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ED 407 108 TITLE INSTITUTION REPORT NO PUB DATE NOTE AVAILABLE FROM PUB TYPE EDRS PRICE DESCRIPTORS IDENTIFIERS ABSTRACT DOCUMENT RESUME PS 025 315 The State of the World's Children 1997. United Nations Children's Fund, New York, N.Y. ISBN-0-19-262871-2 97 111p.; For 1996 edition, see ED 394 689; for 1997 summary, see PS 025 316. UNICEF, 333 East 38th Street, New York, NY 10016 (U.S., $12.95; United Kingdom, 6.95 British Pounds Sterling). Reports Descriptive (141) MF01/PC05 Plus Postage. Change Strategies; Child Advocacy; Child Health; *Child Labor; *Child Welfare; Childhood Needs; *Children; *Childrens Rights; Developed Nations; Developing Nations; Foreign Countries; Immunization Programs; Labor Legislation; Literacy; Nutrition; Poverty; *Well Being Child Safety; UNICEF; United Nations Convention on Rights of the Child; World Summit for Children 1990 This report on the well-being of the world's children focuses on the issue of child labor and its impact on children's lives. Chapter 1 provides a historical context for children's rights and highlights the need to guarantee the civil, social, economic, and political rights of children. The chapter shows ;low the world's course toward peace, equality, development, and justice can be helped by the conviction expressed in the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child that children have the same spectrum of rights as adults. Chapter 2 gives an overview of child labor, its practice in developing and industrialized countries, its origins, the importance of basic education as a deterrence to child labor, and potential actions to prevent the practice. It proposes six steps to end child labor: (1) immediate elimination of hazardous and exploitative child labor; (2) provision of free and compulsory education; (3) wider legal protection; (4) birth registration of all children; (5) data collection and monitoring of child labor; and (6) codes of conduct and procurement policies. Chapter 3 provides statistics, such as those on child mortality, immunization, maternal mortality, malnutrition, and school enrollment that chart each nation's progress towards achieving the goals for children set at the 1990 World Summit for Children. (Contains about 100 references.) (Author/KDFB) ******************************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ********************************************************************************

Transcript of ED407108.pdf - ERIC - Department of Education

ED 407 108

TITLEINSTITUTIONREPORT NOPUB DATENOTE

AVAILABLE FROM

PUB TYPEEDRS PRICEDESCRIPTORS

IDENTIFIERS

ABSTRACT

DOCUMENT RESUME

PS 025 315

The State of the World's Children 1997.United Nations Children's Fund, New York, N.Y.ISBN-0-19-262871-297

111p.; For 1996 edition,see ED 394 689; for 1997 summary, see PS 025 316.UNICEF, 333 East 38th Street, New York, NY 10016 (U.S.,$12.95; United Kingdom, 6.95 British Pounds Sterling).Reports Descriptive (141)MF01/PC05 Plus Postage.Change Strategies; Child Advocacy; Child Health; *ChildLabor; *Child Welfare; Childhood Needs; *Children;*Childrens Rights; Developed Nations; Developing Nations;Foreign Countries; Immunization Programs; Labor Legislation;Literacy; Nutrition; Poverty; *Well BeingChild Safety; UNICEF; United Nations Convention on Rights ofthe Child; World Summit for Children 1990

This report on the well-being of the world's childrenfocuses on the issue of child labor and its impact on children's lives.Chapter 1 provides a historical context for children's rights and highlightsthe need to guarantee the civil, social, economic, and political rights ofchildren. The chapter shows ;low the world's course toward peace, equality,development, and justice can be helped by the conviction expressed in theU.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child that children have the samespectrum of rights as adults. Chapter 2 gives an overview of child labor, itspractice in developing and industrialized countries, its origins, theimportance of basic education as a deterrence to child labor, and potentialactions to prevent the practice. It proposes six steps to end child labor:(1) immediate elimination of hazardous and exploitative child labor; (2)

provision of free and compulsory education; (3) wider legal protection; (4)

birth registration of all children; (5) data collection and monitoring ofchild labor; and (6) codes of conduct and procurement policies. Chapter 3provides statistics, such as those on child mortality, immunization, maternalmortality, malnutrition, and school enrollment that chart each nation'sprogress towards achieving the goals for children set at the 1990 WorldSummit for Children. (Contains about 100 references.) (Author/KDFB)

********************************************************************************

Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be madefrom the original document.

********************************************************************************

U 8 DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONOffice of Educational Research and Improvement

EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATIONCENTER (ERIC)

)(This document hEls been reproduced asreceived trom the person or organizationoriginating itMinor changes have been made to improvereproduction quality.

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THE STATE OFTHE WORLD'S

CHILDREN1997

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THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S CHILDREN1997

Oxford University Press, Walton Street,

Oxford, OX2 6DP, Oxfordshire, UK.

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Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford

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Published in the United States by

Oxford University Press, New York.

Any part of THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S CHILDREN

may be freely reproduced with the appropriateacknowledgement. UNICEF, Palais des Nations, CH-1211,

Geneva 10, Switzerland.

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serial publication as follows:

The state of the world's childrenOxford and

New York: Oxford University Press

for UNICEF

v.; ill.; 20cm. Annual. Began publication

in 1980.

1. ChildrenDeveloping countriesPeriodicals.

2. ChildrenCare and hygieneDeveloping

countriesPeriodicals. I. UNICEF.

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The state of the world's children 1997

1. ChildrenCare and hygiene

613'0432 RJ101

ISBN 0-19-262871-2

ISSN 0265-718X

Cover photo

Honduras, 1989, UNICEF/89-0052/Vauclair

Back cover photo

Cambodia, 1992, UNICEF/92-5895/Lemoyne

4

THE STATEOF THE WORLD'S

CHILDREN1997

Carol Bellamy, Executive Director,United Nations Children's Fund

unicefUnited Nations Children's Fund

Published for UNICEF by

Oxford University Press

5

Contents

Foreword by United Nations Secretary-General

Chapter 1The Convention on the Rights of the Child: A new era for children

The Convention on the Rights of the Child is at the core of a revolutionary shift in the world's approach tochildren. The idea that children have special needs, which sparked the founding of UNICEF 50 years ago, hasnow given way to the conviction that children have the same spectrum of rights as adults: civil and political,social, cultural and economic. The Convention, nearing universal ratification, is setting in motion profoundchanges in laws, policies, institutions and practices. UNICEF itself has adopted a mission statement thatlooks to the Convention as its guiding force.

This chapter shows how the world's course towards peace, equality, development and justice can be has-tened and helped by the energies the Convention is generating. The year 2000 goals, established at the WorldSummit for Children in 1990, must now be pursued in the context of the Convention. Progress towards thosegoals, according to a report in late 1996 by the UN Secretary-General, shows great-strides made, with mil-lions of children's lives saved since 1990. But much remains to be done. The Convention expands the scopeof action now under way and calls for continuing commitments of both political will and resources.

Chapter IIChildren at risk: Ending hazardous and exploitative child labour

Over 250 million children around the world in countries rich and poor work and many of them are atrisk from hazardous and exploitative labour. Denied education and trapped in cycles of poverty, their mostbasic rights, their health and even their lives are in jeopardy. This chapter examines the issue of child labourin all its complexity, exposing the common myths about it and exploring the causes. The contributing factorsare multiple and overlapping, including the exploitation of poverty, lack of access to education, and tradi-tional restrictions, particularly for girls. Compounding the problem is the paucity of statistics about the num-ber of children working, especially those in hazardous conditions. More data are urgently needed in order tobetter monitor and prevent child labour violations, particularly since the vast majority of children labour ininvisibility.

Because the causes of child labour are complex, the solution must be comprehensive. The report calls forthe immediate end to hazardous child labour and proposes strategies to help eliminate and prevent it includ-ing: access to education; wider legal protection; birth registration for all children; collection of infor-mation; and mobilization of the widest possible coalition of partners among governments, communities,non-governmental organizations (NGOs), employers and trade unions. The single most effective way to pro-tect children from hazardous and exploitative labour, the report argues, is to extend and improve education sothat it will attract them and inspire their lives.

6

4

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Chapter IIIStatistical tables

Statistics provide an essential foundation for gauging children's well-being and the level of care, nurture andresources they receive. Statistics such as those on child mortality, immunization, maternal mortality, malnu-trition and school enrolment chart countries' progress towards achieving the goals set at the 1990 WorldSummit for Children. Despite significant gains, more than 12 million children under five still die each year,mainly from preventable diseases and malnutrition. The tables cover basic indicators, health, nutrition, edu-cation, demographics, economic progress and the situation of women, plus indicators on less populous coun-tries, rates of progress and regional summaries. Countries are listed in descending order of their estimated1995 under-five mortality rates, the first basic indicator in table 1.

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Panels

1 CHILDREN'S RIGHTS, CHILDREN'S VOICES 10

2 BRINGING THE CONVENTION TO LIFE 12

3 LEGISLAI IVE, LANDMARKS 19

4 IPEC PARTNERSHIPS FOR CHILDREN 22

5 CHILD DOMESTIC WORK: HIDDEN EXPLOITATION 30

6 KENYAN GIRLS FIND HOPE AT SINAGA 34

7 AGRICULTURAL LABOUR: A HARSH HARVEST 38

8 THE STREETS ARE THEIR WORKPLACE 42

9 "How CAN I STUDY?" 49

10 NON-FORMAL EDUCATION: A BRIDGE FOR WORKING CHILDREN 50

11 ESCUELA NUEVA: ALTERNATIVE LEARNING FOR RURAL CHILDREN 56

12 AN AGREEMENT IN BANGLADESH 60

13 THE PRIVATE SECTOR: PART OF THE SOLUTION 64

14 RUGMARK: HELPING TO KEEP CHILDREN OFF THE LOOMS 68

Text figuresFIG. 1 CHILD LABOUR: A LOOK AT THE PAST 18

FIG. 2 THE WORLD'S CHILDREN: How MANY, HOW OLD? 24

FIG. 3 THE WORKING CHILD: 1 OUT OF EVERY 4 IN THE WORLD 25

FIG. 4 LONG DAYS, LONG WEEKS 25

FIG. 5 FAMILY PURCHASING POWER FALLS IN MANY REGIONS 27

FIG. 6 PURCHASING POWER: INDUSTRIALIZED VS. DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 27

FIG. 7 CHILDREN OUT OF SCHOOL: A COST AND A CAUSE OF CHILD LABOUR 52

References 74

Index 104

Glossary 107

5

Foreword

The well-being of children has been the inspiration and the driving purpose of

the United Nations Children's Fund for 50 years. It is from this unique perspective

and experience that UNICEF adds its voice, concern and expertise to the debate about

child labour, the primary focus of The State of the World's Children 1997 report.

Child labour is a controversial and emotional issue. It is also a complex and challenging one that

defies simple solutions. The thoughtful and comprehensive approaches required must be guided by

the best interests of the child and by a commitment to children's human rights, as enshrined in the

Convention on the Rights of the Child.

In this report, UNICEF urges that priority be given to efforts for the immediate end of hazardous

and exploitative child labour and to urgent support for education, so that children may acquire the

knowledge and skills that can enable them to improve their lives. It also stresses the need for basic

services, social development strategies, income-generation measures and legal protection for chil-

dren, their families and communities.

The United Nations and its related agencies have a long history of collaborative action on chal-

lenging questions concerning human development and human rights, the environment and global

health. It is a record of which the world can be justly proud.

The State of the World's Children emphasizes the need for such collective action to deal with

child labour. By working together, as the report makes clear, governments, international and na-

tional organizations and all members of the world community can help protect children from the

economic exploitation so graphically described in this report. Ending hazardous child labour, a pri-

ority concern of the International Labour Organization and of UNICEF, now needs to become the

world's shared and urgent goal. The United Nations system must take the lead.

Boutros Boutros-GhaliUnited Nations Secretary-General

6

Chapter I

The Conventionon the Rights of the Child

.;>

A girl in a non formal school programme run by community volunteersin Pakistan.

97

1 o

A new era forchildren

fifty years ago, in the aftermathof the most devastating war inhistory, UNICEF was created

on 11 December 1946 to provide suc-cour to children. Its establishmentstemmed from the concern that chil-dren would not be adequately pro-tected in the overall relief effort underway in Europe. The internationalrecognition that children required spe-cial attention was revolutionary at thetime.

At the end of the postwar recon-struction period, developing countriesemerging from the colonial era in-voked the same principle to demandthat children be given specific atten-tion in international cooperation.UNICEF's initial relief mandate wasenlarged to include the survival anddevelopment of children.

Now, the international approach tochildren has changed dramaticallyonce again. The idea that childrenhave special needs has given way tothe conviction that children haverights, the same full spectrum ofrights as adults: civil and political, so-cial, cultural and economic.

This conviction, expressed as theConvention on the Rights of theChild, entered into international lawon 2 September 1990, nine monthsafter the Convention's adoption by the

A young girl in Beirut.

United Nations General Assembly.Since then, the Convention has beenratified (as of mid-September 1996)

by all countries except the CookIslands, Oman, Somalia, Switzerland,the United Arab Emirates and theUnited States, making it the mostwidely ratified human rights treaty inhistory.

The Convention has produced aprofound change that is already be-ginning to have substantive effects onthe world's attitude towards its chil-dren. Once a country ratifies, it isobliged in law to undertake all appro-priate measures to assist parents andother responsible parties in fulfillingtheir obligations to children under theConvention. Now, 96 per cent of theworld's children live in States that arelegally obligated to protect children'srights.

Those rights are comprehensive.The Convention defines children aspeople below the age of 18 (article 1)whose "best interests" must be takeninto account in all situations (article3). It protects children's right to sur-vive and develop (article 6) to theirfull potential, and among its provi-sions are those affirming children'sright to the highest attainable standardof health care (article 24), and to ex-press views (article 12) and receiveinformation (article 13). Childrenhave a right to be registered immedi-

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The idea that children havespecial needs has given wayto the conviction thatchildren have rights,the same full spectrumof rights as adults: civil andpolitical, social, cultural andeconomic.

9

Panel

Children's rights, children's voices

"We need more bridges over the road so we can get to the park," says an eight-year-old from Bristol (United Kingdom). Across the Irish Sea, a seven-year-oldsays: "You need a see-saw and you need a big aeroplane and you need a weerubber duck for your bath. You need somewhere to play"

Reports to the Committee on theRights of the Child by Statesthat have ratified the Con-

vention are the vital centre-pieces ofthe monitoring process. Howevercarefully and completely they maybe done, nevertheless, official re-ports can rarely capture the fullestpicture of children's rights in a givencountry. That is ideally drawn from avariety of sources and voices.

Alternative reports are importantcomplements to official reports, pro-viding depth, details and perspec-tive. The words quoted above comefrom the UK Agenda for Children,produced by the Children's RightsDevelopment Unit, a small Britishorganization supported by theGulbenkian Foundation and the UKCommittee for UNICEF. Conceivedas an alternative report and issued inJuly 1994, the Agenda has earnedwide praise for its immediacy, rele-vance and comprehensiveness.

It manages to be thorough andsubstantive, as lively as a personaldiary, as pertinent as a morning'sheadline and as urgent as a cry forhelp. Committee member HodaBadran has called the Agenda "amajor innovatory contribution" tothe methodology of monitoring childrights in an individual country.

The innovations are several.The document is the culminationof two years of research on thepart of the Unit and some 183 non-governmental organizations (NGOs)in England, Scotland, Wales andNorthern Ireland. Such broad partici-pation allows the report not only toreview the UK's legislation and ad-ministrative procedures for compli-

10

ance with the Convention, but alsoto examine what is actually happen-ing in practice.

Moreover, it includes the input ofchildren, another innovation that il-lustrates the extent to which theUnit and participating NGOs wereinspired by the Convention's direc-tives to let the views of children beheard and make the Conventionprovisions widely known to adultsand children alike.

The voices of children echo through-out: "Parents shouldn't have the rightto hit children," says a 13-year-oldfrom Lincolnshire. "It just makes chil-dren grow up to be violent."

"At the age of 13, I was looking afterthe house, looking after my mum,shielding my mum from attacksfrom my dad which is a hell of a lotfor a 13-year-old to take on," says a17- year -old from Merseyside..

"Kids can't play where I live; nee-dles everywhere, stolen cars, no onecares," laments a 14- year -old fromManchester. School club members,children in jail, those in institutions,the homeless, those caring for sickor disabled parents, abused childrenand others were all heard in an effortto reflect the wide and often difficultrealities of children's lives. The Unitset up more than 40 consultationsessions with children, who rangedin age from 6 to 18 years.

Their words strengthen the study,which analyses the Convention'sarticles grouped in 12 key policyareas: personal freedoms, care ofchildren, physical and personal in-tegrity; an adequate standard of liv-ing; health and health care services;environment; education; play ant 2

leisure; youth justice; child labour;immigration and nationality; chil-dren and violent conflict (NorthernIreland); abduction; and interna-tional obligations. Within each area,the UK's compliance with all rele-vant articles is examined, along withcompliance with three general prin-ciples or 'umbrella' articles: non-discrimination (article 2), the bestinterests of the child (article 3) andthe right of children to expressviews and have them taken seri-ously in all decisions affecting them(article 12).

Thus, an 18-year-old from Nor-thern Ireland, quoted in the chapteron the "adequate standard of living"policy area, makes the impact ofchanges in the social security sys-tem come alive: "We have to lock thedoor, turn off the lights and pretendwe are not in every time we see therent man or the milkman."

Such contributions help bring tolife an exhaustive study of chil-dren's rights for which no issue istoo small for attention schooluniforms, the opening of mail inchildren's homes or too largefor instance, the chapter on childrenand violent conflict, which is de-voted exclusively to NorthernIreland. Transport policy, housingcodes, environmental regulationsare all put under the microscope.

Nor does any problem defy solu-tion. Sections on Actions Requiredfor Compliance appear within chap-ters, and the suggestions made aresummarized at each chapter end.The Committee on the Rights of theChild could hardly have a clearer pic-ture of the status of children's rightsin the UK, nor a more systematic,constructive and eloquent guide towhat needs to be done.

ately after birth and to have a nameand nationality (article 7), a right toplay (article 31) and to protectionfrom all forms of sexual exploitationand sexual abuse (article 34).

The Convention recognizes thatnot all governments have the re-sources necessary to ensure all eco-nomic, social and cultural rightsimmediately. But it commits them tomake those rights a priority and to en-sure them to the maximum extent ofavailable resources.

Fulfilling their obligations some-times requires States to make funda-mental changes in national laws,institutions, plans, policies and prac-tices to bring them into line with theprinciples of the Convention.

The first priority must be to gener-ate the political will to do this. As thedrafters of the Convention recog-nized, real change in the lives of chil-dren will come about only whensocial attitudes and ethics progres-sively change to conform with lawsand principles. And when, as actors inthe process, children themselvesknow enough about their rights toclaim them.

The official monitor of this processof change is the Committee on theRights of the Child. Governments areobliged to report to the Committeewithin two years of ratification, andevery five years thereafter, specifyingthe steps taken to change nationallaws and formulate policies andactions.

The Committee, made up of 10experts, gathers evidence from non-governmental organizations (NGOs)and intergovernmental organizations,including UNICEF, and these groupsmay prepare alternative reports to thatof a government (Panel 1). The Com-mittee and the government then meetto discuss the country's child rightsefforts and the steps necessary toovercome difficulties.

The reporting process has proveddynamic and constructive, with the di-alogue established helping to advancechildren's rights. Unfortunately, how-ever, many countries have missedtheir reporting deadlines, 28 of themby as much as three years, as ofSeptember 1996.

The process of implementing theConvention still remains in its infancybut, as we have noted, the interna-tional treaty for children is already be-ginning to make an impact. Asreported in 1996 in UNICEF's annualpublication, The Progress of Nations,of the 43 countries whose reports hadbeen reviewed at the time, 14 had in-corporated the principles of the Con-vention into their constitutions and 35had passed new laws or amendedexisting laws to conform to the Con-vention. And 13 had built the Conven-tion into curricula or courses to beginthe key process of educating childrenabout their rights.'

Around the world, teachers,lawyers, police officials, judges andcaregivers are being trained in theprinciples and the application of theConvention. Inspired by the Con-vention, Sierra Leone has demobi-lized child soldiers. In Rwanda,UNICEF, under the Convention'saegis, has been working to move chil-dren held in adult detention centresfor alleged war offences to special ju-venile institutions and has hiredlawyers to defend them. And reforms,changes and improvements continueto accumulate around the world(Panel 2).

The monitoring of the Conventionand media coverage of the issues havepromoted international awareness ofgross violations of children's rights.Major initiatives such as the WorldCongress against Commercial SexualExploitation of Children, held inStockholm in August 1996, and theInternational Conference on Child

13

Among the rights guaranteed by the

Convention on the Rights of the Child is the

right to play. A boy on a rope-swing in

. Barbados, where the Convention was ratified

in 1990.

I I

Panel 2

Bringing the Convention to life

Some of the most significantchanges sparked by the Con-vention on the Rights of the Child

are those now occurring in the legalsystems of countries.

The measures range from broad en-dorsements of children's rights to therevision of laws and changes in na-tional constitutions. Togo, for instance,has incorporated all operative articlesof the Convention into its new Con-stitution. Other African countries thathave introduced elements of theConvention into their Constitutions in-clude Angola, Ethiopia, Namibia andUganda. For example, Ethiopia's Con-stitution establishes the best interestsof the child as a primary consideration.

South Africa's proposed Constitu-tion recognizes, among others, therights of children to a name, to basicnutrition, to education, to health andsocial services and to protection fromexploitative labour practices. Eritrea's

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proposed Constitution also containsprotections for children and families.Angola's Family Code sets out the equalresponsibility of mothers and fathersfor their children; the country's FamilyTracing Law is the legal foundation forthe efforts to reunite children and fami-lies separated by years of civil conflict.

In Honduras, the country's govern-ing body unanimously approved a newdetailed Children's Rights Code basedon the Convention. The new Code,drafted over three years by membersof non-governmental organizations(NGOs) and government ministries,came into force in September 1996, onHonduras' National Day for the Child.To implement the Code, training isbeing provided for 75 judges, 293mayors and 300 staff of governmentinstitutions and NGOs.

In Uganda, the new Children'sStatute, signed by President YoweriMuseveni in April 1996, is regarll by

child rights advocates as a pioneeringand historic step for Africa. Guided bythe Convention, the Statute affirms thecountry's commitment to meeting theneeds of its youngest citizens. Amongother measures, it empowers local au-thorities to establish Family and Chil-dren Courts in every district, spells outfoster care and adoption procedures,and establishes humane processes forthe rehabilitation of juvenile offenders.

Tunisia's Code for the Protection ofChildren, adopted in October 1995,contains 123 articles that bring na-tional laws into harmony with theConvention.

Nepal has also adopted compre-hensive child rights legislation in itsChildren's Act. Child welfare boards,

bt. consisting of representatives of gov-ernment ministries, NGOs and profes-sional groups, are being created atboth district and national levels to im-plement the Act.

Other countries that have passedlegislation on child rights concerns in-clude China, which enacted a law in1995 that states that Chinese citizens,regardless of ethnic group, race, sex,age, occupation, property status or reli-gious belief, have the right and obliga-tion to receive education. St. Kitts andNevis passed a law in 1994 establish-ing an agency to formulate policy anddeliver services benefiting children. InBurkina Faso, a law has made childrights part of both primary and sec-ondary curricula, and the country isestablishing courts and appointingjudges for children.

A schoolroom in Burkina Faso.

Labour, scheduled for October 1997in Oslo, derive their impetus from theConvention. Highlighting the prob-lems in this way is an essential firststep towards their elimination.

In a positive initiative to involvethe media in educating children abouttheir rights, the Asian Summit onChild Rights and the Media, held inManila in July 1996, included a widerange of participants in four days ofdiscussions on how to educate, informand entertain children while also tak-ing into account their best interests.

UNICEF itself is at a turning-point. In its 50th year, the organi-zation has adopted a mission state-ment that looks to the Convention asits guiding force.

This new mandate has importantimplications for the work of the organi-zation. Its efforts for children in thepast two decades, including the year2000 goals established by the interna-tional community at the World Sum-mit for Children in 1990, are designedto alleviate the worst aspects ofpoverty for the majority of the world'schildren. These goals and agreementsmust now be pursued in the context ofthe Convention.

In September 1996, the Secretary-General of the United Nations,Boutros Boutros-Ghali, reported tothe General Assembly on the progressmade in meeting the Summit's year2000 goals for children as the decadefor action passed the halfway mark.Much of the news is good, with mil-lions of children's lives having beensaved since 1990.

But much remains to be done.More than 12.5 million children underfive in developing countries continueto die each year, 9 million of themfrom causes for which inexpensivesolutions and measures such as im-munization and antibiotics have beenroutinely applied in the industrializedworld for 50 years.'

As long as preventable death andsuffering continue on a large scale inthe developing world, child survivalmust remain an urgent priority. Butnow, within the context of the Con-vention, UNICEF and the world com-munity must not only maintain thecommitment to the year 2000 goalsbut also look beyond them to socialprotection and other important needsand rights not expressly contained inthe World Summit Declaration andPlan of Action. The Convention, byexpressing and protecting all therights of children, expands the scopeof action required for children andthrows a clear shaft of light on pathsthat extend beyond the year 2000.

Some of these will involve protect-ing children and youth in conflict withthe criminal justice system; otherswill ensure the development of theyoung child, support families, end theuse of land-mines and continue to tryto bring about a more equitable distri-bution of resources.

It is in this context that TheState of the World's Children 1997report explores the subject of childlabour and its impact on children'sdevelopment.

The Convention requires families,societies, governments and the inter-national community to take actiondesigned to fulfil the rights of all chil-dren in a sustainable, participatoryand non-discriminatory manner. Inpractical terms, this means that thepoorest, most vulnerable and often themost neglected children in all soci-eties, rich and poor, must have firstcall on resources and efforts.

The endeavours to touch their liveswill be complex and will require asustained attack on the root causes ofpoverty and underdevelopment.

In a world where technology andknowledge are available and easy toshare, and per capita income has tri-pled in the past quarter of a century,'

15

The world community mustnot only maintain thecommitment to the year 2000goals but also look beyondthem to social protectionand other important needsand rights.

13

Redirecting just one quarterof the developing world'smilitary expenditure or$30 billion of $125 billionfor example, could provideenough additional resourcesto reach most of the goals forthe year 2000.

14

there can be no excuses: the rights ofall children, including those who aremost disadvantaged, can be fulfilled.

The international community hastried in this last decade of the 20thcentury to arrive at a consensus on theway forward on a number of fronts:on human rights, on protection of theenvironment, on reduction of uncon-trolled population growth and oneliminating gender inequality. Theavowed aim is sustainable develop-ment for all on the basis of social jus-tice and human fulfilment.

Good intentions will now have tobe matched with the political will toact and fortified by changes in indi-vidual and national attitudes and pri-orities. An additional $40 billion ayear could ensure access for all theworld's people to basic social servicessuch as health care, education andsafe water.4

Two thirds of this amount couldbe found by developing countries ifthey realigned their own budget pri-orities. Redirecting just one quarterof the developing world's militaryexpenditure or $30 billion of $125billion' for example, could provideenough additional resources to reachmost of the goals for the year 2000. Asimilar shift in the targeting of devel-opment aid by donor countries couldgenerate much of the rest.

This premise is set out in the 20/20initiative, which calls for developingcountries to increase government

16

spending on basic social servicesfrom the current average of approxi-mately 13 per cent to 20 per cent, andfor donor countries to earmark 20 percent of official development assis-tance (ODA).

This kind of shift in the way theworld uses its resources is no longeran appeal to the charity of those withthe power and the purse-strings but isa matter of rights and obligations. Thenew era in child rights will still needunderpinning by attitudinal change,popular pressure and public demands.

Wherever opinion polls have beenundertaken they have shown that peo-ple support the ideas and ideals ofhuman rights, child rights and interna-tional solidarity. Part of the task, then,is to channel this support into action.

For the past 15 years, The State ofthe World's Children has mobilizedpublic and political support for childsurvival and development. UNICEFwill continue to mobilize, now withthe added power and legitimacy of theConvention, because the need for pas-sionate advocacy on behalf of theworld's children has not diminished,even now, half a century after theneed for UNICEF was internationallyacknowledged.

As Philip Alston, a leading childrights lawyer and activist, states: "Inthe final analysis, appropriate poli-cies will be adopted... only in re-sponse to widespread and insistentpublic outrage."

Chapter II

Children at risk:Ending hazardous and

exploitative child labour

In cottage industries throughout the world, all family members

contribute. In Honduras, a young boy sleeps at the work table where

he stitches softballs in his home.

1715

r

-.-ilv

Myth and reality

"Dust from the chemical powders and strong vapours in both thestoreroom and the boiler room were obvious....We found 250children, mostly below 10 years of age, working in a long hall

filling in a slotted frame with sticks. Row upon row of children,some barely five years old, were involved in the work "'

The description could comefrom an observer appalled atthe working conditions en-

dured by children in the 19th centuryin British mills and factories.

The world, you feel, must surelyhave banished such obscenities to thedistant past. But the quote is from areport on the matchstick-makingindustry of modern-day Sivakasi, inIndia.

And similar descriptions of chil-dren at work in hazardous conditionscan be gathered from countries acrossthe world. In Malaysia, children maywork up to 17-hour days on rubberplantations, exposed to insect andsnake bites. In the United Republic ofTanzania, they pick coffee, inhalingpesticides. In Portugal, children asyoung as 12 are subject to the heavylabour and myriad dangers of the con-struction industry. In Morocco, theyhunch at looms for long hours and lit-

Among the most hazardous of jobs is

scavenging. Children, like this boy in Brazil,

collect used paper, plastics, rags and bottles

from garbage dumps, selling them to retailers

for recycling.

tle pay, knotting the strands of luxurycarpets for export. In the UnitedStates, children are exploited in gar-ment industry sweatshops. In thePhilippines, young boys dive in dan-gerous conditions to help set nets fordeep-sea fishing.

The world should, indeed, haveoutgrown the many forms of abuselabouring children endure. But ithasn't, although not for lack of effort.Child labour was one of the first andmost important issues addressed bythe international community, resultingin the International Labour Organi-zation's (ILO) 1919 Minimum AgeConvention (Panel 3).

Early efforts were hobbled, in part,because campaigners struggling toend child labour appealed to moralityand ethics, values easily sidelined bythe drive for profit and the hardrealities of commercial life. Childlabourers were objects of charity orhumanitarian concern but they had nolegal rights.

Today's world is different at leastin this respect. Children have rightsestablished in international laws, notleast in the Convention on the Rights

19

The world should,indeed, have outgrownthe many forms of abuselabouring children endure.But it hasn't.

17

Fig. 1 Child labour: A look at the past

The industrialized world had significant numbers

of children working, as recently as 100 years ago. The

following charts show the composition of the

workforce, in some cases approaching 50 per cent

children. Working hours were often long. For

instance, in Ghent industries in 1847, a child's work

week was generally the same as an adult's:

13 hours per day, 78 hours per week. The charts do

not reflect the unpaid work done by children at home.

Belgium, ca. 1850

Work orindustry

Craft flaxand hemp

Industrialcotton

Clothing

Coal minesand coke

0 20 40 60 80 100

% of workforce under 16 years of age

England and Wales, ca. 1850

Working girls

Non-working girls

Working boys

Non- working boys

Japan, 1900

Work orindustry

Match-making

Rope-braiding

Glass-making

Rug-weaving

0 20 40 60 BO 100

Children 10-14 years of age ( %)

0 20 40 60 80 100

% of workforce under 14 years of age

Source: H. Cunningham, and P.P. Viazzo (eds.), Child Labour in

Historical Perspective, 1800.1985: Case studies from Europe,

Japan and Colombia, UNICEF International Child Development

Centre, Florence, 1996, pp. 27, 42, 78.

18

of the Child, which has now been rati-fied by all but a few countries.Ratification specifically obligatesgovernments in article 32 toprotect children "from economic ex-ploitation and from performing anywork that is likely to be hazardous orto interfere with the child's education,or to be harmful to the child's healthor physical, mental, spiritual, moral orsocial development."

But beyond that article, children'sexploitation in work contravenesmany more of the rights enshrined inthe Convention, among them chil-dren's rights to care by their parents,to compulsory and free primary edu-cation, to the highest attainable stan-dard of health, to social security, andto provisions for rest and recreation.The rights of those children whoseprimary activity is work are, withoutquestion, in jeopardy.

Looking at children's workthrough the lens of children's rightsand the Convention on the Rights ofthe Child, as this State of the World'sChildren report seeks to do, offers notonly new ways of understanding theproblem of child labour but also pro-vides new impetus and direction tothe movement against it.

As we will see, child labour is oftena complex issue. Powerful forces sus-tain it, including many employers,vested interest groups and economistsproposing that the market must be freeat all costs, and traditionalists believ-ing the caste or class of certain chil-dren denudes them of rights.

Our lodestar must always be thebest interests of the child. It can neverbe in the best interests of a child to beexploited or to perform heavy anddangerous forms of work. No childshould labour in hazardous and ex-ploitative conditions, just as no childshould die of preventable illnesses.

On this point there can be nodoubt. Work that endangers children's

20

physical, mental, spiritual, moral orsocial development must end. Haz-ardous child labour is a betrayal ofevery child's rights as a humanbeing and is an offence against ourcivilization.

Four myths aboutchild labourThe recent surge of interest in childlabour has too often been foundedupon and contributed to fourmyths about child labour that it isvital to confront. The first is that childlabour is uniquely a problem of thedeveloping world. The second is thatchild labour emerges inevitably andnaturally out of poverty and thus willalways be with us. The third is thatmost child labourers are at work insweatshops producing cheap goodsfor export to the stores of the richworld. And the fourth is that there is asimple solution to the child labourproblem a 'trade sanction' or 'boy-cott' that will end it once and for all.

Myth OneChild labour only happens in thepoor world While the vast major-ity of working children are found indeveloping countries, children rou-tinely work in all countries. In everycountry, rich and poor, it is the natureof the work children do that deter-mines whether or not they are harmedby it not the plain fact of theirworking. Few people in the industrial-ized world, for example, would lookupon the employment of a child to de-liver newspapers for an hour or twobefore school as an exploitative formof child labour, despite the fact thatthe child will certainly be paid lessthan normal adult rates for the job.Often such a job will be encouragedin the interest of the child's gainingexperience of the 'real world' of workand commerce.

an

Legislative landmarks

From the first international child labour convention (1919), which saw workingchildren in terms of wage employment in formal-sector manufacturing, theworld's position on child labour has evolved and expanded over the years. It

has come to address non-industrial work by children, and most recently, to prohibitany kind of work, paid or unpaid, that is injurious to children, and to set out safe-guards and protections for children who work. States parties to the Convention onthe Rights of the Child, for example, are required to provide for a minimum age orminimum ages for admission to employment "having regard to the relevant provi-sions of other international instruments" (article 32). The laws outlined below areinternational landmarks in protecting children.

1919: Minimum Age (Industry)Convention No. 5. Adopted at the firstsession of the International LabourOrganization (ILO) and ratified by 72countries, the Convention established14 years as the minimum age for chil-dren to be employed in industry. Itwas the first international effort toregulate children's participation in theworkplace and was followed by nu-merous ILO instruments applicable toother economic sectors.

1930: ILO Forced Labour Conven-tion No. 29 provides for the suppres-sion of the use of forced or compulsorylabour in all its forms. The term "forcedor compulsory labour" is considered tomean all work or service exacted fromany people under the threat of penaltyand for which they have not offeredthemselves voluntarily. Ratifications:139 States as of mid-September 1996.

1966: International Covenant onCivil and Political Rights. Adopted bythe UN General Assembly in 1966and entered into force in 1976, it reaf-firms the principles of the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights (1948)with regard to civil and political rightsand commits States parties to take ac-tion to realize these rights. Article 8states that no one should be kept inslavery or servitude or be required toperform forced or compulsory labour.Ratifications: 135 States as of mid-September 1996.

1966: International Covenant onEconomic, Social and Cultural Rights.Adopted by the UN General Assemblyin 1966 and entered into force in 1976,it reaffirms the principles of theUniversal Declaration of Human Rightswith regard to economic, social andcultural rights. Article 10 enjoins Statesparties to protect young people fromeconomic exploitation and from em-ployment in work harmful to theirmorals, their health or their lives, orlikely to hamper their normal develop-ment. It also commits States parties toset age limits below which the paidemployment of child labour should beprohibited and punishable by law.Ratifications: 135 States as of mid-September 1996.

1973: ILO Minimum Age Con-vention No. 138 supersedes priorinstruments applicable to limited eco-nomic sectors. The Conventionobliges member States to pursue anational policy designed to ensurethe effective abolition of child labour.In this connection, it establishes thatno child can be employed in any eco-nomic sector below the age desig-nated for the completion of compulsoryschooling and not less than 15years. The minimum age for admissionto any work likely to jeopardize health,safety or morals is 18 years.Ratifications: 49 States as of mid-September 1996.

21

Minimum Age Recommendation No.146 calls on States to raise the mini-mum age of employment to 16 years.While not legally obligating, it none-theless is a strong call to action on thepart of member States. Convention No.138 and this Recommendation are re-garded as the most comprehensiveinternational instruments and state-ments on child labour.

1989: Convention on the Rightsof the Child. Enshrines as interde-pendent and indivisible the fullrange of the civil, political, eco-nomic, social and cultural rights ofall children that are vital to theirsurvival, development, protectionand participation in the lives oftheir societies. Because of this con-nection between children's rightsand their survival and develop-ment, virtually all the Convention'sarticles address issues such aseducation, health, nutrition, restand relaxation, social security, theresponsibilities of parents thatare related to child labour and itseffects on children. One of thetenets of the Convention is that inall actions concerning children,their best interests should be takenfully into account. Article 32 recog-nizes children's right to be pro-tected from work that threatenstheir health, education or develop-ment and enjoins States parties toset minimum ages for employmentand to regulate working conditions.Ratifications: 187 States as of mid-September 1996.

1996: ILO proposes for discussion anew convention on hazardous childlabour or the elimination of the mostintolerable forms of child labour.

19

The long hours and strains of carpet-weaving

cause muscular diseases and deformities, and

the inhalation of carpet fibre and chemicals

leads to respiratory infections. A boy in

Afghanistan works at a loom.

20

This is also how children's work isregarded by many families in the de-veloping world with the differencethat these families are often in direneed of the income or help their chil-dren can provide, whereas children inindustrialized countries are oftenworking for pocket money.

When all forms of work are consid-ered, the percentage of children work-ing in industrialized countries can besurprisingly high. In the UnitedKingdom, for example, the most reli-able estimates available show that be-tween 15 and 26 per cent of11-year-olds and between 36 and 66per cent of 15-year-olds are working.2

Most of these child workers inindustrialized countries also attendschool. But there is a naivety in theassumption that the only kind ofwork undertaken by children in theWest is on the 'pocket money' model.Industrialized nations tend to see them-selves as having completely eradicatedthe harsher forms of child labour andthus preach that poorer countriesshould follow their example.

Yet hazardous forms of childlabour can be found in most richcountries. Usually, the exploited chil-dren come from ethnic minorities orimmigrant groups, as with the Gypsyand Albanian communities in Greece.In the US, for example, the majorityof child workers are employed inagriculture, and a high proportion ofthem are from immigrant or ethnic-minority families. A study by the USGeneral Accounting Office showed a250 per cent increase in child labourviolations between 1983 and 1990. Ina three-day sting operation in 1990,the US Department of Labor discov-ered more than 11,000 children work-ing illegally.3 The same year, a surveyof Mexican-American children work-ing on New York state farms showedthat almost half had worked in fieldsstill wet with pesticides and more than

22

a third had themselves been sprayed,either directly or indirectly.4

Myth TwoChild labour will never be eliminateduntil poverty disappears It is truethat the poorest, most disadvantagedsectors of society supply the vast ma-jority of child labourers. The conclu-sion often drawn from this is thatchild labour and poverty are insepara-ble and that calls for an immediateend to hazardous child labour are un-realistic. We are told we must toleratethe intolerable until world poverty isended.

This is very convenient for all thosewho benefit from the status quo. But itis also untrue. The fact remains thatwhen a child is engaged in hazardouslabour, someone an employer, acustomer or a parent benefits fromthat labour. It is this element of ex-ploitation that is overlooked by thosewho see child labour as inseparablefrom poverty. However poor theirfamilies may be, children would notbe harmed by work if there were notpeople prepared and able to exploitthem. And child labour, in fact, can ac-tually perpetuate poverty, as a workingchild grows into an adult trapped inunskilled and badly paid jobs.

Of course, poverty must be re-duced. Its reduction by economicgrowth, by employment generationand by investment, by better distribu-tion of income, by changes in theglobal economy, as well as by betterallocation of government budgets andbetter targeting of aid flows will reducethe potential pool of child labourers.

But hazardous child labour canand must be eliminated independentlyof wider measures aimed at povertyreduction.

At the highest level, governmentshave begun to move on the issue, tomake good the commitments theyassumed in ratifying the Convention

on the Rights of the Child. In NewDelhi in 1996, for example, labourministers of the Non-Aligned Move-ment agreed that "exploitative childlabour wherever it is practised is amoral outrage and an affront tohuman dignity." They resolved to give"immediate priority for total and defacto elimination of child labour inhazardous employments."5 At thelocal level, activists' groups and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)are exploring ways to remove chil-dren from dangerous work situationsand provide alternatives for them.And in August 1996, the third SouthAsian Association for RegionalCooperation (SAARC) MinisterialConference on the Children of SouthAsia committed member States toending bonded labour by the year2000 and to "eliminate the evil ofchild labour" by 2010.

The end of hazardous child labourdoes not have to and must notwait for the end of poverty. Worldpoverty cannot be eliminated by theend of the decade. But hazardous childlabour and the grave violation ofthe rights of the children involvedcan be.

Myth ThreeChild labour primarily occurs in ex-port industries Export industriesare the most visible sector in whichchildren work. Soccer balls made bychildren in Pakistan for use by chil-dren in industrialized countries maybe a compelling symbol. But we mustnot lose sight of the tens of millionsof children all around the world whowork in non-export areas, often inhazardous or exploitative conditions.In fact, only a very small percentageof all child workers are employed inexport-sector industries probablyless than 5 per cent.6

A 1995 study in Bangladesh, forexample, revealed that children were

active in more than 300 differentkinds of jobs outside the export sec-tor. These ranged from householdwork to brick-making, from stone-breaking to selling in shops and onstreets, from bike-repairing togarbage-collecting and rag - picking.?What is more, this assessment tookinto account only jobs done in cities.Most children work on farms andplantations or houses, far from thereach of labour inspectors and frommedia scrutiny.

If we allow the notion that themost exploited child workers are allin the industrial export sector to takehold, we would do a grave disserviceto that great majority of children wholabour in virtual invisibility.

Myth FourThe only way to make headwayagainst child labour is for consumersand governments to apply pressurethrough sanctions and boycottsThis is incorrect on two counts. First,it implies that all the momentum foraction on child labour is generated byWestern pressure and that people,NGOs, the media and governments indeveloping countries have been ignor-ing or condoning the problem. In fact,activists and organizations, both localand international, have been diligentlyat work in developing countries foryears, exposing child labour abuses,developing local and national pro-grammes and promoting consumerawareness in their own countries andin the West through internationalcampaigns.

The ILO International Programmeon the Elimination of Child Labour isone important example. Launched in1991 to help children in six countries,it now works with NGO and govern-ment partners in 19 countries (Panel4). To cite just two others, in aUNICEF-assisted programme in thePhilippines, teams composed of gov-

23

The end of hazardous childlabour does not have toand must not wait for theend of poverty.

21

Panel 4

IPEC partnerships for children

In Brazil, trade unions have publicizedthe problems of child labour and havemanaged to secure child labour

clauses in contracts with employers in88 municipalities in 8 federal states. Innorthern Thailand, the Daughters'Education Programme is helpingyoung girls in 70 communities withbasic non-formal education, coun-selling and skills training and alertingthem, their families, their teachers andthe leaders of their communities to thedangers that prostitution poses.

These are only two examples ofhow the International Labour Or-ganization's (ILO) International Pro-gramme on the Elimination of ChildLabour (IPEC) is working to end haz-ardous and exploitative child labour.IPEC has distinguished itself with itscreative and flexible approach, tailoredto fit children's needs and countries' ca-pacities. It has also earned respect forreinforcing the national commitmentand structures on which permanent im-provements depend.

Launched in 1991 with a grant from

22

the German Government, IPEC cur-rently has 19 participating countriesBangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, CostaRica, Egypt, El Salvador, Guatemala,India, Indonesia, Kenya, Nepal,Nicaragua, Pakistan, Panama, thePhilippines, Tanzania, Thailandand Turkey. Another 10 countries arepreparing to launch the programme.

An IPEC programme begins with thesigning of a Memorandum ofUnderstanding between the govern-ment and ILO, detailing areas of coop-eration. Studies and surveys define thenature and magnitude of child labourproblems in a country, and togetherwith consultations, form the base onwhich the national plan of action iscreated.

Once a country's plan is developed,government agencies, employers' andworkers' organizations, NGOs, univer-sities and the media carry it out. Sinceno single organization or strategy canoffer a complete solution to the prob-lem of child labour, partnerships and al-liances are vital. A country establishes a

24

committee to coordinate the variousparticipating groups and oversee theprogramme's management. This in-volvement of many partners bothstrengthens a nation's capacity to ef-fect change and builds a sense ofcountry ownership of IPECprogrammes.

Another essential element of theIPEC approach is to create awarenessof the dangers and extent of childlabour. The message is spread in vari-ous ways, such as radio programming,which has proven to be a powerful andcost-effective tool, particularly in ruralareas. In Thailand, cartoon and picturebooks describe the dangers of childlabour.

IPEC also helps countries strength-en legislation and enforcement andmonitoring capacities. Many countrieshave started training labour inspectorsas they are often the only ones who cangain access to 'invisible' child workers.A field-tested labour inspection manualdeveloped by IPEC is now available inseveral languages. Programmes alsofocus on other broader legislative is-sues, such as reconciling labour andeducation laws to ensure that the mini-mum age for employment in a countryis higher than the age at which a childcompletes compulsory education.

Education and awareness-raisingare often complementary componentsof programmes. In India, for example,when the Centre for Rural Educationand Development Association(CREDA), supported by the IndianGovernment and IPEC, conducted awide awareness campaign amongcommunity members, loom ownersand children, more than 4,500 childworkers left the carpet industry. The 68centres for non-formal learning thatCREDA has set up in the area give thechildren a basic grounding in life skillsand vocational training, nutrition,health and child rights. As a result of

strong parental and communitysupport, many other children werereleased from looms; an additional1,500 at-risk children were admittedto government schools.

The needs of children who com-bine work with school are also ad-dressed by IPEC. In Indonesia, forexample, learning materials havebeen developed for use in a largegovernment-funded non-formal ed-ucation programme. The curriculumincludes subjects such as literacy,numeracy, basic housekeeping, hy-giene and life skills set out in ateacher's guide and trainee booklets.Several ILO-IPEC implementingagencies have started to use the ma-terials.

None of these innovations wouldbe possible without the support ofIPEC's donors, which includeAustralia, Belgium, Canada, France,Germany, Luxembourg, Norwayand the United States. Last year, theGovernment of Spain provided agrant to expand IPEC to 13 countriesin Latin America.

The IPEC budget is small, andprogramme costs seem especiallylow when weighed against the ben-efits: better lives and futures forchildren.

Photo: Vocational training is a part ofmany IPEC programmes. In Thailand. aboy sews garments.

ernment inspectors, social workers,police, NGOs, prosecutors and themedia regularly investigate workingchildren's conditions, removing thosein danger. And in Bangladesh, whereprimary education is a high priority, ajoint NGO/government non-formaleducation programme for 1.4 millionpoor urban children was designed inlate 1995.

Second, this myth implies thatthere is one clear highway, usually in-volving trade sanctions and consumerboycotts, speeding a newly impas-sioned global society all the way tothe resolution of the problem.

International commitment and pres-sure are undoubtedly important. Butsanctions affect only export indus-tries, which, as we have seen, exploita relatively small percentage of childlabourers. And sanctions are alsoblunt instruments with long-term con-sequences that may not be foreseen,with the result that they harm, insteadof help, children.

The Harkin Bill, which was intro-duced into the US Congress in 1992with the laudable aim of prohibitingthe import of products made by chil-dren under 15, is a case in point. As ofSeptember 1996, the Bill had yet tofind its way onto the statute books.But the mere threat of such a measurepanicked the garment industry ofBangladesh, 60 per cent of whoseproducts some $900 million invalue were exported to the US in1994.8

Child workers, most of them girls,were summarily dismissed from thegarment factories. A study sponsoredby international organizations tookthe unusual step of tracing some ofthese children to see what happenedto them after their dismissal. Somewere found working in more haz-ardous situations, in unsafe work-shops where they were paid less, or inprostitution.

25

A boy feeds a charcoal furnace in Mato

Grosso do Sul (Brazil).

23

Fig. 2 The world's children:How many, how old?

The world's children (0-18 years) number over 2

billion. Nearly 9 out of 10 of them (87 per cent) live

in developing countries.

800

700

too

500

400

300

200

100

0-4 5-9 10-14

Age group (years)

= Developed countries

= Developing countries

World

15-17

Source: UN Population Division, World Population Prospects:

The 1994 revision, United Nations, New York, 1995.

24

This, then, was a classic case ofgood motives gone wrong. However,not all was lost. A ground-breakingagreement was reached to protect theaffected children (Panel 12).

A clear lesson can be learned in allof this. Because of their potential todo harm, in any situation where sanc-tions are contemplated, a child-impactassessment would need to be made atthe point of application, and constantmonitoring would be needed there-after to gauge the long-term effects onchildren.

What is child labour?It is time to define terms. The phrase`child labour' conjures up a particularimage: we see children chained tolooms in dark mills and sweatshops,as if in a long and nightmarish linerunning from Lancashire in the 1830sright through to the South Asia of the1990s.

In reality, children do a variety ofwork in widely divergent conditions.This work takes place along a contin-uum. At one end of the continuum, thework is beneficial, promoting or en-hancing a child's physical, mental,spiritual, moral or social developmentwithout interfering with schooling,recreation and rest.

At the other end, it is palpably de-structive or exploitative. There arevast areas of activity between thesetwo poles, including work that neednot impact negatively on the child'sdevelopment.

At the most destructive end, no onewould publicly argue that exploitingchildren as prostitutes is acceptable inany circumstances. The same can besaid about 'bonded child labour', theterm widely used for the virtual en-slavement of children to repay debtsincurred by their parents or grandpar-ents. This also applies to industriesnotorious for the dire health and

26

safety hazards they present: for exam-ple, the charcoal furnaces in theBrazilian state of Mato Grosso do Sul,or the glass-bangle factories ofFirozabad in India. Hazardous work issimply intolerable for all children.

But to treat all work by children asequally unacceptable is to confuseand trivialize the issue and to make itmore difficult to end the abuses. Thisis why it is important to distinguishbetween beneficial and intolerablework and to recognize that much childlabour falls into a grey area betweenthese two extremes.

A decade ago, UNICEF deter-mined that child labour is exploitativeif it involves:

full-time work at too early an age;too many hours spent working;work that exerts undue physical,

social or psychological stress;work and life on the streets in bad

conditions;inadequate pay;too much responsibility;work that hampers access to

education;work that undermines children's

dignity and self-esteem, such as slav-ery or bonded labour and sexualexploitation;

work that is detrimental to full so-cial and psychological development.9

The impact of work on a child'sdevelopment is the key to determiningwhen such work becomes a problem.Work that is harmless to adults canbe extremely harmful to children.Among the aspects of a child's devel-opment that can be endangered bywork are:to- physical development includingoverall health, coordination, strength,vision and hearing;

cognitive development includ-ing literacy, numeracy and the acqui-sition of knowledge necessary tonormal life;

emotional development includ-

ing adequate self-esteem, familyattachment, feelings of love and ac-ceptance;

social and moral developmentincluding a sense of group identity,the ability to cooperate with othersand the capacity to distinguish rightfrom wrong.1°

The physical harm is, of course,the easiest to see. Carrying heavyloads or sitting for long periods in un-natural positions can permanently dis-able growing bodies. Hard physicallabour over a period of years can stuntchildren's physical stature by up to 30per cent of their biological potential,as they expend stores of stamina thatshould last into adulthood."

Children are also vulnerable psy-chologically: they can suffer devastat-ing psychological damage from beingin an environment in which they aredemeaned or oppressed. Self-esteemis as important for children as it is foradults.

Education is one of the keys thatwill unlock the prison cell of haz-ardous labour in which so many chil-dren are confined. It is almost impos-sible to overemphasize this point.

Education helps a child developcognitively, emotionally and socially,and it is an area often gravely jeopar-dized by child labour. Work can inter-fere with education in the followingways:I.- it frequently absorbs so much timethat school attendance is impossible;

it often leaves children so ex-hausted that they lack the energy toattend school or cannot study effec-tively when in class;

some occupations, especially sea-sonal agricultural work, cause chil-dren to miss too many days of classeven though they are enrolled inschool;

the social environment of worksometimes undermines the value chil-dren place on education, something to

which street children are particularlyvulnerable;

children mistreated in the work-place may be so traumatized thatthey cannot concentrate on schoolwork or are rejected by teachers asdisruptive.12

l=l®w ©Od 5s a ch50d9

All cultures share the view that theyounger the children, the more vul-nerable they are physically and psy-chologically and the less they are ableto fend for themselves. Age limits area formal reflection of society's judge-ment about the evolution of children'scapacities and responsibilities.

Almost everywhere, age limits for-mally regulate children's activities:when they can leave school; whenthey can marry; when they can vote;when they can be treated as adults bythe criminal-justice system; whenthey can join the armed forces andwhen they can work.

But age limits differ from activityto activity and from country to coun-try. The legal minimum age for allwork in Egypt, for example, is 12, inthe Philippines 14, in Hong Kong 15.Peru adopts a variety of standards:the minimum age is 14 in agricul-ture; 15 in industry; 16 in deep-seafishing; and 18 for work in ports andseafaring.'3

Many countries make a distinctionbetween light and hazardous work,with the minimum age for the formergenerally being 12, for the latter usu-ally varying between 16 and 18.'4 TheILO Minimum Age Convention alsobroadly adopts this approach, allow-ing light work at age 12 or 13, buthazardous work not before 18.'5

Nevertheless, ILO also establishesa general minimum age of 15 yearsprovided 15 is not less than the age ofcompletion of compulsory schooling.This is the most widely used yardstick

27

Fig. 3 The working child:1 out of every 4 in the developingworld

1100

1000

900

800

700

600

500

400

300

200

100

0Children,

5-14 years,in developing

countries

Workingchildren

in developingcountries

Fig. 4 Long days, long weeks

Of the projected 190 million working children in

the 10-14 age group in the developing world, three

quarters of them work six days a week or more and

one half work nine hours a day or more.

PWork week:

6+ days

Hours/day:

9+ hours

0 20 40 60 80 100

Working children ages 10-14

in developing countries (%) jNote: Because of the scarcity of data on child labour, Figs. 3

and 4 represent projections of the numbers of the developing

world's working children and of their hours, based on ILO

surveys in specific countries.

25

H/V /AIDS has resulted in greater numbers of

children as heads of household who must fend

for themselves. A girl in Malawi, one of nine

children in a family orphaned by AIDS,

carries a bowl full of mangoes.

26

when establishing how many childrenare currently working around theworld.

How manychildren work?Nobody knows for sure. ILO, one au-thority on the subject, considers theexisting statistics vastly inadequateand unreliable and the process of datacollection fraught with complications.A recent ILO limited survey, whichindicated that 73 million of theworld's children are employedequivalent to 13 per cent of those aged10 to 1416 helps illustrate some ofthe problems.

The survey was limited for manyreasons. Many national governmentsdid not respond. It did not includechildren at work in industrialized na-tions. It did not count the millions ofchild workers believed to be under 10years of age, nor those employed inthe informal sector, or attendingschool who might also be working.Nor did it include the biggestgroup of invisible workers: all thosechildren mainly girls who areengaged in domestic labour, whetherfor their own families or as servants.

The collection of solid and reliabledata regarding child labour is limitedalso by the fact that, in certain in-stances, it is presumed officially notto exist and therefore is not includedin surveys or covered by officialstatistics. Further uncounted childlabourers can be discovered if we sur-mise that children currently not en-rolled in or attending school areworking in some form or another. InIndia alone that would add some 90million children, most of them girls,to the total. So, while it is impossibleto cite a single authoritative figure, itis clear that the number of child work-ers worldwide runs into hundreds ofmillions (Fig. 3).

28

ILO, to better quantify theproblem, recently launched experi-mental surveys in Ghana, India,Indonesia and Senegal, which em-ployed local statisticians to study asample of about 4,000 households and200 businesses in each country. Theresults showed that the average per-centage of economically active chil-dren aged between 5 and 14 was 25per cent, and in Senegal it was as highas 40 per cent.17

Worldwide, the big picture lookssomething like this: the vast majorityof all child labourers live in Asia,Africa and Latin America. Half ofthem can be found in Asia alone, al7though their proportion may be de-clining in South-East Asia as percapita income increases, basic educa-tion spreads and family size de-creases. Africa has an average of onein three children working." In LatinAmerica, one child in five works.°These proportions have increasedpartly due to the economic crisis ofthe 1980s and, in Africa, because ofthe lack of public investment in edu-cation as well as because of armedconflict. In both Africa and LatinAmerica, only a tiny proportion ofchild workers are involved in the for-mal sector. The vast majority work fortheir families, in homes, in the fieldsand on the streets.

Child labour has increased sub-stantially in Central and EasternEuropean countries as a result of theabrupt switch from centrally plannedto market economies. In industrial-ized countries, such as the UK and theUS, meanwhile, the growth of the ser-vice sector and the quest for a moreflexible workforce have contributed toan expansion of child labour. Politicalunrest and HIV/AIDS in Africancountries have resulted in increasedreliance on child labour.

To see behind this big picture, theneed for reliable measurements of the

prevalence of child labour, accordingto internationally agreed definitions,is paramount. Governments, NGOsand international institutions need towork together on this massive task.

Above all, we need to know howmany children are involved in detri-mental work, at the worst end of thecontinuum. This is the group of chil-dren that policies and programmesneed to reach most urgently.

Without this clearer information,the true scale of the problem will re-main unknown. What has long hiddenin the shadows will only emerge intothe light, fully and finally, when wecan measure it, and thus systemati-cally move to eradicate it.

The rootsof child labourMost children who work do not havethe power of free choice. They arenot choosing between career optionswith varying advantages, drawbacksand levels of pay. A fortunate minor-ity have sufficient material meansbehind them to be pulled towardswork as an attractive option offeringthem even more economic advan-tages. But the vast majority arepushed into work that is often dam-aging to their development by threekey factors: the exploitation ofpoverty; the absence of education;and the restrictions of tradition.

The exploitation of povertyThe most powerful force driving chil-dren into hazardous, debilitatinglabour is the exploitation of poverty.Where society is characterized bypoverty and inequity, the incidence ofchild labour is likely to increase, asdoes the risk that it is exploitative.

For poor families, the small con-tribution of a child's income or assis-tance at home that allows the parentsto work can make the difference be-

tween hunger and a bare sufficiency.Survey after survey makes this clear.A high proportion of child employ-ees give their entire wages to theirparents. Children's work is consid-ered essential to maintaining the eco-nomic level of the household(Figs. 5 and 6). A review of nineLatin American countries has shownthat without the income of workingchildren aged 13-17, the incidence ofpoverty would rise by between 10and 20 per cent.2°

If employers were not prepared toexploit children there would be nochild labour. The parents of childlabourers are often unemployed or un-deremployed, desperate for secure em-ployment and income. Yet it is not theybut their children who are offered thejobs. Why? Because children can bepaid less, of course. (In Latin America,for example, children aged 13-17 earnon average half the pay of a wage-earning adult with 7 years of educa-tion.21) Because children are moremalleable: they will do what they aretold without questioning authority.Because children are more powerless:they are less likely to organize againstoppression and can be physicallyabused without striking back.

Put simply, children are employedbecause they are easier to exploit.Many employers, if challenged, willplead their own relative poverty andtheir need to pay the lowest wages inorder to compete and survive. Othersare more unashamed about their role,seeing the exploitation of children'swork as a natural and necessary partof the existing social order. Owners ofbonded labourers quoted by an Indianresearcher, for example, believed thatlow-caste children should work ratherthan go to school. "Once they are al-lowed to come up to an equal level,nobody will go to the fields. Fieldswill be left uncultivated everywhere.We have to keep them under our

29

Fig. 5 Family purchasing powerfalls in many regions

Children can be forced into hazardous labour when

family income and purchasing power decrease and

parents cannot provide for their needs. The drop in

purchasing power since 1990 has been dramatic in

the Russian Federation and in some neighbouring

countries in Asia. Families are growing poorer in

sub-Saharan Africa and have lost economic ground

recently in the Middle East and North Africa also.

6000

5000

Middle EastB," 4000 and North Africa

3000

CEE/CIS*

Baltic States

East Asia

and Pacific

Sub-SaharanAfrica

South Asia

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

" Central and Eastern Europe/Commonwealth of

Independent States

Fig. 6 Purchasing power:Industrialized vs. developingcountries

The gap continues to widen between strong

industrialized economies and those in the

developing world.

25000

20000

15000

10000

5000

Industrialized countries

Developing countries

01970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

Note: These charts reflect local purchasing power

in constant 1994 prices based on per capita gross national

product (GNP). South Africa's GNP is not included in the

sub-Saharan data.

Source for both figures: World Bank 1995 data.

27

In half of 14 countriessurveyed, classrooms forgrade 1 have sitting placesfor only 4 in 10 pupils.Half the pupils have notextbooks. Half theclassrooms have nochalkboards.

28

strong thumb in order to get workdone."22

Exploitation of the poor and thepowerless not only means that adultsare denied jobs that could better havesustained their families. It not onlymeans that children are required towork in arduous, dangerous condi-tions. It also means a life of unskilledwork and ignorance not only for thechild but often for the children of gen-erations to come. Any small, short-term financial gain for the family is atthe cost of an incalculable long-termloss. Poverty begets child labourbegets lack of education begets poverty.

Yet, poverty is not an eternal verity.It is sustained or diminished by politi-cal and economic policies and oppor-tunities. Unfortunately, both nationaland international economic develop-ments in recent decades have servedto increase inequality and poverty.

The 1980s marked a serious down-turn in the fortunes of many de-veloping countries, as governmentindebtedness, unwise internal eco-nomic policies and recession resultedin economic crisis. The World Bankand the International Monetary Fund(IMF) responded by imposing on in-debted nations, in return for loanguarantees, a package of policy pre-scriptions known as structural adjust-ment programmes. These sweepingeconomic reforms aimed to orientcountries towards the needs of theglobal economy, promoting exportcrops and offering incentives to for-eign investors while at the same timeslashing government expenditure. Alltoo often, the cuts in expenditure fellon health and education, on food sub-sidies and on social services, allneeded most by the poor.

Firsthand experience in mostcountries shows that the real cost ofadjustment is being paid dispropor-tionately by the poor and by their chil-dren. It is also being paid by increas-

30

ing numbers of child labourers. InZimbabwe, for example, both govern-ment and ILO reports have linked theexplosion of child labour directly tothe impact of the country's structuraladjustment programme.23

Gradually, structural adjustmentprogrammes have been modified in anattempt to mitigate their effects on thevulnerable. In new agreements beingconcluded between governments andthe international financial institutions,public expenditure on primary educa-tion and other basic social services isincreasingly being protected frombudget cuts. But most developingcountries are still living with the poli-cies of the recent past: unmodified ad-justment packages still impact heavilyon their poorest citizens. And it is inthis state that they must now face theimplications of the worldwide scram-ble for competitiveness associatedwith 'global ization

And many still concentrate scarceresources on military rather than so-cial priorities. Sub-Saharan Africanow spends around $8 billion annu-ally on the military, despite the factthat 216 million people in the regionlive in poverty. Similarly, South Asiawith 562 million in poverty spent$14 billion on the military in 1994.24

A serious attack on poverty will re-duce the number of children vulnera-ble to exploitation at work. Socialsafety nets are essential for the poor,as are access to credit and income-generating schemes, technology, edu-cation and basic health services.Budgetary priorities need to be re-examined and redirected in this light.

Tackling the exploitation itselfdoes not have to wait until some fu-ture day when world poverty has beenbrought to an end. Hazardous childlabour provides the most powerful ofarguments for equality and social jus-tice. It can and must be abolished hereand now.

The lack ofrelevant educationCuts in social spending have hit edu-cation the most important singlestep in ending child labour particu-larly hard.

In all regions, spending per stu-dent for higher education fell duringthe 1980s, and in Africa and LatinAmerica, spending per pupil also fellfor primary education.

A pilot survey, sponsored by theUnited Nations Educational, Scien-tific and Cultural Organization(UNESCO) and UNICEF and carriedout in 1994 in 14 of the world's leastdeveloped countries, reinforced con-cerns about the actual conditions ofprimary schools. In half of thesecountries, classrooms for grade 1 havesitting places for only 4 in 10 pupils.Half the pupils have no textbooks andhalf the classrooms have no chalk-boards. Teachers commonly have toattempt to handle huge classes anaverage of 67 pupils per teacher inBangladesh and nearly 90 per teacherin Equatorial Guinea. In 10 of the 14countries, most children are taught ina language not spoken at home. Andmost homes, of course, have no booksor magazines in any language.25

Education is clearly underfunded,but the school system as it stands inmost developing countries is blightedby more than just a lack of resources.It is too often rigid and uninspiring inapproach, promoting a curriculumthat is irrelevant to and remote fromchildren's lives.

The quality of teaching is fre-quently abysmal and the discipline vi-olent, as 11-year-old Sudhir fromKone in India can testify: "In school,teachers would not teach well. If weask them to teach us alphabets, theywould beat us. They would sleep inthe class. If we asked them about asmall doubt, they would beat us andsend us out. Even if we did not under-

stand, they would not teach us. So Idropped out of school."

Sudhir's decision to drop out ofschool is hardly surprising. And thatdecision often made by parentsis mirrored worldwide. Overall, 30per cent of children in developingcountries who enrol in primary schooldo not complete it.26 The figure risesto 60 per cent in some countries. InLatin America, enrolment in school iscomparatively high, yet only halfthose who enter school finish it,

broadly the same proportion as inAfrica with its much lower levels ofenrolment. Even Brazil, one of therichest countries in the region, has aprimary school completion rate ofonly 40 per cent.27

Education has become part of theproblem. It has to be reborn as part ofthe solution.

Traditional expectationsThe economic forces that propel chil-dren into hazardous work may be themost powerful of all. But traditionsand entrenched social patterns play apart, too.

In industrialized countries, it is

now almost universally accepted thatif children are to develop normallyand healthily, then they must not per-form disabling work. In theory atleast, education, play and leisure,friends, good health and proper restmust all have an important place intheir lives.

This idea emerged only relativelyrecently. In the early decades ofindustrialization, work was thought tobe the most effective way of teachingchildren about life and the world.Some residue of this notion remainsin the widespread expectation thatteenage children should take on ca-sual jobs alongside school, both togain an understanding of the way theworld functions and to earn spendingmoney of their own.

31

A girl in Niger goes about her chores.

29

Panel 5

Child domestic work:Hidden exploitation

,

Rex

Worldwide, millions of childrentoil in obscurity in privatehomes, behind closed doors,

as domestic workers. One of the mostwidespread and least researchedforms of child exploitation, domes-tic work holds many risks for thechildren 9 out of 10 of them aregirls who are trapped in a cycle ofdreary tasks amounting often to virtualslavery.

Because such work is largely hid-den, its true extent is difficult to gauge,but recent studies have helped definethe problem more clearly. In Jakarta(Indonesia), a survey discovered thatalmost one third of all domestic work-ers about 400,000 are under 15.Haiti has an estimated 250,000 childdomestics, 20 per cent of whom are 7to 10 years old.

Children work as domestics inAfrica, Asia, Latin America, the MiddleEast and parts of southern Europe.Several factors are believed to haveprecipitated increasing numbers ofchildren into this form of labour over

30

the past decade or so. The entry ofmore women into formal and informallabour markets, together with cut-backs in social services in many coun-tries, has created a larger demand fordomestic workers, and women andmore and more children from impov-erished families, including those fami-lies driven by poverty from rural tourban areas seeking employment, area ready source of such workers. Onceseen by many as an arrangement of'patronage', child domestic workshould be acknowledged for what ithas become: the exploitation of childlabour.

Children are employed by wealthyfamilies and by families of modest in-come also, but living and work condi-tions are inappropriate in either case.The children are often expected tosleep where they can, on the kitchenfloor or in the corner of a child's room.They may live for days on bread andtea and they endure scoldings andbeatings. In Togo, for instance, anoverwhelming majority of children

32

surveyed left previous domestic jobsbecause of a "cruel boss." Child do-mestics are exposed to emotional andsexual abuse by household members,deprived of their parents' affection andsupport, and exposed to humiliationby the children of their employers, allof which can deeply affect their self-esteem.

The hours are long. Child domes-tics in Jakarta work 12 to 15 hours aday. In Dhaka (Bangladesh), half thechildren interviewed in one studywork even longer 15 to 18 hours.Along with regular chores, like laun-dry, cooking, cleaning, and mindingtheir employers' children, they areoften on call into the night, bringing re-freshments and polishing shoes, at thewhim of all household members.

They earn little, and girls consis-tently earn less than boys. Sometimesthe only remuneration is leftover foodand discarded clothing. A recent surveyin Kenya showed that 78 per cent ofchild domestics report payment "inkind," usually in the form of the occa-sional new dress or shoes. Only 17 percent say they are paid in cash.

Few ever attend school. In Benin,for example, only 10 per cent receivedany formal education, leaving themtrapped without skills or options. Bydrawing on and thus helping sustain areservoir of uneducated young girls,domestic service in turn perpetuatesthe problems of poverty and lack ofopportunity so deeply associated withthe gender gap. In Dhaka, for example,only about 10 per cent of girl domes-tics are interested in education.

In the Dominican Republic, a childdomestic is known as a 'puerta cer-rada', or 'closed door' servant. InBangladesh, they are the 'tied down'.Their isolation can be almost com-plete, enduring as they do separationfrom parents, often for months at atime. In Dhaka, over half of those sur-

veyed see their parents once everynine months or even less often.According to a worker at theMaurice Sixto Shelter for child do-mestic workers in Port-au-Prince(Haiti), 80 per cent of the childrenshe sees suffer illnesses upsetstomachs, headaches from emo-tional trauma.

Few programmes address themultiple developmental risks thatchild domestic workers face. TheMaurice Sixto Shelter is one suchprogramme, aiding 300 child do-mestics working in a Port-au-Prince suburb. Shelter workersgain the employers' consent tounite child domestics as often aspossible with their natural fami-lies. The child workers attend non-formal classes with other childrenin the afternoon.

Another programme is theSinaga Women and Child LabourResource Centre in Nairobi(Kenya). Opened in 1994, it hopesto better the lives of some ofKenya's estimated 200,000 child do-mestic workers by providing basiceducation classes and skills train-ing (Panel 6).

Domestic work represents graverisks and potential damage to chil-dren's development. The world isobliged to recognize and acknowl-edge these risks and ensure thatthese invisible workers are allowedto enjoy their childhood and theirrights.

Photo: Two girls in the courtyard of theMaurice Sixto Shelter in Haiti, whereyoung domestic workers receive basiceducation and psychological counselling.

There is a darker side to the expec-tations about children's work. Theharder and more hazardous the jobsbecome, the more they are likely to beconsidered traditionally the provinceof the poor and disadvantaged, thelower classes and ethnic minorities. InIndia, for example, the view has beenthat some people are born to rule andto work with their minds while others,the vast majority, are born to workwith their bodies. Many traditionalistshave been unperturbed about lower-caste children failing to enrol in ordropping out of school. And if thosechildren end up doing hazardous la-bour, it is likely to be seen as their lotin life.28

The rigidity of the caste system inIndia only dramatizes what is true inmost of the world, including the West.The dominant cultural group may notwish its own children to do hazardouslabour, but it will not be so concernedif young people from racial, ethnic oreconomic minorities do it. In northernEurope, for example, child labourersare likely to be African or Turkish. Inthe US, they are Asian or LatinAmerican; in Canada, they are Asian.In Brazil, they tend to be the descen-dants of slaves or the children of in-digenous people with no politicalclout. In Argentina, many are Bolivianand Paraguayan. In Thailand's fishingindustry, many are from Myanmar.

And as traditional forces push chil-dren into work in many parts of theworld, the situation is worsened bythe growing culture of consumerism.

Understanding all the various cul-tural factors that lead children intowork is essential. But deference to tra-dition is often cited as a reason for notacting against intolerable forms ofchild labour. Children have an ab-solute, unnegotiable right to freedomfrom hazardous child labour a rightnow established in international law

-.and accepted by every country that

33

The harder and morehazardous the jobs become,the more they are likely to beconsidered traditionallythe province of the poorand disadvantaged, the lowerclasses and ethnic minorities.

31

Child domestic workers arevery often cut off from thecommunity, denied rest andplay. In Lima (Peru), a surveyestimated that nearly a thirdof domestic workers neverleave the home where theywork.

32

has ratified the Convention on theRights of the Child. Respect for di-verse cultures should not deflect usfrom using all the means at our dis-posal to make every society, everyeconomy, every corporation, regardthe exploitation of children as un-thinkable.

The shapes ofchild labourThe many manifestations of childlabour can be broken down into sevenmain types, none of which are uniqueto any one region of the world. Theseare domestic service, forced andbonded labour, commercial sexual ex-ploitation, industrial and plantationwork, street work, work for the familyand girls' work.

Domestic serviceChild domestic workers are theworld's most forgotten children,which is why it is worth consideringtheir plight before that of other, morefamiliar groups of child workers(Panel 5). Although domestic serviceneed not be hazardous, most of thetime it is just that. Children in domes-tic servitude may well be the mostvulnerable and exploited children ofall, as well as the most difficult to pro-tect. They are often extremely poorlypaid or not paid at all; their terms andconditions are very often entirely atthe whim of the employers and takeno account of their legal rights; theyare deprived of schooling, play andsocial activity, and of emotional sup-port from family and friends. They arevulnerable to physical and sexualabuse. What more miserable situationcould there be for a child some-times as young as age five than toexperience such conditions amongoften hostile strangers?

Consider, for example, a day in thelife of seven-year-old Marie, from

34

Haiti. She is a restavek Creole forrester avec the local term for a typeof child domestic found all over theworld, one who has been handed overby a poor rural family to live with andprovide domestic 'help' for a usuallyurban, wealthier family. She gets up atfive in the morning and begins her dayby fetching water from a nearby well,balancing the heavy jug on her headas she returns. She prepares breakfastand serves it to the members of thehousehold. Then she walks the fam-ily's five-year-old son to school; later,at noon, she brings him home andhelps him change clothes.

Next, she helps prepare and servethe family's lunch before returningthe boy to school. In between mealtimes she must buy food in the marketand run errands, tend the charcoalfire, sweep the yard, wash clothes anddishes, clean the kitchen and atleast once a day wash her femaleboss's feet. She is given leftovers orcornmeal to eat, has ragged clothesand no shoes and sleeps outdoors oron the floor. She is not allowed tobathe in the water she brings to thehousehold. She is regularly beatenwith a leather strap if she is slow to re-spond to a request or is considereddisrespectful. Needless to say, she isnot allowed to attend school.29

The very nature of domestic workmeans that those doing it are shutaway from the eyes of the world, un-protected from abuse. As we haveseen, this isolation also makes it dif-ficult to establish reliable estimatesof the number of children involved.Some idea of the scale of the prob-lem can, however, be gleaned fromlocal surveys.

A survey of middle-income house-holds in Colombo (Sri Lanka) showedthat one in three had a child under 14years of age as a domestic worker. Astudy of a lower-middle-class residen-tial area in Nairobi (Kenya) found that

20 per cent of households employedchildren in 1982, though by 1991 thishad dropped to 12 per cent, perhapsdue to falling living standards. A sur-vey of domestic workers in Uruguayfound that 34 per cent had begun work-ing before they were 14.30 A survey inIndia, noting that 17 per cent of domes-tic workers were under 15 years old,reported that girls aged 12 to 15 werethe preferred choice of 90 per cent ofemploying households.3' Children areoften preferred to adults precisely be-cause they can be dominated more eas-ily and, of course, paid less.

The impact of a life like Marie's ona child's development is profound. Anobvious negative is poor nutrition,since it is rare that child domesticsshare equally in the family meals.A Peruvian girl says: "They wouldgive us two rolls to eat with tea. Afterthat I used to go to bed. Meanwhilethey were eating buttered toast, coffeewith milk, steak, and on top of that,grapes, pears, apples and peaches."32The evidence is not just anecdotal: astudy of 15-year-old restaveks in Haiticompared them with other local chil-dren and found them on average4 centimetres shorter and 18 kilo-grams lighter.33

Sexual abuse is often regarded bythe employer as part of the employ-ment terms. Jeanne, a 15-year-oldworking in Cotonou (Benin), has thenormal heavy workload, is unpaid andis beaten when her employers are dis-satisfied with her work. But her great-est problem is the family's 23-year-old son, who rapes her regularly. Ifshe resists, he creates situations thatlead to her being beaten.'

Even when not sexually abused,child domestics can suffer severedamage in terms of their psychologi-cal and social development. They arevery often cut off from the commu-nity, denied rest and play. In Lima(Peru), a survey estimated that nearly

a third of domestic workers neverleave the home where they work.35Haitian psychologists who haveworked with restaveks describe con-ditions of depression, passivity, sleepand eating disorders, as well aschronic fear and anxiety.36 Among themost common adjectives used to de-scribe child domestic workers are`timid' and 'listless'. Childhood hasbeen stolen from these children.

Research in this field is still in itsinfancy. But to promote it, early in1996 Anti-Slavery International orga-nized a seminar at Charney Manor,Oxfordshire (UK) for NGOs and in-stitutes that have investigated the situ-ation of children in domestic service.Supported financially by ILO-IPECand by UNICEF, participants camefrom Bangladesh and Nepal in SouthAsia, Indonesia and the Philippines inSouth-East Asia, Kenya in EastAfrica, Senegal and Togo in WestAfrica, Haiti in the Caribbean andGuatemala in Central America elo-quent testimony to the extent of theproblem. Several major commonthemes emerged:el. "There is no problem." In virtuallyall countries where children carry theburdens of household work, societydoes not regard it as a reprehensiblepractice. Even some of the activists atthe seminar were not convinced thatthe practice itself as opposed toits most exploitative forms wasdamaging.P.- Access to children working inhomes is very difficult. Severalresearchers reported obstruction fromemployers. Even where access wasobtained, it was difficult to conductmeaningful interviews with childrenwhen employers insisted on re-maining present.

The need for accurate estimates ofthe numbers of child domestics andthe conditions under which they workwas emphasized. Information about

35

Family work, the most common of all labour

done by children, may he beneficial and give

children a sense of self-worth. But it may

demand too much of children, even keeping

them from school. A girl, 12 years old, in

Bangladesh, helps with the household chores.

33

Panel 6

Kenyan girls find hope at Sinaga

Christine, age 11, cheeks flushedwith heat, gingerly lifts a hot trayfrom the oven and displays her

baking a dozen glistening buns,Christine's first success in her first cook-ing lesson. They are also an importantpart of Christine's job training.

Christine is one of the thousands ofdomestic child workers who providethe labour in the urban households ofKenya, allowing the wife or femalehead of the household to work for in-come outside the home.

Very often these girl workers are re-lated to the employer, children of broth-ers, sisters and cousins in the rural areas.The rural family is only too glad to be re-lieved of the responsibility of feeding achild. And usually, the relative under-takes to educate the child.

Once in the city, however, no one isthere to check whether this promise isfulfilled or to note the long hours ofdrudgery, discrimination and isolationthat are often the lot of these children.

Sinaga is the name of a town inwestern Kenya. To Christine and theother girls, the name has become syn-onymous with relief from the loneli-ness and neglect that characterize their

34

typical day. It is also a source of hopefor the future.

Housed in a two-storey, white-painted concrete block building inNairobi's industrial area, the NGO Sinagaoffers basic education and trainingcourses including cooking classes

as well as comfort to young domesticworkers. Barely two years old, its full titleis Women and Child Labour ResourceCentre, and it is funded by theInternational Labour Organization'sInternational Programme to EliminateChild Labour (ILO/IPEC).

Nearly 100 girls are currently enrolledin a six-month course that includes basicliteracy, cooking, and introduction toskills such as tailoring and typing. Thegirls attend classes either in the morningor the afternoon, an arrangement negoti-ated with their employers by the Centre'sfield worker, Mary Musungu.

There is no charge to the employer.Ms. Musungu notes, "Once they realizethat the child will get some educationand that their work will still get done, theyagree. But we have instances when girlsare prevented from attending if they startto be too assertive, or question how theyare treated in the home."

36

Few of the girls are assertive, though."A child of 12 who's been labouring in ahome since she was 7, cut off from con-tacts, often undernourished, bullied andabused by the woman employer, some-times violated by the male, is usuallyvery cowed," comments Sinaga's coor-dinator, Jane Ong'olo. The Centre, al-though functioning to an extent as arefuge for the girls, has as its main objec-tive to equip them for the time when theirusefulness to the employer is exhausted.Mrs. Ong'olo explains, "Very often thesegirls are pregnant at 14 or 15. Once thathappens, they are put out on the streets,and their options for survival are ex-tremely limited."

Having started out providing basic lit-eracy for the youngest girls, and settingup the skills courses for the teenagers,Sinaga is finding that there is a demandfor continuous service to assist the in-between-age girls. "We're not equippedto provide a school but the need is indi-cated. We would also like to offer coun-selling and legal advice for girls who arebattered or abused. Sometimes they runaway and come here but we don'thave the resources to act as a shelter,"says Ms. Musungu.

As the sole centre of its kind in Kenyathat offers both skills training and basicliteracy to girls who are domestic work-ers, Sinaga has a ground-breaking roleto play in sensitizing and informing thegeneral public and authorities alike aboutconditions for domestic child workersand ways to improve them. Mrs. Ong'olosays, "This sort of work for children willnot disappear overnight, but we can en-sure that better conditions and workinghours are mandatory."

Photo: Reaching child domestic workers withtraining and support programmes is a majorchallenge. A child in Uganda prepares afamily's vegetables.

how many suffer physical or emo-tional damage, and to what degree, iseven more hidden behind closeddoors.37

Accurate information can be put togood use. In Kenya, for example, evi-dence of psychological and emotionaldamage has helped convince parentsand society at large that the problemmust be tackled (Panel 6). Both thereand in Senegal, community dramaprojects have raised awareness, par-ticularly in the rural areas likely to bethe source of future domestic work-ers. A different approach has beentaken in Sri Lanka, where theGovernment has targeted employerswith large newspaper advertisementsstressing that employing child do-mestics is illegal.38

Forced and bonded labourMany of the forms of child labourpractised around the world are`forced' in the sense that children aretaught to accept the conditions of theirlives and not to challenge them.

But the situation of some childrengoes far beyond the acceptance ofpoor conditions. They find themselvesin effective slavery. In South Asia, thishas taken on a quasi-institutional formknown as 'bonded' child labour.Under this system, children, oftenonly eight or nine years old, arepledged by their parents to factoryowners or their agents in exchange forsmall loans. Their lifelong servitudenever succeeds in even reducing thedebt.

In India, this type of transaction iswidespread in agriculture, as well asin industries such as cigarette-rolling,carpet-making, matchstick-making,slate and silk. The most notoriousof these is the carpet industry ofMirzapur-Bhadohi-Varanasi in UttarPradesh. According to a recent study,the thousands of children in the carpetindustry are "kidnapped or lured away

or pledged by their parents for paltrysums of money. Most of them are keptin captivity, tortured and made towork for 20 hours a day without abreak. Little children are made tocrouch on their toes, from dawn todusk every day, severely stunting theirgrowth during formative years. Socialactivists in the area find it hard towork because of the strong mafia-likecontrol that the carpet loom ownershave on the area."39

Of course, most worst-exploitedchildren belong to the most marginal-ized segments of society. As in othercountries, these ethnic minorities anddisadvantaged groups are routinelyseen as having no rights whatsoever.Often they themselves have come tobelieve that they deserve no rights.

This kind of virtual child slavery isusually associated only with India,Nepal and Pakistan. But it exists inother parts of the world, too. In Brazil,for example, forced labour is foundfrom the charcoal-burning projects ofMinas Gerais and Bahia to the sugar-cane estates of Espiritu Santo and thenorth-east. While most such labour isperformed by adults, children are in-evitably involved also. In 1993, aBritish Member of Parliament re-ported having seen children workingto cool down charcoal kilns with mudin Acailandia.4° Also in 1993, childrenas young as four were said to be atwork in the cotton harvest in Parana.'"In Mauritania, thousands of childrenare still born each year into effectiveslavery. A tradition for generations,servitude was officially outlawed in1980, but 400,000 black Africansserve as slaves, either formally or in-formally, to their Berber masters.42Another example is in Myanmar,where hundreds of thousands of peo-ple, including children, work on con-struction projects aimed at fosteringtourism and economic expansion,often in appalling conditions.

In Nepal, children and women carry bricks on

their heads from the brick field to a truck.

They earn $0.25 for every 100 trips.

3735

Village loan-sharks often actas procurers for city brothels,lending money to the familythat the daughter's workmust pay off.

36

Governments of countries whereforced child labour exists must redou-ble their efforts to stamp out the prac-tice and challenge the vested intereststhat so immorally maintain and bene-fit from it.

Commercial sexualexploitationThe underground nature of the multi-billion-dollar illegal industry in thecommercial sexual exploitation ofchildren makes it difficult to gatherreliable data. But NGOs in the fieldestimate that each year at least 1 mil-lion girls worldwide are lured orforced into this form of hazardouslabour, which can verge on slavery.Boys are also often exploited.

When scandals about child prosti-tution in developing countries breakin the international media, it is usuallya story about the phenomenon calledsex tourism in which holiday-makersfrom the rich world, mainly, thoughnot exclusively, men, travel to loca-tions such as Brazil, the DominicanRepublic, Thailand and elsewhere insearch of sex with children.

But we should not lose sight of thefact that many thousands of younggirls in numerous countries serve thesexual appetites of local men from allsocial and economic backgrounds.And widespread child prostitution ex-ists in industrialized countries. In theUS alone, at least 100,000 childrenare believed to be involved.

Direct links between the commer-cial sexual exploitation of childrenand other forms of exploitative labourare numerous. Notorious in their ownright for appalling working condi-tions, Nepalese carpet factories,where 50 per cent of the workers areestimated to be children, are commonsites of sexual exploitation by em-ployers as well as recruitment centresfor Indian brothels. Children are espe-cially powerless to refuse abuse by

38

employers, either as perpetrators orintermediaries.

Village loan-sharks often act as pro-curers for city brothels, lending moneyto the family that the daughter's workmust pay off. However it happens, al-most all such children are betrayed bythose they trust and may end up traf-ficked long distances and across bor-ders. Rescue and rehabilitation is

complicated for children. They oftenend up being prosecuted by the verylegal system that should be protectingthem. Even if they make it home, per-haps having been deported as illegalimmigrants, they may face stigma andrejection by their families and commu-nities. Shunned, ignored and invisible,they often have little choice but to re-turn to the brothel or the streets.

The physical and psychosocialdamage inflicted by commercial sex-ual exploitation makes it one of themost hazardous forms of child labour.No matter how high the wages or howfew the hours, the children involvedhave to confront serious health risksevery day, including respiratory dis-eases, HIV and sexually transmitteddiseases, unwanted pregnancies anddrug addiction. But they are alsoplunged into a distorted reality inwhich violence and distrust, shame andrejection are the norms. "We have thesame place that bums do in society,"said a 15-year-old Senegalese girl ex-ploited through prostitution. "No onewants to know us or be seen with us."

It is crucial that the internationalpublic should understand the layers ofcomplicity that envelop this area ofchild exploitation. Although it is al-ways easier and more comfortable toblame the exploiting 'pimps' or 'per-verts' or even the victims themselves,no social sector can escape responsi-bility for the commercial sexual ex-ploitation of children. Familiesentrusted with the care, nurture anddevelopment of children may be

complicit in allowing the child's sex-ual exploitation. Research has consis-tently indicated that child abuse andincest are common precursors of thecommercial sexual exploitation ofchildren. Then, in addition to the peo-ple who actually buy sex, there are thetraffickers, agents and intermediarieswho profit from the sale of children.There are the professional criminalsand syndicates that run brothels.There are the entrepreneurs who orga-nize sex tours or who produce touristbrochures encouraging the notion thatyoung girls or boys are sexually avail-able. And there are all the people, in-cluding corrupt or apathetic officials,who look the other way.

Beyond even these actors are moreelusive and impersonal influences thatcontribute to the child sex trade, suchas a deeply rooted gender discrimina-tion that blunts the perception of vio-lence committed against girls. Globalmarket forces have also contributed tothe problem by widening the gap be-tween rich and poor encouragingmigration, destabilizing families, de-stroying support systems and safetynets. Conflicts and wars, dozens ofwhich are occurring around the world,also create conditions in whichchildren are sexually exploited.

The problem is out in the opennow, after decades of what hasamounted to a cross-cultural conspir-acy of silence. The World Congressagainst Commercial Sexual Exploita-tion of Children, held in Sweden inAugust 1996, put the issue on theworld's agenda for the first time. TheAgenda for Action agreed upon byparticipants will guide governmentsin developing programmes to addressthe problem.

Industrial andplantation work"Children work on all types of jobs,such as carrying molten loams of

glass stuck on the tips of iron rods,which are just two feet away fromtheir bodies; drawing molten glassfrom tank furnaces in which the tem-perature is between 1,500 and 1,800degrees centigrade and the arm is al-most touching the furnace because thearm of a child is so small; joining andannealing the glass bangles where thework is done over a small keroseneflame in a room with little or no venti-lation because a whiff of air can blowout the flame. The whole factory flooris strewn with broken glass and thechildren run to and fro carrying thisburning hot glass with no shoes toprotect their feet. Naked electric wiresare to be seen dangling everywherebecause the factory owners could notbe bothered to install insulated inter-nal wiring." This is a description ofthe glass-bangle industry in Firozabad(India), in which one quarter of theworkforce around 50,000 arechildren under 14.43

All over the world, children workin hazardous conditions. The indus-tries are manifold, from leather-working in the Naples region of Italyto the pre-industrial brick-making ofColombia and Peru, which can in-volve children as young as eight.

Children are sometimes exploitedin mining operations that would beconsidered too risky for adults in theindustrialized world for example,in the diamond and gold mines ofCote d'Ivoire and South Africa, and inColombian coal mines. Typically, thechildren work with the barest mini-mum of safety equipment and con-stantly breathe in coal dust.

The respiratory problems faced bychild miners are also common in otherindustries. Many suffer from tubercu-losis, bronchitis and asthma. Childrenworking in earthenware and porcelainfactories, for example, are often un-protected from the silica dust. In thelock industry, they inhale noxious

Nearly a third of the agricultural workforce in

some developing countries is made up of

children, according to a recent ILO report.

This young cane cutter is one of millions of

children under the age of 14 working in

Brazil.

3937

Agricultural labour:A harsh harvest

From a distance, the scene has abucolic beauty, with deep greentea plants massed against the

hillside and figures moving slowlythrough the rows. The sun is barelyup, and the early morning mistclings low on the ground. Distance,however, masks reality.

Those who pick the tea or coffeeor cut cane or sisal, or harvest rubberand cocoa know the harshness ofagricultural work firsthand. The back-bone of countless societies is back-breaking labour, done with little helpfrom mechanization, under gruellingconditions. And in this planting andplucking, hoeing and raking, chil-dren play a large and largelyinvisible role.

No comprehensive data exist on howmany children work the world's fields.But a recent report from the International

Labour Organization (ILO) says that insome developing countries, nearly athird of the agricultural workforce iscomprised of children. Only relatively re-cently have specific ILO country studiesshown how much children contribute to

38

world food and agricultural commodityproduction.

In Bangladesh, fully 82 per cent ofthe country's 6.1 million economicallyactive children work in agriculture,according to a 1989 survey. As many as3 million children, age 10 to 14, are esti-mated to work in Brazil's sisal, tea,sugar-cane and tobacco plantations.

In Turkey, a 1989 study found that 60

per cent of workers involved in cottoncultivation were 20 years old oryounger. Children are believed to com-prise one fourth of all agricultural work-ers in Kenya. And a 1993 study inMalawi found that the majority of chil-dren living on tobacco estates wereworking full- or part-time (78 per cent of10- to 14-year-olds and 55 per cent of 7-to 9-year-olds). The situation is by nomeans restricted to the developingworld. Entire families of migrantlabourers, including children, help plantand harvest the industrialized world'sfruits and vegetables.

The risks are multiple. Children pickcrops still dripping with pesticides orspray the chemicals themselves. They

40

face poisonous snakes and insects andcut themselves on tough stems and onthe tools they use. Rising early to workin the damp and cold, often barefootand dressed in inadequate clothes, theydevelop chronic coughs and pneumo-nia. The hours in the fields are long8- to 10-hour days are not uncommon

and spent far from running water orother simple comforts.

Skin, eye, respiratory or neurologi-cal problems occur in children exposedto agrochemicals or involved in pro-cessing crops like sisal. Children har-vesting tobacco in Tanzania experiencethe nausea, vomiting and faintness ofnicotine poisoning. Frequent heavy lift-ing and repetitive strains can perma-nently injure growing spines. Andfatigue plagues those lucky enough toattend school after their work.

Because children have traditionallyhelped on family farms and in fields,legislation designed to protect childrenfrom damaging work in factories,mines and other industries usuallydoes not apply to agriculture, makingagricultural workers among the leastprotected of all.

But such work has always had thepotential to harm children's develop-ment. Some societies make provisionsfor children's help in the fields longsummer holidays in the northern hemi-sphere for instance, so children'sschool work doesn't suffer. Many oth-ers do not.

And commercial agriculture re-

moved from sight, on remote farm-lands and plantations and with itsquotas, high use of chemicals andprofit pressures has more in com-mon with industrial sweatshops thanwith an ideal family farm.

Legal, social, economic and educa-tional initiatives are all needed to pro-tect children from the dangers theyface, especially since agricultural work-ers are among the world's poorest.

The Child Welfare Association ofThailand, in collaboration with thecountry's Ministry of Agriculture and

Cooperatives, studied child workersin sugar-cane and rubber planta-tions and proposed that the samelabour laws for the industrial sectorbe applied, with appropriate excep-tions, to the agricultural sector. Theyrecommended that laws provide for:minimum age for workers becauseof hazardous working conditions;written employment contracts; anddays off and paid leave for all work-ers. A minimum wage rate of atleast 80 per cent of the adult mini-mum wage was urged for childrenwho had reached the age of legalemployment. To ensure compliancewith the legal provisions, a specialgovernment body should oversee atrained inspectorate, with exclusiveresponsibility for child agriculturallabour.

The study also recommendedthat public education campaigns beconducted and that government of-ficials, NGO workers, employers,children and their families be madethoroughly familiar with the mean-ing and ramifications of child labourlaws. Greater educational opportu-nities and skills training were alsocalled for.

Children who live in poor, ruralcommunities face the greatest risksfrom hazardous and exploitativeagricultural labour. Improving theinfrastructure of rural areas throughbetter roads and power suppliescan boost agricultural productivityand help protect the rights ofchildren and families. Broaderfamily participation in credit andincome-enhancing schemes areother invaluable measures.

Photo: Commercial agriculture with its

quotas, use of chemicals and profit

pressures has more in common with

industrial sweatshops than with an ideal

family farm. A child in Peru helps carry

grasses.

fumes given off by dangerous chemi-cals. In the brassware industry, chil-dren work at high-temperature fur-naces and inhale the dust produced inpolishing.44

The numbers of children exploitedby plantation agriculture across theworld may be just as great and thedangers associated with much of theirwork are no less appalling (Panel 7).In Brazil's sugar plantations, for ex-ample, children cut cane with ma-chetes, a punishing task putting themat constant risk of mutilation. Theymake up a third of the workforce insome areas and are involved in over40 per cent of the work-related acci-dents. Brazilian children are also ex-posed to snakebites and insect stingson tobacco plantations, and carryloads far beyond their capacities. InColombia, young people who workon flower-export farms are exposed topesticides banned in industrializedcountries.

In Africa, meanwhile, childrenwork on the plantations that grow theexport crops on which the continent'seconomies rely from the cocoa andcoffee estates of Cote d'Ivoire to thetea, coffee and sisal plantations ofTanzania. In Zimbabwe, childrenwork a 60-hour week picking cottonor coffee for about $1. An ILO studyon child labour in Zimbabwe foundthat the most significant exploiters ofchild labour seemed to be the large-scale commercial farmers who haveused children in their fields fordecades, especially during plantingand harvesting.45 These commercialfarmers campaigned against theGovernment's draft child labour regu-lations in 1995, on the grounds thatthey would interfere with children'sright to work. The same year, farmersasked a District Education Officer toclose down the schools to allow chil-dren to help bring in the tea and cof-fee crops. The request, which was

In the brassware industry,children work at high-temperature furnaces andinhale the dust producedin polishing.

4139

The numbers of children working on the

streets have grown in recent years in certain

areas. A girl sells brown sugar cones on a

city street in Egypt.

40

reported in the local press, wasturned down.

In Indonesia, children most ofthem girls work on tobacco planta-tions for $0.60 a day, well below thelegal minimum wage.46 In Nepal,children work on tea estates for wagesso low that they often need to work 14hours a day. Children are also em-ployed on the tea plantations ofBangladesh, India and Sri Lanka,47while child labourers in the sugar-cane and rubber plantations ofThailand are at constant risk of injuryfrom dangerous equipment."

While much of this industrial andplantation work is carried out by na-tional subcontractors, some of it isoverseen by transnational corpora-tions whose products find their wayinto the ordinary stores and homes ofthe West. The maquiladoras (assem-bly plants) of Central America andMexico are a case in point. Large cor-porations based in rich countries havetransferred their assembly functionsto poorer countries to take advantageof their lower wage and benefit costs.In a much publicized case in Hon-duras, for example, 12- and 13-year-old girls working for a US-basedtransnational were locked inside atextile factory. Hours were long,wages pitiable, the temperature hit100 degrees Fahrenheit and therewas no safe drinking water.49

Such cases have led activistsboth in the home and the host coun-tries of these transnationals to pres-sure them to establish codes of con-duct not only for their operations butalso for those of the subContractorsthey use. All corporations shouldadopt such codes of conduct as an es-sential step towards eliminating haz-ardous child labour.

But most child labour in the formaleconomy cannot be tied so directly tothe operation of transnationals. This iswhy national as well as transnational

42

companies need to adopt codes ofconduct that bar hazardous childlabour.

Street workIn contrast with child domestic work-ers, some children work in the mostvisible places possible on thestreets of developing world cities andtowns (Panel 8). They are every-where: hawking in markets and dart-ing in and out of traffic jams, plyingtheir trade at bus and train stations, infront of hotels and shopping malls.They share the streets with millions ofadults, many of whom regard them asnuisances, if not as dangerous mini-criminals. What most of these chil-dren actually do on the streets is, ofcourse, work.

The street is a cruel and hazardousworkplace, often jeopardizing evenchildren's lives. They can be mur-dered by organized crime, by otheryoung people or even by the police.The world reacted in horror in 1993when Rio de Janeiro police officersmassacred six street children. In 1996,a Rio police officer confessed and be-came the first-ever police officer to beconvicted of the murder of street chil-dren. But the killings of street youthhad already started in Rio by 1990. Areport from the state juvenile courtstated that, on average, three streetchildren are killed every day in Rio,many by police at the request of mer-chants who consider the begging,thieving and glue-sniffing a majornuisance.'

Many children do pursue these ac-tivities. But many more struggle at le-gitimate work on the street for theirown or their family's survival.Children who work on the streetsoften come from slums and squattersettlements, where poverty and pre-carious family situations are common,where schools are overcrowded andpoor, and where safe places to play

simply do not exist. Their numbershave increased in places experiencingarmed conflict, like Freetown (SierraLeone) and Monrovia (Liberia), ascaretakers have been killed, theeconomy disrupted and family andcommunity ties severed.

Street child labour, virtually un-heard of prior to the transition to amarket economy, is now a growingproblem in the Russian Federation. InKyrgyzstan, in Central Asia, the num-bers of children working on thestreets, selling food and other prod-ucts, have increased dramatically overthe last three years. Many havedropped out of school or never at-tended classes.

On the streets, they shine shoes,wash and guard cars, carry luggage,hawk flowers and trinkets, collect re-cyclables and find a myriad other in-genious ways to make money. Theamount they earn may be small but issometimes more than they would re-ceive from formal-sector work.

The large majority of these chil-dren return home each night. They arechildren on the streets, not of them.Still, life is often precarious and vio-lent, unhealthy and unfair. Some areable to combine some schooling withtheir street work, but neverthelessmany are exploited and cheated byadults and peers and must spend manyhours earning their survival. Manysuffer from malnutrition and fromillnesses including tuberculosis. Self-esteem is often low, despite thesuperficial air of exaggerated self-confidence they may assume to appearstreet-smart.

For about 1 in 10, the street doesbecome home. Inevitably these chil-dren become more prone to engage inmarginal and illegal work, such asbegging and petty thieving. Many areled into the illicit, thrilling and dan-gerous world of crime syndicates thatrun rings for pickpocketing, burglary,

drug trafficking and prostitution. Thesubculture that envelops the lives ofthese children is marked by aggres-sion and abuse, exposing them to ex-treme hazards.

Scavenging is one example of theextreme risks children face in streetwork. In cities across the developingworld, young children spend theirdays picking up used paper, plastics,rags, bottles, tin and metal piecesfrom the street, garbage dumps andwaste bins, and selling them to retail-ers for recycling.

"The nature of their work is...most unhygienic, dangerous, demean-ing.... They develop several kinds ofskin disease like ulcers, scabies, etc.While collecting rusted iron pieces,they usually receive cuts on theirhands and become susceptible totetanus. The broken glass lying hid-den in the garbage may injure theirbare feet, which may develop into fes-tering wounds. Many other sicknessesarise from exposure to extremeweather conditions, like cases of sun-stroke, pneumonia, influenza andmalaria. Carrying heavy loads underthe arms or on their back adversely af-fects the height, weight, strength andstamina. Added to these hazards is thelure of eating thrown away or left-over food...[leading] to digestive dis-orders and food poisoning."51

Attempts are being made in manycountries to wean children off thestreets and to protect them while theyare on the streets. One inspiring ex-ample of action is in Brazil, long acountry identified with the 'problem'of street children. The NationalChildren's Movement a partner-ship between the children and volun-tary 'educators', themselves frompoor backgrounds was establishedin 1985, and its first meeting in 1986caused a national sensation, helpingto enshrine child rights in the fledg-ling democracy. Each of its national

43

Most children working on the street struggle

at legitimate jobs for their own or their

family's survival. In Tanzania, a boy washes

cars.

41

anel 8

The streets are their workplace

Ten-year-old Shireen, a profes-sional scavenger, has neverbeen to school. But she is well

versed in the economics of survival: ifshe sells 30 to 50 cents' worth of wastepaper and plastic bags, she eats lunch;if she earns less, she goes without food.Such is the cruel but practical calculusof work and life on the streets.

Shireen is one of hundreds ofthousands of children who work dayto day on city streets, sometimesmaking their homes there as well.Whether raking through garbagedumps, shining shoes outside hotelsor begging at busy intersections, theyare living barometers of societies instress. Largely found in the develop-ing world but also in affluent coun-tries children working on thestreets are the progeny of some ofthe most disturbing social phenom-ena in the world today: rapid urban-

42

ization, runaway population growthand increasing disparities in wealth.Their rising numbers also indicate aconstellation of other trends, such ascut-backs in government social andeducational budgets, as well as thebreakdown of traditional family andcommunity structures, which leaveschildren unprotected.

In Zaire, they are called moineauxor 'sparrows'. In Peru, pajarosfruteros or 'fruitbirds'. But every-where, children working on thestreets are scorned, mistreated andmisunderstood. "People don't loveus," says Tigiste, a 12-year-old girl,who sells roasted barley and begs forchange at stop lights in the Ethiopiancapital of Addis Ababa.

Often fleeing abuse and neglect athome, children find further abuse andexploitation on the street. In manycases, without legal identity, they are

44

manipulated by organized crime, streetgangs, pimps and unscrupulous em-ployers, sometimes dealing drugs orworking in prostitution. In the words ofJosie, 10, who has been selling candyon Manila thoroughfares since she wasfour: "Every day I pray not to end up inevil hands."

Less commonly known is the find-ing that children who work the streetsprovide critical financial support fortheir families, as well as paying for theirown education when they can. Theirhallmarks are ingenuity, practical intelli-gence and a relentless will to survivewhether that means hunting scraps ofmetal for the mattress-makers in themarkets of Dakar, or, as in thePhilippines, praying in churches on be-half of customers.

In a striking contrast to the largelythrow-away cultures of the industrial-ized world, in the developing world,many children subsist as waste-heaprecyclers. Plastic bags, blown-out tyres,junked car parts, empty bottles and tins,even scrap paper all are collecteddiligently by children who scour theurban landscape. Pre-teens in thePhilippines comb city streets, collectingeverything from bronze wire to oldnewspapers. In a country where the percapita gross national product (GNP) isabout $900, these children earn up to $3a day from their scavenging, supplyingtheir families with necessities like rice,firewood, gas and mosquito repellent.Similarly, six hours on Manila's im-mense 'Smoky Mountain' garbagedump can earn a child more than anadult earns for a 10-hour shift at anearby factory.

Regardless of what it can pay,though, scavenging is hazardous work,also considered so degrading by thechildren themselves that many quit,even turning to prostitution. "The na-ture of their work and work environ-ment is most unhygienic, dangerous,

demeaning and destructive of self-worth," writes one social scientistwho has studied the rag-pickers ofBangalore (India. Trampingthrough garbage heaps in everykind of weather exposes children toskin infections, tetanus and otherdiseases. Back-breaking loads stuntgrowth, and eating discarded foodoften brings sickness. Furthermore,the life of trash collecting offers nohope for a better future.

Organizations like Reach Up inthe Philippines and the BoscoYuvodaya Street Children Project ofBangalore have begun helping chil-dren to band together and collec-tively defend their interests. Op-portunities for formal and non-formal education and apprentice-ship training, such as those offeredby Uganda's Africa Foundation andthe Undugu Society of Kenya, offerhope for a better future.

Children living on the street,without homes or families, pose thegreatest challenge in terms of reha-bilitation, often needing long-termone-on-one counselling. Preventivemeasures are, therefore, vital toprotect children from the risk of fullexposure to life on the street.

Photo: At a large refuse dump in

Cambodia, a girl collects waste she

can sell for recycling.

congresses the fourth was held in1995 has heralded a new advancein thinking about children's problems.Just as important, the Movementbases its organization on small groups(nucleos de base) of working childrenwho meet to discuss common prob-lems and to take joint action. Thismodel of organization seeks to em-power children. "What would I do ifthere was no nucleo de base?" an 11-year -old delegate to last year's con-gress responded to a reporter. "Iwould go right out and start one."52

Work for the familyOf all the work children do, the mostcommon is agricultural or domesticwork within their own families. Mostfamilies around the world expect theirchildren to help in the household,whether preparing food, fetchingwater or groceries, herding animals,caring for younger siblings or morearduous work in the fields. This kindof work can be beneficial. Childrenlearn from a reasonable level of par-ticipation in household chores, sub-sistence food-growing and income-generating activities. They also derivea sense of self-worth from their workwithin their families.

But it is by no means always bene-ficial. On the contrary, work for thefamily may demand too much of chil-dren, requiring them to labour longhours that keep them from school andtake too great a toll on their develop-ing bodies (Panel 9). Such work canprevent children from exercisingtheir rights and developing to theirfull potential.

One powerful testimony to therigours of work in the rural homecomes from a group of Nepalese chil-dren now working in a Kathmanducarpet factory. They were attracted bystories of the excitement of the cityand by the idea of earning wages bothfor themselves and to send back to

45

Of all the work childrendo, the most common isagricultural or domesticwork within their ownfamilies.

43

Girls and women routinelybear burdens and enduretreatment that reflect theirunequal status. Working girlsare often invisible, treated asif they did not exist.

44

their parents. But most of all, theysaid, they had come to the factory be-cause life at home was so difficult:climbing up steep slopes to get fod-der, risking leeches; having to labourendlessly to feed the family.53 Toavoid these lives, they had ended up incarpet-making, an industry notoriousfor its exploitation.

In rural Africa and in South Asia,children begin helping with domesticchores well before school age. Girlsmust fetch the household's water andfuelwood. Children of both sexes helpwith farm work, looking after animalsand performing all tasks to do withwater, jobs often physically taxing inthe extreme. They also work in the in-formal sector of the rural economy,including traditional crafts and smalltrades essential to village life, espe-cially shopkeeping.

Similar patterns of early labour arereported in a survey of five LatinAmerican countries.54 In rural Colom-bia, for instance, one in four childrenaged 6 to 9 and one in three aged 10and 11 work, either in the home, tend-ing the family vegetable garden, car-ing for animals, or helping in agrocery store or small business. In thecountry's large cities, one in six of 10-and 11-year-old children and one inten of 6- to 9-year-olds participate inthe labour market in some way.

Much of this work, particularly bygirls within their homes, is invisible tothe statistician aiming to measure thescale of child labour. It is also ex-cluded from child labour legislation,partly because of the difficulty ofpolicing child labour within the fam-ily. Yet to accept that such work can-not be regulated is to accept that hun-dreds of millions of children can haveno legal protection.

Legislation must be made more in-clusive, but this will not of itself pro-tect these children. The difficulties ofenforcement will remain. But at the

46

very least it will spread the messagethat there are strict limits as to whatcan be expected of a child's labour inthe home. It may also make affirma-tive action more possible, and opensocial discussions involving parentsand community members on what isconsidered to be good for a child.

Girls' work"Nearly all our girls work as sweep-ers," says a mother from India, herselfa sweeper or latrine-cleaner. "Whyshould I waste my time and money onsending my daughter to school whereshe will learn nothing of use?... Sowhy not put my girl to work so thatshe will learn something about ourprofession? My elder girl who is 15years old will be married soon. Hermother-in-law will put her to cleaninglatrines somewhere. Too much school-ing will only give girls big ideas, andthen they will be beaten up by theirhusbands or abused by their in-laws."55

Most of the hazards faced by boylabourers are faced by girls, too. Yetgirls have extra problems of theirown: from the sexual pressures of em-ployers to exclusion from education.No strategy to combat child labourcan begin to be successful unlessthese special dangers facing girls aresystematically taken into account.

In virtually every area of life and inevery country, as these annual State ofthe World's Children reports havelong noted, girls and women routinelybear burdens and endure treatmentthat reflect their unequal status. So itis with child labour. Working girls areoften invisible, treated as if they didnot exist.

According to ILO, 56 per cent ofthe 10- to 14-year-olds currently esti-mated to be working in the develop-ing world are boys. Yet, if we wereable to measure the numbers of girlsdoing unregistered work as domestichelp, or working at home to enable

other family members to take up paidemployment, the figures would showmore female child labourers thanmale. Girls also work longer hours onaverage than boys, carrying a doubleworkload a job outside the homeand domestic duties on their return.

In Guatemala, working girls spendan average of 21 hours a week onhousehold duties on top of a 40-hourworking week outside. And in fiveLatin American countries surveyed,domestic work by girls in their ownhome was widespread, with manyfailing to attend school.56

All over the world, more girls thanboys are denied their fundamentalright to primary schooling. In someregions, including the Middle Eastand North Africa, sub-Saharan Africaand especially South Asia, the gendergap is still enormous.57 Educationalequality between the sexes is beingapproached in East Asia and LatinAmerica and the Caribbean, but else-where little progress has been recorded.

Gender bias is not simply a ques-tion of attitudes it is enshrined inall the main institutions of society.Nepal illustrates the point only toowell. Women's socio-economic statusis often deplorable. And while theproportion of men who can read and

write 37 per cent is extremelylow, the 11 per cent figure for femaleliteracy is appalling.56 The over-whelming majority of girls eitherhave never gone to school or havedropped out to work. Discriminationsoon becomes exploitation. Lack ofeducation, early arranged marriages,stark poverty and lack of power makegirls enormously vulnerable. Longbefore they are physically preparedfor it, many are forced to work, mostof them ending up, if not in domesticservice then in the carpet industry, ontea estates or in brick-making.

The gender gap becomes a viciouscircle for girls all over the developingworld. Unable to attend school be-cause of their low social status or theirdomesticresponsibilities, they are de-nied the extra power and wider hori-zons that education would bring. Ifthey seek work outside the home,their opportunities are limited to themost menial tasks. Their low status isreinforced and passed on to the nextgeneration.

Both the individual and the societysuffer. It is well established thatthe more schooling a girl has, thefewer children she will bear. Themore children a poor family has, themore child workers there will be.59

47

Two young girls threshing rice in Indonesia.

45

Intolerable forms of childlabour are so grave an abuseof human rights that theworld must come to regardthem in the way it doesslavery as somethingunjustifiable under anycircumstances.

46

Ideas and actions

WIlie legislation and acts ofratification are importantfirst steps, the lives of

working children will not change un-less the world backs its words withaction. As this report has alreadymade clear, the Convention on theRights of the Child, the most widelyratified human rights agreement in thehistory of the United Nations, holdsspecial promise in this regard, bindingratifying countries to take concreteactions to uphold it.

Less than a year after theConvention was adopted, the WorldSummit for Children was held atthe United Nations on 29-30 Sep-tember 1990. It was the largest evergathering of world leaders till thattime. The 159 countries repre-sented 71 of them by Heads ofState or Government stronglyendorsed the Convention. Theyjointly signed a World Declarationon the Survival, Protection andDevelopment of Children and aPlan of Action for implementingthe Declaration in the 1990s.

The Declaration is not a legallybinding document, but its moralforce is clear. The world's leadersagreed to be guided by the principlethat the essential needs of childrenshould be given high priority in theallocation of resources in bad timesas well as good. They affirmed thatall children must be given thechance to "realize their worthin a safe and supportive environ-ment..."60 They vowed: "We our-selves hereby make a solemn corn-

48

mitment to give high priority to therights of children, to their survivaland to their protection and develop-ment."6' Moreover, they made anexplicit pledge: "We will work forspecial protection of the workingchild and for the abolition of illegalchild labour."62

The Plan of Action, meanwhile,includes the following statement:"More than 100 million children areengaged in employment, oftenheavy and hazardous and in contra-vention of international conven-tions which provide for their pro-tection from economic exploitationand from performing work that in-terferes with their education and isharmful to their health and full de-velopment. With this in mind, allStates should work to end suchchild labour practices and see howthe conditions and circumstances ofchildren in legitimate employmentcan be protected to provide ade-quate opportunity for their healthyupbringing and development."63

The voice of the world is firmand crystal clear. There is no ambi-guity or equivocation here. ILOefforts to establish a new interna-tional convention on the elimina-tion of hazardous child labour is an-other example of continuing globalcommitment and has UNICEF'sfull support.

Yet ending hazardous childlabour and protecting children arenot as easy as saying you will do so.In addition, there are different opin-ions among those working to end

hazardous child labour on how bestto proceed. Some believe thatlabour that is damaging to childrenhas to be treated like slavery: it isan abuse of civil and politicalhuman rights so fundamental that itmust simply be outlawed withoutcompromise. Others see hazardouschild labour as primarily an abuseof social and economic humanrights. While just as committed toits eradication in the long term, theyare immediately concerned aboutprotecting children at work, ratherthan liberating them into conceiv-ably more difficult circumstances.

Coherent programmes to combathazardous and exploitative childlabour will have to draw from theexpertise and experience of bothcamps. Intolerable forms of childlabour are so grave an abuse ofhuman rights that the world mustcome to regard them in the way itdoes slavery as something unjus-tifiable under any circumstances.The international community mustinvest in public education cam-paigns that drive home the messagethat hazardous child labour will beas unacceptable in the next centuryas slavery has become in this.

Yet it is equally clear that anyprogramme of elimination that doesnot provide reasonable alternativesfor child workers which fromhigh moral ground simply casts themout of a workplace they had onlyentered due to extreme povertywould trigger an avalanche of nega-tive consequences.

Any comprehensive attack onhazardous child labour must advanceon several fronts. It must aim to: re-lease children immediately from themost damaging situations, such asbonded labour and prostitution; reha-bilitate those children who are re-leased from work through theprovision of adequate services andfacilities, especially education; andprotect working children who cannotimmediately be released, makingtheir life as safe and as conducive todevelopment as possible.

But the most important front ofall is prevention: ensuring that newgenerations of children are not driveninto the most hazardous, forms of work.

There is a vast range of ideasabout how to tackle unacceptableforms of child labour, and a large andgrowing body of experience. Theproblem is so huge and diverse thatmultiple strategies are needed. Sincethe 1990 World Summit, over 150 in-dustrialized and developing nationshave drawn up national programmesof action for meeting the WorldSummit goals. Countries need toreview their national programmes toensure that they include provisionson child labour and protection ofchildren from hazardous and exploit-ative labour.

Any comprehensive attack onchild labour must also mobilize awide range of protagonists: govern-ments and local communities,NGOs and spiritual leaders, employ-ers and trade unions, the child labour-ers themselves and their families.

49

Schoolchildren parade through their

community to announce Peru's national

immunization programme beginning the

following day.

47

A hoy mechanic at work in a street stall

in Nepal.

48

Some will be more motivated by pro-tecting the children involved; othersby enhancing the educational oppor-tunities that provide a way out of thecycle of child labour and poverty; andstill others by helping raise globalawareness of this fundamental abuseof human rights. The important pointis not that one particular strategydominates but that maximum energyand attention are applied to the problem.

Reliable and comparable data onthe extent and nature of child labourare a key element in the effort toeliminate the problem, and effectivesolutions cannot be fashioned with-

.

out such information. Governments,communities, NGOs and UN agen-cies must together create a system ofdata collection that will quantify thenumbers of children now labouringin hazardous and exploitative condi-tions whether on plantations, asdomestic workers, on the streets, insweatshops or in factories anddocument the conditions of theirlabour. In this context, the participa-tory learning and action techniques,involving community members in as-sessing and devising solutions to thechild labour problem in the glass in-dustry of Firozabad (India), are prov-ing particularly valuable.

Most key initiatives being takenfall into one of five categories: pro-moting and enhancing the educationalternative; building on national andinternational legislation and improv-ing enforcement; empowering thepoor; mobilizing all levels of societyto combat the exploitative forms ofchild labour; and campaigning topersuade corporations to show greaterresponsibility for their actions andthose of their subcontractors.

T pcoweveduce Von

A comprehensive strategy to combat

50

hazardous child labour must beginwith its logical alternative: high-quality schools and relevant educa-tional programmes to which familieswill want to send their children and inwhich children will want to participate.

There are 140 million children be-tween the ages of 6 and 11 not attend-ing school 23 per cent of primaryschool age children in developingcountries and perhaps an equalnumber who drop out of school early(Fig. 7). If all those under 18 are con-sidered to be children, as the Con-vention on the Rights of the Childstipulates, the figure out of schoolrises to 404 million, or 38 per cent ofthat age group.64 Many of these chil-dren work, many in jobs that are dis-abling and dangerous. Millions moreare trying hard to balance the de-mands of work and schooling, a jug-gling act that poses particular prob-lems for girls.

ILO, reflecting a broad consen-sus, takes the position that the singlemost effective way to stem the flowof school age children into abusiveforms of employment or work is toextend and improve schooling so thatit will attract and retain them.65

Education and child labour inter-act profoundly. As we have seen,work can keep children away fromschool. At the same time, poor-qual-ity education often causes children todrop out of school and start workingat an early age. Good-quality educa-tion, on the other hand, can keepchildren away from work. The longerand better the education, the lesserthe likelihood that a child will beforced into damaging work.

The Convention on the Rights ofthe Child insists that primary educa-tion must be universal and compul-sory. If governments delivered ontheir legal commitment to this, theextent of exploitative child labourwould be significantly reduced. The

"How can I study?"

In the opinion of many people, all children should be in school until they are 15 or 16 yearsold. But what if the schools are very few, and very poorly equipped? And what if manyfamilies are so poor that even the small amounts earned by children are essential to pay forthe basic necessities of living? What about children who have lost one or both parents? Withwhom do they live? Even where non-governmental and other organizations have establishedschools in low-income residential areas, there are distressing numbers of children who simplycannot afford to go to them. Others seemingly want to work, or at least feel mature doing thesame work as adults.

Education planners frequently ask the question: "Do working children really want to go toschool?" Recent interviews with working children in Bangladesh conclude that the largemajority do want to attend school and have clear ideasabout the value of education, as thefollowing synopses show.

Taslima, age 13, began workingin a garment factory when shewas 9 years old. Now she would

like very much to go to school to studyBangle, maths and English. If schoolexpenses were provided, she says, itwould be possible to attend classes inthe morning and work in the after-noon. When asked about the benefit ofeducation, she says that she will learnto count and write letters. She wouldalso like to learn music and sewing.

Shujon, age 8, came to Dhaka withhis mother, brother and grandmotherin search of a living. His mother worksas a domestic servant and earns 100taka (1 taka is about $0.02) per month.Shujon and his brother collect plasticbags, scrap paper and other materials,which they sell at a shop for 5 to 10taka per bagful. The boys attend a freeschool near the railway station. Theygo there every day for several hoursand are taught to read and write. Theschool gives them a snack of roti andbanana every day and all the neces-sary books and writing supplies.

Rakib is 10 years old and is now at-tending school after he lost his job at a

garment factory for being under age.Rakib wants to study. He says,"If I study, I'll get a good job. I will beable to help my mother."

Amina began working to earnmoney at the age of 7, collecting wastepaper. Now 10, she spends her daysbreaking bricks into small pieces forconstruction projects in Dhaka. Aminais very small. She cannot break manybricks. She does not know how muchshe earns, as her mother keeps track ofthose things. Sometimes they decideto collect scrap paper instead, becausetheir hands and fingers hurt from thegashes and blows that happen whenthe bricks break in unexpected ways,or the hammer slips in their hands.Amina would like to find out whatschool is like, if only there were someway to pay even the minimal costs.

Shilpi is a 14-year-old garmentworker from Mirpur. She found a job asa helper in a garment factory. She foldsthe shirts that are produced by ma-chine operators. Her salary is 400 takaper month. She says she would like tostudy but that earning a living is thefirst priority, "I have to take care of my-self. How can I study?" When askedabout her future, she says she wants tobe a teacher. She loves to see teachersteaching others. She taught heryounger brother to read, she says.

Julekha is 13 years old and hasbeen a domestic worker from the ageof 10. Her father is paralysed and can-

51

not work. She has three sisters andfour brothers. Her main duty is to lookafter the employer's small child, butshe also assists in all householdchores. If the family goes out, Julekhais locked in the house. Julekha hasnever attended school because of herfamily's poverty, but says she wouldlike to if it were possible.

Ruma, age 12, wants to study. Shethinks if she received an education shewould be able to help her parents andgive them advice. And, she says,"when talk of marriage is going on, Iwill have something to say." Shewould like to learn how to operate asewing machine. Then her salarywould increase, and everybody wouldsuffer less. She hopes she will be ableto study while continuing to work.

Adapted from Daily Lives of WorkingChildren in Bangladesh: Case studies,by P. Pelto, UNICEF Bangladesh,(unpublished).

49

Non-formal education:A bridge for working children

When hardship forced SadhanSarkar's ageing parents to pullhim out of school and put him

to work long hours in a shop, the seven-year-old boy cried bitterly. "I was angry

at my work, my boss, my parents,"he recalls. Then, field workers for theBelie Gram Unnayan Samity project(BGUS), in India's West Bengal state, in-tervened and convinced his parents tolet Sadhan quit work and resume hisstudies. Now third in his primary schoolclass, he says, "I have a new life, I canlaugh and play and read again."

Sadhan is one of hundreds of at-riskworking children helped since 1993 byBGUS, a non-governmental organiza-tion (NGO) in Tarakeshwar affiliatedwith the Christian Children's Fund.Through a support system that providesschool supplies, health services and amidday meal, BGUS estimates that 370children have been able to quit workand continue their education, while an-other 19 children over age 14 have ob-tained skilled jobs through vocationaltraining.

Scores of organizations similar toBGUS have sprung up in recent years,

50

responding to the needs of the world'schild labourers. Education, essential inensuring better opportunities for childworkers, is a common thread through-out these programmes. The challengeis to make schooling economically vi-able, attractive and relevant for workingchildren and their families.

Methods used to pursue this goalvary. As Victor Ordonez of UNESCOsays: "Do we try and use non-formal ed-ucation to get children back into the reg-ular school system, or teach them whatthey need to survive day to day?" LikeBGUS, many programmes aim forcommunity- based, sustainable alterna-tives that have elements of both, provid-ing working children with educationand health care.

A two-year-old programme for chil-dren released from Nepal's carpet facto-ries, operated by the UnderprivilegedChildren's Education Programme andthe Asian-American Free Labor Insti-tute, offers free food, lodging and a mixof formal and non-formal education. Itsself-described role is as "a way stationto somewhere else hopefully a betterlife," whether enrolment in school or a

52

job using new vocational skills. Brazil'swidely acclaimed Projeto Axe offers pri-mary school age children remedialclasses to help them enter the formalsystem. It also works with teenagers,teaching everything from dance andprinting techniques to remedial educa-tion, to provide "a transition from astreet past to a citizen present." CREDA,an NGO in India's Uttar Pradesh state,has opened 60 schools for formerbonded labourers that compress fiveyears of basic education into three.

Other projects focus on improvingyoung workers' basic literacy or trainingthem for a new trade altogether. TheUndugu Society of Kenya, for example,runs five schools for children who earntheir living collecting scrap. The schoolsoperate half-days to accommodatework schedules, and classes empha-size numeracy to enable children toavoid exploitation by scrap dealers.

In Senegal, the ENDA-Tiers Mondeorganization teamed up with theMinistry for Social Development in 1984to improve the self-esteem of teenagegirls working as domestics, as well asgiving them professional opportunities.The programme includes basic literacyand vocational training to raise theirchances of obtaining better jobs, as wellas counselling on health matters includ-ing AIDS.

A common problem in dealing withworking children is how to keep thepoorest, whose income is most criticalto their own or their family's survival, inschool. Relevant curricula, flexible classschedules and quality education are es-sential. Scholarships and other ways ofcovering the direct costs of schooling,as well as cash stipends to compensatefamilies for 'lost' income, form impor-tant parts of several programmes.

At schools opened by the BangladeshIndependent Garment Workers Union, forexample, children who lost jobs in theapparel industry receive free books and

hot lunches. In Honduras, morethan 2,000 young street workershave benefited from formal and non-formal education at Project Alterna-tives & Opportunities, which provideshealth care, counselling, schoolsupplies, uniforms and, whenneeded, partial scholarships andnutritional supplements. FundaciOnCISOL, in Loja (Ecuador), paysweekly stipends that approximatethe earnings of a shoeshine boy,While teaching handicraft produc-tion. Participating children mustresume regular schooling.

Cash stipends are consideredcontroversial by some experts whothink they encourage dependency;others insist that stipends are theonly way many families can afford toeducate their children.

An innovative programme imple-mented by the Federal District ofBrazil pays an education grant equalto the minimum wage to poor fami-lies whose children do not missmore than two days of school permonth. The School Savings Pro-gramme, which also includes a sav-ings and credit plan, has dramati-cally lowered the drop-out rateamong poor students. It is alsoaffordable, accounting for lessthan 1 per cent of the annual gov-ernment budget.

Such programmes point togrowing efforts by governments toensure primary education to all chil-dren including child labourers.Governments, together with NGOs,industries and workers' organiza-tions, are forming the social partner-ships that are necessary to addressthe problems of working children.

Photo: In a non formal educationprogramme, a Kenyan girl learnscarpentry.

resources to create good schools allover the world could be found if thewill was there. What is more, innov-ative thinking about how to regener-ate the education system is wellunder way, and successful pro-grammes exist all over the worldthat could serve as models.

Any improvement made to edu-cation whether by changing ex-isting schools, by setting up creativeand flexible approaches to educa-tion or by targeting working chil-dren specifically will have apositive impact on child labour. Themore we do, the greater will be theresults. What more powerful incen-tive could there be?

Improving basic educationThe 1990 World Conference onEducation for All, held in Jomtien(Thailand), proclaimed the need fordiverse, flexible approaches within aunified national system of primaryeducation. To achieve the goal of qual-

ity primary education for all, educa-tion systems must:

Teach useful skills. If schools areto attract and retain children, theircourses have to be seen as relevant by

both parents and children (Panel 10).One prerequisite of a successful stateeducation programme is that it linksthe lessons taught to community life.In places where most children work,it defies logic to continue teaching asif they do not. Children must betaught which kinds of work are partic-ularly hazardous and be advised onhow to recognize the tactics of ex-ploitative employers.

Children also need to be taughtgeneral life skills and about theirown rights, so that they understandchild labour laws and what theymean in practice. "In school they donot teach us about our rights," saysLakshmi, from Kolkere in southernIndia. "We cannot wait until later to

53

Any improvement made toeducation whether bychanging existing schools,by setting up creative andflexible approaches toeducation or by targetingworking children specificallywill have a positive impact onchild labour.

51

Fig. 7 Children out of school: A costand a cause of child labour

How the regions compare

Sub-SaharanAfrica

Middle Eastand North Africa

South Asia

East Asiaand Pacific

Latin Americaand Caribbean

CEE/CIS

and Baltics

0 20 40 60 80 100

Primary school age childrennot attending school (%)

The global picture

Developingworld

Developedworld

World

I I

20 40 60 00

Primary school age childrennot attending school (%)

Source: UNICEF data.

52

100

learn about them. To protect our-selves, we need that informationright now."66

Be more flexible. Schools have toadapt to children's circumstances.The annual calendar and dailytimetable of a school can be adjustedaccording to the seasonal farming cal-endar in the area. This has been one ofthe strategies adopted by the Indianstate of Kerala, where very low schooldrop-out rates are matched by low in-cidence of child labour.

Schools also have to move towardschildren, particularly in rural areas.Small multigrade classes can bringeducation within easy walking dis-tance. A simplified curriculum and lo-cally produced learning materials canensure that the basics are available toall; the programme can be enrichedgradually over time. Teachers withmodest formal education have provento be effective when given concen-trated practical training and frequentin-service upgrades.

Most important, rigid traditionalteaching methods must give way tochild-centred approaches. Childrenmust enjoy education if it is to have apowerful effect.

The Escuela Nueva programme inColombia exemplifies many of theseflexible approaches. This successfulprogramme, bringing education torural areas since 1975, allows childrento be absent in peak agricultural peri-ods; promotes practical problem-solving rather than learning by rote;and reduces costs by allowing oneteacher to cover five grades in smallrural schools with the help of electedstudent leaders (Panel 11).

Get girls into school. Two thirdsof out-of-school children are girls,and ensuring their equal participationrequires particular sensitivity to so-cial, economic and cultural barriers.As we have seen, this is one of themost critical areas and one where

54

rapid improvement would producebenefits that would flow down, gen-eration to generation.

Most initiatives aimed at drawingmore children into school will alsohelp bridge the gender gap. But spe-cific measures are needed to over-come the social and cultural barriersfor girls. High proportions of womenteachers were found when UNICEFstudied 10 countries where the gendergap in primary-school enrolment hasnarrowed.° Both teachers and learn-ing materials have to be gender sensi-tive and avoid negative stereotypesabout girls and women. Active com-munity participation in school life,particularly by women, is essential. Asexperience in India indicates, whenpoor women become genuinely em-powered to take control over theirlivelihoods and those of their children,remarkable changes occur.

Raise the quality and status ofteachers. Partly because of the crisisin education funding in many devel-oping countries, the wages and statusof teachers have diminished, espe-cially at the all-important primarylevel. Thus, the quality of teachersentering school systems has alsodeclined. Many have been forced toabandon teaching, or to take secondand even third jobs, simply to sur-vive. In these circumstances, manychildren do not see school as a placethat will expand their horizons, en-hance their opportunities or nurturetheir individual potential.

Teachers with negative and stereo-typical ideas need to be retrained orreplaced. Poor, low-caste or workingchildren often are ill treated and phys-ically abused. One response, success-fully adopted by the BangladeshRural Advancement Committee(BRAC) in its schools, is to recruitteachers from the same community astheir pupils, and to sensitize them tothe children's circumstances.68

Of course, recruiting teachers fromlocal communities may mean that theyhave less formal training. But there arecreative international examples to fol-low. Zimbabwe, for example, achieveduniversal primary schooling veryquickly after independence by employ-ing untrained teachers. It therefore in-troduced the Zimbabwe IntegratedNational Teacher Education Course( ZINTEC), a four-year course in whichonly the first and last terms involve col-lege attendance; the rest is spent atwork in schools. ZINTEC has beensuccessful in combining quality withlow cost; training a teacher this waycan be done for less than half theexpense of conventional training.69Learning materials with detailed les-son plans for daily classroom activitiesensure that teachers with modest for-mal training perform effectively. Thisapproach could be valuable for manypoorer countries, where many primaryschool teachers themselves have littlemore than primary education.

Cut the family's school bill. Surveyafter survey mentions the costs ofschooling as a major problem for poorfamilies. Even when there are no tu-ition fees, there can be myriad othercosts: for books and supplies; uni-forms and shoes; transportation andlunch; not to mention the loss of thechild's income.

Basic education that deters childlabour must be free of such costs forpoor families. But the need for finan-cial resources goes well beyond thecosts of teachers, school buildings andadministration. The chronic under-funding of basic education in devel-oping countries needs to be overcomeand is a matter of global concern andresponsibility, particularly because ofthe heavy debt burdens so many de-veloping countries carry. For exam-ple, sub-Saharan Africa pays morethan $12 billion in debt-servicecharges annually and owes approxi-

mately $8 billion more that it cannotpay. In comparison, just about 10 percent of that total would provide theextra educational resources neededeach year to give all the region's chil-dren a place in schoo1.7°

"We are trapped," said AlbertMberio, Minister of Education ofthe Central African Republic. "Onthe one hand, the Government bor-rows money to get our educationsystem to work in order to obtainsocial and economic development.On the other hand, the same donorsexpect the Government to pay backborrowed money long before thecountry has achieved a certain levelof development."71

The Convention on the Rights ofthe Child explicitly specifies in article28 that States parties must promote andencourage international cooperation insupport of developing countries' ef-forts to ensure access to education forall children. International organiza-tions are moving in the right direction.The World Bank has significantlyraised its lending levels for basic edu-cation in the six years since 1990.UNICEF's own medium-term target isto double its spending on basic educa-tion by the end of the decade.

There are signs, too, that bilateralaid donors are starting to place ahigher priority on basic education, al-though within shrinking overall aidbudgets. In May 1996, the Develop-ment Assistance Committee of the Or-ganisation for Economic Co-operationand Development (OECD) committeditself to helping developing countriesto reduce "absolute poverty" by halfand to achieve primary education forall by the year 2015 at the latest.

Important though this external as-sistance is, it amounts to only about 2per cent of the total spent by low- andmiddle-income countries themselveson primary education, conservativelyestimated at some $270 billion annu-

55

The chronic undetfundingof basic education in developingcountries needs to be overcomeand is a matter of globalconcern and responsibility.

53

It would cost an estimated $6 billion a year,

on top of what is already spent, to put every

child in school by the year 2000. Here, a girl

breaks stones for road gravel in Nepal.

54

ally. In other words, developingcountries themselves have to mobi-lize the resources necessary to tacklethe job that lies ahead.72

At the World Conference onEducation for All in 1990, govern-ments promised to increase theresources available for education.At the moment, the share of the de-veloping world's gross nationalproduct (GNP) devoted to educa-tion expenditure averages 4 percent, the same figure as in 1990.73In some of the least developed coun-tries it is believed to have declined.

Both debt burdens and structuraladjustment measures continue tomake it difficult to increase educa-tion spending. Yet, except for thevery poorest countries, most re-sources required to achieve univer-sal primary education could befound within existing national bud-gets. A mid-decade review of prog-ress in achieving education for all,held in Amman in June 1996, con-cluded that as many as 50 of thecountries that have not enrolled alltheir children in school could dothis quite rapidly if they made betteruse of their resources, by redeploy-ing teaching staff, reallocating bud-gets and improving efficiency.74And over a third of developingcountries have committed to in-crease spending on education.75

Of course, giving priority to educa-tion is not only a way of combatingchild labour, it is a sound economic in-vestment. According to the WorldBank, the return on investment in edu-cation in low- and middle-incomecountries is high and still higher forprimary schooling, compared to sec-ondary or higher education. Primaryeducation, says the Bank, is the largestsingle contributor to the economicgrowth rates of the high-performingAsian economies.76 The Republic ofKorea invests $130 per person per year

56

in basic education, and Malaysiaspends $128. On the other hand, Indiainvests just $9 per person, Pakistan $3and Bangladesh $2.77

Governments must rededicatethemselves to ensuring that all chil-dren receive high-quality primaryeducation, regardless of race, genderor economic status. They can do thiswhere necessary by adopting an in-cremental approach, adding a newcohort of primary school age chil-dren in phases until the target of uni-versal primary education is reachedin the shortest possible time.

In India, for example, over 100districts are implementing a gradualapproach to enrolment and retentionin primary schools. Communities,district officials and teachers focuson enrolling all children aged fiveand six in grade 1 and increasing re-tention through improved quality ofthe classes and 'joyful learning'through grade 6. This is proving tobe a practical and important strategyfor preventing the entry of presentand future generations into the cycleof child labour and poverty.

International agencies and devel-opment banks must give the fullestpossible support to national efforts tore-establish primary education for allas an absolute priority. UNICEF,along with other international organi-zations, has called for governments toallocate 20 per cent of their budgetsto education and basic social ser-vices, and for donor governments todo the same with their aid. Manycountries have already endorsed this20/20 initiative it is a simple for-mula, easily grasped, and if the worldgets behind it, it could work wonders.

Basic education can be afforded ifit is made a priority, as the Conventionon the Rights of the Child demandsthat it must be. We say again, this is aquestion not of scant resources but ofpolitical choice. It would cost an esti-

mated $6 billion a year, on top ofwhat is already spent, to put everychild in school by the year 2000. Thatmay seem an enormous sum. Yet it isless than 1 per cent of what the worldspends every year on weapons."

Reaching working childrenWorking children themselves, whengiven the opportunity to speak, haveunderstandably not shown great en-thusiasm for returning to an educa-tion system that has failed them inthe first place. In Bamako (Mali) in1995, for example, working childrenfrom 21 cities in 9 West Africancountries came together to discusstheir situation. They denounced theinhuman and degrading treatmentthat many child workers received butalso affirmed 12 basic rights to im-prove their lot. Among these were"the right to be taught a trade," "theright to security when working" and"the right to play... with our friendson Saturdays and Sundays." Theright to go to school as their primarychildhood activity was not one oftheir chosen 12.79

Studies of street children in Braziland Paraguay have shown similar re-sults, with most saying they wouldrather continue working than go backto school.° After experiencing dan-gerous freedom on the streets, thesechildren are the least likely to respondto a formal classroom setting. Thismakes it all the more difficult to meettheir educational needs.

Almost all attempts to bring edu-cation to working children have beenthrough non-formal programmes, in-dependent of the education system.One of the best known is that ofBRAC, which caters to poor childrenaged 8 to 14 years. Although not la-belled as a programme for workingchildren, it recognizes the reality thatpoor children devote a major part oftheir day to working at home or in the

fields. The BRAC school day, onlytwo and a half hours, takes into ac-count the daily and seasonal rhythmsof life. Each small school unit of 30children, two thirds of them girls, islocated in the neighbourhood. Thelearning content, while based on theregular primary curriculum, empha-sizes practical skills for the children'senvironment. The school imposes nocharge of any kind on parents. The re-sult is outstanding, with completionrates of over 95 per cent for the three-year course, after which most childrenenter fourth grade in the mainstreamprimary schoo1.81 By mid-1996, over30,000 BRAC schools were offering abasic-education opportunity to closeto 1 million Bangladeshi children, inurban as well as rural areas.

Another success story, which ap-plies many of BRAC's methods, isthe Barabanki project in India'sUttar Pradesh state. This caters forover 3,500 poor working childrenfrom the lowest-caste families, morethan two thirds of them girls. Theproject takes into account the con-cerns of parents about trusting theirgirl children to the care of 'out-siders': learning centres are informaland close to home; hours are flexi-ble; the curriculum is adapted tolocal conditions; and teachers comefrom the same caste and participatein regular in-service training.Children move from these schoolsinto the mainstream by taking thestate primary board examination.

Education can be taken to childworkers even more directly. The ideaof the 'street educator' has been pio-neered in Latin America, though it isnow being usefully imitated all overthe world. In Peru, UNICEF supportsa street educator project run by theNational Institute for Family Well-Being. The 54 educators make contactwith street children, helping themback into schools, assisting them in

57

Education has been part of the child labour

problem and must become part of the

solution. In Burundi, children in a

UNICEF-assisted non formal school

share pencils, paper and ideas.

55

Panel 11

Escuela Nueva: Alternativelearning for rural children

Colombia's Escuela Nueva (EN)school programme is proof thatflexible, non-conventional edu-

cation can get rural children intoschool and keep them there. Morethan just a methodology, EscuelaNueva is an integrated and compre-hensive system of curriculum devel-opment, teacher training, adminis-tration and community mobilization.Costing only 5 to 10 per cent morethan conventional schooling, it hasdramatically improved the learninglandscape and the lives of thousandsof often forgotten students in ruralareas of Colombia.

In its two decades of existence, ENhas gone from local experiment tonational policy, successfully introduc-ing innovation within the govern-ment school network to serve ruralchildren.

If conventional schooling hasfailed in rural areas, it is because of itsinability to captivate students. Class-rooms, books and supplies don'tmake a school willing pupils and

56

motivated teachers do. Too often,schooling tends to be authoritarian,inflexible, irrelevant and even hostileto children, particularly girls. Add tothat the pressure children feel fromfamilies who, especially in ruralareas, may be sceptical about thevalue of education and open aboutwishing that their children werewage-earners. And the teachers oftenlack basic pedagogic skills. Droppingout of school to work becomes an ir-resistible course for many children.

To have a positive education expe-rience, students must believe inthemselves and be guided by teach-ers who are confident in their role.Children must feel supported by fam-ily and community and, perhapsmost important, enjoy learning.

As recently as 10 years ago, half ofColombia's rural schools did not offercomplete primary education. Fifty-five per cent of children between theages of 7 and 9 and one quarter of all10- to 14-year-olds in the countrysidehad never attended school. One third

58

of all first-graders dropped out.The dismal figures sparked a gov-

ernment push for universal rural pri-mary education and rapid growth inEscuela Nueva. From 2,000 schools in1982, the number sky-rocketed toalmost 18,000 in 1989, reaching800,000 rural children. Today, thecountry has over 10,000 EN schools.

Their impact has been significant.When compared with students in reg-ular schools, EN students havescored higher on achievement testsand shown improved self-esteem,creativity and civic behaviour.

Escuela Nueva's success is the re-sult of a number of innovations, in-cluding multigrade teaching, detailedteachers' guides and lesson plans,continuing teacher training and su-pervision, and involvement of thecommunity. There is one instructorand one classroom for children at allfive levels of primary education.Multigrade classes make it possibleto have a complete primary schoolclose to children's homes in sparselypopulated rural areas. They alsochange the intimidating teacher-pupilrelationship. The teacher becomesmore of a facilitator, and the studenta more independent learner.

Using easy-to-follow lesson guidesprepared to give children an activerole in learning, pupils progress ontheir own and with the help of olderstudents. Learning is dynamic ratherthan by rote and involves play andgroup study, with an emphasis onpractical applications and nature.Teachers, specially trained to adaptlessons to the children's surround-ings, take into consideration subjectslike local topography, agriculture andindigenous customs.

Promotion is flexible, not auto-matic: students advance from onegrade to the next only when theyachieve set educational objectives.This means that the school fits thetimetable of the children, benefitingslower learners and children whomust leave school during busy agri-cultural seasons. In general, pupilshave more of a voice regarding theireducation. They monitor their own at-tendance and can communicate

problems and concerns throughsuggestion boxes located at theschools.

The atmosphere also encour-ages learning. More than just acollection of classrooms, theschools are vibrant centres of ac-tivity that include kitchens, dining-rooms and washrooms, teacherhousing, vegetable gardens, sportsgrounds and community facilities.Each has a small library and studycorners, which are arranged bysubject and display posters, min-erals, artifacts, student-made craftsand other topic-related objects.

Good community relations areat the heart of the EN programme.Teachers are trained to bolster thelearning process by involving par-ents of students and other com-munity members in school ac-tivities. The school libraries stocksupplies like agricultural calendarsand monographs that containbasic information on local history,geography and culture. They dou-ble, therefore, as community infor-mation centres.

Through a strong student-government programme inwhich elected student councilmembers decide on school activi-ties EN schools introduce chil-dren to the ideas of democracyand foster attitudes of coopera-tion. And by bliirring the boundarybetween school and community,EN relieves some of the either/orpressure children feel when facedwith both school and work.

Through its innovative ap-proach, EN has turned the tradi-tional disadvantages of rural areasinto advantages abundant land,slower pace, bonds with nature,community contact. If keepingchildren in school is one of thebest ways to prevent them fromhaving to work, EN is a model sys-tem for improving the lives of ruralchildren.

Photo: Children work together on a

writing project in an Escudo Nueva

programme in Colombia.

obtaining medical care and support-ing attempts to reintegrate them withtheir families. So far, they have suc-cessfully reintegrated 1,200 childreninto schools.

In the Philippines, NGOs partici-pating in the National Project onStreet Children have evolved alterna-tive education strategies for street andurban working children. Schemesranging from 'mobile schools' to`street schools' to 'back-to-school'programmes have reached over60,000 street and working childrenacross 23 cities and 9 municipalities.Local volunteers and street educators,including former street children, workalongside government officials in run-ning the programme.

In Brazil, Projeto Axe has achievedinternational recognition for its imag-inative educational work with thestreet children of Salvador. Its educa-tors use an approach called the 'peda-gogy of desire' to enable the childrento make plans for the future. "Themost important thing," says Axe'sfounder Cesare de Florio La Rocca,"is to stimulate the child to dreamand wish, and to offer a number ofconcrete opportunities to help thechild realize those dreams." Chil-dren not only learn to read and write.They can work while they study,silk-screening T-shirts or making re-cycled paper products, and studyingin Axe's literacy programme. Theycan even attend Axe's circus school,where they learn to juggle, clown orfly on a trapeze. "Life on the streetsis risky but also fascinating," saysMr. La Rocca. "These kids are usedto risk. Here, we create positive risksand challenges." Axe has been sosuccessful that it is now trainingother NGOs in its methodology ofworking with street children andwith the municipal government totry to prevent children reaching thestreets in the first place.82

In Brazil, Projeto Axe hasachieved internationalrecognition for its imaginativeeducational work with thestreet children of Salvador.

5957

The choice in fact is notstrictly between specialnon formal programmesand the regular schools.Flexibility is the key.Education is more likely tomeet the needs of workingchildren if it reaches out tothem through a range ofapproaches.

58

Local Scout groups, withUNICEF support, provide weekly lit-eracy classes, health services and vo-cational training to some 150 work-ing children in an industrial area ofAlexandria (Egypt); the model proj-ect has been replicated in Cairo. Andin St. Petersburg (Russian Feder-ation), UNICEF has co-funded a non-formal education programme forstreet children that provides shelter,regular meals and lessons for over200 children.

It is sometimes argued that non-formal education programmes aresomehow inferior. But, as we haveseen, many are successful; other non-formal approaches have not yet beenfully tried and tested. And those thatfail do so in part because they havelacked the necessary resources in thefirst place.

Bringing working children into themainstream of the educational systemis certainly the overall objective.Alternative programmes do not re-lieve governments of their obliga-tions. But so far, most formal educa-tion systems have proved resistant toadapting to the circumstances ofworking children. The 'education forall' effort has tended to concentrate onconventional educational approaches,which bypass those children whomthe system has previously failed. Aninter-agency UN mission to Pakistan,for example, found that some 20 mil-lion children and young people,almost two thirds of those who will bein the age range of 10 to .18 yearsbetween 1995 and the end of thedecade, have already missed primaryschooling and are growing up virtu-ally illiterate.83

The choice in fact is not strictly be-tween special non-formal pro-grammes and the regular schools.Flexibility is the key. Education ismore likely to meet the needs of chil-dren if it reaches out to them through

60

a range of formal and non-formalapproaches.

LegislationJust as the Convention on the Rightsof the Child has laid down in interna-tional law new standards that nationalgovernments must strive to meet, so acountry's legal code makes an impor-tant statement about what society con-siders to be acceptable behaviour. Allcountries should establish a coherentset of child labour laws both as astatement of intent and as a spring-board for their wider efforts.

Another challenge confrontinggovernments is to extend the scopeof their legislation to include the in-formal sector, which, as this reporthas consistently shown, accountsfor the vast majority of childlabourers. More inclusive legisla-tion would not by itself protectthese children no labour inspec-torate could cover all rural areas ormonitor conditions for childrenworking in their own homes or asdomestics in others'. But such leg-islation would provide another bench-mark from which the attitudes ofsociety could spring. It would alsohelp establish a legal frameworkwithin which services such as com-munity-run child care could be sup-plied, allowing parents to gain anincome without burdening their chil-dren with the work of running homeand family.

Child labour was sharply reducedin Western countries at the beginningof this century in part by combininglegislation and its enforcement withcompulsory primary education. Otherimportant factors included a rise infamily incomes and technological im-provements that made children'slabour lessuseful to employers. Butlegislation had an undeniable impactfar beyond deterrence. It set new stan-

dards and changed attitudes across so-ciety. These in turn provided andstill provide the best insuranceagainst a return to high levels of childlabour in industrialized countries.

More recently, Hong Kong hasprovided a notable success story, hav-ing all but eliminated child labourthrough:II. regular and persistent inspectionsby the Labour Department. In 1986,over 250,000 inspections were carriedout in industrial and commercial es-tablishments;

special annual campaigns to detectchild employment;IN. requiring all young workers tocarry identity cards with their photo-graphs, thus facilitating enforcement;P.- introducing welfare benefits, espe-cially social assistance to poor fam-ilies, which assured a minimumincome and removed the need to relyon child labour."

Of course, Hong Kong is almostcompletely urban and has a thrivingeconomy. A more challenging casewould be India. Legislating childlabour out of existence in India, as inany other country, would be impossi-ble in and of itself, and legislationmust always be part of a comprehen-sive strategy. Yet laws backed by anindependent, incorruptible inspec-torate would be indispensable tochanging attitudes to child labourright across Indian society. Such abody, with inspectors who werehighly valued instead of poorly paid,undertrained and overworked, as atpresent, would certainly be expensive.But it should not be beyond the re-sources or the capabilities of India,which has recently successfully con-ducted and policed a general electionof vast scale, overcoming enormouslogistical and administrative problemsand potential social turmoil.

Child labour legislation can also bea means of educating people and pro-

moting debate on the issue. A goodexample of legislation being used inthis educative way comes from Brazil,where children working on the streetwere considered a social welfare orpublic security problem and deemed`delinquents', to be rounded up peri-odically in police sweeps. In 1982, theGovernment and UNICEF launchedthe Alternative Services for StreetChildren Project, building upon exist-ing NGO and community initiatives.Child-centred policies were devel-oped, and street children began to beseen as active and responsible agentsof their own destinies.85

By the late 1980s, it became clearthat it was not enough to rely on localinitiatives. Some 500 local pro-grammes existed, whereas 50,000would be needed to deal with all poorurban children. The Government hadto take on more active responsibility,and it did so as a result of a nationaldebate focused on the inclusion of anarticle on child rights in the newConstitution. The Government estab-lished a commission to draft the arti-cle. A huge public informationcampaign to mobilize support forstrong constitutional guarantees ofchildren's rights ensued, resulting in apetition signed by over 1.4 millionchildren.

The new article of the Con-stitution, passed by the BrazilianCongress in October 1988, read: "Itis the duty of the family, of societyand of the State to assure childrenand adolescents, with absolutepriority, the right to life, health,nutrition, education, recreation, voca-tional preparation, culture, dignity,respect, liberty and family and com-munity solidarity, over and beyondmaking them safe from neglect, dis-crimination, exploitation, crueltyand oppression."86

This was followed by the passingof the Statute on Children and

61

Child labour was reduced inWestern countries in part bycombining legislation and itsenforcement with compulsoryprimary education. Otherfactors included a rise infamily incomes andtechnological improvementsthat made children's labourless useful to employers.

59

Panel 12

An agreement in Bangladesh

An important initiative to protectchild workers is unfolding inBangladesh. The country's pow-

erful garment industry is committing it-self to some dramatic new measuresby an agreement signed in 1995.

The country is one of the world'smajor garment exporters, and theindustry, which employs over a

million workers, most of themwomen, also employed child labour.In 1992, between 50,000 and 75,000 ofits workforce were children under 14,mainly girls.

The children were illegally em-ployed according to national law, butthe situation captured little attention, inBangladesh or elsewhere, until the gar-ment factories began to hide the chil-dren from United States buyers or layoff the children, following the introduc-tion of the Child Labor Deterrence Actin 1992 by US Senator Tom Harkin. TheBill would have prohibited the importa-tion into the US of goods made usingchild labour. Then, when SenatorHarkin reintroduced the Bill the follow-ing year, the impact was far more dev-astating: garment employers dismissedan estimated 50,000 children from theirfactories, approximately 75 per cent ofall children in the industry.

The consequences for the dis-missed children and their parents werenot anticipated. The children may havebeen freed, but at the same time theywere trapped in a harsh environmentwith no skills, little or no education, andprecious few alternatives. Schools wereeither inaccessible, useless or costly. Aseries of follow-up visits by UNICEF,local non-governmental organizations(NGOs) and the International LabourOrganization (ILO) discovered that chil-dren went looking for new sources ofincome, and found them in work suchas stone-crushing, street hustling and

60

prostitution all of them more haz-ardous and exploitative than garmentproduction. In several cases, the moth-ers of dismissed children had to leavetheir jobs in order to look after their chil-dren.

Out of this unhappy situation andafter two years of difficult negotiations,a formal Memorandum of Understan-ding was signed in July 1995 by theBangladesh Garment Manufacturersand Exporters Association (BGMEA),and the UNICEF and ILO offices inBangladesh. The resulting programmewas to be funded by these three orga-nizations. BGMEA alone has commit-ted about $1 million towards theimplementation of the Memorandumof Understanding.

Under the terms of the agreement,four key provisions were formulated:

the removal of all under-age workersthose below 14 within a periodof four months;no further hiring of under-agechildren;the placement of those children re-moved from the garment factories inappropriate educational pro-grammes with a monthly stipend;the offer of the children's jobs toqualified adult family members.The Memorandum of Under-

standing explicitly directed factoryowners, in the best interests of thesechildren, not to dismiss any child work-ers until a factory survey was com-pleted and alternative arrangementscould be made for the freed children.

In order to determine the extent ofthe educational and other rehabilitationfacilities needed, a survey of all BGMEAmembers' factories was undertakenjointly by the three signatories in coop-eration with the Government ofBangladesh. The survey of 1,821 facto-ries found that half employed child

62

labour, a total of 10,500 children. Fortyper cent of the children were betweenthe ages of 10 and 12, and half had noeducation.

With financial support fromUNICEF, two NGOs Gono ShahjjoShangstha and the Bangladesh RuralAdvancement Committee (BRAC)have been attempting to find places inschools for these children. As ofOctober 1996, 135 new schoolroomswere operational and more than 4,000children were enrolled. The children arereceiving primary health care, skills de-velopment training and a monthly cashstipend to compensate for their lostwages. In addition, personal bank ac-counts and credit facilities for their fam-ilies are being set up.

The jury is still out on the long-termeffectiveness of the Memorandum ofUnderstanding. One key issue, for ex-ample, is whether setting up specialschools for erstwhile child workers andproviding a package of incentives suchas monthly stipends, health care andskills development is a sustainablemodel that could be applied elsewhereand on a larger scale. Nevertheless, theevents and insights that led up to theMemorandum must inform the ap-proach of all those seeking to eliminatehazardous child labour.

The world owes child workers ameaningful alternative if they are not tosuffer from some of the very measuresdesigned to help them.

Adolescents in July 1990, which setchild labour in the context of childrights by clearly stating that the wel-fare of the child must take precedenceover all other competing interests, in-cluding those of the family. The prin-ciple established is 'children first'.Responsibility for guarding children'srights has been decentralized to thelocal level, specifically to watchdogcouncils composed equally of localgovernment officials and NGO orcommunity representatives.87

It is too early to say how success-fully the new watchdog councils areprotecting children from hazardouswork certainly they have not re-moved the necessity to enforce labourlaws. And the Statute is under heavypressure from vested interests that re-sent incursions on their traditionalareas of influence. But it is clear thatthe legislation, and the process of cre-ating it, has taken Brazilian society toa new level of debate and action.

Empowering the powAs we have seen, poverty and theunfair advantage that some peopletake of it is a factor propelling poorchildren into hazardous work. Its im-pact can be remorseless and total,driving people to desperation, particu-larly when social safety nets and basicservices do not exist to mitigate it.Enabling poor families to lift them-selves out of the pit of powerlessnessis a fundamental factor needed tobring about long-term change.

Global consensus on the need toreduce and eventually eliminatepoverty was eloquently expressed inthe Plan of Action emerging from the1995 World Summit for SocialDevelopment held in Copenhagen. Toreduce poverty, broad-based eco-nomic and social development isessential. The Summit called spe-cifically for policies to create labour-

intensive economic growth, to in-crease poor people's access to produc-tive resources and basic services, andto ensure the adequate economic andsocial protection of all people." Suchmeasures would undoubtedly help re-duce both the supply of and the de-mand for child labour.

But poor families and espe-cially the children within them pro-pelled into hazardous work need'even more direct and urgent support.One key way of empowering poorfamilies is to give them other options.We have already identified qualitycompulsory primary education as themost constructive alternative. Butthere are other ways as well.

One is to address the powerless-ness that often results from class,caste or gender discrimination againsta social group. In India, under the73rd Amendment to the Constitution,community-level governing bodiesare to have one third of seats reservedfor women and lower-caste people,which will significantly help to cor-rect the power balances at the villagelevel.

Another is to provide credit to podrfamilies in urgent need, since escapefrom indebtedness and from high in-terest rates on loans is a crucial factorin preventing bonded child labour.Successful schemes are operating inmany areas of the developing world.The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh,for example, has achieved widespreadinternational recognition for its suc-cess in providing credit to the poorestmembers of. society over 90 percent of them women who wouldnever receive it from mainstream fi-nancial institutions. The Bank will ad-vance only tiny sums, but tiny sumsare often all that are needed to breakthe poverty cycle. Grameen chargescurrent bank interest, rather than theextortionate percentages demandedbymoneylenders. Today the Grameen

6

Poverty cannot be ended immediately, but the

exploitation of poverty must no longer he

tolerated. Protection from hazardous labour

is a non-negotiable right for all children.

A child in Egypt with his family.

61

The Grameen Bank inBangladesh, for example,has achieved widespreadinternational recognitionfor its success in providingcredit to the poorest membersof society over 90 per centof them women who wouldnever receive it frommainstream financialinstitutions.

62

Bank employs 14,000 staff and worksin more than half of Bangladesh's68,000 villages. It lends the equiva-lent of $500 million a year in nearly4 million small-business advances torural clients. Its social developmentand education programme reachesmore than 12 million people. TheBank has also tried to spread its mes-sage to other parts of the developingworld, and there are now 168 organi-zations in 44 countries aiming toreplicate its achievements.89

The Child Labour AbolitionSupport Scheme (CLASS) is anotherexample, operating in the AmbedkarDistrict of India's Tamil Nadu statewith the objective of eliminating childlabour in the beedi (tobacco) rolling in-dustry. Local traders, who distribute tofamilies the leaves to be rolled into cig-arettes in their homes, have also tradi-tionally been the main source ofinformal credit. Children's labour isoften the only security for the loan, andmany young children end up in bondedservitude for years rolling cigarettes.

Begun in 1995, CLASS now oper-ates in 49 villages, covering nearly2,500 children and their families.Mothers' groups have been formed topromote the concept of group savingsand to channel loans to members.Local banks offer subsidized loans,used to repay loans to the heeditraders. Primary school teachers arebeing retrained to be more participa-tive and enthusiastic in their tech-niques, using the simple approachcalled 'joyful learning'. Volunteersare helping to create awarenessamong both the general public andgovernment officials of the negativeimplications of child labour. Lawsagainst child labour have been in-voked against heedi traders to releasechildren from bondage. The arrest ofsome traders has helped to convinceothers that the situation has trulychanged.9°

64

There is also a direct link betweenthe extent and nature of women's par-ticipation in labour markets and childlabour, making gender equity in em-ployment another issue that must beaddressed. Studies have demon-strated that the incidence of childlabour declines with increases inwomen's incomes.

Where women do not, for avariety of reasons, hold jobs and thechances of earning incomes throughother means are limited, additionalpressure builds on children to workto supplement household income.Even when women do hold payingjobs, they tend to earn low wages,another factor forcing children towork. Gender equity in employ-ment can help protect children fromhazardous labour. Improving work-ing conditions through measuressuch as minimum wage legislation,promotion of gender equity and theprovision of child care can help toreduce the prevalence of childlabour, all measures called for inthe Convention on the Eliminationof All Forms of Discriminationagainst Women.

National economic developmentprogrammes can help stimulate eco-nomic growth, raise living standardsand protect families. In Mauritius, forexample, the Government committeditself in the 1960s to generating em-ployment and improving women'sopportunities to work. Governmentinvestments in infrastructure createdbetter roads and transportation andimproved access to electricity, changeswhich, in turn, stimulated job growthand led to improved health care andeducation.

In Botswana, the State was simi-larly committed to creating jobs, mul-tiplying work opportunities by 100times. Between 1965 and 1980, theaverage annual GNP per capitagrowth rate grew by 10 per cent. The

rise in income helped produce an in-crease in private spending for eco-nomic development, particularly inhealth care and education.9'

IiiAlomb555ming socraty

The best guarantee that a governmentwill take its responsibilities seriouslyis when all sectors of society becomeinvolved in a genuine national move-ment. As the implications of childrights and the principles of theConvention on the Rights of the Childstart to permeate society, attitudes, as-sumptions and values will corre-spondingly change. And with greatercommunity awareness comes greaterinvolvement, leading to a powerful, ifinformal, labour inspectorate offamilies and neighbours, strangersand friends. Such a development rep-resents the best chance of protectingall children, but especially those far-thest from official scrutiny, who areworking in the informal sector and inrural areas.

NGOs These organizations havea vital role to play both in raising lev-els of public concern and protectingchildren. They can monitor the condi-tions in which children work and helplaunch the long, indispensableprocess of changing public attitudes.Their independence allows them toexpose abuse or attack vested interestswithout yielding to political pressure.Some are deeply involved in attemptsto free children from the worst dan-gers of work.

In India, for example, the SouthAsian Coalition on Child Servitude(SACCS) works with government of-ficials in raiding sites where childrenare known to be working in intolera-ble circumstances. SACCS takescredit for either directly or indirectlybeing involved in the release of some29,000 children since its inception in1983. It bitterly points out, though,

that not a single exploiter of childlabour in India has ever been impris-oned. Of the 4,000 cases registered,some 3,500 have been let off withfines of less than $6, while the restcontinue to languish in the courts.92

NGO, church and community ac-tivism runs high in the Philippines,and for many years these groups werethe only ones helping children at risk;the Marcos dictatorship routinely ig-nored social problems arising out ofinequality and injustice. With thechange in government, the situationchanged, and in 1986, alarmed by theextent of child labour and child pros-titution, then President CorazonAquino declared a Year of theProtection of Filipino ExploitedChildren. A joint government-NGOtask force began an intensive publicadvocacy campaign to explain theproblems and launched programmes

ranging from improved-parentingworkshops to schemes generatingextra income for the family to ad-

dress them.93One of the newest results of the

continuing collaboration is theBreaking Ground project, an ambi-tious undertaking in 66 Filipino com-munities where hazardous childlabour has been identified. The proj-ect enables groups of parents in thecommunities to meet regularly andshare experiences and information onthe extent of child labour. Socialworkers and community organizersalso attend the meetings to explainchild rights issues, particularly childlabour concerns. The project helpsparents gain skills and improve theireconomic opportunities so they canbetter protect their children, throughactivities to generate employment inthe community and programmes foradults to improve literacy and parent-ing skills.

In Brazil, the National Forum forthe Prevention and Elimination of

65

Income-generating schemes are urgently

needed to enable poor families trapped in

debt to find new solutions and empower their

lives. Children, such as this young boy

breaking stones in Peru, have a right to

develop to their full potential.

63

Panel 13

The private sector:Part of the solution

1/4

Insistent public pressure can be a pow-erful catalyst for positive socialchange. In response to growing pub-

lic concern over the worst abuses ofchild labour, a number of public-minded enterprises have seized the ini-tiative, taking steps to 'put somethingback' into communities where they dobusiness. While still in a minority, thesefirms have demonstrated that the rela-tionship between the private sector andactivists fighting child labour need notbe adversarial that constructive co-operation, even partnership, can some-times serve the 'best interests' ofworking children. Raising standards ofemployment and working conditionsalso serves to create a more efficient,stable and better-trained workforce.

The controversy over child labour inthe Bangladesh garment industry illus-trates just how critical a role the privatesector can play especially in an era ofdeclining foreign aid. Negotiators seek-ing to phase out child labour soon real-ized that the industry would be a criticalpartner on everything from financing

64

school programmes to monitoringcompliance with labour standards.In the words of a UNICEF report: "Thesuccess or failure of the project hingedon their cooperation."

Another discovery was that severalBangladesh companies had alreadyacted on their own. Among them, twogarment factories Oppex andIntersport Ltd. opened schools onfactory grounds for under-age workersand offered stipends to compensatefamilies for the loss of children's wages.

A similar trend is emerging inNepal's carpet industry, where childlabour has been a recurring problem.Some 20 major factories have set upeducational incentives, child-care andother welfare programmes. SamlingCarpet Industries, for example, offersmedical care, day care for their employ-ees' youngest children and a literacyprogramme for school age children.Once literate, those children are sent togovernment schools, and their parentsreceive compensatory 'incentive fees'upon presentation of school reports.

6 6

Potala Carpets, one of the largest facto-ries in the Kathmandu Valley, prefers towork through an NGO, sponsoring30 former child weavers at a schoolrun by the Underprivileged Children'sEducation Programme and the Asian-American Free Labor Institute. Anothercompany, Formation Carpets, is an ac-tive partner with UNICEF in combatingchild labour in the carpet industry. Thecompany turns over at least 1 per centof profits, combined with employeecontributions, to provide its all-adultworkforce with on-site child care, schol-arships for their children, health insur-ance, and literacy classes.

Brazil is home to vigorous cam-paigns against child labour, many ofthem fostered by the National Forum ofPrevention and Eradication of ChildLabour composed of goverment, non-government and multilateral organi-zations. For example, the BrazilianAssociation of Citric Exporters, whichsupplies 80 per cent of the internationalmarket's orange juice, pledged to elimi-nate child labour from its production.

Another initiative is the AbrinqFoundation, a group of nearly 2,000businessmen and toy manufacturersformed in 1990 in the interests of childrights. Abrinq mounted a public aware-ness drive, using the mass media andlobbying large companies and theGovernment to stop buying suppliesproduced with child labour. One re-sult is a recent announcement byVolkswagen, Ford, Mercedes Benz andGeneral Motors that they will severcommercial relations with any firm thatemploys children. Abrinq also awardsa special 'child-friendly' label to compa-nies that prove they do not use childlabour at any stage of production. In theprogramme's first 10 months, 150 com-panies earned Abrinq's stamp of ap-proval. "We didn't expect that, in such ashort time, the companies would notonly agree not to use child labour, but

would also actually pressure theirproviders to do the same," says CaioMagri, coordinator of the certifica-tion programme.

At the multinational level, themany huge corporations mostof them based in industrial coun-tries that use cheap child labouralong the chain of production haveonly recently come under scrutiny.But Levi Strauss, a major garmentmanufacturer with production facili-ties in many developing countries,was looking ahead. In the 1980s, itbecame one of the first multination-als to address the question of socialresponsibility overseas, drawing up'terms of engagement' for businesspartners covering environmental,ethical, health and safety standards

with a clause that bars trade withcompanies employing childrenunder age 14 or below the age ofcompulsory schooling. In one case,Levi Strauss worked out a compro-mise with two Bangladesh suppliersfound employing under-age work-ers. According to the agreement, thechildren were sent to school and paidwages and benefits until they were re-employed at age 14.

Other multinationals have alsodeveloped strategies to improveemployment practices at the locallevel, in some cases asserting theright to cancel, without compensa-tion, consignments in which childlabour has been used.

Employers in the formal sectorhave successful models on which tobase their efforts to eliminate childlabour and shift from being a sourceof the problem to becoming part ofthe solution.

Photo: A girl learns to write using a slatein a village in India.

Child Labour, an initiative sponsoredby UNICEF and ILO that involves theGovernment and NGOs, was estab-lished in 1994. It monitors govern-ment efforts to regulate and superviseconditions in the most grievous childlabour situations, with an emphasis onchildren working in charcoal camps.One state-level forum has beenestablished in Mato Grosso do Sul.And a project for children working incoal mines jointly sponsored byUNICEF and the Colombian Gov-ernment has been replicated with theparticipation of NGOs and state agen-cies in other municipalities wherecoal is produced.11,- The media Reports on childlabour carried in print and electronicmedia often focus on the most ap-palling stories of all. This is under-standable and, indeed, helps togalvanize people into passionate ac-tion. The media can also be invaluablein explaining to the public the widerproblems of child labour and inspreading the word about how indi-vidual initiatives have worked.

A celebrated example is that ofPagsanjan in the Philippines, whichhad by 1985 become a centre forchild prostitution serving Westerntourists. A local community organiza-tion called ROAD (Rural Organizationand Assistance for Development)launched a media campaign, focusingfirst on Australian magazines andtelevision stations. Over the next fouryears, ROAD put the issue on boththe national and the internationalagenda. ROAD's experience is beingused by the National Project onStreet Children in other major cities.The Project continues to advocatemedia involvement in child protec-tion issues. During the first AsianConference on Street Children inManila in May 1989, a nationalmedia advocacy group known asPRESSHOPE was formally launched

67 65

In countries where labourunions are weak or non-existent, collective bargainingbetween workers andemployers can still beeffective, as improvementsin the working conditionsof adults reduce the pressureon children to work.

66

under the auspices of the NationalProject on Street Children.94

The importance of mobilizing themedia is now being widely recog-nized throughout Asia. The AsianSummit on Child Rights and theMedia (Manila, July 1996) involvedministers of information, education,welfare and social development from27 Asian countries, as well as NGOand media representatives. It declaredthat the media covering children's is-sues should address all forms of eco-nomic, commercial and sexual ex-ploitation of children in the regionand should ensure that their own cov-erage does not violate child rights.

In Sri Lanka, where some haz-ardous child labour still persistsdespite a good record in school atten-dance, the Government launched anisland-wide multimedia campaign in1993 against the exploitation of childworkers. The campaign focused par-ticularly on child prostitution andchildren in domestic service. Thecampaign generated over 1,000 re-ports of abuse, compared with only 32cases reported the year before.95

Trade unions The aims of theInternational Confederation of FreeTrade Unions (ICFTU) are the pro-motion of the ILO Convention onMinimum Age for Employment andthe adoption of multilateral and uni-lateral legal instruments to stop tradein goods produced by children.96

The European Trade Union Com-mittee: Textiles, Clothing and Leatherlaunched a campaign in 1994 to endchild labour, and in 1995 the GermanTextile and Clothes Union followedsuit. In February 1996, the ItalianCommittee for UNICEF, in cooper-ation with ILO and the Italian Min-istry of Labour, launched the LabourProject, a fund- and awareness-rais-ing campaign, with broad social sup-port including that of trade unionsand corporations. Over 15 million

68

workers were asked to donate onehour's wages from the extra day in theyear, 29 February, to help support pro-jects benefiting children in

Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan. InFinland, a similar leap-year' cam-paign was launched.

In countries where labour unionsare weak or non-existent, collectivebargaining between workers and em-ployers can still be effective, asimprovements in the working condi-tions of adults reduce the pressureon children to work. Furthermore,collective bargaining can also servethe interests of working children inmatters such as remuneration.I.- Employers Employers' associa-tions are often neglected when itcomes to building a broad allianceagainst exploitative child labour. Theycan be a valuable conduit for bringinginfluence to bear upon individual em-ployers or sections of industry.

The Federation of Kenyan Em-ployers, like several counterparts inother countries, implemented a pro-gramme to raise awareness among itsmembers about the acceptable limitsof child labour. It set up a plan of ac-tion to prevent and eliminate childlabour among its members and to reg-ulate working conditions, requestingmembers to withdraw all childrenfrom night work.97

UNICEF's own experience in

working with the private sector hasshown that corporations can be recep-tive to change. One initiative to whichUNICEF is a major contributor is theMemorandum of Understanding con-cluded with employers in Bangla-desh's garment industry (Panel 12).

Children Their role is large andgrowing, both in scale and influence.The story of one child, Iqbal Masih,seized the imagination and con-science of people around the world.At a very young age this Pakistani boywas given into bondage to a carpet

maker. After several years of longhours and exploitative conditions, hemanaged one day to free himself andbecome part of a campaign to liberateother children. He spoke out againstchild labour from his own unique per-spective, inspiring adults and childrenalike around the world.98

A 13-year-old Canadian, CraigKeilburger, has had a comparable im-pact on the North American media.When still in primary school, he setup an international organizationcalled Free the Children, one ofwhose creative demands is that com-panies release children from work andhire an unemployed adult familymember instead.

Working closely with the SouthAsian Coalition on Child Servitude,Craig Keilburger and Free theChildren are now raising funds for arehabilitation/education/vocationalcentre for freed bonded child labour-ers from carpet and glass factories inIndia's Uttar Pradesh state.99

Workshops and conferences in

which child workers gather to ex-change experiences are increasinglycommon. This is a welcome develop-ment, as article 15 of the Conventionstipulates: "States Parties recognizethe rights of the child to freedom of as-sociation." At their 1995 meeting inBamako, working children from nineWest African countries produced theirown newspaper. Its editorial was writ-ten by Romaine Dieng, a domestic ser-vant from Senegal: "The fight toobtain acceptable status in all ourcountries must continue. The lessonsdrawn from our various meetings are areflection of [our determination]. Withthe daily worsening situation producedby structural adjustment and rapidlyexpanding poverty, self-employment[by young people] can provide a futureif, and only if, it is combined with afight for the defence of their rights bythe individuals concerned."100

Children have the right to free-dom of association, and they are ex-ercising it. Child labourers havealso formed their own organizationsin the Philippines, aimed at sharingexperiences, training themselves inadvocacy and communicating withother child workers and the widercommunity through communitytheatre. In Olongapo City, childrenhave formed their own separate as-sociations for news vendors, bagsellers, scavengers, pushcart opera-tors and bus washers. The associa-tions also cooperate to run leadershipseminars and take part in sports andrecreation and in tree planting. Thegroups are run on democratic lines,with secret ballots at their twice-yearly meetings.

In January 1996, hundreds of chil-dren, some of them freed bondedlabourers, demonstrated in front of theIndian Labour Ministry in New Delhito demand the eradication of childservitude.101 A month later, in a his-toric scene, 40 freed bonded labourersfrom India and Nepal, together with25 South Asian child rights activists,marched from Calcutta to Kathmandu,holding public meetings along theroute. The week-long journey endedwith a large rally in Kathmandu,where they called for a mass move-ment aimed at the total elimination ofchild labour and free, compulsory,high-quality education for all childrenup to 14 years of age.'°2

CorpovarReresponsObintyThe accelerating impact of a liberal-ized international economy, led bytransnational corporations, makes itsown contribution to the problem ofexploitative child labour.

In the global economy, many cor-porations locate their factories andplantations in countries with the

69

Workshops and conferencesin which child workers gatherto exchange experiences areincreasingly common. This isa welcome development, asarticle 15 of the Conventionstipulates: "States Partiesrecognize the rights of thechild to freedom ofassociation."

67

Panel 14

Rugmark: Helping to keep children off the looms

r

The Rugmark label, which pic-tures a smiling face on a carpet,has become the trademark for a

promising new initiative to identifyand promote products made with-out illegal child labour. Chartered in1994 in India and recently extended toNepal, the independent RugmarkFoundation provides a voluntary certi-fication programme for carpet ex-porters. Rugmark awards licencesand the right to use its distinctive 'smil-ing carpet' logo to carpet exporterswho submit to a monitoring systemthat includes surprise inspections andcross-checking of export records andlooms.

In addition to its monitoring and la-belling activities, Rugmark is involved inchildren's education and rehabilitation.The first Rugmark school was openedin Bhadohi (India) in August 1996. A re-habilitation centre in Mirzapur wasscheduled to open in October, modelledon the Mukti Ashram Rehabilitation pro-ject, run by the South Asian Coalition onChild Servitude (SACCS).

According to non-governmental or-

68

ganizations (NGOs) working in the car-pet sector of Mirzapur-Bhadohi in India,the value of export earnings of thehand-knotted carpet industry in Indiahas grown tenfold between 1979 and1993. At the same time, they claim thatthe number of children working at thelooms increased from 100,000 in 1975to 300,000 in 1990. Another study, forthe International Labour Organization(ILO), put the total at 420,000. Alarmedby the situation, as well as the possiblethreat to the carpet industry from exter-nal boycotts, a grass-roots movementof like-minded NGOs, under the direc-tion of Kailash Satyarthi, organized in1989 to form SACCS. In 1991, a UnitedNations Human Rights Commission re-port recommended that "products suchas carpets whose manufacture is liableto involve child labour should bear aspecial mark guaranteeing that theyhave not been produced by children,"giving a boost to the efforts of SACCS.Consumer groups, carpet manufactur-ers and international organizationsjoined together, with support fromUNICEF and from the German Agency

70

for Technical Cooperation (GTZ). The re-sult was Rugmark.

In the first 20 months of operation,Rugmark-India issued licences to morethan 100 exporters operating 13,000looms, while well over 270,000 carpetswere certified, labelled and put on themarket. Most of these were exportedto Germany, the world's largest im-porter of oriental carpets, and todayapproximately one third of all carpetsimported into Germany from Indiabear the Rugmark label. Meanwhile, agrowing number of importers in othercountries, including Canada, theNetherlands, Switzerland and theUnited States, are asking suppliers forRugmark-labelled carpets.

In the first year, spot checks by inde-pendent Rugmark inspectors found 760children working illegally on 408 loomslicensed by Rugmark. As of September1996, 164 looms were decertified; mostof the others were able to pass subse-quent inspections. Further, according toSatish Sondhi, Executive Director ofRugmark-India, a number of newlylicensed exporters have started inspec-tions of their own. The Indian Govern-ment has also set up an inspection andcertification system for the carpet indus-try known as Kaleen.

Importers of Rugmark carpetsagree to contribute 1 per cent of themarket value of carpets imported to-wards schools and training pro-grammes. The exporters also pay afee 0.25 per cent of the value of theircarpets which goes towards financ-ing inspections. With these funds, it isprojected that by 1998 Rugmark willpay for itself.

Rugmark operations have not beenfree of problems or critics. Evenstrong supporters concede that surprisefactory checks are not foolproof. Thereis a potential for corruption, along withthe difficulty of inspecting 13,000 looms,

in what is essentially a decentralizedcottage industry. In addition, there isa pressing need to ensure that chil-dren identified by inspectors areplaced in educational programmesand do not return to the looms.

To meet the challenges, Rug-mark has put together a team of adozen independent and competentinspectors, with checks and bal-ances to minimize the possibilityof corruption. In addition, eachRugmark- labelled carpet has itsown number, identifying the loomand exporter. The Rugmark labelsare prepared individually, corre-sponding to the purchase order ofthe carpet. The network of controlsis, therefore, highly organized andadvocates say that so far not onefalsely labelled carpet has beenidentified by critics.

When Rugmark-Nepal begins itsoperation, it will be two-pronged,focusing on inspecting looms, aswell as on ensuring that children re-leased from the looms are placedimmediately in schools and not leftto fend for themselves in risky situ-ations. As of September 1996, 30large manufacturers, representing70 per cent of Nepal's carpet ex-ports, have committed to obtain-ing Rugmark licences.

Christian Salazar-Volkmann ofthe German Committee for UNICEFbelieves Rugmark's initiative is oneway of reviving consumer interest."What has happened is a turn-around," he says. "Now they areseeing Rugmark as a marketing op-portunity."

Photo: Rugmark Foundation is soon to

begin operations in Nepal. These two girls

work on a loom at a Kathmandu carpet

factory.

cheapest labour or the weakest tradeunions. Some avoid even owningfactories or plantations, subcon-tracting production to local enter-prises or workshops.

All workers, communities andcountries have effectively becomecompetitors for the favours of transna-tional corporations. Efforts by na-tional governments or workers toimprove pay and conditions, or to re-strict a foreign corporation's activi-ties, may prompt the corporation tosimply move elsewhere.

An example from South Africa il-lustrates the point. Encouraged by theelection of Nelson Mandela's Gov-ernment, the black women whoworked in a Taiwanese-owned sweaterfactory asked for improved wages andthe right to join a union. The com-pany's response was to close down allseven of its South African factories,putting 1,000 people out of work.The wages they had to pay in SouthAfrica may have been low, but theywere higher than those in China orThailand.103

The worldwide drive for competi-tiveness draws children into the work-force. In India, which has only inrecent years opened up fully to theglobal economy, international compe-tition has already led some sectors ofindustry to seek an advantage by re-cruiting cheap child labour chil-dren's wages in Indian industry areless than half those of adults for thesame output. Increases in child labourare reported in sericulture, fish pro-cessing, food processing and the ge-netic engineering of seeds.104

Corporate behaviour is best influ-enced at the international level. Afierce debate currently rages overwhether a social clause should be in-cluded in the rules of the WorldTrade Organization and in regionaltrading agreements. Such a clausewould lay down minimum standards

71

All workers, communitiesand countries have effectivelybecome competitors for thefavours of transnationalcorporations.

69

It is time morality prevailed.As we step into the nextmillennium, hazardous childlabour must be left behind,consigned to history ascompletely as those otherforms of slavery that it soclosely resembles.

70

of corporate behaviour as a conditionof doing business globally. And itwould include prohibitions on usingchild labour.

Developing countries, especiallythose in Asia and Latin America, havedismissed the social clause as dis-guised protectionism. Their main ar-gument has been that wage levels andsocial protection depend on eachcountry's level of development andthat a social clause would stifle thedevelopment of low-wage countriesby depriving them of their main com-parative advantage in internationaltrade. Many employers in industrial-ized countries together with someEuropean governments also rejectthe social clause. France and the USare strongly in favour.

Religious, consumer, environmen-tal and human rights groups are tak-ing more direct measures to influencetransnationals, pressuring them toadopt, for themselves and their sub-contractors, codes of conduct for op-erations in poorer countries.

The Interfaith Center on CorporateResponsibility (ICCR), for example,has been campaigning for 25 years infavour of corporate accountability. Inrecent years, ICCR members filedshareholder resolutions with a rangeof companies, including well-knownclothing and shoe manufacturers,calling on them to adopt or amendcodes of conduct for themselves andtheir suppliers. Several provisions areessential for effective company codes,according to ICCR. They shouldspecifically prohibit child labour andcontain provisions on freedom of as-sociation, sustainable wage and com-pliance and monitoring.

Some corporations have alreadyadopted codes, guaranteeing that nei-ther they nor their subcontractors willemploy children in conditions that vi-olate national laws or that adverselyaffect children's rights, development

72

or education (Panel 13). In 1992, forexample, Levi Strauss found that twoof its Bangladeshi contractors em-ployed children under the age of 14.This was legal in Bangladesh butcontravened the company's ownguidelines. They arranged for thechildren concerned to be paid whilethey attended school, and promisedthem jobs when they turned 14.1°5Another example is the codeadopted by the British retailer C&A,which states: "Exploitation of childlabour or the exploitation of anyother vulnerable group for exam-ple, illegal immigrants is ab-solutely unacceptable.',I06

In another case, the retail clothinggiant Gap came under considerablepublic pressure in the US when thefact emerged that girls as young as 13were making garments for the com-pany, working up to 70 hours a weekin dismal El Salvador sweatshops,and being paid less than $0.60 anhour. Gap agreed to insist that its localcontractors respect basic workers'rights and to allow independent moni-toring of its own code of conduct.1°7The Independent Monitoring WorkingGroup, formed in January 1996 byICCR, Business for Social Respon-sibility and the US-based NationalLabor Committee, is responsible forcoordinating the monitoring of Gapsuppliers and recruited four respectedreligious, labour and human rightsgroups in El Salvador to conduct fac-tory checks.1°8

Successes like these have led tocloser scrutiny of clothing, footwearand toy corporations that have shifteda great deal of their production over-seas. The challenge now is to extendthis notion of corporate responsibilityfor child labour and the campaign-ing that can bring it about to na-tional companies. The Abrinq Foun-dation for the Rights of Children inBrazil is one organization financed

by the private sector that is alreadyhard at work on this. Abrinq has re-ceived considerable media attentionfor its accusation that giant interna-tional automobile makers used char-coal produced by a particularlyhazardous form of child labour. Butthe Foundation also keeps watch ondomestic companies, and its child-friendly company programme callspositive attention to Brazilian busi-nesses that do not employ childrenand that support child-developmentactivities (Panel 13).1°9

All companies even those thatdo not hire or exploit children canbe harmed by the negative publicityand global criticism associated withhazardous child labour practices.Clearly, it is in the interests of allcompanies to lend their weight to themovement to abolish child labour.

A break with the pas2Growing children are eager to learnabout the world about its mechan-ics and its wonders, its customs andits rules. They soak up informationwith miraculous ease, as if knowledgeitself were fuelling their development,learning from the world around them,from school, from play, from parents,from teachers, from other childrenand sometimes also from work.

What kind of learning, however, isa child to derive from work in domes-tic service, labouring in isolation fromfamily and community? What newmental horizons are opened by theworking experience of a child sold

into bonded labour? What terrifyinglessons is a child prostitute required tolearn every day? These most unrelent-ing, punishing forms of child labourviolate most of the rights in theConvention on the Rights of the Childand the basic humanity of all of us.

The same grotesque skewing ofpriorities that leaves so many childrenwithout adequate nutrition, immu-nization and health care also leads tochildren being exploited and damagedby work. Those priorities must nowchange: the world's governmentshave recognized children's absoluteright to unfettered physical, social andemotional development and must beheld to their word. As this report hasrepeatedly stated, basic primary edu-cation for all children is a keystone ofthese rights, and in some ways a con-dition for the exercise of other rights.

Child labour is so emotive an issueprecisely because it brings peopleface to face with the human conse-quences of a world that is becomingever more unequal. The emotion itprovokes must fuel a charge againstthe unrelenting oppression and mal-treatment of girls, the denial of educa-tion to 140 million of the world'schildren, and the economic systemthat demands that the poorest musttighten their belts to pay off debts in-curred by a previous generation.

It is time morality prevailed. As westep into the next millennium, haz-ardous child labour must be leftbehind, consigned to history as com-pletely as those other forms of slaverythat it so closely resembles.

73

The most important action is prevention:

ensuring that today's children, like this

Vietnamese boy, and future generations of

children are not driven into hazardous labour.

71

Ending child labour:The next steps

Hazardous and exploitative child labour violates child rights as enshrined in the Convention

on the Rights of the Child. Immediate action to eliminate such labour must be guided by

the best interests of the child. Concern for the well-being of families whose survival may

depend upon the earnings of their children must include efforts to expand job opportunities for adults.

Since the causes of child labour are complex and include poverty, economic exploitation, social

values and cultural circumstances, solutions must be comprehensive and must involve the widest pos-

sible range of partners in each society.

Some specific actions that are urgently needed are as follows:

1. Immediate elimination ofhazardous and exploitativechild labourHazardous and exploitative forms of child

labour, including bonded labour,

commercial sexual exploitation and work

that hampers the child's physical, social,

cognitive, emotional or moral development,

must not be tolerated, and governments

must take immediate steps to end them.

7472

2. Provision of freeand compulsory educationGovernments must fulfil their responsibilityto make relevant primary education freeand compulsory for all children (article 28of the Convention) and ensure that allchildren attend primary school on afull-time basis until completion.Governments must budget the necessaryresources for this purpose, with donorsensuring adequate resources from existingdevelopment aid budgets.

3. Wider legal protectionLaws on child labour and education shouldbe consistent in purpose and implementedin a mutually supportive way. Nationalchild labour laws must accord with both thespirit and letter of the Convention and withrelevant ILO conventions. Such legislationmust encompass the vast majority of childwork in the informal sector of the economy,including work on the streets and farms,domestic work or work within the child'sown household.

4. Birth registrationof all childrenAll children should be registered at birth(article 7 of the Convention). Registrationis essential to permit the exercise of thechild's rights, such as access to education,health care and other services, as well as toprovide employers and labour inspectorswith evidence of every child's age.

5. Data collectionand monitoringData on child labour are scarce. Nationaland international systems must be put inplace to gather and analyse globallycomparable data on child labour, if theproblem is to be addressed effectively.Special attention must be paid to theforgotten or 'invisible' areas of childlabour, such as within the home, on thefamily farm or in domestic service.Monitoring by communities themselves isimportant, and working children shouldactively participate in assessing theirsituations and in proposing ways toimprove their conditions.

6. Codes of conductand procurement policiesNational and international corporations areurged to adopt codes of conductguaranteeing that neither they nor theirsubcontractors will employ children inconditions that violate their rights.Procurement policies must be developed totake into account the best interests of thechild and include measures to protect thoseinterests. UNICEF reaffirms itscommitment to its own procurement policy,through which it undertakes not to buyfrom any supplier that exploits children.

7573

References

Chapter I: The Convention on theRights of the Child

1 UNICEF, The Progress of Nations 1996,UNICEF, New York, 1996, pp. 38-40.

2 UNICEF, The State of the World'sChildren 1996, UNICEF, New York, 1995,p. 10; and UNICEF, The Progress ofNations 1996, p. 23.

3 UNDP, Human Development Report1996, UNDP, New York, 1996, p. 12.

4 UNICEF, The 20/20 Initiative: Achievinguniversal access to basic socialservices for sustainable humandevelopment, A note prepared jointlyby UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNICEFand WHO, UNICEF, New York, 1994, p. 5.

5 UNDP, Human Development Report1994, UNDP, New York, 1994, p. 50.

Chapter II: Children at risk: Endinghazardous and exploitative childlabour

1 Lee-Wright, Peter, Child Slaves,Earthscan, London, 1990, p. 40.

2 'Child Labour in Britain', report to theInternational Working Group on ChildLabour, September 1995, p. 34.

3 ILO, World Labour Report 1992, ILO,Geneva, 1992, p. 14.

4 Pollack, S. H., et al., 'The HealthHazards of Agricultural Child Labor', inMigrant Health: Clinical supplement,May-June 1990, cited in A. Bequeleand W. E. Myers, First Things First inChild Labour: Eliminating workdetrimental to children, UNICEF/ILO,Geneva, 1995, p. 4.

5 Draft Declaration, Meeting ofMinisters of Labour of the Non-Aligned Movement and OtherDeveloping Countries, New Delhi, 23January 1996.

6 US Bureau of International LaborAffairs, By the Sweat and Toil ofChildren: The use of child labor in USmanufactured and mined imports, Vol.1, US Department of Labor,Washington, D.C., 1994, p. 2.

7 Carriere, Rolf, 'In the Child's BestInterest: Planning for andprogressively eliminating child labour',unpublished presentation, Feb. 1996,P. 3.

74

8 Heissler, Karin, 'Child Labour in ExportGarment Manufacturing: Towards anunderstanding of the industry,implications for development andinterventions for children', unpublishedmanuscript, 19 Dec. 1995, p. 64.

9 UNICEF, 'Exploitation of workingchildren and street children',Executive Board document E/ICEF/1986/CRP.3, 14 March 1986, pp. 3-4.

10 Bequele, A., and W. E. Myers, Firstthings first in child labour: Eliminatingwork detrimental to children,UNICEF/ILO, Geneva, 1995, pp. 6-7.

11 Statement by Dr. Mark Belsey, WHO,cited in Annie Allsebrook and AnthonySwift, Broken Promise, Hodder andStoughton, London, 1989, p. 91.

12 Bequele and Myers, op. cit., pp. 13-14.

13 Bequele, Assefa, and Jo Boyden,Combating Child Labour, ILO, Geneva,1988, p. 10.

14 Ibid.

15 ILO Minimum Age Convention, 1973(No. 138).

16 ILO, press materials issued with'Child Labour: What is to be done?',document for discussion at theInformal Tripartite Meeting at theMinisterial Level, Geneva, 12 June 1996.

17 ILO/IPEC, press release for ChildLabour Surveys: Results ofmethodological experiments in fourcountries 1992-93, ILO, Geneva, 4April 1996.

18 Report of the ILO Governing Body, 265thSession, Geneva, March 1996, p. 4.

19 ILO, World Labour Report 1992, p. 13.

20 United Nations Economic Commissionfor Latin America and the Caribbean,Social Panorama of Latin America,ECLAC, Santiago (Chile), 1995,pp. 54-55.

21 Ibid., p. 38.

22 Burra, Neera, Born to Work: Childlabour in India, Oxford UniversityPress, Delhi, 1995, pp. 228-229.

23 Zimbabwe Government report, cited inILO, Towards Action Against ChildLabour in Zimbabwe, ILO, Geneva,1992, p. 53.

24 UNDP, Human Development Report1996, UNDP, p. 72.

76

25 Ahmed, Manzoor, and Mary Joy Pigozzi,'The power of education', unpublishedmanuscript, 15 July 1996, p. 4.

26 World Bank, Priorities and Strategiesfor Education: A World Bank review,World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1995,p. 41.

27 Institute Nacional de Educag5o ePesquisa, Brasilia, 1994.

28 Weiner, Myron, The Child and theState in India, Princeton UniversityPress, Princeton, 1991, pp. 5-6.

29 Minnesota Lawyers InternationalHuman Rights Committee, 'Restavek:Child labour in Haiti', case report,Minneapolis, 1990, quoted by BillSalter in an unpublished researchpaper for ILO on domestic service, pp.30, 35, 46.

30 Salter, op. cit., pp. 12-14.

31 Ibid., p. 23.

32 Chaney, Elsa M., and Mary GarciaCastro (eds.), Muchachas No More:Household workers in Latin Americaand the Caribbean, Temple UniversityPress, Philadelphia, 1989, cited inSalter, op. cit., p. 43.

33 Salter, op. cit., p. 44.

34 Comlan, Elvire, 'Le Travail des enfantsen Republique populaire du Benin; lecas des filles vidomegon de Cotonou',unpublished thesis, NationalUniversity of Benin, 1987, quoted inSalter, op. cit., p. 52.

35 Salter, op. cit., p. 54.

36 Ibid., p. 53.

37 Black, Maggie, 'Research methodsrelating to child domestic workers',summary report of the Anti-SlaveryInternational Seminar held at CharneyManor, Oxfordshire (UK), 22-24 January1996.

38 Salter, op. cit., pp. 80-81.

39 Burra, op. cit., p. 21.

40 Sutton, Alison, Slavery in Brazil: A linkin the chain of modernisation, Anti-Slavery International, London, 1994,p. 70.

41 Ibid., p. 29.

42 Jacobs, Charles, and Mohamed Athie,'Bought and Sold', The New YorkTimes, 13 July 1994.

43 Gupta, M., 'Child Labour in HazardousWork in India: Situation and policyexperience', unpublished study forILO, 1989, quoted in Bequele andMyers, op. cit., p. 8.

44 Weiner, Myron, Foreword, in Burra, op.cit., pp. x-xi.

45 ILO, Towards Action Against ChildLabour in Zimbabwe, pp. 46-47.

46 'Child Workers in the Tobacco Industry,Indonesia', in Child Workers in Asia,Vol. 7, No. 1, Jan.-Mar. 1991, p. 15.

47 'Child Workers in the Tea Industry inNepal', in Child Workers in Asia,pp. 3-4.

48 'Child Labour in the Agricultural Sectorin Thailand: A case study of childworkers in the sugar cane and therubber plantation', in Child Workers inAsia, p. 10.

49 Testimony presented by a Honduranworker to a US Congressionalcommittee, as cited in Bob Herbert,'Leslie Fay's Logic', The New YorkTimes, 19 June 1994.

50 Serrill, Michael S., 'Unholy Confession:A cop on trial for a massacre of streetchildren stuns Brazil by admitting anappalling crime', Time, 13 May 1996,p. 33.

51 Rosario, A., 'Ragpicking andragpickers' education anddevelopment scheme in BangaloreCity', in Prevention and protection ofworking children and abandonedchildren, country reports and casestudies, Second Asian RegionalConference on Child Abuse andNeglect, Bangkok, 8-13 February 1988,cited in Bequele and Myers, op. cit, p. 3.

52 Swift, Anthony, 'Scared of our ownkids', The New Internationalist, No.276, February 1996, pp. 14-16.

53 Johnson, Victoria, Joanna Hill andEdda Ivan-Smith, Listening to SmallerVoices: Children in an environment ofchange, ActionAid, London, 1995, p. 77.

54 Salazar, Maria Cristina, and WalterAlarcon Glasinovich, Better Schools,Less Child Work: Child work andeducation in Brazil, Colombia,Ecuador, Guatemala and Peru,Innocenti Essays VII, UNICEFInternational Child DevelopmentCentre, Florence, 1996.

55 Burra, op. cit., 211.

56 Salazar and Alarcon Glasinovich, op.cit., p. 19.

57 UNICEF, The Progress of Nations 1996,p. 30.

58 UNICEF, The State of the World'sChildren 1996, p. 86.

59 Boyden, Jo, The Relationship betweenEducation and Child Work, InnocentiOccasional Papers, Child Rights SeriesNo. 9, UNICEF International ChildDevelopment Centre, Florence, 1994,p. 21.

60 'World Declaration on the Survival,Protection and Development ofChildren', para. 15, as cited in UNICEF,The State of the World's Children 1991,UNICEF, New York, 1990, p. 54.

61 Ibid., para. 19, p. 55.

62 Ibid., para. 20, item 7, p. 56.

63 'Plan of Action for implementing theWorld Declaration on the Survival,Protection and Development ofChildren in the 1990s', para. 23, ascited in UNICEF, The State of theWorld's Children 1991, op. cit., 1990,p. 66.

64 UNICEF data and UNESCO, Trends andProjections of Enrolment by Level ofEducation, by Age and by Sex, 1960-2025 (as assessed in 1993), UNESCO,

Paris, 1993.

65 ILO, 'Child Labour: What is to bedone?', p. 23.

66 Concerned for Working Children,'Education: Views of the workingchildren', report based on discussionsheld during the Appropriate EducationWorkshop held in Namma Bh000mi,Gramashrama (India), April 1995.

67 Mehrotra, Santosh, 'Health andEducation Policies in the High-Achieving Countries: Some lessons', inSantosh Mehrotra and Richard Jolly(eds.), Development with a HumanFace, draft, to be published by OxfordUniversity Press, p. 43.

68 Ahmed, Manzoor, et al., PrimaryEducation for All: Learning from theBRAC experience, Academy forEducational Development,Washington, D.C., 1993, p. 41.

69 Mehrotra, op. cit., pp. 37-38.

77

70 World Bank, World Debt Tables 1996:External finance for developingcountries, Vol. 1, Analysis andSummary Tables, World Bank,Washington, D.C., 1996, p. 216.

71 'Funding: Counting the Cost ofEducation for All', in Education for All:Achieving the Goal, press kit for theMid-Decade Meeting of theInternational Consultative Forum onEducation for All, Amman, 16-19 June1996, UNESCO, Paris, May 1996.

72 World Bank, Priorities and Strategiesfor Education: A World Bank Review,op. cit., p. 153.

73 UNESCO, World Education Report1995, UNESCO, Paris, 1995, p. 109.

74 Jolly, Richard, concluding statement atthe Mid-decade Meeting of theInternational Consultative Forum onEducation for All, Amman, 16-19 June1996, pp. 5-6.

75 Education for All: Achieving the Goal,statistical document for the Mid-Decade Meeting of the InternationilConsultative Forum on Education forAll, Amman, 16-19 June 1996, pp. 30-33.

76 World Bank, Priorities and Strategiesfor Education: A World Bank Review,op: cit., p. 23.

77 Haq, Mahbub ul, 'If people sleep onpavements, should ministers shop formodern jets?', The Times of India, NewDelhi, 28 March 1996, p. 11.

78 UNICEF, The 20/20 Initiative: Achievinguniversal access to basic socialservices for sustainable humandevelopment; and UNDP, HumanDevelopment Report 1994, p. 48.

79 A Letter from the Street, liaison andsupport bulletin for working childrenand shanty town children produced byENDA-Tiers Monde (Dakar), No. 14,February 1996, p. 4.

80 Bequele and Myers, op. cit., p.138.

81 Ahmed, Manzoor, et al., op cit.,pp. xii-xiii, 75.

82 Lewnes, Alexia, 'Learning to dream atProjeto Axe', First Call for Children,April/June 1994, p. 3.

83 UNICEF, 'Challenges andOpportunities: Basic education for allin Pakistan', report of a UN Inter-agency Mission on Basic Education,1995, as cited in Ahmed and Pigozzi,op. cit., p. 9.

75

76

84 Bequele and Boyden, op. cit., pp. 179-

181.

85 Boyden, Jo, and William Myers,Exploring Alternative Approaches toCombating Child Labour: Case studiesfrom developing countries, InnocentiOccasional Papers, Child Rights SeriesNo. 8, UNICEF International ChildDevelopment Centre, Florence, 1995,

p. 20.

86 Ibid., pp. 22-23.

87 Ibid., pp. 23-24.

88 Report of the World Summit for SocialDevelopment, Copenhagen, 6-12March 1995 (A/CONF.166/9, 19 April

1995).

89 Ali, Shan, 'Eliminating poverty',The New Internationalist, No. 274,December 1995, p. 5.

90 Elimination of Child Labour in NorthArcot, Ambedkar District in TamilNadu, undated manuscript fromUNICEF, New Delhi.

91 UNICEF, Profiles in Success: People'sprogress in Africa, Asia and LatinAmerica, UNICEF, New York, 1995,

pp. 12, 15-16.

92 'Meeting on child labour held', TheStatesman (Calcutta), 1 March 1996, p.3; and interview with Kailash Satyarthi,Chair of SACCS, 30 March 1996.

93 Boyden and Myers, op. cit., p. 15.

94 Rialp, Victoria, Children andHazardous Work in the Philippines,ILO, Geneva, 1993, pp. 28-34.

95 Statement for the International Textile,Garment and Leather Workers'Federation; Textile Workers AsianRegional Organization and FriedrichEbert Stiftung Foundation, RegionalWorkshop on Child Labour in SouthAsia, Kathmandu, 26-30 Sept. 1994,

p. 11.

96 'Workers campaign', Children andWork, ILO/IPEC, June 1995, p. 5.

97 ILO/IPEC, Implementation Report:Review of IPEC experience 1992-95,ILO/IPEC, Geneva, Oct. 1995, pp. 29-30.

98 Interview with Muhammad Mushtaq ofInsan Foundation, Lahore, 22 March1996.

78

99 Canadian International DevelopmentAgency, 'Canada supports program toend child labour', news release,13 Feb. 1996; Jeff Sallot, 'Canadatargets overseas child sex', Globe andMail, 4 April 1996; Rosemary Speirs,'Trading carefully on a child labourpolicy', Toronto Star, 15 Feb. 1996;Carol Goar, 'Teenager's child labourplea hailed in US', Toronto Star, 30April 1996, p. A14.

100 A Letter from the Street, p. 1.

101 'Hundreds of freed bonded childrendemonstrate', The Asian Age,2 Jan.1996; Chakrabarti, Ashis, 'Freedchild labourers plan march to Nepal',Indian Express, 1 March 1996.

102 'Plea to put an end to child labour',The Rising Nepal (Kathmandu),7 March 1996; 'A march to break theshackles', The Pioneer (New Delhi),15 March 1996.

103 Konen, David C., When CorporationsRule the World, Kumarian Press/Berrett-Koehler, West Hartford/SanFrancisco, 1995, pp. 230-231.

104 Burra, op. cit., p. 253.

105 Nichols, Martha, 'Third WorldFamilies at Work: Child labor or childcare?' Harvard Business Review,Jan.-Feb. 1993, p. 16.

106 'The Business of Child Labour', Anti-Slavery Reporter, July 1996.

107 Cavanagh, John, and Robin Broad,'Global Reach: Workers fight themultinationals', The Nation,18 March1996, p. 22.

108 Schilling, David M., testimony at theInternational Child Labor PublicHearing, US Department of Labor,Washington, DC, 28 June 1996.

109 'Omen lucre como trabalho infantil', inAtengeo, published by the AbrinqFoundation for the Rights of Children,Sao Paulo, Dec. 1995/Jan. 1996; andopen letters from Abrinq to allgovernment departments, to the Chairof the Brazilian Association ofExporters of Citrus Fruits and to theChair of the National Association ofManufacturers of AutomotiveVehicles, 23 Jan. 1996.

Chapter m

Statistical tables

Economic and social statistics on the nations of the world, withparticular reference to children's well-being.

GENERAL NOTE ON THE DATA PAGE 78

EXPLANATION OF SYMBOLS PAGE 78

INDEX TO COUNTRIES PAGE 79

COUNTRY GROUPINGS FOR TABLE 10 PAGE 100

DEFINITIONS PAGE 102

MAIN SOURCES PAGE 103

GLOSSARY PAGE 107

Tables1 BASIC INDICATORS PAGE 80

2 NUTRITION PAGE 82

3 HEALTH PAGE 84

4 EDUCATION PAGE 86

5 DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS PAGE 88

6 ECONOMIC INDICATORS PAGE 90

7 WOMEN PAGE 92

8 BASIC INDICATORS ON LESS POPULOUS COUNTRIES PAGE 94

9 THE RATE OF PROGRESS PAGE 96

10 REGIONAL SUMMARIES PAGE 98

7977

General noteon the data

Explanation ofsymbols

78

The data provided in these tables are accom-

panied by definitions, sources, and explana-

tions of symbols. Tables derived from so many

sources 13 major sources are listed in the ex-

planatory material will inevitably cover a

wide range of data quality. Official government

data received by the responsible UnitedNations agency have been used whenever

possible. In the many cases where there are no

reliable official figures, estimates made by the

responsible United Nations agency have been

used. Where such internationally standardized

estimates do not exist, the tables draw on

other sources, particularly data received from

the appropriate UNICEF field office. Where

possible, only comprehensive or representa-

tive national data have been used.

Data quality is likely to be adversely af-

fected for countries that have recently suf-

fered from man-made or natural disasters.

This is particularly so where basic country in-

frastructure has been fragmented or major

population movements have occurred.

Data for life expectancy, crude birth and

death rates, infant mortality rates, etc. are part

of the regular work on estimates and projec-

tions undertaken by the United Nations Popu-

lation Division. These and other internationally

Since the aim of this statistics chapter is to

provide a broad picture of the situation of

children and women worldwide, detailed data

qualifications and footnotes are seen as more

appropriate for inclusion elsewhere. Only two

symbols are used in the tables.

produced estimates are revised periodically,

which explains why some of the data will dif-

fer from those found in earlier UNICEF publica-

tions.

The statistical tables in the present report

include a substantial amount of new data, par-

ticularly for ORT use and maternal mortality. In

addition, a new indicator, the percentage of

households consuming iodized salt, has been

included in table 2.

The ORT data reflect UNICEF and WHO

support for the development of timely, reliable

national estimates. While there are still many

data gaps, ORT figures are reported for coun-

tries covering almost 90% of the world'sunder-five population.

The maternal mortality data represent a

major first step in deriving more consistent

estimates. Data used in past reports lacked

consistency, both in adjustments to national

data for biases, and for country estimates

where no national coverage data were avail-

able. The present estimates result from a dual

approach by UNICEF and WHO, where na-

tional data are adjusted for misclassification

and underreporting, and a consistent approach

used to predict values for countries lacking

reliable national data.

Data not available.

x Indicates data that refer to years or

periods other than those specified in

the column heading, differ from the

standard definition, or refer to only part

of a country.

Note: Child mortality estimates for individual countries are primarily de-rived from data reported by the United Nations Population Division. Insome cases, these estimates may differ from the latest national figures. Ingeneral, data released during approximately the last year are not incorpo-rated in these estimates.

so

Index to countries In the following tables, countries

are ranked in descending order

of their estimated 1995 under-

five mortality rate. The reference

numbers indicating that rank are

given in the alphabetical list of

countries below.

Afghanistan

Albania

Algeria

Angola

Argentina

Armenia

Australia

Austria

Azerbaijan

Bangladesh

Belarus

Belgium

Benin

Bhutan

Bolivia

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Botswana

Brazil

Bulgaria

Burkina Faso

Burundi

Cambodia

Cameroon

Canada

Central African Rep.

Chad

Chile

China

Colombia

Congo

Costa Rica

Cote d'Ivoire

Croatia

Cuba

Czech Rep.

Denmark

Dominican Rep.

Ecuador

Egypt

El Salvador

Eritrea

Estonia

Ethiopia

Finland

France

Gabon

Gambia

Georgia

Germany

5

76

62

2

95

90

135

140

70

38

106

127

31

17

47

113

68

63

108

23

20

21

46

139

22

27

117

72

83

45

115

28

118

124

126

145

75

77

69

78

13

104

14

149

131

30

42

96

144

81

Ghana 35 Peru 65

Greece 128 Philippines 67

Guatemala 58 Poland 114

Guinea 7 Portugal 123

Guinea-Bissau 6 Romania 94

Haiti 37 Russian Federation 93

Honduras 81 Rwanda 32

Hong Kong* 147 Saudi Arabia 87

Hungary 119 Senegal 43

India 39 Sierra Leone 3

Indonesia 53 Singapore 148

Iran, Islamic Rep. of 79 Slovakia 116

Iraq 57 Slovenia 134

Ireland 143 Somalia 10

Israel 132 South Africa 59

Italy 136 Spain 129

Jamaica 121Sri Lanka 110

Japan 146 Sudan 40

Jordan 98Sweden 150

Kazakstan 73Switzerland 142

Kenya 49Syrian Arab Rep. 84

Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. 92Tajikistan 51

Korea, Rep. of 130Tanzania , U. Rep. of 25

Kuwait 120TFYR Macedonia 91

Kyrgyzstan 66Thailand 89

Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 34Togo 36

Trinidad and Tobago 112Latvia 97

Tunisia 82Lebanon 80

Turkey 71Lesotho 26

Turkmenistan 50Liberia 9

Uganda 18Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 60

Ukraine 100Lithuania 109

United Arab Emirates 111Madagascar 24

United Kingdom 141Malawi 8

United States 125Malaysia 122

Uruguay 105Mali 11

Uzbekistan 61Mauritania 15

Venezuela 101Mauritius 103 Viet Nam 74Mexico 88

Yemen 44Moldova 85 Yugoslavia 102Mongolia 55 Zaire 19Morocco 54 Zambia 12

Mozambique 4 Zimbabwe 56

Myanmar 29

Namibia 52

Nepal 41

Netherlands 137

New Zealand 133

Nicaragua 64

Niger 1

Nigeria 16

Norway 138

Oman 99

Pakistan 33

Panama 107

Papua New Guinea 48

Paraguay 86 * Colony

79

Table 1: Basic indicatorsInfant Annual Primary

% share

of household

Under-5 mortality Annual no. of Life Total school income

mortality rate Total no. of under-5 GNP expectancy adult enrolment 1990-94

rate (under 1) population births deaths per capita at birth literacy ratio

lowest highest(millions) (thousands) (thousands) IUG$1 (years) rate (TOSS)

1960 1995 1960 1995 1995 1995 1995 1994 1995 1995 1990-95 40% 20%

1

2

3

45

NigerAngolaSierra LeoneMozambiqueAfghanistan

320345385331

360

320292284275257

191

208219190215

191

170164158165

9.211.1

4.516.020.1

472555216711

1041

151

16261

196268

230700x160

90280x

48484047

45

14

42x31

4032

298851

6031

19 44

6 Guinea-Bissau 336 227 200 134 1.1 45 10 240 45 55 60x 9 597 Guinea 337 219 203 128 6.7 331 73 520 46 36 46 11 508 Malawi 365 219 206 138 11.1 540 118 170 45 56 809 Liberia 288 216 192 144 3.0 140 30 450x 56 38 35x10 Somalia 294 211 175 125 9.3 461 97 120x 48 24x 11x

11 Mali 400 210 233 117 10.8 532 112 250 47 31 31

12 Zambia 220 203 135 114 9.5 409 83 350 48 78 92 12 5013 Eritrea 294 195 175 114 3.5 147 29 100x 52 4714 Ethiopia 294 195 175 114 55.1 2597 506 100 49 36 23 21 41

15 Mauritania 321 195 191 112 2.3 89 17 480 53 38 69 14x 47x

16 Nigeria 204 191 122 114 111.7 4915 939 280 51 57 93 13 4917 Bhutan 324 189 203 122 1.6 64 12 400 52 42 25x18 Uganda 218 185 129 111 21.3 1071 198 190 44 62 67 17 4819 Zaire 286 185 167 119 43.9 2035 377 220x 52 77 6820 Burundi 255 176 151 106 6.4 283 50 160 51 35 69

21 Cambodia 217 174 146 110 10.3 414 72 200x 53 35x ..22 Central African Rep. 294 165 174 106 3.3 135 22 370 50 60 71x23 Burkina Faso 318 164 183 86 10.3 471 77 300 47 19 3824 Madagascar 364 164 219 100 14.8 628 103 200 58 80x 73 16 5025 Tanzania, U.Rep.of 249 160 147 100 29.7 1252 200 140 52 68 70 18 45

26 Lesotho 204 154 138 105 2.1 74 11 720 62 71 98 9x 60x27 Chad 325 152 195 94 6.4 273 42 180 49 48 5928 Cate d'Ivoire 300 150 195 90 14.3 697 105 610 50 40 69 18x 44x29 Myanmar 237 150 158 105 46.5 1468 220 220x 59 83 10530 Gabon 287 148 171 89 1.3 51 8 3880 55 63

31 Benin 310 142 184 85 5.4 257 37 370 48 37 6632 Rwanda 191 139 115 80 8.0 346 48 80 47 61 77 23x 36x33 Pakistan 221 137 137 95 140.5 5513 755 430 63 38 44 21 4034 Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 233 134 155 91 4.9 211 28 320 52 57 107 23 4035 Ghana 213 130 126 76 17-.5 708 92 410 57 65 76 20 42

36 Togo 264 128 155 80 4.1 180 23 320 56 52 10237 Haiti 260 124 170 71 7.2 250 31 230 58 45 5638 Bangladesh 247 115 151 85 120.4 4149 477 220 57 38 79 23 3839 India 236 115 144 76 935.7 26106 3002 320 62 52 102 21 4340 Sudan 292 115 170 69 28.1 1099 126 480x 54 46 52

41 Nepal 290 114 190 81 21.9 833 95 200 55 28 109 22x 40x42 Gambia 375 110 213 80 1.1 47 5 330 46 39 6743 Senegal 303 110 174 70 8.3 350 39 600 50 33 58 11 5944 Yemen 340 110 230 76 14.5 687 76 280 51 39x 7845 Congo 220 108 143 81 2.6 113 12 620 51 75

46 Cameroon 264 106 156 66 13.2 532 56 680 57 63 87 . .

47 Bolivia 252 105 152 73 7.4 257 27 770 60 83 95 15 4848 Papua New Guinea 248 95 165 67 4.3 141 13 1240 57 72 7449 Kenya 202 90 120 61 28.3 1231 111 250 55 78 91 10

50 Turkmenistan 85 69 4.1 124 11 1230x 66 98x 18 43

51 Tajikistan 79 61 6.1 214 17 360 71 98x 8952 Namibia 206 78 129 61 1.5 56 4 1970 60 13653 Indonesia 216 75 127 50 197.6 4716 354 880 64 84 114 21 41

54 Morocco 215 75 133 61 27.0 740 56 1140 65 , 44 73 17 4655 Mongolia 185 74 128 57 2.4 64 5 300 65 83 97

56 Zimbabwe 181 74 109 50 11.3 423 31 500 52 85 119 10 6257 Iraq 171 71 117 57 20.4 762 54 1036x 67 58 91

58 Guatemala 205 67 137 49 10.6 400 27 1200 66 56 85 Bx 63x59 South Africa 126 67 89 51 41.5 1260 84 3040 64 82 111 9 6360 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 269 63 160 52 5.4 222 14 5310x 64 76 110

61 Uzbekistan 62 50 22.8 . 680 42 960 70 97x 8062 Algeria 243 61 148 51 27.9 786 48 1650 68 62 103 18x 46x63 Brazil 181 60 118 51 161.8 3822 229 2970 67 83 111 7x 68x64 Nicaragua 209 60 140 46 4.4 170 10 340 68 66 103 12 5565 Peru 236 55 143 41 23.8 631 35 2110 67 89 119 14 50

66 Kyrgyzstan 54 45 4.7 129 7 630 70 97x .. 10 5767 Philippines 102 53 73 40 67.6 1975 105 950 ' 67 95 111 17x 48x68 Botswana 170 52 117 41 1.5 54 3 2800 66 70 116 11 5969 Egypt 258 51 169 40 . 62.9 1737 89 720 65 51 97 21 41

70 Azerbaijan 50 34 7.6 157 8 500 71 97x 89

71

72TurkeyChina

217

2095047

161

1404438

61.91221.5

160921726

81

1021

2500530

6869

8282

103118

..17

..44

73 Kazakstan .. 47 40 17.1 323 15 1160 70 98x 86 20 4074 Viet Nam 219 45 147 34 74.5 , 2195 99 200 66 94 111 19 4475 Dominican Rep. 152 44 104 37 7.8 199 9 1330 70 82 97 12x 56x

80 82

Under-5

mortalityrate

1960 1995

Infant

mortalityrate

hinder 1)

1960 1995

Total

population(millions)

1995

Annual

no. of

births(thousands)

1995

Annual

no. of

under-5

deaths

(thousands)

1995

GNP

per capita

1994

Life Total

expectancy adult

at birth literacy

(years) rate

1995 1995

% share

Primary of household

school income

enrolment 1990-94

ratio(gross)

1990-95

lowest highest

40% 20%

76 Albania 151 40 112 34 3.4 79 3 380 72 96

77 Ecuador 180 40 115 31 11.5 309 12 1280 69 90 123 14 53

78 El Salvador 210 40 130 34 5.8 189 8 1360 67 72 79

79 Iran, Islamic Rep. of 233 40 145 35 67.3 2261 90 1033x 69 69 105

80 Lebanon 85 40 65 33 3.0 76 3 2150x 69 92 115

81 Honduras 203 38 137 31 5.7 200 8 600 69 73 112 11 57

82 Tunisia 244 37 163 30 8.9 215 8 1790 69 67 118 16 46

83 Colombia 132 36 82 30 35.1 806 29 1670 70 91 119 11 56

84 Syrian Arab Rep. 201 36 136 30 14.7 588 21 1160x 68 71 105

85 Moldova 34 30 4.4 68 2 870 68 96x 77 16 42

86 Paraguay 90 34 66 28 5.0 156 5 1580 71 92 112

87 Saudi Arabia 292 34 170 29 17.9 634 22 7050 71 63 75

88 Mexico 148 32 103 27 93.7 2463 79 4180 71 90 112 12 55

89 Thailand 146 32 101 27 58.8 1124 36 2410 69 94 98 14 53

90 Armenia 31 26 3.6 69 2 680 73 99x 90

91 TFYR Macedonia 177 31 120 26 2.2 32 1 820 72 87

92 Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. 120 30 85 23 23.9 558 17 970x 72 104x

93 Russian Federation 30 27 147.0 1519 46 2650 68 98x 109 12 54

94 Romania 62 29 69 23 22.8 253 7 1270 70 97x 86 24 35

95 Argentina 68 27 57 24 34.6 689 19 8110 73 96 107

96 Georgia 26 22 5.5 84 2 580x 73 99x

97 Latvia 26 22 2.6 28 1 2320 69 99x 83 23 37

98 Jordan 149. 25 103 21 5.4 206 5 1440 69 87 94 , 16 50

99 Oman 300 25 180 20 2.2 93 2 5140 70 85

100 Ukraine 24 20 51.4 574 14 1910 69 66a 87 24 35

101 Venezuela 70 24 53 20 21.8 570 14 2760 72 91 96 11 58

102 Yugoslavia 120 23 87 20 10.8 150 4 a 72 93x 72

103 Mauritius 84 23 62 19 1.1 23 1 3150 71 83 106

104 Estonia 22 19 1.5 16 0 2820 69 100x 83 17 46

105 Uruguay 47 21 41 19 3.2 54 1 4660 73 97 109

106 Belarus 20 17 10.1 117 2 2160 70 98x 96 26 33

107 Panama 104 20 6.Z 18 2.6 62 1 2580 73 91 105 8x 60x108 Bulgaria 70 19 49 16 8.8 90 2 1250 71 98x 86 21 39

109 Lithuania 19 16 3.7 48 1 1350 70 98x 92 20 42

110 Sri Lanka 130 19 90 15 18.4 365 7 640 73 90 106 22 39

111 United Arab Emirates 240 19 160 16 1.9 41 1 " 21430x 74 79 110

112 Trinidad and Tobago 73 18 61 16 1.3 26 1 3740 72 98 94

113 Bosnia and Herzegovina 155 17 105 15 3.5 48 1 b 73

114 Poland 70 16 62 14 38.4 501 8 2410 71 99x 98 23

115 Costa Rica 112 16 80 14 3.4 86 1 2400 77 95 105 13x 51x

116 Slovakia 15 . 13 5.4 77 1 2250 71 101 28 31

117 Chile 138 15 107 13 14.3 299 5 3520 74 95 98 10 61

118 Croatia 98 14 70 12 4.5 50 1 2560 72 97x 87

119 Hungary 57 14 51 13 10.1 121 2 3840 69 99x 95 24 37

120 Kuwait 128 14 89 12 1.5 40 1 19420 75 79 65

121 Jamaica 76 13 58 11 2.4 50 1 1540 74 85 109 16 48122 Malaysia 105 13 73 11 20.1 543 7 3480 71 84 93 13x 54x

123 Portugal 112 11 81 9 9.8 117 1 9320 75 85x 120

124 Cuba 50 10 39 9 11.0 177 2 1170x 76 96 104 .. ..125 United States 30 10 26 8 263.3 4041 40 25880 76 107 16x 42x

126 Czech Rep. 10 .. 9 10.3 138 . 1 3200 71 99 24 37

127 Belgium 3.5. 10 31 8 10.1 121 1 22870 77 99 22x 36x128 Greece 64 10 53 8 10.5 102 1 7700 78 95x 98129 Spain 57 9 46 8 39.6 382 4 13440 78 95x 104 220 97x130 Korea, Rep. of 124 9 88 8 45.0 736 7 8260 72 98 98 20 42

131 France 34 9 29 7 58.0 734 7 23420 77 106 17x 42x132 Israel 39 9 32 7 5.6 113 1 14530 77 92x 95 18x 40x133 New Zealand 26 9 22 7 3.6 60 1 13350 76 102 16x 45x134 Slovenia 45 8 37 7 1.9 20 0 7040 73 97 23 38135 Australia 24 8 20 7 18.1 263 2 18000 78 108 16x 42x

136 Italy 50 8 44 7 57.2 557 4 19300 78 97x 98 19x 41x137 Netherlands 22 8 18 6 15.5 198 2 22010 78 97 21x 37x138 Norway 23 8 19 6 4.3 62 1 26390 77 99 19x 37x139 Canada 33 8 28 6 29.5 432 3 19510 78 970 105 18x 40x140 Austria 43 7 37 6 8.0 94 1 24630 77 103

141 United Kingdom 27 7 23 6 58.3 773 6 18340 77 112 15x 44x142 Switzerland 27 7 22 6 7.2 91 1 37930 78 101 17x 45x143 Ireland 36 7 31 6 3.6 52 0 13530 76 103144 Germany 40 7 34 6 81.6 775 5 25580 76 97 19x 40x145 Denmark 25 7 22 6 5.2 64 0 27970 76 98 17x 39x

146 Japan 40 6 31 4 125.1 1278 8 34630 80 102 22x 38x147 Hong Kong" 52 6 38 5 5.9 61 0 21650 79 92 102 16x 47x148 Singapore 40 6 31 5 2.8 43 0 22500 75 91 107 15x 49x149 Finland 28 5 22 4 5.1 66 0 18850 76 100 18x 38x150 Sweden 20 5 16 4 8.8 123 1 23530 79 100 21x 37x

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rates (showy in bold type).a: Range US$726 to US$2895. b: Range US$725 or less. 83 81

Table 2: Nutritionof

infants

with lowbirth

weight1990-94

% of children 11990-961 who are:

Daily

% of under-fives 11990-961 suffering from: % of per capita

Total households calorie

exclusively breastfed with still underweight wasting stunting goitre rate consuming supply

breastfed complementary breastfeeding (6-11 years) iodized as a % of

food moderate

(0-3 months) (6-9 months) (20-23 months) & severe severe

moderate

& severe

moderate

& severe(%) salt requirements

1985.94 1992-96 1988-90

1

2

3

4

5

NigerAngolaSierra LeoneMozambiqueAfghanistan

15

19

11

2020

1

3

736394

605341

36

2927

12

11

16

9

5

32

3555

9

7

7

2020

0

0

7562

95808377

72

6

7

8

9

10

Guinea-BissauGuineaMalawiLiberiaSomalia

2021

20

16

..11

15x7617

68

25

23x2630 9

..12

7

..

48

19

19

13

6

7

0

58

97

97

889881

11 Mali 17 12 39 44x 31x 9x 11x 24x 29 20 9612 Zambia 13 13 88 34 28 9 6 53 51x 90 8713 Eritrea 13 65 54 41 . 10 66 8014 Ethiopia 16 74 35 48 16 8 64 22 0 7315 Mauritania 11 59 39 58 23 9 7 44 3 106

16 Nigeria 16 2 52 43 36 12 9 43 10 83 9317 Bhutan 38x .. 4x 56x 25 96 12818 Uganda 70 64 10. 23x 5x 2x 45x 7 50 9319 Zaire 15 32 40 64 34 10 10 45 9 12 9620 Burundi 89x 66x 73x 37 11 9 43 42 80 84

21 Cambodia .. .. 40 7 8 38 15 0 9622 Central African Rep. 15 4 93 52 27 8 7 34 63 28 8223 Burkina Faso 21 3 44 81 30 8 13 29 16 22 9424 Madagascar 17 47 80 45 34 10 7 50 24 1 9525 Tanzania, U. Rep. of 14 73 94 48 29 7 6 47 37 74 95

26 Lesotho 11 21 2x 2 33 43 .. 9327 Chad .. .. .. 15 31 7328 Cote d'Ivoire 14 3 65 45 24 6 8 24 6 0 11129 Myanmar 16 30 40 56 43 16 8 45 18 14 11430 Gabon 5 104

31 Benin .. .. 24x 35 10432 Rwanda 17 90 ee 8.5 29 6 48 49 90 8233 Pakistan 25 16 31 56 38 13 9 50 32 19 9934 Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 18 36 31 44 14 10 48 25 11135 Ghana 7 19 6 48 27 8 11 26 10 0 93

36 Togo 20 10x 86x 68x 24x 6x 5x 30x 22 0 9937 Haiti 15 3 83 25 28 8 8 32 4x 10 8938 Bangladesh 50 54 30 87 67 25 17 63 11x 44 8839 India 33 51 31 67 53 21 18 52 9 67 10140 Sudan 15 14x 45x 44x 34 11 13 34 20 87

41 Nepal 36 .. 49 31 6 63 44 68 10042 Gambia .. .. .. 61 .. .. .. 043 Senegal 11 7 41 48 2.0 5 9 22 12 10 9844 Yemen 19 15 51 31 39 13 13 39 32 21

45 Congo 16 43x 95x 27x 24x 3x 4x 21x 8 103

46 Cameroon 13 7 77 35 14 3 3 24 26 86 9547 Bolivia 12 53 78 36 16 4 4 28 21 92 84

'48 Papua New Guinea 23 35x 30 11449 Kenya 16 17 90 54 23 34 7 100 8950 Turkmenistan 5 54 20 0

51 Tajikistan .. 20 2052 Namibia 16 22 6 23 26 6 9 28 35 80 ..53 Indonesia 14 47 85 63 35 .. 28 50 12154 Morocco 9 31 33 20 9 2 2 23 20 12555 Mongolia 6 12 2 26 7 97

56 Zimbabwe 14 16 93 26 16 3 6 21 42 80 9457 Iraq 15 12 2 3 22 7 50 12858 Guatemala 14 eo. 56 43 27 6 3 50 20 93 10359 South Africa 9 1 3 23 2 40 12860 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 5 3 15 6 90 140

61 Uzbekistan .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 062 Algeria 9 46 29 21 13 3 9 18 9 92 12363 Brazil 11 4x 27x 13x 7x to 2x 16x 14x 79 11464 Nicaragua 15 11 48 17 12 1 2 24 4 79 9965 Peru 11 40 62 36 11 2 1 37 36 90 87

66 Kyrgyzstan .. 38 50 25 2067 Philippines 15 33 52 18 30 63 15 40 10468 Botswana 8 41x 82x 23x 15x 44x 8 27 9769 Egypt 10 68 52 9 2 3 24 5 90 13270 Azerbaijan 20

71 Turkey 8 14 17 14 10 2 3 21 36 31 12772 China 9 64 16 3x 4 32 9 51 11273 Kazakstan 12 61 21 20 1474 Viet Nam 17 .. .. 45 11 12 47 20 42 10375 Dominican Rep. 11 10 32 7 10 2 1 19 5 40 102

824

% ofinfants

with lowbirth

weight1990-94

Daily

% of children 11990-961who are: % of under-fives (1990-96) suffering from: % of per capita

Total households calorie

exclusively breastfed with still underweight wasting stunting goitre rate consuming supply

breastfed complementary breastfeeding (6-11 years) iodized as a % of

(%) salt requirements

1985-94 1992-96 1988-90

food moderate

10-3 months) (6-9 months) (20-23 months) & severe severe

moderate

& severe

moderate

& severe

7677787980

AlbaniaEcuadorEl SalvadorIran, Islamic Rep. ofLebanon

7

13

11

9

10

292053

5271

3428

17x11

16

Ox

1

3

..2x1

7

34x2319

41

10

253015

9091

8292

107105102125

127

81 Honduras 9 11 .. 18 3 2 40 9 85 98

82 Tunisia 8 12 53x 16 9 2x 4 22 4x 131

83 Colombia 10 16 61 17 8 1 1 15 10 90 106

84 Syrian Arab Rep. 11 50 12 3 8 27 73 21 126

85 Moldova 4

86 Paraguay 5 7 61 8 4 1 0 17 49 i 64 116

87 Saudi Arabia 7 121

88 Mexico 8 38x 36x 21x 14x 6x 22x 15 87 131

89 Thailand 13 4x 69x 34x 26x 4x 6x 22x 12 50 103

90 Armenia 10

91 TFYR Macedonia 100

92 Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. 5 121

93 Russian Federation 3094 Romania 11 10 116

95 Argentina 7 8 90 131

96 Georgia 2097 Latvia98 Jordan 7 32 48 13 9 1 2 16 75 110

99 Oman 112 12 10

100 Ukraine 10

101

102VenezuelaYugoslavia

9 6x..

2x..

6x..

11 6570

99

103 Mauritius 13 16 29 16 2 15 10 0 128

104 Estonia .. .. .. ..105 Uruguay 8 7x 2x 16x 101

106 Belarus .. 22 37107 Panama 32 38 21 7 1 1 9 t3 92 98

108 Bulgaria 6 20 148

109 Lithuania .. ..110 Sri Lanka 25 2. 4 60 66 38 7 16 24 14 7 101

111 United Arab Emirates 6 26 .. ..112 Trinidad and Tobago 10 1.0x 390 16x 7x Ox 4x 5x 114113 Bosnia and Herzegovina114 Poland .. 10 .

.1

131

115 Costa Rica 35 47. 12 3 91 121

116 Slovakia117 Chile 5 1 0 3 9x 90 162118 Croatia 100

119 Hungary 9 .. 137120 Kuwait 7 6x 3x 12x

121 Jamaica 10 10 1 4 6 .. 100 114

122 Malaysia 8 23 1 20 120123 Portugal 5 15 136124 Cuba 9 lx 10 0 135125 United States 7 138

126 Czech Rep. 6 ..127 Belgium 6 5 149128 Greece 6 10 151

129 Spain 4 10 141

130 Korea, Rep. of 9 120

131 France 5 5x 143132 Israel 7 125133 New Zealand 6 131

134 Slovenia135 Australia 6 124

136 Italy 5 20 139137 Netherlands 3 114138 Norway 4 120139 Canada 6 122140 Austria 6 133

141 United Kingdom 7 130142 Switzerland 5 130143 Ireland 4 157144 Germany 10145 Denmark 6 5 135

146 Japan 7 125147 Hong Kong* 8 125148 Singapore 7 136149 Finland 4 113150 Sweden 5 111

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rates (table I).

85 83

Table 3: Health% of population

with access to

safe water1990-96

total urban rural

% of population

with access toadequate sanitation

1990-96

total urban rural

96 of population

with access to

health services1990-95

total urban rural

% fully immunized 1992-95

1-year-old children

TB DPT polio

pregnant ORT

women use rate

measles tetanus 1990-96

1

2

3

45

NigerAngolaSierra LeoneMozambiqueAfghanistan

5432346312

466958

39

5515

21

.

5

1516

11

54

71

3417

..13

4

8

8

99

38

39x29x

32

90100x80x

3240

20 6030x :, 5817x 31

18

21

43

4641

18

23434656

18

32464041

5714

61

61

3

20

66

6

7

8

9

10

Guinea-BissauGuineaMalawiLiberiaSomalia

5955374631

32508079

6756

3213

28

3021

6

3012

24842256

6

3210

442

40803539x

100

81

50x

100

70 ' 8629 , 91

30x ' 9237

10073

766228

9873806228

8269706845

53

56777711

38789497

11

12

13

14

15

MaliZambiaEritreaEthiopiaMauritania

4527

2566x

4650

91

67x

4317

7

19

65x

31

64

19

5889

97

34x

21

43

7

,

,

40..

4663

756357

:, 6393

4672

4551

50

4672454850

4969454353

19

4419

2228

,

99389531

16

171819

20

NigeriaBhutanUgandaZaireBurundi

51

5838

: 4259

8475608993

40 ,

54 .

35 :,

26 ::

54 ',

58706418

51

84909653

60

486647

651

I

6

51

65x4926x80

6640x

100

57

9842

11

9817x ,, 4679 ll 77

,

27

8779

26

63

2786782762

4085793950

21

7076

3330

:

:

4690

21

22232425

CambodiaCentral African Rep.Burkina FasoMadagascarTanzania , U. Rep. of

3638782938

6559

8373

33 ';

23 :

.

io29

145218

3

86

81

834212

96

83611

384

,

.

53x52903842

80x89

10081

50x ;1 9530 73

i ,

89 :' 7819 ,' 77

li 92

7938476488

8037476386

7536556082

3650393371

34100

8576

2627282930

LesothoChadC6te d'IvoireMyanmarGabon

5624756068x

4448

7890x

5817..

50x

2821

4343

4273

56

257

36

80x30

60..

64

100 47

593648

i 82

i73

5817

4072

56

5916

407257

7426577556

12

50228329

42

18

96

31

32333435

BeninRwandaPakistanLao Peo. Dem. Rep.Ghana

50

745265

41

826088

5379 .

6951 :

52 : ,

20

472855

54

77

9862

685221644 ,:

18x

8055x67x60x

99x..92x

35x.

45x

91

86755970

7957

355355

7957376455

7250536846

77

88363564

604797

3637383940

TogoHaitiBangladeshIndiaSudan

63289781

60

7437998584

5823967941

2324482922

5642797079

1016

4414

4

,,

':

':

,,

..60458570

80

100

.. I' 81

39 i, 68I: 94

80 I 9688

7334698976

71

34699877

6531

797874

4349787965

,

..31

9631

41

42434445

NepalGambiaSenegalYemenCongo

63485261

34

8867858853

60

28

557

1837582469

5851

8347

12

504017 i

..93903883x

10081

97x

61

i. 9B

8.5. ii 9032 li 8770x k 94

6390803779

6292

803679

5787804070

11

93

393

75

27..189241

4647

484950

CameroonBoliviaPapua New GuineaKenyaTurkmenistan

5066285374

57878467

433617

49..

5055227790

647282

69

363211

81

.

;

,,

806796x77

100

9677

69 1 5452 1! 85

i' 789288

4685508480

4686558483

4680637366

12

6531

72 ,

43

7698

51

52535455

TajikistanNamibiaIndonesiaMoroccoMongolia

..7

625580

877994

100

4942

5418

58

..

51

41

74

4677

7369

100

..12

4018

47

599370x95x

8'i99

100x

. , 9642 l' 9491 i 8650x 93

,

94

937678

9088

9674799086

8069708885

727437

66

9929

5657

585960

ZimbabweIraqGuatemalaSouth AfricaLibyan Arab Jamahiriya

7778649997

9992879997

64

444953 ,

97

6670595398

9985728599

48375212

94

8593x57

9.5.

9697x

100

80 9578x 99

'' 7895

8.5. 99

8091

597396

8091

567296

7495757692

4672552645

60

49

61

62636465

UzbekistanAlgeriaBrazilNicaraguaPeru

6278735372

8291

858475

4964 '

692918

2291

446057

4699557758

..80

43425

. 98

83x44

100

1005

95 93. 100

60x , 10096

8983

838595

9983839693

81

778881

98

52704921

98

5492

6667686970

KyrgyzstanPhilippinesBotswanaEgyptAzerbaijan

86

93x79

8492

100x8091x

30775532

608891

10

6641

..71

99 100

9091

81

99 9593

828578

90

93

81

867891

98

8086689097

4.485664

9863

43

71

72737475

TurkeyChinaKazakstanViet NamDominican Rep.

8067

43.

65

91

97

. i i

80

5956

42.

24

2.2.

78

74..

4776

7..

1683

1 .i8

90

78

100

10. 0

84

. , 4283 92

. 898. 0 9667 ,, 74

51

9293

9383

51

94949480

42939595

85

3811

8252

16

85

84 86

% of population

with access tosafe water

1990-96

total urban rural

% of populationwith access to

adequate sanitation1990-96

total urban rural

% of populationwith access to

health services

1990.95

total urban rural

% fully immunized 1992-95

1-year-old children

TB OPT polio

pregnant ORT

women use rate

measles tetanus 1990-96

7677787980

AlbaniaEcuadorEl SalvadorIran, Islamic Rep. ofLebanon

68699094

808598

96

49468288

7681

81

63

9591

8681

496574

8

.

408895

70x

10098

20x

7585

9791

10099

9772

1009792

9870949792

91

62939588

..21

8082

64693782

81

82838485

HondurasTunisiaColombiaSyrian Arab Rep.Moldova

8798858555

96

100

979298

7995567818

8780858350

97

96978490

78525682

8

69..

81

90

86

9996

55

7284

998999

10098

969293

10096

969295

10099

9091

849898

48495776

32

4536

86 Paraguay 42 70 10 41 65 14 63x 90x 38x 92 79 79 75 66 33

87 Saudi Arabia 95x 100x 74x 86x 100x 30x 97x 100x 88x 93 97 97 94 62 58

88 Mexico 83 92 57 72 85 32 93 98 92 92 90 42 81

89 Thailand 89 94 88 96 98 95 90x 90x 90x 98 94 94 90 93 95

90 Armenia 83 83 92 95

91 TFYR Macedonia 96 88 91 86 91

92 Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. 99 96 99 98 95

93 Russian Federation 96 93 92 94

94 Romania 100 98 94 93

95 Argentina 71 77 29 68 73 37 71x 80x 21x 96 66 70 76

96 Georgia 30 58 82 63

97 Latvia 100 65 70 85

98 Jordan 99 77 97.x 09x 95x 100 99 92 59 41

99 Oman 82 78 96 100 94 96 99 99 98 95 85

100 Ukraine 92 94 95 96

101 Venezuela 79 80 75 59 64 30 91 68 85 67 18

102 Yugoslavia 68 92 93 81

103 Mauritius 99 95. 100 99 99 99 169x 199x 100x 87 89 89 85 78

104 Estonia 99 84 89 81 ..105 Uruguay 75x 99x 5x 61x 60x 99x 82x 99 86 86 80 13

106 Belarus 93 90 93 97

107 Panama 93 83 100 86 86 84 24 94

108 Bulgaria 98 100 94 93

109 Lithuania 97 96 89 94 ..110 Sri Lanka 57 88 52 63 68 62 90 93 92 88 81 34

111 United Arab Emirates 95 . 77 93 22 99 98 90 90 90 ..112 Trinidad acid Tobago 97 99 91 79 99 98 . 100 100 66 89 90 84 19

113 Bosnia and Herzegovina 85 67 69 57

114 Poland 94 95 95 91 ..115 Costa Rica 96 100 92 84 95 70 99 85 86 94 90 31

116 Slovakia .. .. 98 99 98 99

117 Chile 81 86 97sx 96 92 92 96

118 Croatia 98 90 90 92 93

119 Hungary 100 100 100 100 ...120 Kuwait 100x 100x 100 100 93 21

121 Jamaica 86 89 100 80 90x 100 92 92 89 82

122 Malaysia 78 96 66 94 97 90 90 81 79

123 Portugal 94 93 95 94 ..124 Cuba 89 96 69 92 95 82 100 99 100 93 100 61

125 United States 94 84 89

126 Czech Rep. 96 98 96

127 Belgium 97 94 70

128 Greece 50 78 95 70

129 Spain 88 88 90

130 Korea, Rep. of 93 100 76 100 100 100 100 100 100 93 93 93 92

131 France 78 89 92 76

132 Israel 92 93 94

133 New Zealand 9.7. 100 82 20 84 84 87

134 Slovenia 99 98 98 91

135 Australia

136 Italy 50 98 50

137 Netherlands 97 97 95

138 Norway 92 92 93

139 Canada 93 89 98

140 Austria 90 90 60

141 United Kingdom 92 94 92

142 Switzerland ..143 Ireland144 Germany 45 80 75

145 Denmark 89 100 88

146 Japan 97 100 85 85 91 85 91 68

147 Hong Kong* 100 100 96 100 83 84 77

148 Singapore 100x 100x 97 95 93 88149 Finland 100 100 100 98150 Sweden 99 99 96

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality ratesItable 11.tJ 85

Table 4: Education

Adult literacy rate

1980

male female

1995

male

No. of sets

per 1000

population

1993

Primary school enrolment ratio

% of primary Secondary school

school enrolment ratio

children 1990-94

1960 (gross) 1990-94 (gross) 1990-95 (net) reaching (gross)

grade 5

female 1990-95female radio television male female male female male male female

1

2

3

4

5

NigerAngolaSierra LeoneMozambiqueAfghanistan

14

16x

304433

3

7x9

12

6

21

56x455847

7

29x182315

61

2923348

118

5

7

11

410

8303071

14

3

14

15

432

3595606946

21

87

4251

16

32

4642

18

3514

8234

3543x

9

229

22

4

12

6

8

6

7

8

9

10

Guinea-BissauGuineaMalawiLiberiaSomalia

5334

6438

8x

2611

2811

1x

6850

7254

36x

4322422214x

4043

226227

41

8

19

13

3527

5040

6

159

2613

2

77x61

8451x15x

42x307728x

Bx

58x36x50..11x

32x18x54

6x

20x8037

9x17

631x

9x

4x6

3

12x

5x

11 Mali 20 9 39 23 44 1 13 5 38 24 23 14 85 12 6

12 Zambia 65 43 86 71 82 27 61 40 100x 92x 82x 80x 25x 14x13 Eritrea .. .. 52 41 27 24 79 17 1314 Ethiopia 32 14 46 25 197 3 9 3 27 19 33x 24x 58 12 11

15 Mauritania 41 19 50 26 147 23 12 3 76 62 72 19 11

16 Nigeria 47 23 67 47 196 38 54 31 105 82 92 32 2717 Bhutan 41 15 56 28 17 .. 5 31x 19x . 82 7x 2x18 Uganda 62 32 74 50 107 11 39 16 74 59 58x 51x 55 14 819 Zaire 75 45 87 68 97 2 89 32 78 58 60 47 64 33 1520 Burundi 37 12 49 23 62 2 33 10 76 62 56 47 74 8 5

21 Cambodia 74x 23x 48x 22x 108 8 .. .. .. .. 50 .. ..22 Central African Rep. 41 19 69 52 72 5 50 11 8.6x 55x 71x 46x 65x 17x 6x23 Burkina Faso 19 4 30 9 27 6 12 5 47 30 38 24 61 11 624 Madagascar 56x 43x 88x 73x 192 20 74 57 75 72 64x 63x 28 14 1425 Tanzania, U. Rep. of 66 34 79 57 26 2 33 16 71 69 50 51 83 6 5

26 Lesotho 71 45 81 62 32 7 73 109 90 105 59 71 60 22 31

27 Chad 47 19 62 35 245 1 29 4 80 38 52x 23x 46 13 228 COte d'Ivoire 34 14 50 30 143 60 62 22 80 58 73 33 1729 Myanmar 86 68 89 78 82 3 60 53 107 104 23 2330 Gabon 54 28 74 53 147 38 50x

31 Benin 28 10 49 26 91 6 39 15 88 44 71 35 55 17 732 Rwanda 55 30 70 52 66 . 65 29 78 76 71 71 60 11 933 Pakistan 38 15 50 24 88 18 39 11 57 30 . 48 28 1334 Lao Pea. Dem. Rep. 56 28 69 44 126 7 43 20 123 92 75 61 53 31 1935 Ghana 59 31 76 54 269 16 58 31 83 70 80 44 28

36 Togo 49 18 67 37 211 7 64 25 122 81 80 58 50 34 1237 Haiti 36 29 48 42 48 5 50 39 58 54 25 26 47 22 21

38 Bangladesh 41 17 49 26 47 6 BO 31 84 73 74 66 47x 25 1339 India 55 25 66 38 80 40 83 44 113 91 62 59 3840 Sudan 43 17 58 35 257 80 29 11 59 45 94 24 19

41 Nepal 31 7 41 14 35 3 19 3 130 87 80x 41x 52 46 2342 Gambia 37 13 53 25 162 79 56 64 46 87 25 1343 Senegal 31 12 43 23 116 37 37 18 67 50 55 42 88x 21 11

44 Yemen 14x 3x 53x 26x 30 28 111 43 47 1045 Congo 65 40 83 67 115 7 53

46 Cameroon 59 30 75 52 146 25 77 37 109 93 81x 71x 66 32 2347 Bolivia 81 59 91 76 669 113 70 43 99 90 95 87 60 40 3448 Papua New Guinea 70 45 81 63 75 3 24 15 80 67 79x 67x 71 15 1049 Kenya 72 44 86 70 87 11 62 29 92 91 92x 89x 77 28 2350 Turkmenistan 99x 97x .. ..

51 Tajikistan 99x 97x .. 91 88 .. 98 10152 Namibia 14. 0 23 134 138 8686 66 6153 Indonesia 78 58 90 26 148 62 26 58 116 112 99 95 92 48 3954 Morocco 42 16 57 31 219 79 69 28 85 60 73 53 80 40 2955 Mongolia 82 63 89 77 136 41 80 80 95 100 85x 97x

56 Zimbabwe 83 68 90 80 86 27 82 65 123 114 76 51 4057 Iraq 55 25 71 45 217 75 94 36 98 83 83 24 72x 53 3458 Guatemala 56 41 63 49 68 53 48 39 89 78 25 2359 South Africa 77 75 82 82 314 101 111 110 90 93 26 71 8460 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 73 31 88 63 226 100 110 110 98 96 95 95

61 Uzbekistan .. 98x 96x 80 79 .. 96 9262 Algeria 55 74 49 236 76 3.2 111 96 99 89 92 66 5563 Brazil 76 73 83 83 390 209 58 56 101x 97x .. .. 70 31x 36x64 Nicaragua 61 61 65 67 261 67 57 59 101 105 79 81 54 39 4465 Peru 89 71 95 83 253 99 98 74 123x 118x 66x 60x

66 Kyrgyzstan .. .. 98x 96x67 Philippines 91 89 95 94 143 42 9.6 93 108x 162x 97x 96x 67 64x 66x68 Botswana 70 43 81 60 119 17 38 43 113 120 93 100 84 49 5569 Egypt 54 26 64 39 307 113 79 52 105 89 95 82 98 81 6970 Azerbaijan 99x 96x 91 87 89 88

71 Turkey 81 50 92 72 162 176 90 58 107 98 89 74 4872 China 79 53 90 73 184 38 131 90 120 116 9'7 66 88 60 5173 Kazakstan 99x 96x 86 86 89 9174 Viet Nam 90 78 97 91 104 42 103 74 106x 100x 44x 41x75 Dominican Rep. 75 74 82 82 172 90 75 74 95 99 79 83 58 30 43

86 88

Adult literacy rate

1980

male female

1995

male

No. of sets

per 1000

population

1993

Primary school enrolment ratio

% of primary Secondary school

school enrolment ratio

children 1990-94

1960 (gross) 1990-94 (gross) 1990-95(net) reaching (gross)

grade 5

female 1990-95female radio television male female male female male male female

76

77

78

79

80

Albania

Ecuador

El Salvador

Iran, Islamic Rep. of

Lebanon

..

66

61

91

..

60

37

82

..

74

78

95

..

70

59

90

326

413

230

887

89

88

94

63

346

102

82

59

59

112

86

75

56

28

105

95

124

79

109

117

97

122

80

101

114

70

100

..

71

93

92

67x

58

90

84

54

27

74

73

72

56

30

58

78

81 Honduras 64 61 73 73 408 78 68 67 111 112 89 91 29 37

82 Tunisia 61 32 79 55 198 81 88 43 123 113 94 89 62 55 49

83 Colombia 87 87 91 91 177 118 74 74 118 120 59 57 68

84 Syrian Arab Rep. 72 34 86 56 257 62 89 39 111 99 100 91 92 52 42

85 Moldova 99x 94x 78 77 67 72

86 Paraguay 90 84 94 91 170 83 106 94 114 110 97 96 76 36 38

87 Saudi Arabia 60 32 72 50 293 255 32 3 78 73 65 57 94 54 43

88 Mexico 86 80 92 87 255 150 80 75 114 110 84 57 58

89 Thailand 92 84 96 92 189 113 97 88 98 97 88 38 37

90 Armenia 99x 98x 87 93 80 90

91 TFYR Macedonia 180 165 88 87 85 84 95 53 55

92 Korea,Dem.Peo.Rep. 124 19 108x 101x ..

93 Russian Federation 166x 66x 338 372 .. 109 108 64 84 91

94 Romania 66x 630 99x 95x 202 200 101 95 87 86 77 76 93 83 82

95 Argentina 94 94 96 96 672 220 99 99 108 107 95 95 70 75

96 Georgia 99x 98x .. ..

97 Latvia 100x 99x 651 460 63 82 82 66 84 90

98 Jordan 8.2 64. 93 79 243 76 94 95 89 89 98 52 54

99 Oman 71 46 580 653 87 82 74 72 96 64 57

100 Ukraine 99x 97x 809 339 87 87 65 95

101 Venezuela 86 82 92 90 443 163 98 99 95 97 87 90 78 29 41

102 Yugoslavia 98x 89x 207 179 72 73 69 70 64 65

103 Mauritius 6 67 87 79 366 222 66 66 107 106 94 94 100 58 60

104 Estonia 100x 100x 449x 361 84 83 79 79 100 87 96

105 Uruguay 94 95 97 98 604 232 117 117 109 108 94 95 94 61x 62x

106 Belarus .. .. 99x 97x 313 272 .. .. 96 95 . .. 99 89 96

107 Panama 91 90 227 169 108 104 61 82 60 65

108 Bulgaria 99x 97x 450 260 94 92 87 84 83 81 93 66 70

109 LithuanM .. 99x 980 385 383 95 90 94 76 79

110 Sri Lanka 91 93 87 201 49 107 95 106 105 92 71 78

111 UndedAmbEmirates 72 64 79 80 311 106 . . 112 108 100 99 99 84 94

112 Trindadandlbbago - 97 93 99 97 489 317 111 108 94 94 88 88 95 74 78

113 Bosnia and Herzegovina

114 Poland 99x 670 660 66x 439 266 116 107 66 67 96 96 100 82 87

115 Costa Rica 92 91 95 95 258 142 94 92 106 105 87 88 88 45 49

116 Slovakia .. .. .. .. 567 474 101 101 .. 97 87 90

117 Chile' 91 345 211 87 66 99 98 66 95 65 70

118 Croatia 99x 95x 301 338 87 87 80 80 98 80 86

119 Hungary 660 66x 99x 98x 617 427 103 100 95 95 91 92 98 79 82

120 Kuwait 73 59 82 75 408 346 132 99 65 65 46 44 99 60 60

121 Jamaica 73 81 81 89 433 141 78 79 109 108 100 100 96 62 70

122 Malaysia 80 60 89 78 430 151 108 79 93 93 98 56 61

123 Portugal 78x 65x 89x 81x 232 190 132 129 122 118 100 100 63 74

124 Cuba 91 87 96 95 346 170 109 110 104 104 99 100 95 73 81

125 United States 99x 99x 2120 816 107 106 99 100 98 97

126 Czech Rep. .. .. 631 476 99 100 .. .. 98 85 88

127 Belgium 771 453 111 166 99 100 103 104

128 Greece 93x 76x 68x 66x 416 202 104 101 97 98 93 94 100 100 98

129 Spain 94x 86x 97x 93x 311 400 106 116 104 105 99 100 96 107 120

130 Korea,Rep.of 97 90 99 97 1013 215 108 94 97 99 95 97 100 97 96

131 France 99x 98x 890 412 144 143 107 105 99 99 96 104 107

132 Israel 93x 83x 660 66x 478 272 99 97 95 96 .. 100 84 91

133 New Zealand .. 935 451 110 106 102 101 66 98 94 103 104

134 Slovenia 377 297 97 97 .. . 100 88 90

135 Australia 1290 489 103 103 108 107 98 99 99 83 86

136 Italy 95x 92x 98x 96x 802 429 112 109 98 99 . 100 81 82

137 Netherlands .. 907 491 105 104 96 99 62 66 126 120

138 Norway 798 427 100 100 99 99 99 99 100 118 114

139 Canada 992 618 108 105 106 104 98 97 97 104 103

140 Austria 618 479 106 104 103 103 89 91 97 109 104

141 United Kingdom 1146 435 92 92 112 113 95 96 91 94

142 Switzerland 832 400 118 118 100 102 93 95 100 93 89

143 Ireland 636 301 107 112 103 103 89 90 100 101 110

144 Germany 890 559 97 98 80 83 100 101 100

145 Denmark 1035 538 103 103 97 98 97 98 100 112 115

146 Japan 100x 99x 911 618 103 102 102 102 100 100 100 95 97

147 Hong Kong' 94 77 66 66 671 286 88 72 106x 105x 95x 96x 69x 73x

148 Singapore 92 74 96 86 644 381 120 101 109x 107x 100x 100x 100x 69x 71x

149 Finland 996 504 100 95 100 100 .. .. 100 110 130

150 Sweden 879 470 95 96 100 100 100 98 99 100

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rates (tabled.

89 87

Table 5: Demographic indicatorsPopulation

(millions)

1995

under

18

under

5

Population

annual

growth rate

1 %)

1965-80 1980-95

Crude Crude Life Total

death rate birth rate expectancy fertilityrate

19951960 1995 1960 1995 1960 1995

% of

populationurbanized

1995

Average

annual

growth rate

of urban

population 1 %)

1965-80 1980-95

1 Niger 5.0 1.9 2.8 3.3 29 18 54 52 36 48 7.3 17 6.8 5.4

2 Angola 5.9 2.2 2.0 3.1 31 18 49 50 33 48 6.9 32 5.5 5.93 Sierra Leone 2.3 0.8 1.9 2.2 33 24 48 48 32 40 6.3 36 5.0 4.84 Mozambique 8.2 2.9 2.5 1.9 26 18 47 44 38 47 6.3 34 9.5 8.35 Afghanistan 9.4 3.6 1.9 1.5 30 21 52 52 34 45 6.6 20 5.3 3.1

6 Guinea-Bissau 0.5 0.2 2.8 2.0 29 20 40 42 35 45 5.6 22 3.9 3.87 Guinea 3.6 1.3 1.6 2.7 31 19 53 49 34 46 6.8 30 4.9 5.68 Malawi 5.9 2.1 2.9 3.9 28 20 54 49 38 45 6.9 14 7.1 6.59 Liberia 1.6 0.6 3.0 3.2 25 13 50 46 42 56 6.6 45 6.1 4.910 Somalia 5.0 1.8 3.1 2.1 28 18 50 50 36 48 6.8 26 3.9 3.1

11 Mali 5.8 2.1 2.2 3.0 29 18 52 49 35 47 6.9 27 4.8 5.512 Zambia 5.1 1.7 3.1 3.3 23 16 50 43 42 48 5.7 43 6.6 3.913 Eritrea 1.8 0.6 2.6 2.6 25 14 49 42 39 52 5.6 17 4.8 4.214 Ethiopia 29.0 10.5 2.4 2.8 28 17 51 47 36 49 6.8 13 4.5 4.415 Mauritania 1.1 0.4 2.3 2.6 26 14 46 39 39 53 5.2 54 10.1 6.7

16 Nigeria 58.0 20.6 2.6 2.9 24 15 52 44 40 51 6.2 39 5.7 5.417 Bhutan 0.8 0.3 1.9 1.9 26 15 42 39 38 52 5.7 6 4.1 5.218 Uganda 11.8 4.4 3.3 3.2 21 20 50 50 43 44 7.0 13 5.3 5.619 Zaire 23.9 8.6 2.9 3.2 23 14 47 46 42 52 6.5 29 3.5 3.320 Burundi 3.4 1.2 1.7 2.9 23 15 46 44 42 51 6.5 8 6.2 6.6

21 Cambodia 5.1 1.8 0.4 3.0 21 13 45 40 42 53 5.1 21 1.3 6.522 Central African Rep. 1.6 0.6 2.1 2.4 26 16 43 41 39 50 5.5 39 4.0 3.223 Burkina Faso 5.3 1.9 2.3 2.6 28 18 49 46 36 47 6.3 27 5.5 10.4

24 Madagascar 7.8 2.6 2.6 3.3 24 11 49 43 41 58 5.9 27 5.2 5.925 Tanzania , U. Rep. of 15.6 5.3 3.0 3.1 23 14 51 42 41 52 5.7 24 9.9 6.5

26 Lesotho 1.0 0.3 2.2 2.8 24 9 43 36 43 62 5.0 23 7.1 6.627 Chad 3.2 1.1 2.0 2.3 30 17 46 43 35 49 5.7 21 6.9 3.228 Ctite d'Ivoire 7.9 2.9 4.0 3.7 25 15 53 49 39 50 7.1 44 6.7 5.229 Myanmar 20.2 6.5 2.2 2.1 21 11 42 32 44 59 4.0 26 3.1 2.730 Gabon 0.6 0.2 3.3 3.3 24 15 31 38 41 55 5.5 50 6.7 5.5

31 Benin 2.9 1.1 2.4 3.0 33 17 47 48 35 48 6.9 31 7.1 4.532 Rwanda 4.2 1.4 3.2 2.9 22 17 50 44 43 47 6.3 6 6.8 4.533 Pakistan 70.8 24.0 2.7 3.3 23 9 49 39 44 63 5.9 35 3.8 4.734 Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 2.5 0.9 1.8 2.8 23 14 45 43 40 52 6.4 22 5.1 6.035 Ghana 9.0 3.0 2.1 3.2 19 11 48 41 45 57 5.7 36 3.3 4.3

36 Togo 2.2 0.8 3.2 3.1 26 12 48 43 40 56 6.3 31 7.9 5.037 Haiti 3.3 1.1 1.7 2.0 23 11 42 35 43 58 4.7 32 3.7 3.938 Bangladesh 55.9 17.4 2.8 2.1 22 11 47 35 40 57 4.1 18 6.7 5.339 India 384.9 117.4 2.2 2.0 21 9 43 28 44 62 3.6 27 3.6 3.040 Sudan 14.2 4.7 2.8 2.7 25 13 47 39 40 54 5.6 25 5.6 4.1

41 Nepal 10.7 3.6 2.4 2.6 26 12 44 38 39 55 5.2 14 6.6 7.542 Gambia 0.5 0.2 3.1 3.7 32 18 50 42 33 46 5.4 26 5.0 6.043 Senegal 4.3 1.4 2.8 2.7 27 15 50 42 38 50 5.8 42 3.4 3.844 Yemen 7.8 2.8 2.3 3.8 28 14 53 47 36 51 7.4 34 6.3 7.245 Congo 1.3 0.5 2.7 2.9 23 15 45 44 42 51 6.1 59 4.3 5.3

46 Cameroon 6.7 2.3 2.6 2.8 24 12 44 40 40 57 5.5 45 6.9 5.247 Bolivia 3.5 1.1 2.4 2.2 22 10 46 35 43 60 4.6 61 3.2 4.1

48 Papua New Guinea 2.0 0.6 2.4 2.2 23 10 44 33 41 57 4.8 16 8.6 3.649 Kenya 15.5 5.3 3.6 3.5 22 12 53 44 45 55 6.0 28 7.7 7.1

50 Turkmenistan 1.9 0.6 2.8 2.4 15 7 44 30 56 66 3.8 45 2.8 2.1

51 Tajikistan 3.0 1.0 3.0 2.9 13 6 47 35 59 71 4.7 32 2.9 2.552 Namibia 0.7 0.2 2.6 2.7 22 10 44 36 43 60 5.1 37 4.6 6.053 Indonesia 77.9 21.9 2.3 1.8 23 8 44 24 42 64 2.8 35 4.6 4.954 Morocco 11.6 3.4 2.5 2.2 21 8 50 27 47 65 3.4 48 4.2 3.355 Mongolia 1.1 0.3 2.8 2.5 18 7 43 27 47 65 3.4 61 4.2 3.5

56 Zimbabwe 5.7 1.9 3.1 3.1 20 13 53 38 46 52 4.8 32 6.0 5.557 Iraq 10.2 3.4 3.3 3.0 20 6 49 37 49 67 5.5 75 5.0 3.958 Guatemala 5.4 1.8 2.8 2.9 19 7 49 38 46 66 5.1 42 3.4 3.559 South Africa 18.1 5.7 2.6 2.3 17 8 42 30 49 64 4.0 51 2.7 2.760 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 2.8 1.0 4.2 3.8 19 8 49 41 47 64 6.2 86 10.4 5.2

61 Uzbekistan 10.5 3.2 2.9 2.4 13 6 43 30 60 70 3.7 41 3.9 2.562 Algeria 12.8 3.6 3.0 2.7 20 6 51 28 47 68 3.6 56 4.0 4.363 Brazil 62.1 17.8 2.4 1.9 13 7 43 24 55 67 2.8 78 4.3 3.064 Nicaragua 2.4 0.8 3.1 3.1 19 6 51 38 47 68 4.8 63 4.6 4.1

65 Peru 9.9 2.9 2.7 2.1 19 7 47 27 48 67 3.3 72 4.2 2.9

66 Kyrgyzstan 2.0 0.6 2.2 1.8 14 7 38 27 59 70 3.5 39 2.7 1.9

67 Philippines 30.2 9.3 2.7 2.2 15 6 46 29 53 67 3.8 54 3.9 4.7

68 Botswana 0.7 0.2 3.3 3.3 20 6 52 36 47 66 4.7 28 12.5 7.469 Egypt 27.9 8.1 2.2 2.4 21 8 45 28 46 65 3.7 45 2.7 2.670 Azerbaijan 2.8 0.8 2.0 1.4 10 6 40 21 64 71 2.4 56 2.5 1.7

71 Turkey 24.5 7.5 2.4 2.2 18 7 45 26 50 68 3.2 69 4.0 5.272 China 379.3 104.8 2.1 1.3 19 7 37 18 48 69 2.0 30 2.6 4.273 Kazakstan 6.0 1.6 1.5 0.9 12 7 34 19 60 70 2.4 60 2.4 1.674 Viet Nam 32.7 10.2 2.2 2.2 23 8 41 29 44 66 3.7 21 3.3 2.775 Dominican Rep. 3.2 1.0 2.7 2.1 16 5 50 26 52 70 2.9 65 5.1 3.8

88 90

Population

(millions)

1995

under

18

under

5

Population

annual

growth rate

I%)

1965.80 1980-95

Crude Crude Life Total

death rate birth rate expectancy fertilityrate

19951960 1995 1960 1995 1960 1995

% ofpopulationurbanized

1995

Average

annual

growth rateof urban

population I%)

1965-80 1980-95

76 Albania 1.3 0.4 2.4 1.7 10 6 41 23 62 72 2.8 37 2.9 2.4

77 Ecuador 4.9 1.4 2.9 2.4 16 6 44 27 53 69 3.3 58 4.5 3.9

78 El Salvador 2.8 0.9 2.7 1.6 16 7 48 33 51 67 3.8 45 3.2 2.2

79 Iran, Islamic Rep. of 33.9 10.5 3.1 3.6 21 6 47 34 50 69 4.8 59 4.9 4.8

80 Lebanon 1.2 0.4 1.4 0.8 14 7 43 25 60 69 2.9 87 4.1 1.9

81 Honduras 2.9 0.9 3.1 3.1 19 6 52 35 47 69 4.6 44 5.1 4.6

82 Tunisia 3.7 1.0 2.1 2.2 19 6 47 24 49 69 3.0 57 3.9 2.9

83 Colombia 13.8 3.9 2.4 1.9 12 6 45 23 57 70 2.6 73 3.6 2.7

84 Syrian Arab Rep. 7.9 2.7 3.3 3.5 18 5 47 40 50 68 5.6 52 4.3 4.2

85 Moldova 1.4 0.3 1.2 0.7 13 11 26 15 62 68 2.1 52 3.7 2.4

86 Paraguay 2.3 0.7 2.8 3.1 9 5 43 31 64 71 4.1 53 3.8 4.6

87 Saudi Arabia 8.7 2.8 4.6 4.1 23 5 49 36 45 71 6.2 80 8.3 5.4

88 Mexico 39.6 11.8 2.9 2.2 13 5 45 26 58 71 3.0 75 4.2 3.1

89 Thailand 20.2 5.3 2.8 1.5 15 7 44 19 53 69 2.1 20 4.7 2.6

90 Armenia 1.3 0.4 2.2 1.1 9 6 35 19 68 73 2.5 69 3.3 1.4

91 TFYR Macedonia 0.6 0.2 1.3 1.2 12 7 32 15 61 72 2.0 60 3.2 2.0

92 Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. 8.1 2.7 2.6 1.8 13 5 42 23 54 72 2.3 61 4.1 2.3

93 Russian Federation 37.5 7.8 0.6 0.4 8 13 22 10 69 68 1.5 76 1.8 1.0

94 Romania 5.8 1.2 1.0 0.2 9 11 20 11 66 70 1.5 55 2.8 1.0

95 Argentina 12.0 3.3 1.5 1.4 9 8 24 20 65 73 ' 2.7 88 2.1 1.8

96 Georgia 1.5 0.4 0.8 0.5 12 9 25 15 65 73 2.1 59 1.7 1.3

97 Latvia 0.6 0.1 0.7 0.1 10 13 16 11 70 69 1.6 73 1.7 0.5

98 Jordan 2.7 0.9 2.7 4.1 23 5 50 38 47 69 5.4 72 4.4 5.3

99 Oman 1.2 0.4 3.7 4.5 28 5 51 43 40 70 6.9 13 7.6 8.1

100 Ukraine 12.5 2.9 0.6 0.2 9 14 19 11 70 69 1.6 70 1.9 1.1

101 Venezuela 9.3 2.8 3.4 2.5 10 5 45 26 60 72 3.1 93 4.6 3.2

102 Yugoslavia 2.9 0.7 0.8 0.9 11 9 22 14 64 72 2.0 57 3.0 2.2

103 Mauritius 0.4 0.1 1.7 1.0 10 7 44 20 59 71 2.3 41 2.6 0.7

104 Estonia 0.4 0.1 0.9 0.2 11 13 16 11 69 69 1.6 73 1.8 0.5

105 Uruguay 0.9 0.3 0.5 0.6 10 10 22 17 68 73 2.3 90 0.9 1.0

106 Belarus 2.6 0.6 0.7 0.3 10 12 23 12 69 70 1.7 71 3.4 1.9

107 Panama 1.0 0.3 2.7 2.0 10 5 40 24 61 73 2.8 53 3.4 2.5

108 Bulgaria 2.0 0.4 0.5 -0.1 9 13 18 10 69 71 1.5 71 2.4 0.9

109 Lithuania 1.0 0.2 1.0 0.5 8 12 21 13 69 70 1.8 72 3.1 1.6

110 Sri Lanka 6.7 1.8 1.9 1.4 9 6 36 20 63 73 2.4 22 2.4 1.7

111 United Arab Emirates 0.7 0.2 13.0 4.2 19 3 ,, 46 22 53 74 4.1 84 15.6 5.3

112 Trinidad and Tobago 0.5 0.1 1.3 1.3 9 6 38 20 64 72 2.3 72 1.2 2.1

113 Bosnia and Herzegovina 0.9 0.2 0.9 -0.8 10 8 33 14 60 73 1.6 49 3.9 1.3

114 Poland 10.7 2.5 0.8 0.5 8 11 24 13 67 71 1.9 65 1.8 1.2

115 Costa Rica 1.4 0.4 2.9 2.7 10 4 47 25 62 77 3.0 50 3.7 3.6

116 Slovakia 1.5 0.4 0.9 0.5 8 11 22 14 70 71 1.9 59 3.1 1.3

117 Chile 4.9 1.5 1.8 1.6 13 6 38 21 57 74 2.5 84 2.6 1.9

118 Croatia 1.0 0.2 0.4 0.2 11 12 19 11 66 72 1.7 64 2.8 1.9119 Hungary 2.3 0.6 0.4 -0.4 10 15 16 12 68 69 1.7 65 1.8 0.5120 Kuwait 0.7 0.2 7.1 0.8 10 2 44 26 60 75 3.0 97 8.1 1.3

121 Jamaica 0.9 0.3 1.3 0.9 9 6 39 20 63 74 2.2 54 2.7 1.8

122 Malaysia 8.8 2.7 2.5 2.5 15 5 44 27 54 71 3.4 54 4.7 4.2

123 Portugal 2.3 0.6 0.4 0.0 11 11 24 12 63 75 1.6 36 1.8 1.3

124 Cuba 3.0 0.9 1.5 0.9 9 7 31 16 64 76 1.8 76 2.6 1.6

125 United States 68.6 20.4 1.1 1.0 9 9 23 15 70 76 2.1 76 1.2 1.2

126 Czech Rep. 2.5 0.7 0.4 0.0 11 13 15 13 70 71 1.8 65 2.1 0.2

127 Belgium 2.2 0.6 0.3 0.2 12 11 17 12 71 77 1.7 97 0.4 0.3128 Greece 2.2 0.5 0.8 0.5 8 10 19 10 69 78 1.4 65 2.1 1.4

129 Spain 8.4 1.9 1.1 0.4 9 9 21 10 69 78 1.2 77 2.2 0.7130 Korea, Rep. of 12.9 3.5 1.9 1.1 14 6 43 16 54 72 1.8 81 5.7 3.5

131 France 13.7 3.7 0.7 0.5 12 10 18 13 71 77 1.7 73 1.3 0.4132 Israel 1.9 0.6 2.8 2.5 6 7 27 20 69 77 2.8 91 3.4 2.6133 New Zealand 1.0 0.3 1.1 0.9 9 8 26 17 71 76 2.1 86 1.5 1.1

134 Slovenia 0.4 0.1 0.8 0.4 10 11 18 10 69 73 1.5 64 3.4 2.3135 Australia 4.6 1.3 1.6 1.4 9 7 22 15 71 78 1.9 85 1.9 1.4

136 Italy 10.8 2.8 0.5 0.1 10 10 18 10 70 78 1.3 67 1.0 0.1

137 Netherlands 3.4 1.0 0.9 0.6 8 9 21 13 73 78 1.6 89 1.2 0.7138 Norway 1.0 0.3 0.6 0.4 9 11 18 14 73 77 2.0 73 2.0 0.6139 Canada 7.3 2.2 1.5 1.2 8 8 26 15 71 78 1.9 77 1.7 1.3

140 Austria 1.7 0.5 0.3 0.4 13 10 18 12 69 77 1.6 56 0.8 0.4

141 United Kingdom 13.5 3.9 0.2 0.2 12 11 17 13 71 77 1.8 90 0.4 0.3142 Switzerland 1.5 0.4 0.5 0.9 10 9 18 13 72 78 1.6 61 1.0 1.3143 Ireland 1.1 0.3 1.1 0.3 12 9 21 15 70 76 2.1 58 2.0 0.5144 Germany 15.8 4.0 0.2 0.3 12 11 17 10 70 76 1.3 87 0.6 0.6145 Denmark 1.1 0.3 0.5 0.1 9 12 17 12 72 76 1.7 85 1.0 0.2

146 Japan 25.3 6.2 1.1 0.5 8 8 18 10 68 80 1.5 78 1.9 0.6147 Hong Kong* 1.4 0.3 2.1 1.0 7 6 35 10 67 79 1.2 95 2.5 1.3148 Singapore 0.8 0.2 1.7 1.1 8 6 38 15 65 75 1.7 100 1.7 1.1

149 Finland 1.2 0.3 0.3 0.4 9 10 19 13 69 76 1.9 63 2.4 0.8150 Sweden 2.0 0.6 0.5 0.4 10 11 15 14 74 79 . 2.1 83 1.0 0.4

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rates (Table 1). 91 89

Table 6: Economic indicators% of

population Debt service

GNP per capita below absolute % of central government ODA inflow as a % ofGNP per average annual Rate of poverty level expenditure allocated to ODA inflow as a % of exports of

capita growth rate ( %) inflation 1980-89 1990-95 in millions recipient goods and services

(US$) 1%1 US$ GNP

1965 -80 1985-94 urban rural health education defence 1970 19941994 1985-94 1994 1994

1

2

3

4

5

NigerAngolaSierra LeoneMozambiqueAfghanistan

230700x16090

280x

-2.5..

0.7. .

0.6

-2.1

-6.8-0.43.8

0

6

6853 66

18x

35x

06x6736x

6x10

5x

15x13

10x

34x10

35x

376451

2761231

228

18

6

3988

4

4

11

9

3

16

19

67

8

9

10

Guinea-BissauGuineaMalawiLiberiaSomalia

240520170450x120x

-2.71.3

3.20.5

-0.1

2.21.3

-0.7

-2.3

6619

19

75

25

40x

8823x70x

lx3x7x5xlx

3x

11x12x

11x2x

4x29x

5x9x

38x

177360470

63538

7011

265

49

8

82

11

13

16

7

11 Mali 250 2.1x 1.0 3 27x 48x 2x 9x 8x 442 17 1 2512 Zambia 350 -1.2 -1.4 92 25 14 15 719 22 6 2613 Eritrea 100x 158 46 . .

14 Ethiopia 100 0.4 -0.6 6 60 65 3 11 40 1070 20 11 11

15 Mauritania 480 -0.1 0.2 7 4x 23x 269 25 3 21

16 Nigeria 280 4.2 1.2 30 lx 3x 3x 190 1 4 1917 Bhutan 400 4.4 8 8 11 77 12 718 Uganda 190 -2.2 2.3 75 2x 15x 26x 753 19 3 3619 Zaire 220x -1.3 -1.0 .. . 80x 1 1 3 245 3 5 620 Burundi 160 2.4 -0.7 5 85x 85x 4x 16x 16x 310 31 4 21

21 Cambodia 200x .. .. .. .. 337 17 .. 022 Central African Rep. 370 0.8 -2.7 4 91 .. .. 166 14 5 923 Burkina Faso 300 1.7 -0.1 2 7 17 14 435 14 4 724 Madagascar 200 -0.4 -1.7 16 50x 50x 7 17 8 289 10 32 625 Tanzania, U. Rep. of 140 0.8 0.8 23 6x 8x 16x 968 24 1 18

26 Lesotho 720 6.8 0.6 14 50x 55x 12 22 7 117 8 1 427 Chad 180 -1.9 0.7 2 30x 56x 8x 8x . . 215 19 4 728 Me d'Ivoi re 610 2.8 -4.6 0 30 26 4x 21x 4x 1594 19 7 21

29 Myanmar 220x 1.6 .. 25 40x 40x 5 15 39 162 2 18 1530 Gabon 3880 5.6 -3.7 3 182 4 6 8

31 Benin 370 -0.3 -0.8 3 6x 31x 17x 257 13 2 1032 Rwanda 80 1.6 -6.6 4 30 60x 5x 26x . 713 115 1 11

33 Pakistan 430 1.8 1.3 9 32x 29x 1 2 31. 1606 3 22 2934 Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 320 .. 2.1 24 .. . . 218 14 .. 835 Ghana 410 -0.8 1.4 28 59 3.7. 2.2. 5 546 8 5 16

36 Togo 320 1.7 -2.7 4 42x 5x 20x 11x 126 10 3 437 Haiti 230 0.9 -5.0 13 65 8.0. . . .. 601 37 5 038 Bangladesh 220 -0.3 2.0 7 86x 86x 5x 110 10.x 1757 7 0 1439 India 320 1.5 2.9 10 29 33 2 2 15 2324 1 21 2040 Sudan 480x 0.8 -0.2 55 85x 412 3 11 0

41 Nepal 200 2.3 12 55x 61x 5 11 6 448 10 3 1242 Gambia 330 0.5 11 7 12 4 70 20 1 1643 Senegal 600 -0.5 -0.7 3 644 13 4 11

44 Yemen 280 .. . . 3.0' 172 4 445 Congo 620 2.7 -2.9 0 362 23 11 49

46 Cameroon 680 2.4 -6.9 1 15x 40x 5 18 9 731 8 3 1347 Bolivia 770 1.7 1.7 20 . . .. 7 19 8 578 10 11 2448 Papua New Guinea 1240 2.2 4 10x 75x 9 18 3 326 6 1 1049 Kenya 250 3.1 0.0 12 10x 55x 5 19 6 676 10 6 2750 Turkmenistan 1230x -1.5 46 19 0 4

51 Tajikistan 360 -11.4 104 .. .. 49 252 Namibia 1970 3.3 11 . 10 22 7 138 5 . .

53 Indonesia 880 5.2 6.0 9 20 16. 3 10 6 1642 1 7 1954 Morocco 1140 2.7 1.2 5 28x 45x 3 18 14 631 2 8 3055 Mongolia 300 -3.2 46 4 7 12 184 26 9

56 Zimbabwe 500 1.7 -0.5 20 8x 24x 17x 561 10 2 2057 Iraq 1036x .. .. .. .. .. 259 1 ..58 Guatemala 1200 3.0 0.9 17 51 11 19 15 224 2 7 959 South Africa 3040 3.2 -1.3 14 294 060 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 5310x 0.0 7 0

61 Uzbekistan 960 . -2.3 93 23 0 . . 362 Algeria 1650 4.2 -2.5 22 8)( .. 420 1 3 5363 Brazil 2970 6.3 -0.4 913 9 34 5 4 3 336 0 12 1764 Nicaragua 340 -0.7 -6.1 1315 21x 19x 13 16 6 600 41 11 3665 Peru 2110 0.8 -2.0 495 46 83 5 16 11 416 1 12 16

66 Kyrgyzstan 630 . -5.0 101 .. .. .. 154 5 .. 467 Philippines 950 3.2 1.7 10 52 64 3 16 11 1057 2 8 1468 Botswana 2800 9.9 6.6 12 40 55 5 20 12 89 2 1 469 Egypt 720 2.8 1.3 16 34 34 2 12 9 2695 6 26 1270 Azerbaijan 500 -12.2 123 70 2

71 Turkey 2500 3.6 1.4 66 .. 3 14 10 163 0 16 2372 China 530 4.1 7.8 10 13 0 3 19 3232 1 Ox 873 Kazakstan 1160 -6.5 150 48 0 27475

Viet NamDominican Rep.

2001330 3.8

..2.2

10329

..45x 43x 11

..10 5

89768

6

1 45

18

90

% ofpopulation Debt service

GNP per capita below absolute % of central govemment ODA inflow asa % ofGNP per average annual Rate of poverty level expenditure allocated to ODA inflow as a % of exports ofcapita growth rate (%) inflation 1980-89 1990-95 in millions recipient goods and services

(US$) (%) US$ GNP

1965-80 1985-94 urban rural health education defence 1970 19941994 1985-94 1994 1994

7677787980

AlbaniaEcuadorEl SalvadorIran, Islamic Rep. ofLebanon

380128013601033x2150x

..5.41.52.9

-6.00.92.2

-1.0

334816

22

4020

6532

11

89

18

13

16

13

87

164217316131

235

13

2

40

4

9

4

2

191419

8

81 Honduras 600 1.1 0.5 12 31 70 10x 19x 7x 298 , 9 3 31

82 Tunisia 1790 4.7 2.1 6 20x 15x 7 18 5 105 1 18 1783 Colombia 1670 3.7 2.4 25 32 70 5 19 9 127 0 12 2684 Syrian Arab Rep. 1160x 5.1 -2.1 22 2 10 31 745 5 11 385 Moldova 870 1

86 Paraguay 1580 4.1 1.0 26 19x 50x 7 22 11 103 1 12 987 Saudi Arabia 7050 4.0x -1.7 3 6x 14x 36x 20 0 ..88 Mexico 4180 3.6 0.9 40 2 14 2 431 0 24 21

89 Thailand 2410 4.4 8.6 5 10 25 8 21 17 578 0 3 590 Armenia 680 -13.0 134 142 6 2

91 TFYR Macedonia 820 11

92 Korea, Dem. Pea. Rep. 970x .. .. ..93 Russian Federation 2650 -4.1 124 1 3 16 .. 694 Romania 1270 . -4.5 64 8 10 7 Ox 495 Argentina 8110 1.7 2.0 317 3 9 7 225 0 22 22

96 Georgia 580x -18.6 234 .. .. 105 3 397 Latvia 2320 -6.0 70 .. .. 6 15 3 .. 298 Jordan 1440 5.8 -5.6 7 14x 17x 7 16 21 370 :, 4 11

99 Oman 5140 9.0 0.5 0 6 13 37 95 1 10100 Ukraine 1910 -8.0 160 2

101 Venezuela 2760 2.3 0.7 37 10x 20x 6x 31 0 3 12102 Yugoslavia a .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1716 .. ..103 Mauritius 3150 3.7 5.8 9 12x 12x 9 17 2 14 0 3 5104 Estonia 2820 .. -6.1 78 17 9 3 1

105 Uruguay 4660 2.5 2.9 74 22 6 7 7 86 . 1 22 12

106 Relates 2160 . -1.9 138 .. .. 3 18 4 .. , 4107 Panama 2580 2.8 -1.2 2 21x 30x 20 20 5 40 1 8 5108 Bulgaria 1250 -2.7 42 3 3 6 12109110

LithuaniaSri Lanka

1350640 2.8

-8.02.9

10211

56

7

11

2

12 595 11

2

9

111 United Arab Emirates 21430x .. OA 7 17 37 -7 " 0112 Trinidad and Tobago 3740 i 3.1 -2.3 7 39x 21 0 5 27113 Bosnia and Herzegovina b . ..114 Poland 2410 .. 0.8 102 .. 13115 Costa Rica 2400 3.3 2.8 18 20 21 23 76 10 11

116 Slovakia 2250 . -3.0 10 .. .. .. .. .. .. 7

117 Chile 3520 0.0 6.5 19 12 20 12 14 9 157 ' 0 19 8118 Croatia 2560 . 14 7 19 2119 Hungary 3840 5.1 -1.2 20 8 3 4 43120 Kuwait 19420 0.6x 1.1 6 11 22

121 Jamaica 1540 -0.1 3.9 28 .. 80 7x 11x 8x 114 3 3 18122 Malaysia 3480 4.7 5.6 3 13 38 6 22 13 68 0 4 6123 Portugal 9320 4.6 4.0 12 9x 11x 6x 7 16124 Cuba 1170x .. .. .. 23x 10x 47125 United States 25880 1.8 1.3 3 18 2 18..

126 Czech Rep. 3200 . -2.1 12 17 11 6 6127 Belgium 22870 3.6 2.3 3 2x 12x 5x .. ..128 Greece 7700 4.8 1.3 16 7 9 9 44x Ox 9129 Spain 13440 4.1 2.8 7 6 4 4 .

130 Korea, Rep. of 8260 7.3 7.8 7 18x 11x 1 20 18 -114 0 20

131 France 23420 3.7 1.6 3 16 7 6132 Israel 14530 3.7 2.3 18 6 14 19 1237133 New Zealand 13350 1.7 0.7 5 16 15 4134 Slovenia 7040 .. ..135 Australia 18000 2.2 1.2 13

136 Italy 19300 3.2 1.8 6 11x 8x 4x137 Netherlands 22010 2.7 1.9 2 14 10 4138 Norway 26390 3.6 1.4 3 10 10 7139 Canada 19510 3.3 0.3 3 , 6 3 7140 Austria 24630 4.0 2.0 3 13 10 2

141 United Kingdom 18340 2.0 1.3 5 14 3 10142 Switzerland 37930 1.5 0.5 4 13x 3x 10x143 Ireland 13530 2.8 5.0 2 14 13 3144 Germany 25580 3.0x 1.9 3 17 1 7145 Denmark 27970 2.2 1.3 3 1 11 5

146 Japan 34630 5.1 3.2 1 2 6 4147 Hong Kong" 21650 6.2 5.3 9 8x 17x 27148 Singapore 22500 8.3 6.1' 4 . 6 25 25 17149 Finland 18850 3.6 -0.3 4 3 11 4150 Sweden 23530 2.0 -0.1 6 0 5 6

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rates (table 1).a: Range US$726 to US$2895. b: Range US$725 or less. 93 91

Table 7: Women

Enrolment ratios % of

% of births

attended

Life expectancy Adult literacy rate females as a % of males Contraceptive pregnant women by trained Maternal

females as a females as a 1990-94 prevalence immunized against health mortality

% of males % of males (%) tetanus personnel rate

primary school secondary school1995 1995 1990-96 1992-95 1990.96 1990

1

2

3

4

5

NigerAngolaSierra LeoneMozambiqueAfghanistan

107107

108107

102

33

52x404032

6092707435

44

55

6736

4

lx4x4x

2x

57

14

61

61

3

15

15x

25x25x

9x

12001500180015001700

67

89

10

Guinea-BissauGuinea

MalawiLiberiaSomalia

107102103105107

63445841

39x

55x499255x53x

44x355039x56x

lx2

13

6xlx

53

5677

7711

27x31

5558x

2x

9101600

560560

1600

11 Mali 107 59 63 50 7 19 24 1200

12 Zambia 103 83 92x 56x 15 44 51 940

13 Eritrea 106 79 76 8 19 21 1400

14 Ethiopia 107 54. 70 92 4 22 14x 1400

15 Mauritania 106 52 82 58 4 28 40 930

16 Nigeria 106 70 78 84 6 21 31 1000

17 Bhutan 107 50 61x 29x 19 70 15 1600

18 Uganda 105 68 80 57 15 76 38 1200

19 Zaire 106 78 74 45 8 33 .. 870

20 Burundi 107 47 82 63 9x 30 19x 1300

21 Cambodia 105 46x 36 47x 900

22 Central African Rep. 110 75 6.3x 35x 15 50 46 700

23 Burkina Faso 107 30 64 55 8 39 42 930

24 Madagascar 105 83x 96 100 17 33 57 490

25 Tanzania , U. Rep. of 106 72 97 83 20 71 53 770.

26 Lesotho 108 77 117 141 23 12 40x 610

27 Chad 107 56 48 15 in 50 15 1500

28 COte d'Ivoi re 105 60 73 52 11 22 45 810

29 Myanmar 106 88 97 100 17 83 57x 580

30 Gabon 106 72 29 80x 500

31 Benin 107 53 50 41 9x 77 45x 990

32 Rwanda 106 74 97 82 21 88 26 1300

33 Pakistan 103 48 53 46 12 36 19 340

34 Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 106 64 75 61 19 35 650

35 Ghana 107 71 84 64 20 64 44 740

36 Togo 107 55 66 35 12x 43 54x 640

37 Haiti 106 88 93 95 18 49 21 1000

38 Bangladesh 100 53 87 52 45 78 14 850

39 India 100 58 81 64 41 79 34 570

40 Sudan 105 60 76 79 8 65 69 660

41 Nepal 99 34 67 50 23 11 7 1500

42 Gambia 107 47 71 52 12 93 44 1100

43 Senegal 104 53 75 52 7 39 46 1200

44 Yemen 101 49x 39 21 7 3 16 1400

45 Congo 109 81 75 890

46 Cameroon 105 69 85 72 16 12 64 550

47 Bolivia 106 84 91 85 45 65 47 650

48 Papua New Guinea 103 78 84 67 4x 31 20x 930

49 Kenya 105 81 99 82 33 72 45 650

50 Turkmenistan 111 98x 55

51 Tajikistan 108 98x 97 103 130

52 Namibia 104 103 124 29 iZ ai 370

53 Indonesia 106 87 97 81 55 74 36 650

54 Morocco 106 54 71 73 50 37 40 610

55 Mongolia 104 87 105 114x 99x 65

56 Zimbabwe 105 89 93 78 48 46 69 570

57 Iraq 105 63 85 64 18x 72 54x 310

58 Guatemala 108 78 BB 92 31 55 35 200

59 South Africa 110 100 99 118 50x 26 82 230

60 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 106 72 100 100 45 76x 220

61 Uzbekistan 109 98x 99 96 55

62 Algeria 104 66 86 83 53 52. 77 160

63 Brazil 107 100 96x 116x 66x 70 81 220

64 Nicar'agua 106 103 104 113 49 49 61 160

65 Peru 106 87 96x 91x 59 21 52 280

66 Kyrgyzstan 111 98x, .. .. .. 110

67 Philippines 106 99 99x 103x 280

68 Botswana 106 74 106 112 33x 56 78x 250

69 Egypt 104 61 85 85 48 64 46 170

70 Azerbaijan 112 97x 96 99 22

71 Turkey 106 78 92 65 63 38 76 180

72 China 105 81 97 85 83 11 84 95

73 Kazakstan 113 97x 100 102 59 99 80

74 Viet Nam 107 94 94x 93x 65 82 95x 160

75 Dominican Rep. 106 100 104 143 56 52 92 110

92 94

Life expectancy

females as a

% of males1995

Adult literacy ratefemales as a

% of males1995

Enrolment ratios

females as a % of males1990-94

primary school secondary school

Contraceptive

prevalence

1990-96

% ofpregnant women

immunized against

tetanus1992-95

% of births

attended

by trained

healthpersonnel

1990-96

Maternalmortality

rate

1990

76777879BO

AlbaniaEcuadorEl SalvadorIran, Islamic Rep. ofLebanon

108108

108102

106

96957695

10298

101

9397

86104111

78

107

57537355x

21

8082

99x64

8777

45x

65150

300120300

81 Honduras 107 100 101 128 47 48 88 220

82 Tunisia 103 70 92 89 60 49 69x 170

83 Colombia 109 100 102 119 72 57 85 100

84 Syrian Arab Rep. 106 65 89 81 36 76 67 180

85 Moldova 113 95x 99 107 60

86 Paraguay 105 97 96 106 48 66 66 160

87 Saudi Arabia 105 69 94 80 62 82x 130

88 Mexico 109 95 96 102 5.3x 42 77 110

89 Thailand 109 96 99 97 74 93 71x 200

90 Armenia 109 99x 107 113 50

91 TFYR Macedonia 109 99 104 91

92 Korea, Dem. Pea. Rep. 109 94x 95 100x 70

93 Russian Federation 119 98x 99 10.8. 75

94 Romania 110 96x 99 99 57 100x 130

95 Argentina 110 100 99 107 74x 97 100

96 Georgia 112 99x 33

97 Latvia 118 99x 6 10.7 40

98 Jordan 106 85 101 104 35 59 87 150

99 Oman 106 65 94 89 9x 95 87x 190

100 Ukraine 115 98x 100 146 100x 50

101 Venezuela 108 98 102 141 49x 18 69x 120

102 Yugoslavia 107 91x 101 102

103 Mauritius 110 91 99 103 75 78 97 120

104 Estonia 117 100x 99 110 70 41

105 Uruguay 109 101 99 102x 13 96x 85

106 Belarus 116 98x 99 108 50 100x 37

107 Panama 106 99 96 108 58x 24 86 55

108 Bulgaria 110 98x 97 106 76x 100x 27

109 Lithuania 117 99x 95 104 .. 36

110 Sri Lanka 106 94 99 110 66 81 94 140

111 United Arab Emirates 103 101 96 112 .. 96x 26

112 Trinidad and Tobago 107 98 100 105 530 19 98x 90

113 Bosnia and Herzegovina 108114 Poland 113 9.60 99 106 75x 99x 19

115 Costa Rica 106 100 99 109 75 90 93x 60

116117

SlovakiaChile

113110 100

10099

103108

7443x 980 65

118 Croatia 113 96x 100 108 93

119 Hungary 114 99x 100 104 73x .. 99x 30

120 Kuwait 105 91 100 100 35x 21 99x 29

121 Jamaica 106 110 99 113 62 82 82x 120

122 Malaysia 106 88 100 109 48x 79 94 BO

123 Portugal 110 91x 97 117 66x .. 90x 15

124 Cuba 105 99 100 111 70x 61 90x 95

125 United States 109 99 99 74x 99x 12

126 Czech Rep. 110 101 104 69 15

127 Belgium 109 101 101 79 10.0x 10

128 Greece 107 95x 101 98 97x 10

129 Spain 108 96x 101 112 59x 96x 7

130 Korea, Rep. of 111 98 102 99 79 98 130

131 France 110 98 103 75 99 15

132 Israel 105 94x 101 108 99x 7

133 New Zealand 108 99 101 70x 99x 25

134 Slovenia 114 100 102 13

135 Australia 108 99 104 76x 100 9

136 Italy 109 98x 101 101 78x 12

137 Netherlands 108 103 95 80 100x 12

138 Norway 109 100 97 76x 100x 6

139 Canada 109 98 99 73x 99x 6

140 Austria 108 100 95 71x 100 10

141 United Kingdom 107 101 103 82 100x 9

142 Switzerland 109 102 96 71x 99x 6

143 Ireland 108 100 109 10

144 Germany 109 101 99 75 99 22

145 Denmark 108 101 103 790 100x 9

146 Japan 108 100 102 59 100x 18

147 Hong Kong* 108 62 99x 106x 81x 100x 7

148 Singapore 107 90 98x 103x 74x 100x 10

149 Finland 111 100 118 80x 100 11

150 Sweden 108 100 101 78x 100x 7

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rate's table 1).

95 93

Table 8: Basic indicators on less populous countriesInfant Annual % of % of

Under-5 mortality Annual no. of Life Total age group childrenmortality rate Total no. of under-5 GNP expectancy adult enrolled in immunized

rate (under 11 population births deaths per capita at birth literacy primary school against(thousands) (thousands) (thousands) IU93) (years) rate (gross) measles

1960 1995 1960 1995 1995 1995 1995 1994 1995 1995 1990-93 1992-95

1

2

3

4

5

Equatorial GuineaDjiboutiComorosSwazilandMarshall Islands

316289248233

17515812410792

188186

165157

113113

857463

400577653855

54

17.022.031.032.0

1.4x

3.03.53.83.40.1

430780x510

11001680

49495759

7946577791x

149x3675

12095

61

42599359

6

7

8

9

10

Sao Tome/PrincipeKiribatiMaldivesCape VerdeGuyana

258164126

81

77

777359

158110100

6357

555444

13379

254392835

4.62.2

10.014.020.0

0.40.20.81.01.2

250740950930530

6960636666

57x93x937298

..91

134

123112x

4796626684

11 Vanuatu 225 58 141 44 169 6.0 0.4 1150 66 64x 106 5312 Tuvalu .. 56 40 10 . 650x 99x 101 9413 Samoa 210 54 134 43 171 6.0 0.3 1000 69 98x 100 9814 Belize 104 40 74 32 215 7.0 0.3 2530 74 70x 109 8315 Saint Kitts/Nevis 40 32 41 0.8 0.0 4760 69 90x 99

16 Palau 35 25 17 0.3x 0.0 790x 98x 103 10017 Grenada 33 26 92 2.1 0.1 2630 73 98x 88x 8418 Suriname 96 32 70 26 423 10.0 0.3 860 71 93 127x 6919 Solomon Islands 185 31 120 25 378 14.0 0.4 810 71 62x 94 6820 Turks/Caicos Islands 31 25 14 0.2x 0.0 780x 98x 100

21 Bahamas 68 28 51 23 276 5.0 0.1 11800 74 98 97 8822 British Virgin Islands 28 24 19 0.2x 0.0 8500x 98x 10023 Cook Islands 28 26 19 0.4x 0.0 1550x 99x 98 9624 Micronesia, Fed. States of 28 .. 22 124 4.1 0.1 1890 64 81x 100 9025 Fiji 97 25 71 21 784 18.0 0.5 2250 72 92 128 94

26 Tonga 24 20 98 2.6 0.1 1590 69 99x 98x 9427 Qatar 239 23 145 18 551 11.0 0.3 12820 71 79 90 8628 Saint Vincent/Grenadines 23 19 112 2.3 0.1 2140 72 82x 95x 10029 Antigua/Barbuda 22 18 66 1.0 0.0 6770 75 95x 100x 9430 Saint Lucia 22 18 142 3.6 0.1 3130 71 82x 95x 94

31 Dominica 21 17 71 1.5 0.0 2800 73 94x .. 9232 Bahrain 203 20 130 17 564 15.0 0.3 7460 72 85 111 8933 Seychelles 20 16 73 1.6 0.0 6680 72 88x 102x 9934 Montserrat 14 11 11 0.2 0.0 3330x 73 97x 100x 10035 Malta 42 12 37 10 366 5.0 0.1 7970x 77 86x 108 90

36 Barbados 90 10 74 9 262 4.0 0.0 6560 76 97 90 9237 Cyprus 36 10 30 9 742 13.0 0.1 10260 77 94x 101 8338 Brunei Darussalam 87 10 63 8 285 6.0 0.1 14240 75 88 107 10039 Luxembourg 41 9 33 8 406 5.0 0.1 39600 76 91 8040 Iceland 22 5 17 5 269 5.0 0.0 24630 79 100 98

96

94

Measuring human developmentAn introduction to table 9

If development in the 1990s is to assume a

more human face then there arises a corre-

sponding need for a means of measuringhuman as well as economic progress. From

UNICEF's point of view, in particular, there is a

need for an agreed method of measuring the

level of child well-being and its rate ofchange.

The under-five mortality rate (U5MR) is

used in table 9 (next page) as the principal in-

dicator of such progress.

The U5MR has several advantages. First,

it measures an end result of the development

process rather than an 'input' such as school

enrolment level, per capita calorie availability,

or the number of doctors per thousand popu-

lation all of which are means to an end.

Second, the U5MR is known to be the re-

sult of a wide variety of inputs: the nutritional

health and the health knowledge of mothers;

the level of immunization and OFIT use; the

availability of maternal and child health ser-

vices (including prenatal care); income and

food availability in the family; the availability

of clean water and safe sanitation; and the

overall safety of the child's environment.

Third, the U5MR is less susceptible than,

say, per capita GNP to the fallacy of the aver-

age. This is because the natural scale does

not allow the children of the rich to be onethousand times as likely to survive, even if the

man-made scale does permit them to have

one thousand times as much income. In other

words, it is much more difficult for a wealthy

minority to affect a nation's U5MR, and ittherefore presents a more accurate, if far from

perfect, picture of the health status of the ma-

jority of children (and of society as a whole).

For these reasons, the U5MR is chosen by

UNICEF as its single most important indicator

of the state of a nation's children. That is why

the statistical annex lists the nations of the

world not in ascending order of their percapita GNP but in descending order of their

under-five mortality rates.

The speed of progress in reducing theU5MR can be measured by calculating its av-

erage annual reduction rate (AARR). Unlike

the comparison of absolute changes, theAARR reflects the fact that the lower limits to

U5MR are approached only with increasing

difficulty. As lower levels of under-five mor-

tality are reached, for example, the same ab-

solute reduction obviously represents agreater percentage of reduction. The AARR

therefore shows a higher rate of progress for,

say, a 10-point reduction if that reduction hap-

pens at a lower level of under-five mortality.

(A fall in U5MR of 10 points from 100 to 90

represents a reduction of 10 per cent, whereas

the same 10-point fall from 20 to 10 repre-

sents a reduction of 50 per cent).

When used in conjunction with GNPgrowth rates, the U5MR and its reduction rate

can therefore give a picture of the progress

being made by any country or region, and over

any period of time, towards the satisfaction of

some of the most essential of human needs.

As table 9 shows, there is no fixed rela-

tionship between the annual reduction rate of

the U5MR and the annual rate of growth in

per capita GNP. Such comparisons help to

throw the emphasis on to the policies, priori-

ties, and other factors which determine the

ratio between economic and social progress.

Finally, the table gives the total fertilityrate for each country and its average annual

rate of reduction. It will be seen that many of

the nations that have achieved significant re-

ductions in their U5MR have also achievedsignificant reductions in fertility.

9795

Table 9: The rate of progressUnder-5 mortality rate

average annual rate of

reduction (%)

GNP per capita

average annual

growth rate

1%)

required'1960 1980 1995 1960-80 1980-95 1995-2000 1965-80 1985-94

Total fertility rate

1960 1980 1995

average annual

rate of

reduction (%)

1960-80 1980-95

1 Niger 320 320 320 0.0 0.0 30.4 -2.5 -2.1 7.3 8.1 7.3 -0.5 0.72 Angola 345 261 292 1.4 -0.7 28.6 . -6.8 6.4 6.9 6.9 -0.4 0.03 Sierra Leone 385 301 284 1.2 0.4 28.0 0.7 -0.4 6.2 6.5 6.3 -0.2 0.24 Mozambique 331 269 275 1.0 -0.1 27.4 .. 3.8 6.3 6.5 6.3 -0.2 0.25 Afghanistan 360 280 257 1.3 0.6 26.0 0.6 6.9 7.1 6.6 -0.1 0.5

6 Guinea-Bissau 336 290 227 0.7 1.6 23.5 -2.7 2.2 5.1 5.7 5.6 -0.6 0.17 Guinea 337 276 219 1.0 1.5 22.8 1.3 1.3 7.0 7.0 6.8 0.0 0.28 Malawi 365 290 219 1.1 1.9 22.8 3.2 -0.7 6.9 7.6 6.9 -0.5 0.69 Liberia 288 235 216 1.0 0.6 22.5 0.5 .. 6.6 6.8 6.6 -0.1 0.210 Somalia 294 246 211 0.9 1.0 22.1 -0.1 -2.3 7.0 7.0 6.8 0.0 0.2

11 Mali 400 310 210 1.3 2.6 22.0 2.1x 1.0 7.1 7.1 6.9 0.0 0.212 Zambia 220 160 203 1.6 -1.6 21.3 -1.2 -1.4 6.6 7.1 5.7 -0.4 1.513 Eritrea 294 260 195 0.6 1.9 20.5 .. .. 6.6 6.1 5.6 0.4 0.614 Ethiopia 294 260 195 0.6 1.9 20.5 0.4 -0.6 6.9 6.9 6.8 0.0 0.115 Mauritania 321 249 195 1.3 1.6 20.5 -0.1 0.2 6.5 6.3 5.2 0.2 1.3

16 Nigeria 204 196 191 0.2 0.2 20.1 4.2 1.2 6.5 6.5 6.2 0.0 0.317 Bhutan 324 249 189 1.3 1.8 19.9 .. 4.4 6.0 5.9 5.7 0.1 0.218 Uganda 218 181 185 0.9 -0.2 19.4 -2.2 2.3 6.9 7.0 7.0 -0.1 0.019 Zaire 286 204 185 1.7 0.6 19.4 -1.3 -1.0 6.0 6.6 6.5 -0.5 0.120 Burundi 255 193 176 1.4 0.6 18.4 2.4 -0.7 6.8 6.8 6.5 0.0 0.3

21 Cambodia 217 330 174 -2.1 4.3 18.2 .. .. 6.3 4.6 5.1 1.6 -0.722 Central African Rep. 294 202 165 1.9 1.4 17.1 0.8 -2.7 5.6 5.8 5.5 -0.2 0.423 Burkina Faso 318 246 164 1.3 2.7 17.0 1.7 -0.1 6.4 6.5 6.3 -0.1 0.224 Madagascar 364 216 164 2.6 1.8 17.0 -0.4 -1.7 6.6 6.6 5.9 0.0 0.725 Tanzania , U. Rep. of 249 180 160 1.6 0.8 16.5 0.8 0.8 6.8 6.8 5.7 0.0 1.2

26 Lesotho 204 173 154 0.8 0.8 15.8 6.8 0.6 5.8 5.7 5.0 0.1 0.927 Chad 325 206 152 2.3 2.0 15.5 -1.9 0.7 6.0 5.9 5.7 0.1 0.228 Cote d'Ivoire 300 170 150 2.8 0.8 15.2 2.8 -4.6 7.2 7.4 7.1 -0.1 0.329 Myanmar 237 146 150 2.4 -0.2 15.2 1.6 6.0 5.1 4.0 0.8 1.630 Gabon 287 194 148 2.0 1.8 15.0 5.6 -3.7 4.1 4.4 5.5 -0.4 -1.5

31 Benin 310 176 142 2.8 1.4 14.1 -0.3 -0.8 6.9 7.1 6.9 -0.1 0.232 Rwanda 191 222 139 -0.8 3.1 13.7 1.6 -6.6 7.5 8.3 6.3 -0.5 1.833 Pakistan 221 151 137 1.9 0.6 13.4 1.8 1.3 6.9 7.0 5.9 -0.1 1.134 Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. 233 190 134 1.0 2.3 13.0 2.1 6.2 6.7 6.4 -0.4 0.335 Ghana 213 155 130 1.6 1.2 12.4 -0.8 1.4 6.9 6.5 5.7 0.3 0.9

36 Togo 264 175 128 2.0 2.1 12.1 1.7 -2.7 6.6 6.6 6.3 0.0 0.337 Haiti 260 195 124 1.4 3.0 11.4 0.9 -5.0 6.3 5.3 4.7 0.9 0.838 Bangladesh 247 211 115 0.8 4.0 9.9 -0.3 2.0 6.7 6.4 4.1 0.2 3.039 India 236 177 115 1.4 2.9 9.9 1.5 2.9 5.9 4.7 3.6 1.1 1.840 Sudan 292 200 115 1.9 3.7 9.9 0.8 -0.2 6.7 6.5 5.6 0.2 1.0

41 Nepal 290 180 114 2.4 3.0 9.8 2.3 5.7 6.4 5.2 -0.6 1.442 Gambia 375 250 110 2.0 5.5 9.0 .. 0.5 6.4 6.5 5.4 -0.1 1.243 Senegal 303 221 110 1.6 4.6 9.0 -0.5 -0.7 7.0 6.9 5.8 0.1 1.244 Yemen 340 210 110 2.4 4.3 9.0 7.6 7.6 7.4 0.0 0.245 Congo 220 125 108 2.8 1.0 8.7 2.7 -2.9 5.9 6.3 6.1 -0.3 0.2

46 Cameroon 264 173 106 2.1 3.3 8.3 2.4 -6.9 5.8 6.4 5.5 -0.5 1.047 Bolivia 252 170 105 2.0 3.2 8.1 1.7 1.7 6.7 5.6 4.6 0.9 1.348 Papua New Guinea 248 95 95 4.8 0.0 8.1 .. 2.2 6.3 5.7 4.8 0.5 1.149 Kenya 202 112 90 2.9 1.5 8.1 3.1 0.0 8.0 7.8 6.0 0.1 1.750 Turkmenistan 126 85 2.6 3.9 -1.5 6.4 5.1 3.8 1.1 2.0

51 Tajikistan 125 79 .. 3.1 5.1 -11.4 6.3 5.7 4.7 0.5 1.352 Namibia 206 114 78 3.0 2.5 6.7 .. 3.3 6.0 5.9 5.1 0.1 1.053 Indonesia 216 128 75 2.6 3.5 3.4 5.2 6.0 5.5 4.4 2.8 1.1 3.054 Morocco 215 145 75 2.0 4.4 5.6 2.7 1.2 7.2 5.5 3.4 1.3 3.255 Mongolia 185 112 74 2.5 2.8 5.4 -3.2 6.0 5.4 3.4 0.5 3.1

56 Zimbabwe 181 125 74 1.8 3.5 6.6 1.7 -0.5 7.5 6.4 4.8 0.8 1.957 Iraq 171 83 71 3.6 1.0 15.9 .. .. 7.2 6.5 5.5 0.5 1.158 Guatemala 205 136 67 2.0 4.7 3.4 3.0 0.9 6.9 6.3 5.1 0.5 1.459 South Africa 126 91 67 1.6 2.1 6.4 3.2 -1.3 6.5 4.9 4.0 1.4 1.460 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 269 118 63 4.1 4.2 3.9 0.0 7.1 7.3 6.2 -0.1 1.1

61 Uzbekistan 98 62 .. 3.1 3.3 .. -2.3 6.3 4.9 3.7 1.3 1.962 Algeria 243 145 61 2.6 5.7 2.9 4.2 -2.5 7.3 6.8 3.6 0.4 4.263 Brazil 181 93 60 3.3 2.9 5.3 6.3 -0.4 6.2 3.9 2.8 2.3 2.264 Nicaragua 209 143 60 1.9 5.8 3.6 -0.7 -6.1 7.4 6.2 4.8 0.9 1.765 Peru 236 130 55 3.0 5.7 2.2 0.8 -2.0 6.9 5.0 3.3 1.6 2.8

66 Kyrgyzstan 90 54 .. 3.4 4.1 . -5.0 5.1 4.1 3.5 1.1 1.167 Philippines 102 70 53 1.9 1.8 5.0 3.2 1.7 6.9 4.9 3.8 1.7 1.768 Botswana 170 94 52 3.0 3.9 4.6 9.9 6.6 6.8 6.1 4.7 0.5 1.769 Egypt 258 180 51 1.8 8.4 -0.9 2.8 1.3 7.0 5.2 3.7 1.5 2.370 Azerbaijan 59 50 1.1 9.4 -12.2 5.5 3.3 2.4 2.6 2.1

71 Turkey 217 141 50 2.2 6.9 -1.3 3.6 1.4 6.3 4.3 3.2 1.9 2.072 China 209 65 47 5.9 2.1 8.1 4.1 7.8 5.5 2.9 2.0 3.2 2.573 Kazakstan 71 47 2.8 3.9 -6.5 4.5 3.0 2.4 2.0 1.574 Viet Nam 219 105 45 3.7 5.6 4.2 .. 6.1 5.1 3.7 0.9 2.175 Dominican Rep. 152 94 44 2.4 5.0 3.3 3.8 2.2 7.4 4.3 2.9 2.7 2.6

96 7 y 98

Under-5 mortality rate

average annual rate of

reduction (%)

GNP per capita

average annual

growth rate

required*

1960 1980 1995 1960-80 1980-95 1995-2000 1965-80 1985-94

Total fertility rate

1960 1980 1995

average annual

rate of

reduction I%)

1960-80 1980-95

76 Albania 151 57 40 4.9 2.4 7.7 -6.0 5.9 3.6 2.8 2.2 2.0

77 Ecuador 180 101 40 2.9 6.2 3.7 5.4 0.9 6.7 5.1 3.3 1.4 2.9

78 El Salvador 210 120 40 2.8 7.3 2.1 1.5 2.2 6.8 5.4 3.8 1.2 2.3

79 Iran, Islamic Rep. of 233 126 40 3.1 7.6 0.4 2.9 -1.0 7.2 6.7 4.8 0.4 2.2

80 Lebanon 85 40 40 3.8 0.0 8.1 6.3 4.0 2.9 2.3 2.1

81 Honduras 203 100 38 3.6 6.4 2.2 1.1 0.5 7.5 6.3 4.6 0.9 2.1

82 Tunisia 244 102 37 4.4 6.7 2.1 4.7 2.1 7.1 5.3 3.0 1.5 3.8

83 Colombia 132 59 36 4.1 3.2 7.1 3.7 2.4 6.8 3.8 2.6 2.9 2.5

84 Syrian Arab Rep. 201 73 36 5.1 4.7 4.0 5.1 -2.1 7.3 7.4 5.6 -0.1 1.9

85 Moldova 49 34 2.4 5.9 3.3 2.5 2.1 1.4 1.2

86 Paraguay 90 61 34 1.9 3.9 6.4 4.1 1.0 6.8 4.8 4.1 1.7 1.1

87 Saudi Arabia 292 90 34 5.9 6.5 2.5 4.0x -1.7 7.2 7.3 6.2 -0.1 1.1

88 Mexico 148 87 32 2.7 6.7 4.2 3.6 0.9 6.8 4.7 3.0 1.8 3.0

89 Thailand 146 61 32 4.4 4.2 5.5 4.4 8.6 6.4 3.6 2.1 2.9 3.6

90 Armenia 34 31 0.6 6.2 -13.0 4.5 2.4 2.5 3.1 -0.3

91 TFYR Macedonia 177 69 31 4.7 5.3 2.5 4.2 2.6 2.0 2.4 1.7

92 Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. 120 43 30 5.1 2.5 5.1 5.8 3.1 2.3 3.1 2.0

93 Russian Federation 43 30 2.4 5.6 -4.1 2.6 2.0 1.5 1.3 1.9

94 Romania 82 29 4.1 1.4 5.5 . -4.5 2.3 2.4 1.5 -0.2 3.1

95 Argentina 68 41 27 2.5 2.8 8.2 1.7 2.0 3.1 3.3 2.7 -0.3 1.3

96 Georgia 40 26 2.9 4.6 -18.6 2.9 2.3 2.1 1.2 0.6

97 Latvia 36 26 2.2 8.1 -6.0 1.9 2.0 1.6 -0.3 1.5

98 Jordan 149 66 25 4.1 6.4 1.6 5.8x -5.6 7.7 7.1 5.4 0.4 1.8

99 Oman 300 95 25 5.7 8.9 1.4 9.0 0.5 7.2 7.2 6.9 0.0 0.3

100 Ukraine 31 24 1.7 8.1 -8.0 2.2 2.0 1.6 0.5 1.5

101 Venezuela 70 42 24 2.6 3.8 6.2 2.3 0.7 6.6 4.2 3.1 2.3 2.0

102 Yugoslavia 120 44 23 5.0 4.3 2.8 .. 2.7 2.3 2.0 0.8 0.9

103 Mauritius 84 42 23 3.4 4.1 5.7 3.7 5.8 5.8 2.8 2.3 3.6 1.3

104 Estonia 30 22 .. 2.1 7.3 . -6.1 2.0 2.1 1.6 -0.2 1.8

105 Uruguay 4.7. 42 21 0.6 4.6 5.8 2.5. 2.9 2.9 2.7 2.3 0.4 1.1

106 Belarus 32 20 .. 3.1 5.4 . -1.9 2.7 2.1 1.7 1.3 1.4

107 Panama 104 31 20 6.0 2.9 7.3 2.8 -1.2 5.9 3.8 2.8 2.2 2.0

108 Bulgaria 70 25 19 5.1 1.8 9.2 -2.7 2.2 2.1 1.5 0.2 2.2

109 Lithuania 28 19 .. 2.6 7.1 . -8.0 2.5 2.1 1.8 0.9 1.0

110 Sri Lanka 13.0 52 19 4.6 6.7 4.3 2.8. 2.9 5.3 3.5 2.4 2.1 2.5

111 United Arab Emirates 240 64 19 .. 6.6 8.1 3.4 .. 0.4 6.9 5.4 4.1 1.2 1.8

112 Trinidad and Tobago 73 40 18 3.0 5.3 2.2 3.1 -2.3 5.1 3.3 2.3 2.2 2.4

113 Bosnia and Herzegovina 155 38 17 7.0 5.4 4.9 .. 4.0 2.1 1.6 3.2 1.8

114 Poland 70 24 16 5.3 2.7 6.0 .. 0.8 3.0 2.3 1.9 1.3 1.3

115 Costa Rica 112 29 16 6.8 3.8 8.2 3.3 2.8 7.0 3.7 3.0 3.2 1.4

116 Slovakia 23 15 .. 2.7 8.5 . -3.0 3.1 2.4 1.9 1.3 1.6

117 Chile 138 35 15 6.9 5.6 2.1 0.0 6.5 5.3 2.8 2.5 3.2 0.8

118 Croatia 98 23 14 7.2 3.1 8.1 . 2.3 2.0 1.7 0.7 1.1

119 Hungary 57 26 14 3.9 4.2 4.7 5.1 -1.2 2.0 2.0 1.7 0.0 1.1

120 Kuwait 128 35 14 6.6 6.2 4.4 0.6x 1.1 7.3 5.4 3.0 1.5 3.9

121 Jamaica 76 39 13 3.4 7.2 4.1 -0.1 3.9 5.4 3.8 2.2 1.8 3.6

122 Malaysia 105 42 13 4.6 7.8 -1.0 4.7 5.6 6.8 4.2 3.4 2.4 1.4

123 Portugal 112 31 11 6.4 6.9 0.6 4.6 4.0 3.1 2.2 1.6 1.7 2.1

124 Cuba 50 26 10 3.3 6.0 3.6 .. .. 4.2 2.0 1.8 3.7 0.7

125 United States 30 15 10 3.3 2.8 6.3 1.8 1.3 3.5 1.8 2.1 3.3 -1.0

126 Czech Rep. 20 10 .. 4.8 3.9 . -2.1 2.3 2.2 1.8 0.2 1.3

127 Belgium 35. 15 10 4.3 3.0 8.2 3.6. 2.3 2.6 1.6 1.7 2.4 -0.4

128 Greece 64 23 10 5.2 5.8 5.0 4.8 1.3 2.2 2.1 1.4 0.2 2.7

129 Spain 57 16 9 6.2 3.7 7.8 4.1 2.8 2.8 2.2 1.2 1.2 4.0

130 Korea, Rep. of 124 18 9 9.8 4.4 5.3 7.3 7.8 5.7 2.6 1.8 3.9 2.5

131 France 34 13 9 4.9 2.3 7.6 3.7 1.6 2.8 1.9 1.7 1.9 0.7

132 Israel 39 19 9 3.6 5.3 2.2 3.7 2.3 3.9 3.3 2.8 0.8 1.1

133 New Zealand 26 16 9 2.5 4.0 0.7 1.7 0.7 3.9 2.1 2.1 3.1 0.0

134 Slovenia 45 18 8 4.6 5.2 4.0 .. .. 2.4 2.1 1.5 0.7 2.2

135 Australia 24 13 8 3.0 3.5 4.5 2.2 1.2 3.3 2.0 1.9 2.5 0.3

136 Italy 50 17 8 5.3 5.3 3.6 3.2 1.8 2.5 1.7 1.3 1.9 1.8

137 Netherlands 22 11 8 3.4 2.4 5.8 2.7 1.9 3.1 1.5 1.6 3.6 -0.4

138 Norway 23 11 8 3.8 2.2 3.4 3.6 1.4 2.9 1.8 2.0 2.4 -0.7

139 Canada 33 13 8 4.8 3.6 5.5 3.3 0.3 3.8 1.7 1.9 4.0 -0.7

140 Austria 43 17 7 4.6 5.6 3.2 4.0 2.0 2.7 1.6 1.6 2.6 0.0

141 United Kingdom 27 14 7 3.1 4.3 3.9 2.0 1.3 2.7 1.8 1.8 2.0 0.0

142 Switzerland 27 11 7 4.5 2.7 3.6 1.5 0.5 2.4 1.5 1.6 2.4 -0.4

143 Ireland 36 14 7 4.6 4.6 3.6 2.8 5.0 3.8 3.2 2.1 0.9 2.8

144 Germany 40 16 7 4.7 5.5 3.1 3.0x 1.9 2.4 1.5 1.3 2.4 1.0

145 Denmark 25 10 7 4.4 2.8 2.5 2.2 1.3 2.6 1.6 1.7 2.4 -0.4

146 Japan 40 11 6 6.6 3.5 8.3 5.1 3.2 2.0 1.8 1.5 0.5 1.2

147 Hong Kong* 52 13 6 6.9 5.2 4.1 6.2 5.3 5.0 2.1 1.2 4.3 3.7

148 Singapore 40 13 6 5.6 5.7 0.7 8.3 6.1 5.5 1.8 1.7 5.6 0.4

149 Finland 28 9 5 5.9 3.6 2.5 3.6 -0.3 2.7 1.7 1.9 2.3 -0.7

150 Sweden 20 9 5 4.1 3.9 1.7 2.0 -0.1 2.3 1.6 2.1 1.8 -1.8

The average annual reduction rate required to achieve an under-five mortality rate in all countries of 70 births or of two thirds the 1990 rate, whichever is the less.

Countries listed in descending order of their 1995 under-five mortality rates (talile 1). 97

Table 10: Regional summaries

Middle EastSub-Saharan and South

Africa North Africa Asia

Latin America CEE/CIS Least

East Asia and and Baltic Industrialized Developing Developedand Pacific Caribbean States countries Countries Countries World

Table 1: Basic indicators

Under-5 mortality rate 1960 256 244 238 200 159 37 216 283 191Under-5 mortality rate 1995 175 60 121 55 47 38 8 99 173 90Infant mortality rate 1960 153 154 146 133 106 31 138 172 123Infant mortality rate 1995 106 46 82 42 38 33 7 67 109 61

Total population (millions) 564 309 1259 1786 474 474 830 4526 586 5696Annual no. of births (thousands) 24710 10187 38071 35975 11865 7298 10518 124197 24513 138624Annual no. of under-5 deaths (thousands) 4323 616 4616 1984 554 282 90 12278 4243 12465GNP per capita )US$) 503 1662 325 962 3139 2121 24300 1023 233 4498Life expectancy at birth (years) 51 65 61 67 69 69 77 62 52 64

Total adult literacy rate (%) 57 59 49 84 86 96 95 71 49 74% enrolled in primary school 72 92 91 114 108 97 104 98 66 99% share of household income, lowest 40% 21 18 10 18 18 15% share of household income, highest 20% 42 45 61 45 41 51

Table 2: Nutrition

% with low birth weight 16 11 33 11 10 6 19 23 18% of children who are exclusively breastfed, 0-3 months 29 43 46 21 42 43 42% of children who are breastfed with food, 6-9 months 64 45 31 41 45 53 45% of children who are still breastfeeding, 20-23 months 48 68 20 52 57 52

% of children suffering from underweight, moderate & severe 30 16 52 23 11 32 42 32% of children suffering from underweight, severe 9 4 20 4 2 10 14 10% of children suffering from wasting, moderate & severe 8 7 16 5 3 9 10 9% of children suffering from stunting, moderate & severe 41 24 53 34 20 39 50 39

Total goitre rate (%) 16 20 13 13 15 20 15 19 14% of households consuming iodized salt 47 75 58 48 80 26 55 33 54Calorie supply as % of requirements 93 123 99 112 114 128 134 107 90 112

Table 3: Health

% with access to safe water, total 51 79 80 67 75 71 55 71% with access to safe water, urban% with access to safe water, rural

8036

9559

8578

9357

8655

8861

7748

8961

% with access to adequate sanitation, total 44 60 33 35 61 40 35 40% with access to adequate sanitation, urban 73 86 71 76 71 74 63 75% with access to adequate sanitation, rural 32 44 19 18 32 22 27 22

% with access to health services, total 53 87 77 87 79 80 48 BO% with access to health services, urban 80 99 97% with access to health services, rural 79 76

% of 1-year-olds immunized against TB 68 95 90 91 96 82 87 73 87% of 1-year-olds immunized against DPT 51 88 77 89 84 83 86 77 58 78% of 1-year-olds immunized against polio 50 88 84 90 84 84 88 80 58 81% of 1-year-olds immunized against measles 53 86 73 88 85 80 83 76 59 77% of pregnant women immunized against tetanus 39 62 69 35 53 50 49 50OAT use rate (%) 73 51 48 87 64 65 81 65

Table 4: Education

Adult literacy rate 1980, male (%) 51 55 52 81 82 69 47 74Adult literacy rate 1980, female (%) 30 27 24 58 78 46 24 56Adult literacy rate 1995, male (%) 67 70 63 91 88 98 79 59 81Adult literacy rate 1995, female (%) 48 47 36 76 85 94 62 38 - 66

No. of radio sets per 1000 population 148 252 79 197 346 392 1255 177 96 355No. of television sets per 1000 population 24 98 33 49 164 313 594 59 10 157

Primary schoo enrolment ratio (%) 1960 (gross), male 47 67 77 120 75 109 93 47 95Primary schoo enrolment ratio (%) 1960 (gross), female 24 35 39 85 71 109 62 23 68Primary schoo enrolment ratio ) %)1990 -94 (gross), male 80 99 102 116 106 98 104 103 74 103Primary schoo enrolment ratio ( % ) 1990-94 (gross), female 66 84 80 112 103 96 104 92 59 93Primary schoo enrolment ratio ) %)1990 -95 (net), male 58 92 97 86 97 86 56 88Primary schoo enrolment ratio (%) 1990-95 (net), female 50 82 95 86 97 81 45 84

% reaching grade 5, primary school 71 91 59 87 73 94 99 75 57 76Secondary school enrolment ratio, male (%) 26 62 51 57 45 80 97 51 21 57Secondary school enrolment ratio, female (%) 21 49 32 49 49 82 99 41 12 49

10098

Middle East

Sub-Saharan and South

Africa North Africa Asia

Latin America CEE/CIS Least

East Asia and and Baltic Industrialized Developing Developed

and Pacific Caribbean States countries Countries Countries World

Table 5: Demographic indicators

Population under 18 (millions) 293 148 539 603 190 141 191 1827 294 2106

Population under 5 (millions) 103 46 168 171 56 36 53 560 101 633

Population annual growth rate 1965 -80) %) 2.7 2.9 2.3 2.2 2.5 1.1 0.8 2.3 2.5 2.0

Population annual growth rate 1980 -951 %) 2.9 3.0 2.2 1.5 2.0 0.8 0.6 2.0 2.6 1.7

Crude death rate 1960 24 21 21 19 13 10 10 20 25 17

Crude death rate 1995 15 7 9 7 6 11 9 9 14 9

Crude birth rate 1960 49 48 44 39 42 25 20 42 48 36

Crude birth rate 1995 44 33 30 20 25 15 13 28 42 24

Life expectancy 1960 (years) 40 47 44 48 56 65 70 . 47 39 51

Life expectancy 1995 (years) 51 65 61 67 69 69 77 62 52 64

Total fertility rate 6.1 4.6 3.9 2.3 3.0 2.1 1.7 3.4 5.6 3.1

% of population urbanized 31 54 27 33 74 66 77 37 22 45

Urban population annual growth rate 1965 -801 %) 5.2 4.8 3.8 3.3 3.8 2.3 1.3 3.8 5.4 2.8

Urban population annual growth rate 1980 -951 %) 5.0 4.1 3.4 4.1 2.9 1.8 0.8 3.8 5.0 2.8

Table 6: Economic indicators

GNP per capita (US$) 503 1662 325 962 3139 2121 24300 1023 233 4498

GNP per capita annual growth rate 1965 -801 %) 2.7 3.1 1.5 4.9 4.0 2.9 3.7 -0.1 3.1

GNP per capita annual growth rate 1985 -941 %) -0.9 -0.7 2.6 7.1 0.9 -3.1 1.9 2.9 -0.1 1.9

Annual rate of inflation (%) 16 15 10 9 392 103 3 139 22 30

% below absolute poverty level, urban .. 33 18 27 55

% below absolute poverty level, rural 62 39 16 48 31 70

% of government expenditure to health 4 6 2 2 5 12 4 5 10

% of government expenditure to education 13 15 3 12 10 4 11 12 6

% of government expenditure to defence 11 21 17 17 5 10 13 19 10

ODA inflow (US$ millions) 17285 6296 7035 8637 5112 45138 15676 48299

ODA inflow as % of recipient GNP 6 1 2 1 0 1 12 1

Debt service, % of goods & services exports 1970 6 12 17 6 13 1 1 6 11

Debt service. % of goods & services exports 1994 85 383 291 367 205 210.9. 254 53 286

Table 7: Women

Life expectancy, females as % of males 106 104 101 106 . 108 . 112 . 109 - 104 - 104 105

Adult literacy, females as % of males 71 67 57 84 97 96 78 63 81

Enrolment, females as % of males, primary school 83 85 79 97 97 98 100 89 79 90

Enrolment, females as % of males, secondary school BO 79 63 87 109 102 101 81 59 87

Contraceptive prevalence ( %) 15 44 38 75 60 72 54 18 57

Pregnant women immunized against tetanus (%) 39 62 69 35 53 50 49 50

% of births attended by trained health personnel 38 62 29 75 76 99 53 29 57

Maternal mortality rate 980 323 607 214 190 e6 13 477 1052 428

Table 9: The rate of progress

Under-5 mortality rate 1960 256 244 238 200 159 37 216 283 191

Under-5 mortality rate 1980 202 142 179 B1 88 63 15 137 221 122

Under-5 mortality rate 1995 175 60 121 55 47 38 8 99 173 90

Under-5 mortality annual reduction rate 1960 -801 %) 1.2 2.7 1.4 4.5 3.0 4.7 2.3 1.2 2.2

Under-5 mortality annual reduction rate 1980 -951 %) 1.0 5.7 2.6 2.5 4.2 3.3 3.6 2.2 1.6 2.1

Under-5 mortality annual reduction rate required 1995 20001 %) 18.9 5.0 11.1 7.6 5.1 3.3 5.7 11.8 18.1 11.6

GNP per capita annual growth rate 1965 -801 %) 2.7 3.1 1.5 4.9 4.0 .. 2.9 3.7 -0.1 3.1

GNP per capita annual growth rate 1985 -941 %) -0.9 -0.7 2.6 7.1 0.9 -3.1 1.9 2.9 -0.1 1.9

Total fertility rate 1960 6.6 7.1 6.1 5.6 6.0 3.0 2.8 6.0 6.6 4.9

Total fertility rate 1980 6.6 6.2 5.1 3.3 4.1 2.5 1.8 4.4 6.5 3.8

Total fertility rate 1995 6.1 4.6 3.9 2.3 3.0 2.1 1.7 3.4 5.6 3.1

Total fertility annual reduction rate 1960 -801 %) 0.0 0.7 0.9 2.7 1.8 0.9 2.2 1.5 0.0 1.3

Total fertility annual reduction rate 1980-95 (%) 0.6 2.0 1.7 2.4 2.2 1.4 0.2 1.7 1.0 1.4

Figures in this table are totals or weighted averages. 1 (1 1

99

Country groupings for table 10

Sub-Saharan Africa

Middle East andNorth Africa

South Asia

East Asia and Pacific

Latin Americaand Caribbean

Central and EasternEurope, Commonwealthof Independent States,and Baltic Statei

100

Angola Eritrea Madagascar SenegalBenin Ethiopia Malawi Sierra Leone

Botswana Gabon Mali SomaliaBurkina Faso Gambia Mauritania South AfricaBurundi Ghana Mauritius Tanzania , U. Rep. of

Cameroon Guinea Mozambique Togo

Central African Rep. Guinea-Bissau Namibia Uganda

Chad Kenya Niger Zaire

Congo Lesotho Nigeria Zambia

COte d'Ivoire Liberia Rwanda Zimbabwe

Algeria Jordan Morocco Syrian Arab Rep.

Egypt Kuwait Oman Tunisia

Iran, Islamic Rep. of Lebanon Saudi Arabia United Arab EmiratesIraq Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Sudan Yemen

Afghanistan Bhutan Nepal Sri Lanka

Bangladesh India Pakistan

Cambodia Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep. Mongolia SingaporeChina Korea, Rep. of Myanmar ThailandHong Kong* Lao Peo. Dem. Rep. Papua New Guinea Viet NamIndonesia Malaysia Philippines

Argentina Cuba Honduras Peru

Bolivia Dominican Rep. Jamaica Trinidad and Tobago

Brazil Ecuador Mexico UruguayChile El Salvador Nicaragua Venezuela

Colombia Guatemala Panama

Costa Rica Haiti Paraguay

Albania Czech Rep. Moldova TurkmenistanArmenia Estonia Poland UkraineAzerbaijan Georgia Romania UzbekistanBelarus Hungary Russian Federation Yugoslavia

Bosnia and Kazakstan Slovakia

Herzegovina Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan

Bulgaria Latvia TFYR Macedonia

Croatia Lithuania Turkey

102

Industrializedcountries

Australia

Austria

Belgium

Canada

Denmark

Finland

France

Germany

Greece

Ireland

Israel

Italy

Japan

Netherlands

New Zealand

Norway

Portugal

Slovenia

Spain

Sweden

Switzerland

United Kingdom

United States

Developingcountries

Afghanistan

Algeria

Angola

Argentina

Armenia

Azerbaijan

Bangladesh

Benin

Bhutan

Bolivia

Botswana

Brazil

Burkina Faso

Burundi

Cambodia

Cameroon

Central African Rep.

Chad

Chile

China

Colombia

Congo

Costa Rica

COte d'Ivoire

Cuba

Dominican Rep.

Ecuador

Egypt

El Salvador

Eritrea

Ethiopia

Gabon

Gambia

Georgia

Ghana

Guatemala

Guinea

Guinea-Bissau

Haiti

Honduras

Hong Kong*

India

Indonesia

Iran, Islamic Rep. of

Iraq

Jamaica

Jordan

Kazakstan

Kenya

Korea, Dem. Peo. Rep.

Korea, Rep. of

Kuwait

Kyrgyzstan

Lao Peo. Dem. Rep.

Lebanon

Lesotho

Liberia

Libyan Arab

Jamahiriya

Madagascar

Malawi

Malaysia

Mali

Mauritania

Mauritius

Mexico

Mongolia

Morocco

Mozambique

Myanmar

Namibia

Nepal

Nicaragua

Niger

Nigeria

Oman

Pakistan

Panama

Papua New Guinea

Paraguay

Peru

Philippines

Rwanda

Saudi Arabia

Senegal

Sierra Leone

Singapore

Somalia

South Africa

Sri Lanka

Sudan

Syrian Arab Rep.

Tajikistan

Tanzania , U. Rep. of

Thailand

Togo

Trinidad and Tobago

Tunisia

Turkey

Turkmenistan

Uganda

United Arab Emirates

Uruguay

Uzbekistan

Venezuela

Viet Nam

Yemen

Zaire

Zambia

Zimbabwe

Least developedcountries

Afghanistan

Angola

Bangladesh

Benin

Bhutan

Burkina Faso

Burundi

Cambodia

Central African Rep.

Chad

Eritrea

Ethiopia

Gambia

Guinea

Guinea-Bissau

Haiti

Lao Peo. Dem. Rep.

Lesotho

Liberia

Madagascar

103

Malawi

Mali

Mauritania

Mozambique

Myanmar

Nepal

Niger

Rwanda

Sierra Leone

Somalia

Sudan

Tanzania , U. Rep. of

Togo

Uganda

Yemen

Zaire

Zambia

101

Definitions

Under-five mortality rateProbability of dying between birth and exactlyfive years of age expressed per 1,000 livebirths.

Infant mortality rateProbability of dying between birth and exactlyone year of age expressed per 1,000 livebirths.

GNPGross national product, expressed in currentUnited States dollars. GNP per capita growthrates are average annual growth rates thathave been computed by fitting trend lines tothe logarithmic values of GNP per capita atconstant market prices for each year of thetime period.

Life expectancy at birthThe number of years newborn children wouldlive if subject to the mortality risks prevailingfor the cross-section of population at the timeof their birth.

Adult literacy ratePercentage of persons aged 15 and over whocan read and write.

Primary and secondaryenrolment ratiosThe gross enrolment ratio is the total numberof children enrolled in a schooling levelwhether or not they belong in the relevantage group for that level expressed as apercentage of the total number of children inthe relevant age group for that level. The netenrolment ratio is the total number of childrenenrolled in a schooling level who belong inthe relevant age group, expressed as apercentage of the total number in that agegroup.

Income sharePercentage of income received by the 20 percent of households with the highest incomeand by the 40 per cent of households with thelowest income.

Low birth weightLess than 2,500 grams.

102

UnderweightModerate and severe below minus twostandard deviations from median weight forage of reference population; severe belowminus three standard deviations from medianweight for age of reference population.

WastingModerate and severe below minus twostandard deviations from median weight forheight of reference population.

StuntingModerate and severe below minus twostandard deviations from median height forage of reference population.

Total goitre ratePercentage of children aged 6-11 withpalpable or visible goitre. This is an indicatorof iodine deficiency, which causes braindamage and mental retardation.

Access to health servicesPercentage of the population that can reachappropriate local health services by the localmeans of transport in no more than one hour.

DPTDiphtheria, pertussis (whooping cough) andtetanus.

ORT usePercentage of all cases of diarrhoea inchildren under five years of age treated withoral rehydration salts or recommended homefluids.

Children reaching grade 5 ofprimary schoolPercentage of the children entering the firstgrade of primary school who eventually reachgrade 5.

Crude death rateAnnual number of deaths per 1,000population.

Crude birth rateAnnual number of births per 1,000 population.

104

Total fertility rateThe number of children that would be bornper woman if she were to live to the end ofher child-bearing years and bear children ateach age in accordance with prevailingage-specific fertility rates.

Urban populationPercentage of population living in urban areasas defined according to the national definitionused in the most recent population census.

Absolute poverty levelThe income level below which a minimumnutritionally adequate diet plus essential non-food requirements is not affordable.

ODAOfficial development assistance.

Debt serviceThe sum of interest payments andrepayments of principal on external publicand publicly guaranteed long-term debts.

Contraceptive prevalencePercentage of married women aged 15-49years currently using contraception.

Births attendedPercentage of births attended by physicians,nurses, midwives, or primary health careworkers trained in midwifery skills.

Maternal mortality rateAnnual number of deaths of women frompregnancy-related causes per 100,000 livebirths.

Main sources

Under-five andinfant mortalityUnited Nations Population Division,UNICEF, United Nations StatisticalDivision, World Bank and US Bureauof the Census.

Total populationUnited Nations Population Division.

BirthsUnited Nations Population Division, UnitedNations Statistical Division and World Bank.

Under-five deathsUNICEF.

GNP per capitaWorld Bank.

Life expectancyUnited Nations Population Division.

Adult literacyUnited Nations Educational, Scientific andCultural Organization (UNESCO).

School enrolmentand reaching grade 5United Nations Educational, Scientific andCultural Organization (UNESCO).

Household incomeWorld Bank.

Low birth weightWorld Health Organization (WHO).

BreastfeedingDemographic and Health Surveys (MacroInternational), Multiple Indicator ClusterSurveys (MICS) and World HealthOrganization (WHO).

Underweight,wasting and stuntingDemographic and Health Surveys, MultipleIndicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) and WorldHealth Organization (WHO).

Salt iodizationUNICEF and Multiple Indicator ClusterSurveys (MICS.

Goitre rateWorld Health Organization (WHO).

Calorie intakeFood and Agricultural Organization of theUnited Nations (FAO).

Access to safe drinking water andadequate sanitation facilitiesUNICEF, World Health Organization (WHO)and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS.

Access to health servicesUNICEF and Demographic and HealthSurveys.

ImmunizationWorld Health Organization (WHO) andUNICEF.

ORT useMultiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS,Demographic and Health Surveys and WorldHealth Organization (WHO).

Radio and televisionUnited Nations Educational, Scientific andCultural Organization (UNESCO).

Child populationUnited Nations Population Division.

Crude death and birth ratesUnited Nations Population Division.

FertilityUnited Nations Population Division.

Urban populationUnited Nations Population Division andWorld Bank

Inflation and absolute povertylevelWorld Bank.

105

Expenditure on health, educationand defenseInternational Monetary Fund (IMF).

ODAOrganisation for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment (OECD).

Debt serviceWorld Bank.

Contraceptive prevalenceUnited Nations Population Division andDemographic and Health Surveys.

Births attendedWorld Health Organization (WHO).

Maternal mortalityWorld Health Organization (WHO)and UNICEF.

Several of the maternal mortality rates intable 7 are substantially different fromofficial government estimates. Theseand other rates are being reviewed byWHO and UNICEF and will be revisedwhere necessary, as part of the ongoingprocess of improving maternal mortalityestimates.

103

Index

AAbrinq Foundation (Brazil), 64-65, 70-71Africa

child labour in, 26-27, 30, 39-40, 44cuts in educational funding in, 29education in, 53

Africa Foundation (Uganda), 43age of children engaged in child labour, 25-26agricultural child labour, 20, 38-40, 43-44Alston, Philip, 14Alternative Services for Street Children

Project (Brazil), 59Angola, 12Anti-Slavery International, 33Aquino, Corazon, 63Argentina, 31Asia

child labour in, 26, 30, 35, 44Asian-American Free Labor Institute, 50Asian Summit on Child Rights and the Media

(Manila, 1996), 66Association of Citric Exporters (Brazil), 64Australia, 23

BBadran, Hoda, 10Balia Gram Unnayan Samity (BGUS; India), 50Bangladesh, 24

child labour in, 21, 22, 23, 30-31, 38, 40, 60,64, 65, 70

education in, 50-51 (non-formal); 29,49 (primary)

educational spending by, 54Grameen Bank in, 61-62

Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers andExporters Association (BGMEA), 60

Bangladesh Independent Garment WorkersUnion, 50

Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee(BRACT, 52, 55, 60

banks, 61-62Barabanki project (India), 55Belgium, 18, 23Benin, 30, 33Bolivia, 22bonded child labour, 24, 28, 35-36, 62, 66-67

Bosco Yuvodaya Street Children Project(India), 43

Boutros-Ghali, Boutros, 13boycotts, 21, 23Brazil

Abrinq Foundation in, 64-65, 70-71child labour in, 22, 24, 31, 35-36, 38, 39, 64-65

child labour legislation in, 59-61education in, 50, 51, 57 (non-formal);

29 (primary)

104

murder of street children in, 40-41National Children's Movement in, 43

National Forum for the Prevention andElimination of Child Labour in, 63-65street children in, 55, 57

Burkina Faso, 12

CCanada

child labour in, 31IPEC funded by, 23

C & A (firm; Britain), 70carpet industry, 35, 44, 64, 68-69cash stipends for education, 51Central African Republic, 53Central America, 40Central Europe, 26Centre for Rural Education and Development

Association (CREDA; India), 22-23, 50Child Labor Deterrence Act (Harkin Bill; U.S.,

1992), 23-24, 60

child labour, 17-18, 71age of children engaged in, 25-26agricultural, 20, 38-39, 40cuts in educational funding and, 29definitions of, 24-25domestic, 30-35education and, 48family work as, 43-44forced and bonded, 35-36by girls, 44-45income of adult women and, 62industrial and plantation work, 37-40International Programme on the Elimination

of Child Labour on, 22-23legislation on, 19, 58-61media coverage of, 65-66myths about, 18-24number of children engaged in, 24-25 (Figs.),

26-27

poverty and, 27-29scavenging, 42-43sexual exploitation as, 36-37street work as, 40-43traditional expectations and, 29-32World Summit for Children and, 46

Child Labour Abolition Support Scheme(CLASS; India), 62

child development, 24-25, 31, 33child prostitution, 36-37, 65children

defined under Convention on the Rights ofthe Child, 9

organizations of, 43, 66-67Children's Rights Development Unit

(United Kingdom), 10

106

Chile, 22China, 12Christian Children's Fund (India), 50codes of conduct (for corporations), 70Colombia

child labour in, 37, 39, 44, 65education in, 52 (rural)Escuela Nueva in, 56-57

Committee on the Rights of the Child, 10, 11Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women, 62Convention on the Rights of the Child, 9-14, 17-

19, 46, 48, 53, 54, 63, 67, 71

Cook Islands, 9corporations, 40, 64-65, 67-71Costa Rica, 22Cote d'Ivoire, child labour in, 39

DDaughter's Education Programme (Thailand),

32

developing countriesbudget priorities in, 14child labour in, 18-20, 36, 38-39, 40social clause, 70spending on education by, 53-54structural adjustment programmes in, 28

discrimination, 45, 61, 62domestic labour, 26, 30-35, 43-44, 49

Sinaga Women and Child Labour ResourceCentre for, 34

Dominican Republic, 30, 36

EEastern Europe, 26Ecuador, 51

education, 48-58basic education, 51-55bringing to children, 55-58on children's rights, 11cuts in funding of, 29girls excluded from, 45non-formal, 23, 50-51, 55-58rural, Escuela Nueva for, 52, 56-57combating child labour by, 52

Egyptchild labour in, 22education in, 58 (non-formal)minimum age for work in, 25

El Salvador, 70child labour in, 22

employers, 66-71ENDA-Tiers Monde (Senegal), 50England, 10, 18

Equatorial Guinea, 29Eritrea, 12

Escuela Nueva (EN; Colombia), 52, 56-57Ethiopia, 12

child labour in, 42ethnic minorities, 20, 31, 35Europe, child labour in, 26, 30, 31European Trade Union Committee: Textiles,

Clothing and Leather, 66exploitative child labour 30, 32, 35-37

commercial sexual exploitation as, 36-37definitions of, 24-25poverty and, 27-29see also hazardous child labour

export industries, 21, 23-24, 60, 68-69

Ffamily work, 43-44Federation of Kenyan Employers, 66Finland, 66

forced child labour, 35-36Forced Labour Convention (ILO; 1930), 19Formation Carpets (firm, Nepal), 64France, 23Free the Children, 67Fundacion CISOL (Ecuador), 51

Gap (firm, U.S.), 70garment industry, 23-24, 50-51, 60, 64-65, 70German Committee for UNICEF, 69German Textile and Clothes Union, 66Germany, 22-23Ghana, 26

girlslabour of, 30-35, 36-37, 44-45education for, 52Sinaga Women and Child Labour Resource

Centre for, 34Gono Shahjjo Shangstha (Bangladesh), 60Grameen Bank (Bangladesh), 61-62Greece, 20Guatemala, child labour in, 22, 45Gulbenkian Foundation (United Kingdom), 10

HHaiti, 30-33Harkin, Tom, 60Harkin Bill (Child Labor Deterrence Act; U.S.,

1992), 23-24, 60

hazardous child labour, 20, 24, 32, 38-39, 41-43ILO efforts on, 19, 46-47minimum age for, 25-26poverty and, 20-21traditional expectations and, 29-32see also exploitative child labour

Honduras, 12

child labour in, 40education in, 51 (non-formal)

Hong Kong, 59minimum age for work in, 25

Indiachild labour in, 17, 22-23, 24, 26, 28, 33, 35,

37, 40, 43, 48, 69

child labour legislation in, 59children's demonstrations in, 67education in, 50, 55 (non-formal); 29, 52

(primary)educational spending by, 54empowering poor in, 61Rugmark Foundation in, 68-69South Asian Coalition on Child Servitude

in, 63

traditional expectations in, 31Indonesia, child labour in, 22, 23, 26, 30, 40industrial child labour, 37-40industrialized countries

child labour in, 18-20, 26-27, 36traditional expectations in, 29-31

Interfaith Center on Corporate ResponsibilityOCCR, 70

International Confederation of Free TradeUnions (ICFTU), 66

International Conference on Child Labour(Oslo, 1997), 11-13

International Covenant on Civil and PoliticalRights (U.N.; 1966), 19

International Covenant on Economic, Socialand Cultural Rights (U.N.; 1966(, 19

International Labour Organization (ILO)on agricultural child labour, 38-39child labour conventions of, 19on education and schooling, 48extent of child labour estimated by, 26on hazardous child labour, 46International Programme on the Elimination

of Child Labour of (IPEC, 22-23Minimum Age Conventions of, 17, 19, 25-26,

66

Sinaga Women and Child Labour ResourceCentre funded by, 34

International Monetary Fund (IMF), 28International Programme on the Elimination of

Child Labour (IPEC; ILO), 22-23Sinaga Women and Child Labour Resource

Centre funded by, 34Intersport Ltd. (firm, Bangladesh), 64Italian Committee for UNICEF, 66Italy, 37

Labour Project in, 66

L.

107

JJapan, 18 (Fig.)

KKeilburger, Craig, 67Kenya

child labour in, 22, 30, 31, 33, 35, 38education in, 50 (non-formal)Federation of Kenyan Employers in, 66Sinaga Women and Child Labour Resource

Centre in, 34Korea, Republic of, 54Kyrgyzstan, 41

Ilabour unions, 66Latin America

child labour in, 26, 27, 30, 44, 45cuts in educational funding in, 29education in, 29 (primary)

legislation, 58-61agricultural work not covered by, 38on child labour, 19family work excluded from, 44supporting Convention on the Rights of the

Child, 11-12Levi Strauss (firm), 65, 70Liberia, 41

Luxembourg, 23

MMalawi, 38Malaysia

child labour in, 17educational spending by, 54

Mali, 55maquiladoras, 40Masih, lqbal, 66-67Maurice Sixto Shelter (Haiti), 31Mauritania, 36Mberio, Albert, 53.media, 65-66Mexico, 40Middle East, 30, 45military spending, 14, 28Minimum Age Convention (ILO; 1919 and 1973),

17, 19, 26, 66

minimum ages for work, 25-26Morocco, 17multinational corporations, see transnational

corporationsMuseveni, Yoweri, 12Myanmar (Burma), 36

105

NNamibia, 12National Children's Movement (Brazil), 43National Forum for the Prevention and

Elimination of Child Labour (Brazil), 63-65National Project on Street Children

(Philippines), 57, 65National Institute for Family Well-Being (Peru),

55-57

Nepal, 12child labour in, 22, 35, 36, 40, 44, 45, 64children's demonstrations in, 67education in, 50 (non-formal)Rugmark Foundation in, 69

Nicaragua, 22non-formal education, 22-23, 50-51, 55, 57-58Northern Ireland, 10Norway, 23

0Oman, 9Oppex (firm, Bangladesh), 64Ordoriez, Victor, 50Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

Development (OECD), 53

PPakistan

child labour in, 21, 22, 35educational spending by, 54illiteracy in, 58

Panama, 22Paraguay, 55Pelto, P., 49

Peruchild labour in, 33, 37, 42minimum age for work in, 25Street Educator Project in, 55-57

Philippineschild labour in, 17, 22, 23, 42, 43, 63, 65children's organizations in, 67minimum age for work in, 25National Project on Street Children in, 57

plantation child labour, 38-40Portugal, 17Potala Carpets (firm, Nepal), 64poverty, 61-63

child labour and, 20-21, 27-29, 30PRESSHOPE (Philippines), 65private sector, 64-71

see also corporations; Rugmark FoundationProject Alternatives & Opportunities

(Honduras), 51Projeto Axe (Brazil), 50, 57prostitution, 36-37, 65

106

RReach Up (Philippines), 43Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 40-41Rugmark Foundation (India and Nepal), 68-69Rural Organization and Assistance for

Development (ROAD; Philippines), 65Russian Federation

child labour in, 41education in, 58 (non-formal)

Rwanda, 11

SSt. Kitts and Nevis, 12Samling Carpet Industries (Nepal), 64sanctions, 21, 23-24scavenging, 41-43, 49Scotland, 10Senegal

child labour in, 26, 35, 36-37education in, 50 (non-formal)

sexual abuse, 33sexual exploitation of children, 36-37Sierra Leone, 11, 41Sinaga Women and Child Labour Resource

Centre (Kenya), 31, 34slavery, 36social mobilization, 63-67Somalia, 9South Africa, 12, 69

child labour in, 39South Asia, child labour in, 35, 44South Asian Association for Regional

Cooperation (SAARC), 21South Asian Coalition on Child Servitude

(SACCS; India), 63, 67, 68Spain, 23Sri Lanka, child labour in, 33, 35, 40, 66street children, 40-43, 55, 57-58

education for, 55-58legislation in Brazil on, 59-61

street educator project (Peru), 55-57street work, 40-43structural adjustment programmes, 28Switzerland, 9

Tanzania, child labour in, 17, 22, 38, 39teachers, 52-53

in Escuela Nueva, 56, 57Thailand, child labour in, 22, 31, 38-39, 40tobacco industry, 62Togo, 12

child labour in, 30trade unions, 66transnational corporations, 40, 65

108

codes of conduct for, 70Tunisia, 12Turkey, child labour in, 22, 3820/20 initiative, 14, 54

Uganda, 12Africa Foundation in, 43

Underprivileged Children's EducationProgramme (Nepal), 50

Undugu Society (Kenya), 43, 50UNESCO, 29

unions, 66United Arab Emirates, 9United Kingdom

child labour in, 20, 27Children's Rights Development Unit/Agenda

for Children in, 10United Kingdom Committee for UNICEF, 10United Nations

International Covenant on Civil and PoliticalRights of, 19

International Covenant on Economic, Socialand Cultural Rights of, 19

United States, 9child labour in, 17, 20, 27, 31, 36Harkin Bill in, 23-24, 60IPEC funded by, 23

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948),19

Uruguay, 33

wWales, 10, 18women, 45, 62

see also girlsWorld Bank, 28, 53, 54World Conference on Education for All

(Thailand, 1990), 51, 54World Congress Against Commercial Sexual

Exploitation of Children (Stockholm, 1996),11, 37

World Declaration on the Survival, Protectionand Development of Children (1990), 46

World Summit for Children (1990), 13, 46World Summit for Social Development

(Copenhagen, 1995), 61

World Trade Organization, 69

zZaire, 42Zimbabwe

education in, 53child labour in, 39-40structural adjustment programme in, 28

Zimbabwe Integrated National TeacherEducation Course (ZINTEC), 53

Glossary

AIDS

acquired immune deficiency

syndrome

BGMEA

Bangladesh Garment

Manufacturers and Exporters

Association

BGUS

Balia Gram Unnayan Samity project

BRAC

Bangladesh Rural Advancement

Committee

CEE/CIS

Central and Eastern

Europe/Commonwealth of

Independent States

CLASS

Child Labour Abolition Support Scheme

CREDA

Centre for Rural Education and

Development Association

EN

Escuela Nueva

ENDA-Tiers Monde

Environment and Development

Action in the Third World

GNP

gross national product

GTZ

German Agency for Technical

Cooperation

HIV

human immunodeficiency virus

ICCR

Interfaith Center on Corporate

Responsibility

ICFTU

International Confederation of Free

Trade Unions

ILO

International Labour Organization

IMF

International Monetary Fund

IPEC

International Programme on the

Elimination of Child Labour (ILO)

NGO

non-governmental organization

ODA

official development assistance

109

OECD

Organisation for Economic Co-operation

and Development

ROAD

Rural Organization and Assistance for

Development

SAARC

South Asian Association for Regional

Cooperation

SACCS

South Asian Coalition on Child Servitude

UN

United Nations

UNDP

United Nations Development Programme

UNESCO

United Nations Educational, Scientific

and Cultural Organization

UNICEF

United Nations Children's Fund

ZINTEC

Zimbabwe Integrated National Teacher

Education Course

107

unicefUNICEF Headquarters

3 UN PlazaNew York, NY 10017, USA

UNICEF Geneva Office

Palais des NationsCH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland

UNICEF Regional Office forCentral and Eastern Europe,Commonwealth of Independent States,and Baltic States

Palais des NationsCH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland

UNICEF Regional Office forEastern and Southern Africa

P.O. Box 44145

Nairobi, Kenya

UNICEF Regional Office forWest and Central Africa

P.O. Box 443

Abidjan 04, C6te d'Ivoire

UNICEF Regional Office for theAmericas and the Caribbean

Apartado 7555Santa Fe de Bogota, Colombia

UNICEF Regional Office forEast Asia and the Pacific

P.O. Box 2 154Bangkok 10200, Thailand

UNICEF Regional Office for theMiddle East and North Africa

P.O. Box 811721

11181 Amman, Jordan

UNICEF Regional Officefor South Asia

P.O. Box 5815

Lekhnath MargKathmandu, Nepal

UNICEF Office for Japan

UN Headquarters Building8th floor53-70, Jingumae 5-chomeShibuya-kuTokyo 150, Japan

110

4)

444, -err 3 1, *

11-_

Children's rights are the foundation on which better societies can be built, anda detailed blueprint exists in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. TheState of the World's Children /997 report explores some of the implications ofthis ground-breaking treaty for children now on the verge of becoming thefirst universal law with a particular focus on the moving subject of childlabour. Just as no child should die of preventable illnesses, the report argues,no child should labour in hazardous and exploitative conditions.

While it is impossible to cite a single authoritative figure, it is clear that thenumber of child workers worldwide runs into hundreds of millions, many ofthem toiling in largely unseen tasks. Although some of their work promotes orenhances their development, without interfering with schooling, recreation andrest, much of it is palpably destructive. Poor children face such hazards, thereport says, because they are exploited.

The problem is complex, but there are a vast range of ideas and a large andgrowing body of experience on how to break the cycle of child labour andpoverty. Relevant education and stronger social partnerships to ease the effectsof poverty are among the strategies examined. The report also suggests steps toeliminate child labour, always taking into account the best interests of the child.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS£6.95 net in UK $12.95 in USAISBN 0- 19- 262871 -2

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