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Eirênê Philheortos and Dionysiac Poetics in Aristophanic Comedy

PAVLOS SFYROERAS

IN THE ARCHAIC and classical poetry of Greece, peace is more than simply theabsence of war or strife. Beyond its simple lexical definition, it is infused withpositive content, which could be summed up as “festive celebration in a pros-pering polis.” The narrative subject in Theognis 885-86, for instance, wishes thatthe pair of Peace and Wealth may prevail in the city so that he can revel with hiscompanions. In Bacchylides’ striking imagery, Peace gives birth to wealth andthe bloom of honey-tongued songs, so that thighbones of cattle and sheep burnbright on altars, young men care for athletics, pipes, and revels, and the streetsare filled with lovely symposia (Paean 4.61-80 Maehler). In Euripides’ Suppli-ants 489-91 Peace is dearest to the Muses (ªÔ‡Û·ÈÛÈ ÚÔÛÊÈÏÂÛÙ¿ÙË) and re-joices in wealth (¯·›ÚÂÈ ‰b ÏÔ‡Ù̌ˆ), while the chorus in his fragmentary Kre-sphontes longs to welcome “Peace of deep wealth” (∂åÚ‹Ó· ‚·ı‡ÏÔ˘ÙÂ) in thecity and identifies it with the “season full of grace” (¯·Ú›ÂÛÛ·Ó... œÚ·Ó), beau-tifully danced songs and wreath-loving revels (TrGF 453).1

We have thus a cluster of concepts that make up the semantic field of Hes-iod’s “blooming peace” (∂åÚ‹ÓËÓ ÙÂı·Ï˘Ö·Ó, Th. 902). On the one hand, epi-thets such as ÏÔ˘ÙÔ‰fiÙÂÈÚ· (PMG 1021) and ‚·ı‡ÏÔ˘ÙÔ˜ (Aristophanes’Georgoi, fr. 111 K-A) express the traditional association of peace with wealth(ÏÔÜÙÔ˜), which is based on and includes agricultural abundance (çÒÚ·).2 Onthe other hand, peace cannot be separated from festivity and revelry (ëÔÚÙ‹,

1. For these and further references to Peace, see Maehler 2004, 225-227, 231-234, who high-lights Bacchylides’ conceptual innovation of a “universal peace.”

2. We may further recall Kephisodotos’ bronze statue of Peace carrying Ploutos, which wasset up in the Athenian agora between 374 and 360 BC (Paus. 1.8.1-2; 9.16.2); on this and otherrepresentations of Peace, see Simon 1988. The link between Peace and Wealth (cf. Od. 24. 486;P. Ol. 13. 7; Telekleides fr. 42.3) is also prominent in the Orphic tradition (e.g. Orphic Hymns15.10-11; 40.3, 18-20) and in children’s songs (Carm. Pop. 1 Diehl).

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ÎáÌÔ˜), including poetry (especially of the “festive” kind), and from generalprosperity and well-being, namely ùÏ‚Ô˜ (Eur. Ba. 419) or Â鉷ÈÌÔÓ›· (Tele-kleides, fr. 42.3). All these attributes of peace constitute a poetic tradition thatis succinctly encapsulated in the Aristophanic epithet ÊÈϤÔÚÙÔ˜ (Thesm. 1146-47), apparently a new coinage that is unique in the comic corpus and extremelyrare elsewhere. Included in a choral prayer inviting Athena Pallas, herself alover of choruses (ÊÈÏfi¯ÔÚÔ˜ 1136), to bring “festival-loving peace” (ÂåÚ‹ÓËÓÊÈϤÔÚÙÔÓ 1147) to the polis, this compound suggests that peace provides thenecessary conditions for the proper performance of ritual, which enhances so-cial cohesion in the polis but also links mortals and immortals.

In this paper I intend to explore how these concepts are re-configured inAristophanic comedy, particularly in Peace, produced at the City Dionysia inthe 10th year of the Archidamian War, on the eve of the Peace of Nikias.3 Byfleshing out the same link between peace and festive ritual that he will distill inthe epithet ÊÈϤÔÚÙÔ˜ a decade later, Aristophanes invests the personified ab-straction of Peace with elements drawn from Dionysos’ festival.4 This conver-gence on various levels (mythology, ritual, rhetoric, dramatic action, and gener-al symbolism) makes possible the ultimate fusion of Peace and Dionysos, whichproduces what we might call a “comic poetics of peace.” As a result, this come-dy uses its performative potential, not only to rejuvenate the comic genre, butalso to prepare the ground for the imminent Peace of Nikias, thus leading topeace and prosperity in the polis.5

Let us first outline the plot of Peace. Restless and frustrated, the comic heroTrygaios flies on a giant beetle to the abode of the gods to protest against theirneglect of war-torn Greece. The gods are not available for comment; disgustedwith the humans’ handling of their own affairs, they have withdrawn even fur-ther, having left only Hermes behind to watch over their pots and pans. Yet Try-

3. On the historical background of the play, see Olson 1998, xxv-xxxi. 4. On the personification of Peace and its visual representations, see Shapiro 1993, 45-50; Si-

mon 1988. On Aristophanic personifications, with special emphasis on Peace, see Newiger 1957,108-119.

5. By emphasizing the performative function of Peace, I wish to complement the two mostfruitful interpretations of the play as a festive comedy (Reckford 1987, 3-45) that actively enga-ges its audience (Cassio 1985). I would thus take issue with Olson 1998, who reaffirms the tradi-tional view that the play offers only unrealistic and misguided solutions; see below.

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gaios is rewarded for his efforts, as he discovers the root of the problem: the per-sonified War has hurled the goddess Peace into a pit and is about to grind theGreek states into a mash. The comic hero’s call for help elicits the quick re-sponse of Greeks from various cities, who suddenly (and mysteriously) crowdthe sky and haul out Peace, represented by a statue and accompanied by her twoattendants, Opôra and Theôria, presumably represented by mute extras.6 Allthree, personified abstractions and divinities at the same time, are enthusiasti-cally greeted by Trygaios and the chorus, who enumerate with erotic gusto someof the benefits of peace, including a return to farming and the pleasures of thedramatic festival. After a conversation on the causes of the war and the currentstate of poetry, Trygaios leads the three female figures back to Athens, wherehe is to marry Opôra and offer Theôria to the Council. But the return of Peacecannot be formalized until her statue is ritually installed through an elaboratesacrifice, to be followed by Trygaios’ wedding banquet. Throughout these cele-brations, all the opponents of peace who wish to exploit war, such as the oraclemonger and various weapon-makers, are marginalized, while at the same timepoetry that deals with war gives way to festive genres that highlight the pleas-ures of peace.

As scholars have rightly observed, the tale of Peace’s loss and subsequent re-covery can be fruitfully compared to plays featuring an anodos that recallsPersephone’s ascent from the Underworld, or to stories about the withdrawaland return of a deity such as Demeter, or even to other traditional folktale pat-terns, such as the “Raid on the Ogre’s Lair” or the “Rescue of the Maiden inDistress”.7 Without denying the validity of such parallels, I would like to pointto a different scenario, which to my knowledge has not received sufficient atten-tion, despite its immediate relevance and important ramifications for our read-ing of this comedy. More specifically, the plot of Peace replicates the mythical

6. Below we shall explore the significance of the two attendants. On questions of staging, seePlatnauer 1964, xi-xv; Dearden 1976, 62-64; Olson 1998, xliii-xlviii and on 517-19.

7. On such narrative patterns underlying Peace, see Olson 1998, xxxvi-xxxviii; Bowie 1993,142-150. We must however note the rather idiosyncratic geography of the play, as Peace comesout of a subterranean cave in the sky. On the affinities between the Olympian and infernal worldsas the destination of the comic hero’s journey, see Duchemin 1957, who discusses possible sour-ces, both Greek and non-Greek.

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pattern of a deity’s advent and its enactment in cult, as exemplified in the CityDionysia, the annual celebration of Dionysos’ arrival in Athens.8

In whatever manner we choose to make sense of the fragmentary evidenceand to solve such problems as the diachronic evolution of the festival, the exactlocation of the eschara or the route of the procession, it is beyond doubt that theritual core of the Dionysia, even in the late 5th century, is the annual re-enact-ment of Dionysos’ advent.9 Before the festival proper, the wooden cult statue ofDionysos is removed from the sanctuary and taken to the northwest of the city,to the Academy (Paus. 1.29.2), whence it is brought back to the eschara, mostprobably located next to the Altar of the Twelve Gods in the Agora. The recep-tion of Dionysos at the eschara, which takes the form of a kômos and consistsessentially in the sacrifice of a he-goat and the singing of hymns, signifies notonly his integration within the city, but also his acceptance into the company ofthe other gods of the polis (Pindar, 75 S-M).10 It is followed by the ÂåÛ·ÁˆÁ‹ àeÙɘ âÛ¯¿Ú·˜, that is, the transfer of the cult statue of Dionysos to the theater,presumably to remain there for the duration of the festival.11 This transfer pre-cedes a procession (ÔÌ‹), which culminates with sacrifice at the altar of thesanctuary, presumably in full view of the god’s statue in the theater.12 It is only

8. A secondary reason for thus shaping the plot may be the imminent arrival of Asklepios’cult at Piraeus (c. 421/20) and its subsequent transfer to the Asty (in 420/19; cf. IG ii2 4960), onwhich see Garland 1992, 116-35. Although it took place shortly after Peace, Asklepios’ introduc-tion must have already been a topic of discussion in Athens. It seems no accident that Asklepios’eventual shrine on the south slope of the Acropolis was overlooking Dionysos’ theater and thatthe Asklepieia, one of the two Athenian festivals honoring Asklepios, was celebrated on the 8th ofElaphebolion, the day of the Proagon; cf. Deubner 1932, 142; Parke 1986, 135. The Dionysia, inother words, provided a suitable context for reflecting on the arrival of new cults, fictional or real.

9. For reconstructions of the Dionysia, see Deubner 1932, 139-142; Pickard-Cambridge1988, 57-68; Parke 1977, 125-135; more recently, Sourvinou-Inwood 2003, which I find mostcompelling.

10. Sourvinou-Inwood 2003, 95-98, whose identification of the eschara I have adopted. Onthe City Dionysia as a “festival of integration,” see Connor 1989, 17-23; Sourvinou-Inwood 2003,who further identifies the kômos with the dining and drinking on stibades of ivy and argues thatit was central to the festival, hence gave it its name in the plural, as in IG ii2 2318. Bowie 1993,145-146 alludes to this Pindaric dithyramb in connection with Peace.

11. For Dionysos in the theater, see Knights 536; Frogs 809; cf. Pickard-Cambridge 1988, 60n. 5.

12. Pickard-Cambridge 1988, 59-63. Before the erection of the permanent skênê in the mid-4th

century, there is visual contact between the theater and the sanctuary altar; cf. Wiles 1997, 55-59.

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after the procession and sacrifice that the performances, dithyrambic and dra-matic, can begin.13 The statue’s return after its temporary absence commemo-rates and reenacts the first advent of Dionysos from the originally Boeotiantown of Eleutherai.14 The accompanying myth tells of the Athenians’ initial fail-ure to receive Dionysos with proper honors, their subsequent punishment, whenthe angry god visited upon them a disease afflicting their genitals, and their suc-cessful attempt to offer restitution, on the advice of an oracle, by means of a(phallic) procession, sacrifices, and performances (Schol. Ach. 243).

I propose that the absence of Peace and her return, marked by the sacrificialinstallation of her cult statue, are meant as a symbolic replication of theDionysiac festival. To begin with, it may perhaps be only a coincidence that, ac-cording to tradition, Dionysos Eleuthereus was brought to Athens by a native ofEleutherai called Pegasos (Schol. Ach. 243; Paus. 1.2.5), the very name by whichTrygaios calls his dung-beetle (76, 154; cf. 135).15 But even this obvious paratra-gic allusion to Euripides’ Bellerophon may acquire an additional layer in the con-text of more substantial analogies. For instance, the Athenians at first rejectedPeace and pushed her aside (Ù‹Ó‰\ àÔÚÚ›„·ÓÙ˜ 624; Ù‹Ó‰Â... âÒıÔ˘Ó ÙcÓ ıÂfiÓ637), despite her repeated epiphanies (ÔÏÏ¿ÎȘ Ê·ÓÂÖÛ·Ó, 638; cf. 211), thuscausing her anger and revulsion (çÚÁ‹Ó 659; cf. 204; ÌÔÌÊ‹Ó 664; àÔÛÙÚ¤ÊÂÙ·ÈÙeÓ ‰ÉÌÔÓ à¯ıÂÛıÂÖÛ· 683), manifested in her silence (657-59). Like Dionysos,Peace can, directly or indirectly, visit ills upon humans, if she is spurned anddriven away.16 But also like Dionysos, who is “most gentle to mankind” (Eur. Ba.

13. There are of course further elements that I have omitted because they do not affect myargument.

14. Pausanias I.2.5; 20.3; 29.2; 38.8; Schol. Ach. 243. For this advent as a mythological ela-boration grafted on the Athenian annexation of Eleutherai, see Connor 1989; Sourvinou-Inwood2003.

15. The word kantharos that denotes the dung-beetle can also be used of a wine-cup withstrong Dionysiac associations; cf. Elderkin 1924, 49-75, who further explores its function in Pea-ce as a symbol of rebirth and immortality. For allusions to Bellerophon, see Bowie 1993, 134-135;Rau 1967, 89-97.

16. The withdrawal of a deity in anger is also reminiscent of Demeter; cf. Bowie 1993, 142-150. Bowie mentions Dionysos but limits his remarks to the myths of the god’s descent to Hadesto fetch Semele and to the Anthesteria, the allusions to which are (by Bowie’s own admission)neither conclusive nor exclusive. In my reading, they would serve to enhance the play’s Diony-siac atmosphere in the present festival.

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860), Peace can be the source of great boons, after she is appeased with a foun-dational sacrifice, which she is invited to receive as ‰¤ÛÔÈÓ· ¯ÔÚáÓ (976). Thebeneficial influence of Peace is instantly felt as euphoria, manifested in thespontaneous, almost ecstatic dancing that the chorus bursts into as soon as theyhear of peace (esp. 324-26), not unlike the irresistible effect of Dionysiac ener-gy, but also in the restored sexual vigor of the rejuvenated Trygaios, who willmarry Opôra, while Theôria is to be given to the Boulê. Whatever the genital af-fliction of the initially resisting Athenians may have been, its cure correspondsto the favorable outcome of this comic plot.

Before examining further Aristophanes’ mythical thinking in Peace, we maynote that it dovetails with contemporary iconography. Prior to Kephisodotos’sculpture, there are surprisingly few visual representations of Peace that bear in-scriptions and can therefore be identified with certainty. They amount to two vasepaintings and the round altar at Brauron; all three are dated to the late 5th centu-ry, and all three include Eirênê in the retinue of Dionysos.17 On one of the twovases, a red-figure calyx crater (Vienna 1024; ARV2 1152, 8), we see a seatedEirênê, holding a torch and a rhyton, among the figures surrounding Dionysos,who is waited on by Opôra and Dionê. On the other vase, a pelike once in Paris(ARV2 1316, 3), Dionysos and Eirênê appear to be gazing longingly at each oth-er as they are about to embrace, in a gesture that can be construed as an illustra-tion of Dionysos’ love for çÏ‚Ô‰fiÙÂÈÚ· ∂åÚ‹Ó· (Eur. Ba. 419-420).18 Rather thanwondering whether these depictions may have been influenced by Aristophanes’Peace, it seems more reasonable to imagine that they express a correlation ofPeace with Dionysos that was in the air and that Aristophanes also tapped into.

To return to the play, the convergence between Peace and Dionysos is fore-shadowed by the presence of Hermes, whose affinities with both Peace andDionysos render him a suitable go-between, a symbolic linchpin. First of all,both Hermes and Peace promote reconciliation of opposites and harmoniouscoexistence, which applies even to the communication between mortals and im-mortals.19 As an interpreter (of oracles) and a divine herald (kêryx) – the proto-

17. On these representations, see Shapiro 1993, 45-50; Simon 1988. 18. Simon 1988, 10-11. 19. Peace is asked to “mix the Greeks once again into a soup of friendship” (996f). For so-

me of these observations, see also Bowie 1993, 138-142, who however fails to note Hermes’ roleas a symbolic link between Peace and Dionysos.

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type of the human heralds, whose function is important at sacrifices –, Hermesmediates between gods and men.20 Similarly, Peace creates the conditions forthe proper performance of ritual, which facilitates contact between mortals andimmortals.21 It is thus no accident that Hermes, whose staff can be referred to as“the blameless weapon of Peace” (Orphic Hymn 28.7), serves as Peace’s mouth-piece in the comedy, recounting her story (601-50) and reporting the words thatshe allegedly whispers in his ear (657ff).22 Winning Hermes’ favor, in otherwords, is a precondition for the recovery of Peace, after which Hermes becomesher proxy.

At the same time, no Athenian spectator could ignore the various ways inwhich Hermes and Dionysos are linked in myth and ritual. It was Hermes, afterall, who took Dionysos as a new-born child to the nymphs, a tradition renderedfamous by Praxiteles’ sculpture in Olympia. Very briefly, both gods can appearwith ithyphallic features; one of Hermes’ eponymies is Phalês, the very name ofBacchus’ companion that Dikaiopolis invokes at his Country Dionysia (Ach.263).23 Both gods deal with boundaries, albeit differently – one leaving them in-

20. Allen, Halliday, and Sikes 1936, 306. On Hermes’ mediation between gods and men, seeClay 1989, 146-47.

21. Not accidentally, a concrete example of this is provided by the terms of the Peace of Ni-kias as described by Thucydides (5.18.1-2); note especially the emphasis on safe theôria. For aslightly later disruption of ritual by war conditions see Xen. Hell. 1.4.20; Plut. Alc. 34.3-4.

22. On the herald’s staff (kêrykeion), held by Peace on a Lokrian stater (ca. 380 BC), as alink between Hermes and Peace, see Simon 1988, 17 (with Fig. 3.1). If Peace’s statue in the playvisually evoked a herm, the chorus’ complaint that the offering of pots would assimilate Peace toa ÌÂÌÊfiÌÂÓÔÓ ^∂ÚÌF‹‰ÈÔÓ (924; cf. Schol. on 923) would be more pointed. Moreover, Peace’sconfinement under the stones heaped upon her by War (224-26) and removed at Hermes’ bid-ding (426-27) may recall one aetiology of the herm: when Hermes was tried for the murder ofArgos and acquitted, the gods threw their voting stones at him (Xanthos FGrHist 765 F 29; Anti-kleides FGrHist 140 F 19).

23. See Burkert 1985, 156, 158, who notes that at Kyllene Hermes was worshipped in the sha-pe of the phallos, and adds (222, with n. 66): “Dionysus himself may be set up as a herm; even inantiquity interpretation often seems uncertain whether it is Hermes or Dionysus that is represen-ted, and in many cases the problem remains the same for modern interpreters; the lines separa-ting the two deities become fluid.” This affinity may explain why Trygaios appeals for help to theinitiates of the Samothracian mysteries (277-78), which featured an ithyphallic Hermes and we-re, according to Herodotos (2. 51), the origin of the Athenian herms. On the Samothracian mys-teries, including the possible Dionysiac overtones of the ithyphallic Hermes, see Burkert 1985,281-285. Hermes and Dionysos thus share the vitality of the phallos, but also the epithet÷ÚȉÒÙ˘ (Dor. -‰ÒÙ·˜); cf. LSJ s.v.

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tact when he crosses them, the other throwing them into hopeless confusion.24

Both are born with a talent for the intricacies of language and the enchantmentof music.25 Both are honored with similar types of sacrificial offerings; nor doesit appear gratuitous that, at the Dionysian Anthesteria, Hermes is singled out ofall the gods to receive sacrifices.26 In other words, whatever his other functionsin this comedy, Hermes serves to bridge Peace and Dionysos, to foreshadow thevirtual fusion that is effected in the play.27

Let us now turn to the attendants of Peace, Opôra and Theôria, whosenames can be roughly translated as “Harvest” and “Participation in Festivals”.The relevance of these two to the City Dionysia becomes apparent when we re-call the Delphic oracle that Demosthenes (21.52) invokes as the foundationalcharter for the festival: the gods urge the Athenians to remember Bacchus “ingratitude for ripe fruits” (óÚ·›ˆÓ... ¯¿ÚÈÓ), as well as to form choruses, erectcraters and burn offerings on street altars to various other gods. Although notmentioned explicitly in the Delphic oracle, Opôra and Theôria correspond, re-spectively, to the ripe fruits and to the choruses and help assimilate Peace toDionysos.

But we may consider the two attendants in more detail. While Opôra cancomprise all sorts of ripe fruits, the kind of agriculture stressed in the play is viti-culture:28 the vines are the first to be adversely affected by the war (612-613; cf.702-703) and so will rejoice in receiving peace (596). Correspondingly, theprospect of seeing the vines once again fills the chorus with enthusiasm (556-57,1160-65). From the very beginning, in fact, the chorus is determined to recoverPeace, “the greatest and most vine-loving of all goddesses” (ÙcÓ ıÂáÓ ·ÛáÓÌÂÁ›ÛÙËÓ Î·d ÊÈÏ·ÌÂψٿÙËÓ 308), while Trygaios addresses her as “mistress

24. Vernant 1983, 127-175; Clay 1989, 98-99, 101-102.25. The associations of Hermes with language and music (Hymn to Hermes; Paus. 1.30.2), on

which see Hübner 1986, are another area of contact between him and Dionysos, as attested bythe honors paid to him by the Ù¯ÓÖÙ·È ÂÚd ÙeÓ ¢ÈfiÓ˘ÛÔÓ (C.I.G. Sept. 3.278).

26. Besides the ram, Hermes receives also, like Dionysos, sacrifices of he-goats; cf. Burkert1985, 65. On the Chytroi at the Anthesteria, see the scholia on Frogs 220 and Ach. 1075; also Su-da s.v. ¯‡ÙÚÔÈ; cf. Parke 1977, 116; Burkert 1985, 222, 240.

27. It is worth noting that Hermes appears on the altar at Brauron, where he is depicted lea-ding Peace and Dionysos; cf. Simon 1988, 11.

28. Sophocles, Tr. 703, also equates çÒÚ· with the fruit of the vine.

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giver of grape-clusters” (fiÙÓÈ· ‚ÔÙÚ˘fi‰ˆÚ 520) and asks for a “word with thecapacity of ten thousand amphoras (®ÉÌ· Ì˘ÚÈ¿ÌÊÔÚÔÓ) to describe her prop-erly (521). Later he basks in things “full of mellowed old peace” (ÌÂÛÙa ...ÂåÚ‹Ó˘ Û·ÚĘ 554), the unexpected epithet recalling the “particularly choicewine, called Û·Úfi˜ or Û·Ú›·˜, that was made from overripe grapes”.29 Why allthe emphasis on viticulture? Olive trees, to take another possibility, would beequally to the point, since they were very important for Attic farmers, but theyare only granted one perfunctory mention (578-79).30 One could adduce, ofcourse, the correlation of peace and wine that we find at the heart of Acharni-ans (182-202), but the famous wordplay with spondai, wavering between wine li-bation and treaty, does not crop up in Peace.31 Rather, viticulture, like wine, haspotent associations as the meeting point between Peace and Dionysos, betweenagriculture and drama.32

The Dionysiac overtones of Opôra, Trygaios’ bride-to-be, resonate in thetransparent derivation of his name. Trygaios defines himself as a skilled vintner(àÌÂÏÔ˘ÚÁfi˜ ‰ÂÍÈfi˜ 190), so his name is appropriately built on ÙÚ‡Í “winelees” or ÙÚ˘Á‹ “vintage”. It is obviously Dionysiac: Hesychios records Protrygaiaas an Athenian festival at which Dionysos was honored with Poseidon, while theform Protrygaios is attested as a (cult) title of Dionysos (Aelian, VH iii 41).33

29. Platnauer 1964 on 554; Sommerstein 1985 on 554.30. Frequent references to olive trees, so closely linked with Athena as worshipped in Atti-

ca, might undercut Aristophanes’ emphasis on the Panhellenic dimensions of peace (e.g. 105-6,292, 435-36). Moreover, even the cessation of Spartan invasions since 425/4 (Thuc. 4.41) wouldnot have provided enough time for olive trees to bear fruit (cf. Thuc. 3.26), whereas its impacton vineyards would be much more immediate.

31. See below. For a later Alexandrian procession (ca. 270 BC) that enacted the spondaiwordplay as a link between Dionysos and Peace, see Athen. 5. 196-203; cf. Simon 1988, 16-17.

32. This is corroborated by the equally frequent references to figtrees (558-59, 596, 628-29),which may also be construed as allusions to Dionysos, called ™˘Î›Ù˘ in Laconia and ªÂÈÏ›¯ÈÔ˜ onNaxos as the god of the figtree (Athen. 78c; Hesych. s.v. ™˘Î·ٛ˜). The black figtree can be cal-led the sister of the vine (Hipponax, 48 West), while çÒÚ· can comprise figs and grapes inconnection with Dionysos (Pl. Laws 844d-e). Moreover, as dried figs and wine make up the comicprize (FGrHist 239 A39), they not only evoke the revival of agriculture, but they also anticipatevictory in the dramatic festival. That may be part of the reason, besides the sexual double-enten-dres, that wine and figs are brought together in the concluding wedding song (1323-24, 1334-54).

33. For further connections between Trygaios and Dionysos, especially in his mysticalaspects, see Elderkin 1924, 51-53, who takes Trygaios’ plan to allude to a mystic ascent.

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The comic hero’s name further recalls ÙÚ˘Á̌ˆ‰›·, the term for comedy thatAristophanes coins in Acharnians, where wine is the common denominator ofpeace and comedy.34 Although the word trygôidia itself does not occur in Peace,the idea of a correlation (in the context of peace) between the product of viti-culture and comedy underlies this play too, as in the account of Kratinos’ end:the comic poet died “because he could not endure the sight of a jar full of winebeing smashed” (700-3). Whether this passage describes the physical death ofthe person or (as is much more likely) the metaphorical death of his poeticimagination, it brings together the waste of the broken winejar and the endingof a great comic career.35 War thus destroys the production of wine and hampersthe composition of good comedy; conversely, the recovery of Peace and Opôraimplies a symbolic return to the beginnings of comedy – when the performers,according to Aristotle, were wandering around the kômai (Poet. 1448 a36-b1).Besides enhancing the fertility of the soil of the polis, Peace facilitates also thereturn to the youth of comedy, the rejuvenation (cf. 351, 861) of comic poetics.

Before exploring this further, we may turn our attention to Peace’s secondattendant, Theôria. The term refers generally to participation in festivals (☷ÓËÁ‡ÚÂȘ ıˆÚÂÖÓ 342; cf. 873-75); its connection, practical and conceptual, topeace requires no elaboration, especially if we consider the role of the theôroi,envoys sent by the organizers of an inter-state festival to announce its celebra-tion and official delegations sent by city states as participants in a festival.36 Suf-fice it to note that the first clause of the Treaty of Nikias, sealed only a few daysafter the production of Peace, contains the guarantee for safe theôria, presum-ably covering its various types (Thuc. 5.18.1-2).37 Within this semantic field,however, scholars have recognized that one special application of theôria is the

34. On ÙÚ˘Á̌ˆ‰›·, see Taplin 1983. For an analysis of the syllogism in Acharnians, see Ed-munds 1980, 11, 32: given that ÛÔÓ‰·› means both libation and peace and that comedy is defi-ned as ÙÚ˘Á̌ˆ‰›·, it follows that peace equals comedy, since both are symbolized by wine. Bycontrast, war is a misbehaving drunkard (Ach. 978-87); hence peace is equated with the well-re-gulated production and consumption of wine.

35. Since Kratinos was probably alive in 421 (Platnauer 1964; Sommerstein 1985; Olson 1998ad loc.), the reference to his death is incorrect factually but important symbolically.

36. Boesch 1908; Perlman 2000.37. This clause reflects especially the concern of the Athenians for unrestricted access to Del-

phi; cf. Gomme 1962 ad loc. and Hornblower 1996 ad loc. Yet the powerful resonance of theô-ria remains undiminished.

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enjoyment of the theater (theatron) by the spectators (theatai).38 This special-ized meaning is transparent in the word ıˆÚÈο, an institution already in placein Periclean Athens,39 and will later enable Plato to designate the Dionysia as ìÙÔÜ ¢ÈÔÓ‡ÛÔ˘ ıˆڛ· (Laws 650a).

A similar rhetorical move from the general to the specific is also performedin this play, when Trygaios greets Peace and her attendants upon their first ap-pearance on stage (520-534):

ΔÚ. t fiÙÓÈ· ‚ÔÙÚ˘fi‰ˆÚ ٛ ÚÔÛ›ˆ Û\ öÔ˜;fiıÂÓ iÓ Ï¿‚ÔÈÌÈ ®ÉÌ· Ì˘ÚÈ¿ÌÊÔÚÔÓ¬Ù̌ˆ ÚÔÛ›ˆ Û\; Ôé ÁaÚ Âr¯ÔÓ ÔúÎÔıÂÓ.t ¯·ÖÚ\ \√ÒÚ·, ηd Ûf ‰\ t £ÂˆÚ›·.ÔxÔÓ ‰\ ö¯ÂȘ Ùe ÚfiÛˆÔÓ t £ÂˆÚ›·,ÔxÔÓ ‰b ÓÂÖ˜, ó˜ ì‰f ηÙa Ùɘ ηډ›·˜,ÁÏ˘Î‡Ù·ÙÔÓ œÛÂÚ àÛÙÚ·Ù›·˜ ηd ̇ÚÔ˘.

∂Ú. ÌáÓ ÔsÓ ¬ÌÔÈÔÓ Î·d Á˘ÏÈÔÜ ÛÙÚ·ÙȈÙÈÎÔÜ;

ΔÚ. à¤Ù˘Û\ â¯ıÚÔÜ ÊˆÙe˜ ö¯ıÈÛÙÔÓ Ï¤ÎÔ˜.ÙÔÜ ÌbÓ ÁaÚ ù˙ÂÈ ÎÚÔÌÌ˘Ô͢ÚÂÁÌ›·˜,Ù·‡Ù˘ ‰\ çÒÚ·˜, ñԉԯɘ, ¢ÈÔÓ˘Û›ˆÓ,·éÏáÓ, ÙÚ·Áˇ̂ ‰áÓ, ™ÔÊÔÎÏ¤Ô˘˜ ÌÂÏáÓ, ÎȯÏáÓâ˘ÏÏ›ˆÓ ∂éÚÈ›‰Ô˘- ∂Ú. ÎÏ·‡ÛôÚ· ÛfÙ·‡Ù˘ ηٷ„¢‰fiÌÂÓÔ˜Ø Ôé ÁaÚ ≥‰ÂÙ·È·≈ÙË ÔÈËÙFÉ ®ËÌ·Ù›ˆÓ ‰ÈηÓÈÎáÓ.

This striking passage begins with Trygaios’ search for a “million-gallonword” (®ÉÌ· Ì˘ÚÈ¿ÌÊÔÚÔÓ) and culminates in a catalogue that goes to the heartof Aristophanic comedy, with its combination – even synesthetic amalgamation– of sounds and smells, high and low, mind and body, abstract and concrete.40

38. Reckford 1987, 14, who remarks further (25-35) on the particular associations of theôriawith the dramatic festival; Simon 1988, 11. On the ways Peace highlights audience participationin the performance, see Cassio 1985.

39. Despite the controversy over the date of this fund, it seems relatively certain that it star-ted with Pericles, then was expanded and criticized in the early 4th century; cf. Pickard-Cambrid-ge 1988, 265-68.

40. I share Olson’s (1998 on 530) reluctance to suspect çÒÚ·˜, but I take issue when he me-rely notes the “eccentric catalogue of scents:” the passage is neither “eccentric” nor limited to“scents.” Contrast the perceptive comments of Reckford 1987, 5-7, who speaks of a “sensualprofusion and confusion.”

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While Opôra is here mentioned by name (530), presumably because its scent ofripe fruit can be easily and immediately recalled, the fragrance of Theôria is an-alyzed into its constitutive parts in such a way as to narrow it down to the pres-ent occasion of the Dionysia.41 Introduced (528) by a paratragic quotation fromEuripides’ Telephos, the list contains unambiguously specific items (Dionysia,pipes, performers of tragic choruses, Sophoclean lyrics, little passages of verseby Euripides), interspersed with more generic yet telling elements.42 Thus,ñÔ‰Ô¯‹, meaning “hospitality, entertaining,” can refer to general feasting anddrinking, but may also allude to the occasion of the annual reception ofDionysos, while the thrushes (ÎȯÏáÓ), inserted between Sophocles and Euripi-des, are a special delicacy mentioned in other passages that seem to anticipatethe choregic banquet after the performance (Peace 1195-97, Ach. 1007, 1011-14; cf. Birds 1579ff).43

More than its convergence with the Dionysia in general, Theôria becomes in-stantiated as the participation of the audience in the particular performance ofthe present comedy, as suggested by the repeated addresses to the spectators inconnection with Theôria. Still in the sky, i.e. out of sight of the audience in termsof the dramatic action, Trygaios asks Hermes to study the faces of these specta-tors as they respond to Peace and her attendants (543-44; cf. 658). The partici-ple ıˆ̤ӈÓ, modified by the deictic ÙáÓ‰Â, draws attention to the presence ofan audience engaged in the act of watching and so highlights the special appli-cation of the etymologically cognate ıˆڛ·.44 After returning to earth, Trygaiospresents Theôria to the Council and its presidents, seated in the central wedgeof the theater (887-88 and 906):

41. Olson’s (1998 on 530) comment (“no specific festival is obviously intended”) is rather oddin light of his acknowledgment (on 538-55) of the deictics pointing to the theater, and is sympto-matic of his reluctance to view this play as festive comedy.

42. On the paratragedy at 528, see Sommerstein and Olson ad loc.43. The use of ñÔ‰Ô¯‹ in the context of theôria brings to mind the institution of

ıˆÚÔ‰fiÎÔÈ, those individuals serving as hosts for the theôroi sent by festival organizers or byparticipating city states; cf. Perlman 2000. Although ıˆÚÔ‰fiÎÔÈ are not attested until the mid-4th century, Perlman (2000, 18-20) correctly posits that something similar must have already exis-ted earlier.

44. On the derivation of ıˆڛ· from ı¤·, see Nagy 1990, 164.

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‚Ô˘Ï‹, Ú˘Ù¿ÓÂȘ, ïÚÄÙ ÙcÓ £ÂˆÚ›·Ó.ÛΤ„·Ûı\ ¬Û\ ñÌÖÓ àÁ·ıa ·Ú·‰ÒÛˆ ʤڈÓ

àÏÏ\ t Ú˘Ù¿ÓÂȘ ‰¤¯ÂÛı ÙcÓ £ÂˆÚ›·Ó

The members of the Council, and through them the spectators, are invitedto view (ïÚÄÙÂ) Theoria, i.e. to reflect upon (ÛΤ„·Ûı[Â]) their own experienceof the comedy and its benefits; the first person of ·Ú·‰ÒÛˆ at 888 would makesense with either Trygaios or even the poet as its subject, since the term àÁ·ı¿is elsewhere used by Aristophanes to describe the benefits accruing from dra-matic poetry (Frogs 74, 1487) or what a comic poet is worth (Ach. 633, 641) orthe value of the comic poet’s instruction (Ach. 655).

It is thus no surprise that the return of Peace is translated into a kind of com-ic poetics. The enquiries of Peace into the state of dramatic poetry, especiallythat of Sophocles and Kratinos (693-705), which reveal the adverse effect of waron various genres, mean that her concerns coincide with those of the Muse, asis evident in the parabasis. In the Ode and Antode (775-817), in verses that drawon Stesichoros’ Oresteia (PMG 33), the Muse is invited to dance with the com-ic chorus at the present festival, after renouncing war as a theme and spurningsome particularly despicable tragic poets.45 The concerns of Peace and those ofthe Muse become thus partially interchangeable, to the point that in the para-batic anapaests, where Aristophanes dismisses rival comic poets, the chorus’ ad-dress ı‡Á·ÙÂÚ ¢Èfi˜ (736) is intentionally ambiguous: it is not clear whether theinvoked “daughter of Zeus” designates the Muse (e.g. Od. 1.10), Peace (e.g. P.Ol. 13), or perhaps both.

The restoration of Peace would thus set poetic matters aright. This re-align-ment of poetic genres is evident at the end of Peace (1265-1304), when the com-ic hero’s reaction to the singing boys expresses the comedy’s predictable prefer-ence for feasting over war and the concomitant ranking of topoi and genres.46

45. The parallelism between repudiation of war and rejection of bad poets is highlighted bythe lexical and syntactical echoes between 775-77 and 814-17, which frame the Ode and Antode:ªÔÜÛ· (775) ~ ªÔÜÛ· ı¿ (816); ÔϤÌÔ˘˜ àˆÛ·Ì¤ÓË (775-76) ~ zÓ Î·Ù·¯ÚÂÌ„·Ì¤ÓË (814);ÌÂÙ\ âÌÔÜ ÙÔÜ Ê›ÏÔ˘ ¯fiÚ¢ÛÔÓ (776-77) ~ ÌÂÙ\ âÌÔÜ Í‡Ì·È˙ ÙcÓ ëÔÚÙ‹Ó (817). The semanticequivalence between ¯ÔÚ‡ÂÈÓ and ·›˙ÂÈÓ, intimated also in Frogs 409 and 390, is well establis-hed; cf. LSJ ·›˙ˆ I. 2.

46. On this scene and its implications, see Compton-Engle 1999.

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However, I would rather like to focus on an earlier scene, the foundational sac-rifice that accompanies the installation of the cult statue of Peace, when Try-gaios is pestered by the demands of the oracle-monger Hierokles for a share ofthe entrails (ÛÏ¿Á¯Ó·). Ultimately, the contest between the comic hero and hisantagonist hinges on the issue of which poetic genre will prevail. While Hi-erokles attempts to appropriate the rite (and the meat) by imposing his oracu-lar hexameters, Trygaios persists with the iambic trimeters of comedy. At a cru-cial point in their confrontation, Trygaios asks Hierokles to ‘eat his Sibyl’ (ÙcÓ™›‚˘ÏÏ·Ó öÛıÈÂ) and invites the spectators to partake of the ÛÏ¿Á¯Ó· (ôÁ ‰cı·ٷd ‰ÂÜÚÔ Û˘ÛÏ·Á¯Ó‡ÂÙ ÌÂÙa Ó̌áÓ, 1115-16). What is the point of thismysterious imperative? First, it contrasts with the parallel injunction on Hi-erokles to ‘eat the Sibyl,’ an obvious metonymy for oracular utterances. Second,it signals a sudden change of meter, as the oracular dactylic hexameters of thecontest between Trygaios and Hierokles (1063-1114) give way now to the iambictrimeters of comic dialogue. Therefore, the imperative Û˘ÛÏ·Á¯Ó‡ÂÙ can on-ly mean that the spectators will taste the ÛÏ¿Á¯Ó· precisely by enjoying thepresent comedy, unobstructed by the intrusion of inappropriate genres andtheir representatives.

I hope to have shown that this comedy effects a fusion of peace with the cel-ebration of the Dionysia and the restoration of comic poetics.47 The installationof the cult of Peace is transformed into an event that derives part of its impactby symbolically replicating the advent of Dionysos as re-enacted annually at theCity Dionysia.48 There is, in fact, a piece of evidence that indirectly confirms theability of Aristophanes’ audience to recognize his intended message: as Thucy-dides (5.23) informs us, the Fifty-Year Alliance between Athens and Sparta thatwas concluded after the Treaty of Nikias was to be renewed annually by an ex-change of embassies, whereby the Lakedaimonians would send envoys toAthens at the Dionysia, the Athenians to Sparta at the Hyakinthia. At the CityDionysia of 421, therefore, the Athenians seemed to be attuned to the affinitiesbetween Peace and Dionysos. It would be difficult to determine precisely the ex-

47. Poetics and politics of peace converge also in Ach., where Dikaiopolis’ worries about thestate of the dramatic performances (9-16) are only slightly less pressing than his longing for pea-ce (17-27).

48. The guess of Bowie (1993, 146) that the comic cult of Peace may have recalled the altarset up for Zeus Eleutherius after the victory over the Persians does not appear compelling.

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tent to which Aristophanes is here engaged in original myth-making;49 yet onecould at least say that by relating his comedy to its festival context, the comic po-et helps redefine the relationship between Peace and Dionysos by bringing outelements that are only latent in the poetic tradition. At the same time, it is thisvery comedy that, through its performative function, helps restore Peace, bypresenting it as a manifestation of Dionysos. Read in this light, the play is farfrom offering – to quote Olson’s commentary – “unrealistic and perhaps evenmisguided solutions to the world’s problems” (p. xlii). Rather, on this interpre-tation, the objective of this play as festive comedy would be to tap into the inex-haustible energy of Dionysos’ heortê in order to prepare the ground for the re-ception of the imminent treaty of Nikias.

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