsit,“fairtradeactuallyembracesmany

oftheidealsofcapitalistfreetrade;thedistinctionisthatweaimtogiveeveryonea

fairchance.”44Fairtradeisalsohighlycompatiblewiththecoreideologicalfantasies

ofinternationaldevelopment,combiningnotionsoflocaldemocracyand

empowermentwithromanticizedorexoticimagesofwhatPaigeWestreferstoas

the“modernprimitive.”DrawingonethnographicworkconductedinPapuaNew

Guinea,Westobservesthecomplexwaysinwhichfairtradeandother“specialty”

coffeescreateadualimageof“povertyandprimitivity,”assigning“liberal”

consumersthekeyroleinguidingthepoortowardmodernity.Theseimagesare

developedbymarketingandretailagents,drawingonthedesiresandfantasiesof

consumers,butaregenerallyfarremovedfromthevaluesandlivedexperiencesof

specificcoffeegrowingcommunities.45Moreover,asGoodmanhasobserved,the

morealternativeorradicalpoliticalpotentialofthemarketingsymbolismaround

fairtradehasalteredsignificantlyovertime,shiftingfromimagesanddiscourses

displayingfarmersandtheireverydaylivelihoods,toromantic“tourist”landscapes

andcelebritypromotersdeemedmorepleasingtoconsumers.Theoutcomeisa

“veritablehouseofmirrorsthatworkstoreflectmoreofourownselvesbacktoour

ownselvesthanitdoesonshinningdaylightontheglobalspacesofpoverty,

inequalityandinjusticehoweverlimitedoncoffeebagsandwebsites.”46

Moreover,justasparticipatorydevelopmentoffersthedevelopmentexpert

anexaggeratedand“self-righteous”roleinpromotingempowerment,asKapoor

argues,sofairtradeoffersasimilarlyexaggeratedroletotheNorthernconsumer,

empoweredtochangetheworldthroughindividualpurchases.Inanincreasingly

“postdemocratic”worldorder,dominatedbyhugeandinaccessiblecorporateand

statebureaucracies,fairtradeoffersindividualsasenseofempowermentthrough

whichtheycanprojectoutwardanethicalidentity.Akintoparticipatory

development,however,theglobalinequalitiesimbeddedinfairtrademeansthatit

canbecomeanideological“dumpingground”for“surplusidealismand

disgruntlement”overwhatNorthernerslackathome;makingitparticularly

enticingandappealing,regardlessofwhatthedevelopmentscorecardmayormay

notsay.47

TheVietnamesecoffeeindustry,incontrast,offersnocentralorempowering

rolefortheNorthernconsumer—infact,theaverageconsumercanbeforgivenfor

notevenknowingthatVietnamistheworld’ssecondlargestcoffeeexporter.For

thosewhodoknowabouttheriseofVietnamesecoffee,thecentralroleplayedby

thestate,guidedbyanunelectedsingle-partygovernment,ishardlyfruitfulterrain

uponwhichtoimaginefreetradefantasiesordirectsurplusidealism.Thisis

combinedwiththefactthatVietnam,whileincreasinglyanimportanttrading

partneroftheUnitedStates,continuestobeassociatedwithnegativemythsaround

the“RedMenace”andthe“YellowPeril”popularizedinNorthAmericaduringthe

VietnamWar.48Moreover,theVietnamesecoffeefarmer,equippedwithextensive

irrigationandadministeringhugedosesofchemicalfertilizer,doesnotoffermuch

bythewayofaromanticized“modernprimitive.”Vietnamesecoffeestatecraft

impliescomplicatedandcontradictorySouthernagency,leavingNorthernagency

andconsumerpoweronthesidelines.Asaresult,itisgenerallyoverlookedasa

developmentproject,overshadowedbyboundlessenthusiasmforfairtrade.

ForsomeonelocatedandlivinginNorthAmerica,itisnoteasytodetermine

howtoultimately“traversethefantasy”offairtrade.AsKapoorobserves,building

onŽižek,thisrequiresacertain“strategicwithdrawal”from“knee-jerk”and

“moralizing”solutionsinfavorof“themuchbroader,long-term,andnecessarily

messy,terrainofpolitics.”49Intherealmofdailyconsumption,thisposessomewhat

ofadilemma;aslongasonechoosescoffeeaspartoftheirdailyritual,theymust

chooseoneproductoverothers,whichnecessarilyareembeddedwithfantasies,

desires,andcomplicity.Inthiscase,Iwouldargueinfavorofchoosingfairtrade

coffee,strategically,asitgivesthebestchanceofhavingsomegeneralknowledge

aroundhowaspecificbagofcoffeeisgrownandwhomightbereceivingthe

benefits—hardlyaninspiringsloganforfairtradeadvertisements.Thetrickisto

remainawareofthecontradictionsandgapsthatcomewithfairtrade,its

developmentlimitationsanditsdistancefromthe“necessarilymessy,terrainof

politics.”Politically,fairtradepropsupunconsciousbeliefsanddesiresaround

individualism,voluntarism,democracyandtheexaggeratedpowerofNorthern

consumers.

Vietnamesecoffee,incontrast,revealsthepowerandcomplexityofSouthern

statecraft,deeplysituatedinthemessyterrainofpolitics,inamannerthatoffers

littleactiverolefortheNorthernconsumer.Thisdoesnot,however,meanthatthere

isnoroleforNortherncitizenstoplay.Vietnam’shighproductivitycoffeestatecraft

didnotemergestrictlyoutoftheautonomousdecisionsofstateandindustry

participants,butinresponsetothehighlycompetitivedynamicsofglobalcapitalism.

Globally,ever-increasingproductivityleadstofrequentoversupplyandpricebusts,

whichcanonlybemanagedthroughinternationalcollectiveactionamongstates—

suchasthatmodeledbytheICA—whichinturncanonlyhappenwithpressure

“frombelow.”Competitivepressuresalsodrivetheecologicallydestructiveimpacts

ofVietnamesegrowingmethods,whichultimatelycanonlybeaddressthrough

collectiveactionatthegloballeveltocombatclimatechangeinamannerthat

properlybalancestheenvironmentalresponsibilitiesandburdensofeveryone,

NorthandSouth,sothatsmallSouthernfarmersdonotbecomean“ideological

dumpingground”forthelackofgenuineclimateactionamongthosewiththe

largestenvironmentalfootprintsintheNorth.Allofthiscanbeconfrontedwith

carefulattentiontotheslippagesandgapsassociatedwiththefantasies

surroundingfairtrade,Vietnamesecoffee,andcoffeeanddevelopmentgenerally.

Thefirstbigstepinthisregardmightcomeinrecognizingthattheroadto

transformativepoliticsdoesnotcomethroughconsumptionatall.

Acknowledgements

TheauthorwouldliketothanktheCanadaResearchChairprogramforfunding

support,andKateErvine,IlanKapoor,andtheanonymousreviewersforinvaluable

feedback.

NotesonContributor

GavinFridellisaCanadaResearchChairinInternationalDevelopmentStudiesat

SaintMary’sUniversityinHalifax.HeistheauthorofFairTradeCoffee(2007)and

AlternativeTrade(2013),aswellasseveralarticlesandbookchaptersonthe

politicaleconomyoftrade,development,andNorth-Southrelations.

Notes1StephanieClifford."SomeRetailersSayMoreAboutTheirClothing'sOrigins"(New

YorkTimes,May8,2013).

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/09/business/global/fair-trade-movement-

extends-to-clothing.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0.Priortothecollapse,FairTrade

USAhadasmallpilotprojectonfairtradeclothinganditisnotclearifBangladeshi

factorieswereinvolved.AndriaCheng."FairTradeFashionGainingMomentum

afterBangladeshTragedies."(MarketWatch,June20,2013).

http://blogs.marketwatch.com/behindthestorefront/2013/06/20/fair-trade-

fashion-gaining-momentum-after-bangladesh-incidents.Aversionofthisanecdote

appearedinGavinFridell“Mamywładzęjakokonsumenci?”[FairTradeandthe

Limitsof‘ConsumerPower],KulturaLiberalna[LiberalCulture,Warsaw],December

3,2013).

2Kapoor,CelebrityHumanitarianism,6.

3Žižek,SublimeObject,32.

4Dean,Democracy;Kapoor,PostcolonialPolitics;Kapoor,CelebrityHumanitarianism.

5MilonakisandFine,FromPoliticalEconomy;Chang,BadSamaritans;Grinspunand

Mills,"Canada’sTradeEngagement."

6 Dean, Democracy, 50,55-56.

7 Ibid., 58.

8Kapoor,PostcolonialPolitics,65.

9Kapoor,CelebrityHumanitarianism,117,14-15.

10Ibid.,2.

11SeeFridell,FairTradeCoffee.

12Forexample,seeBacon,"ConfrontingtheCoffeeCrisis.";Jaffee,BrewingJustice;

Hudson,Hudson,andFridell,FairTrade;LyonandMoberg,FairTradeandSocial

Justice;Raynolds,Murray,andWilkinson,FairTrade.

13Fairtradeinvolvesover670,0000coffeefarmerfamilies,around3percentofthe

world’sestimatedtotalcoffeefarmerfamilies.SeeFridell,FairTradeCoffee.In2012,

thesaleofgreencoffeebeansonretailmarketswas77,429MT,whichis1.1percent

oftheworld’stotalcoffeeexportsin2012of6,789,420MT.SeeFairtrade

International,UnlockingthePowerandtheInternationalCoffeeOrganization(ICO)

statistics.http://www.ico.org.

14Since2011,thefairtrademinimumpriceforwashedArabicacoffeebeanshas

beenfivecentsabovetheconventionalmarketpricewithaguaranteedfloorpriceof

US$1.40perpound,plusanadditionaltwenty-centsocialpremiumandan

additionalthirtycentsforcertifiedorganic.FormoreontheICA,SeeTalbot,Grounds

forAgreement;Fridell,AlternativeTrade,36-66.

15Moberg,"FairTrade."

16Frundt,FairTradeBananas.

17Dawson,TheConsumerTrap.

18Lyon,"EvaluatingFairTrade.";Fridell,FairTradeCoffee,263-71.West,From

ModernProduction.

19Goodman,"MirrorofConsumption,"113.

20StarbucksCorporation,“StarbucksGlobalResponsibilityReport:Goalsand

Progress2012,”4.http://www.starbucks.com/responsibility/global-report;

Pemberton,"PlayingFair[Trade]."

21SeeCoscione, CLAC.

22Forsomeexamples,TheCanadianFairTradeNetwork(CFTN)(http://cfnt.ca)

andGlobalExchange(www.globalexchange.org/programs/fairtrade)offer

resourcesonfairtrade,andTheGuardian(UK)hasafairtradesitewhereithas

collectedhundredsofarticles:http://www.theguardian.com/environment/fair-

trade.

23Acorrectionhasbeenmadefromthepublishedversion,whichstated2.6million

coffeefarmersandworkersinVietnam.In2012,thesaleoffairtradegreenbeans

onretailmarketswas77,429MT.Thisis5percentofVietnam’stotalcoffeeexports

in2012of1,528,500MT.FairtradeInternational,UnlockingthePowerandICO

statistics.http://www.ico.org.Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector.

24Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector;OxfamInternational,Mugged.

25OxfamInternational,Mugged.BBCNews."Vietnam'sCoffeeFarmersinCrisis."

BBCNews,18September2002.http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-

pacific/2265410.stm.

26Talbot,GroundsforAgreement,75-77,127-28;Greenfield,"VietnamandtheWorld

CoffeeCrisis."

27Gowan,GlobalGamble;Harvey,NewImperialism;Wood,EmpireofCapital.The

notionof“coffeestatecraft”isfurtherdevelopedinFridell,"CoffeeStatecraft."

28Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector,7.

29Ibid;D'haezeetal.,"EnvironmentalandSocio-EconomicImpacts.";Agergaard,

Fold,andGough,"Global-LocalInteractions.";HaandShively,"CoffeeBoom,Coffee

Bust."

30Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector;D'haezeetal.,"EnvironmentalandSocio-

EconomicImpacts.";Agergaard,Fold,andGough,"Global-LocalInteractions.";Ha

andShively,"CoffeeBoom,CoffeeBust."

31Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector.

32Mistiaen,V."ABetterFutureIsPercolatingforVietnam’sCoffee."TheGuardian,

26March2012.http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-

matters/2012/mar/26/better-future-vietnam-coffee-growth.

33ICO(2013),MonthlyCoffeeMarketReport,November.

http://www.ico.org/documents/cy2013-14/cmr-1113-e.pdf.

34Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector;D'haezeetal.,"EnvironmentalandSocio-

EconomicImpacts."

35Fridell,"CoffeeStatecraft."

36ICOstatistics.http://www.ico.org.

37Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector.

38DatafromWorldIntegratedTradeSolution(WITS)-UnitedNationsTrade

StatisticsDatabase(UNComtrade).http://wits.worldbank.org/wits/.SeeDaniel

Allen,China’snewbrew.AsiaTimes,March11,2011.

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China_Business/MC11Cb02.html.

39Attheoppositeendofthespectrum,forexample,Westobservesthatcoffee

farmersinPapuaNewGuineaoperate“withlittletonosupportfromprivateor

governmentagriculturalextension.”West,FromModernProduction,7.

40Giovannuccietal.,VietnamCoffeeSector,xi.

41Baker,"WhatthePapersSay,"44.

42Fridell,AlternativeTrade;Lines,MakingPoverty;Talbot,GroundsforAgreement.

43Dean,Democracy.

44SeanMcHugh(ExecutiveDirector,CFTN),“TheImportanceofTrade.”FairTrade

Magazine[Canada],Issue2(2013),p.29.

45West,FromModernProduction,23-25.SeealsoRenard,"TheIntersticesof

Globalization."

46Goodman,"MirrorofConsumption,"111-13.

47Kapoor,PostcolonialPolitics,65;Kapoor,CelebrityHumanitarianism.

48Franklin,Vietnam,176-77.

49Kapoor,CelebrityHumanitarianism,4,117,24-25.

Bibliography

Agergaard,J.,N.Fold,andK.V.Gough."Global-LocalInteractions:Socioeconomic

andSpatialDynamicsinVietnam'sCoffeeFrontier."TheGeographicalJournal

175,no.2(2009):133-45.

Bacon,C."ConfrontingtheCoffeeCrisis:CanFairTrade,Organic,andSpecialty

CoffeesReduceSmall-ScaleFarmerVulnerabilityinNorthernNicaragua?".

WorldDevelopment33,no.3(2005):497-511.

Baker,P."WhatthePapersSay."Coffee&CocoaInternational40,no.5(2013):44.

Chang,H.-J.BadSamaritans:TheMythofFreeTradeandtheSecretHistoryof

Capitalism.NewYork:BloomsburyPress,2008.

Coscione,M.CLACandtheDefenseoftheSmallProducer.BlackPoint,NS:Fernwood,

2014.

D'haeze,D.,J.Deckers,D.Raes,T.A.Phong,andH.V.Loi."EnvironmentalandSocio-

EconomicImpactsofInstitutionalReformsontheAgriculturalSectorof

VietnamLandSuitabilityAssessmentforRobustaCoffeeintheDakGan

Region."Agriculture,EcosystemsandEnvironment105(2005):59-76.

Dawson,M.TheConsumerTrap:BigBusinessMarketinginAmericanLife.Urbana:

UniversityofIllinoisPress,2003.

Dean,J.DemocracyandOtherNeoliberalFantasies:CommunicativeCapitalismand

LeftPolitics.UnitedStates:DukeUniversityPress,2009.

FairtradeInternational.UnlockingthePower:AnnualReport2012-13.Bonn:

FairtradeInternational,2013.

Franklin,H.B.VietnamandOtherAmericanFantasties.Amherst:Universityof

MassachusettsPress,2000.

Fridell,G.AlternativeTrade:LegaciesfortheFuture.Halifax:FernwoodPublishing,

2013.

Fridell,G."CoffeeStatecraft:RethinkingtheGlobalCoffeeCrisis,1998-2002."New

PoliticalEconomydoi:10.1080/13563467.2013.796448(2013):1-20.

Fridell,G.FairTradeCoffee:TheProspectsandPitfallsofMarket-DrivenSocialJustice.

Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2007.

Frundt,H.J.FairBananas:Farmers,Workers,andConsumersStrivetoChangean

Industry.Tucson:TheUniversityofArizonaPress,2009.

Giovannucci,D.,B.Lewin,R.Swinkels,andP.Varangis.VietnamCoffeeSectorReport.

WashingtonDC:WorldBank,2004.

Goodman,M.K."TheMirrorofConsumption.Celebritization,Developmental

ConsumptionandtheShiftingCulturalPoliticsofFairTrade."Geoforum41,

no.1(2010):104-16.

Gowan,P.TheGlobalGamble:Washington'sFaustianBidforWorldDominance.

London:Verso,1999.

Greenfield,G."VietnamandtheWorldCoffeeCrisis:LocalCoffeeRiotsinaGlobal

Context,”PaperPreparedfortheAsia-PacificRegionalLand&Freedom

ConferenceOrganisedbytheInternationalUnionofFood,Agricultural,Hotel,

Restaurant,Catering,TobaccoandAlliedWorkers'Associations-Asia/Pacific.

2002.

Grinspun,R.,andJ.Mills."Canada’sTradeEngagementwiththeAmericas:Sailing

withoragainsttheTide?"InCanadaLooksSouth:InSearchofanAmericas

Policy,editedbyPeterMcKenna,58-86.Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,

2012.

Ha,D.T.,andG.Shively."CoffeeBoom,CoffeeBustandSmallholderResponsein

Vietnam'sCentralHighlands."ReviewofDevelopmentEconomics12,no.2

(2008):312-26.

Harvey,D.TheNewImperialism.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2003.

Hudson,M.,I.Hudson,andM.Fridell.FairTrade,SustainabilityandSocialChange.

NewYork:PalgraveMacMillan,2013.

Jaffee,D.BrewingJustice:FairTradeCoffee,Sustainability,andSurvival.Berkeley:

UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2007.

Kapoor,I.CelebrityHumanitarianism:TheIdeologyofGlobalCharity.NewYork:

Routledge,2013.

Kapoor,I.ThePostcolonialPoliticsofDevelopment.London:Routledge,2008.

Lines,T.MakingPoverty:AHistory.London:ZedBooks,2008.

Lyon,S."EvaluatingFairTradeConsumption:Politics,DefetishizationandProducer

Participation."InternationalJournalofConsumerStudies30,no.5(September

2006):452-64.

Lyon,S.,andM.Moberg.FairTradeandSocialJustice:GlobalEthnographies.New

York:NewYorkUniversityPress,2010.

Milonakis,D.,andB.Fine.FromPoliticalEconomytoEconomics:Method,theSocial

andtheHistoricalintheEvolutionofEconomicTheory.London:Routledge,

2009.

Moberg,M."FairTradeandEasternCaribbeanBananaFarmers:Rhetoricand

RealityintheAnti-GlobalizationMovement."HumanOrganization64,no.1

(2005):4-15.

OxfamInternational.Mugged:PovertyinYourCoffeeCup.UK:OxfamInternational,

2002.

Pemberton,M."PlayingFair[Trade]withNestlé:TheEvolutionofanUnlikely

PartnershipintheConventionalCoffeeMarket."StudiesinPoliticalEconomy

87,no.Spring(2011):65-92.

Raynolds,L.,D.Murray,andJ.Wilkinson.FairTrade:TheChallengesofTransforming

Globalization.London:Routledge,2007.

Renard,M.-C."TheIntersticesofGlobalization:TheExampleofFairCoffee."

SociologiaRuralis39,no.4(1999):484-500.

Talbot,J.M.GroundsforAgreement:ThePoliticalEconomyoftheCoffeeCommodity

Chain.Oxford:Rowman&Littlefield,2004.

West,P.FromModernProductiontoImaginedPrimitive:TheSocialWorldofCoffee

fromPapuaNewGuinea.Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2012.

Wood,E.M.EmpireofCapital.London:Verso,2005.

Žižek,S.TheSublimeObjectofIdeology.London:Verso,1989.