Eastern outpost. The sculptors Herman Van Hutte and Hendrik Horst in Lviv ca 1560-1610, in: F....

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Art and MigrationNetherlandish Artists on the Move, 1400-1750

Editors / Redactie:Frits Scholten

Joanna WoodallDulcia Meijers

Kunst en MigratieNederlandse kunstenaars op drift, 1400-1750

LEIDEN . BOSTON2014

BRILL_NKJ63_BW_NKJ_63 08-07-14 10:14 Pagina 3


Contents / Inhoud

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58

82

110

136

170

240

264

302

324

348

Frits Scholten & Joanna Woodall

Filip Vermeylen

Hope Walker

Arjan de Koomen

Franciszek Skibiński

Aleksandra Lipińska

Gert Jan van der Sman & Bouk Wierda

Marije Osnabrugge

Abigail D. Newman

Judith Noorman

Isabella di Lenardo

Saskia Cohen-Willner

Netherlandish artists on the move

Greener pastures? Capturing artists’ migrations during the Dutch Revolt

Netherlandish immigrant painters and the Dutch reformed churchof London, Austin Friars, 1560-1580

‘Una cosa non meno maravigliosa che honorata’The expansion of Netherlandish sculptors in sixteenth-centuryEurope

Early-modern Netherlandish sculptors in Danzig and East-CentralEurope. A study in dissemination through interrelation andworkshop practice

Eastern outpost. The sculptors Herman van Hutte and HendrikHorst in Lviv c. 1560-1610

Wisselend succes. De loopbanen van Nederlandse en Vlaamsekunstenaars in Florence, 1450-1600

From itinerant to immigrant artist. Aert Mytens in Naples

Juan de la Corte: ‘branding’ Flanders abroad

A fugitive’s success story. Jacob van Loo in Paris (1661-1670)

Carlo Helman, merchant, patron and collector, and the role offamily ties in the Antwerp-Venice migrant network

Between painter and painter stands a tall mountain.Van Mander’s Italian Lives as a source for instructing artists in thedeelen der consten



136 Aleksandra Lipińska



In April 1567 the city council of Lviv (Львів, now Ukraine; Pl. Lwów; Ger.Lemberg), the capital of the Ruthenian Voivodeship, one of the easternregions of the Kingdom of Poland, acquiesced to the request of one‘Hermann Fanhute, statuarius’ to prolong a deadline for submission of alegitimate birth certificate and confirmation of his education.1 Thesculptor’s petition appears to have been unnecessary, however, since in thesame month, in the register of Municipal Acts of the same city, anotherdocument was inscribed that relieved him of these requirements. This wasa privilege issued on 1 April by the Polish king, Sigismund Augustus (1520 –1572), in which the ruler granted ‘Hermann von Hutt Aquisgran[ensis]’ thetitle of royal servant and sculptor, together with the freedom to practise hiscraft throughout the Kingdom of Poland. Moreover, he advised the councilof Lviv to grant the sculptor full burgher rights without submitting thepreviously required documents.2

Some six years later, on 14 November 1573, another newcomer called‘Henricus Hoßth’, presenting himself as a sculptor and master builder,applied to the same authority with a similar request.3 He was given threeyears to complete his records. There is no way of knowing if the artist, whooriginated from Groningen, fulfilled these requirements.4 Yet as we find himlisted in 1582 in the register of the stonemasons’ guild, and other documentstestify to his extensive professional activity in Lviv and other cities in Poland(especially Poznań, the capital of Greater Poland), it is to be assumed thatthe problem was solved satisfactorily for both parties.

These documents suggest that Hermann van Hutte and Hendrik Horstwere welcomed with open arms in Lviv, one of the most remote outpostsof the Netherlandish artistic diaspora in the sixteenth century (fig. 1).Although unknown in the Netherlands, these two immigrant artists havebeen the subjects of many studies by Polish and Ukrainian art historians.6

Consequently, a considerable number of works seemingly demonstratingthe features of the so-called Northern Renaissance current have beenattributed to them.7 These studies, however, though based on rich archivalmaterial, lacked a broader perspective that could place these artists anddefine their roles within two relevant fields of reference. Firstly, within thephenomenon of the Netherlandish artistic migration of the sixteenthcentury; and secondly, within the multi-ethnic group of artists active inPoland at that time.

Before I investigate in detail some aspects of the activity of Van Hutteand Horst in Poland, let us focus on the pull and push factors that promptedtheir migration. Firstly, what caused them to leave their homelands? Detail fig 18

137

Eastern outpost The sculptors Herman van Hutte and Hendrik Horst in Lviv c. 1560-1610

Aleksandra Lipińska



1

Abraham Ortelius, Map of Europe, 1572

(detail, Lviv marked), coloured engraving,

34.7 x 46.9 cm.

Secondly, what made Lviv an attractive immigration destination?Both Van Hutte and Horst came from Reformation-conflict-ridden cities.

Although the Peace of Augsburg (1555) gave Lutherans in Aachen religiousfreedom, this did not extend to the Anabaptists – who constituted asubstantial group there – and in 1556 (i.e., just at the estimated time of VanHutte’s emigration) they were forced to leave the city. Moreover, it cannotbe ruled out that the sculptor, whose name occurs in the sources as Fanhute,Wanhutte, Wanhut, Von Hutte and Vonhutte, could have been one of agroup of religious refugees from Flanders, Limburg and Artois, most of themMennonites, who had taken refuge in Aachen in the 1540s and were bannedfrom the city in the late 1550s.8 In both cases he might have had problemsproviding Lviv authorities with acceptable documents, since none of theProtestant denominations would have been officially tolerated there. Thequestion of Van Hutte’s origin undoubtedly requires further investigationin the archives of Aachen. However, considering that in the light of knowndocuments Van Hutte does not seem a trustworthy source of information,even his Aachen origin has to be questioned.




At the time when Horst most probably left Groningen (before 1573), theLow Countries were engulfed in the revolt against Spanish rule andoppressed by the bloody terror of the Duke of Alba. As a result of theserepressions, the Calvinist citizens of Groningen had to abandon the city andmany of them took shelter in Emden, Bremen, East Friesland orWestphalia.9 The fact that Horst was (as we know) unable to provide theauthorities in Lviv with the required documents makes his religiousbackground even more questionable. If Horst’s denomination was not thecause of his exile, economic circumstances would have driven the youngartist out of his homeland, as was the case for a legion of others. Sculptorswere particularly affected by the situation, firstly because the status ofsculpture had become especially dubious as a result of the 1566 iconoclasm,and secondly since sculptural production was particularly dependent onmaterial supply, which was hindered in wartime. Consequently, in thefollowing decades several sculptors from Groningen could be found in thenorthern German principalities and Denmark.10

Let us now shift the focus from the starting points of the sculptors’migration to their destination, in order to answer the question of why it wasin Lviv that Van Hutte and Horst decided to settle (fig. 2). Now in westernUkraine, the city – founded before 1256 by the Galician prince DanyloRomanovych (1202-1264) – was (with the surrounding Red Ruthenia, Lat.Ruthenia Rubra) incorporated in 1349 by King Casimir the Great (1310-1370)into the Kingdom of Poland. The indigenous Ruthenian, Orthodoxpopulation of Lviv quickly became dominated by Polish and GermanCatholic settlers, and the multi-ethnic and multi-confessional character ofthe Galician metropolis was strengthened by the influx of other newcomers(Armenians, Jews, Italians, Greeks, Vlachs, Moldavians, Karaites, Turks, etc.).

2

Georg Braun and Franz Hogenberg,

Leopolis, 1617, engraving, in: Civitates orbis

terrarum, vol. VI, Cologne 1617, 49.

Eastern outpost 139



3

Hans Fleiser from Nijmegen, Epitaph of

Simon Ashelm, c. 1559, sandstone, Wrocław,

St. Elisabeth Church (photo: A. Lipińska).

These immigrants were predominantly merchants who took advantage ofthe Magdeburg Rights granted to the city in 1356, and of its favourablelocation at the crossing of two important trade routes: the eastern sectionof the Via Regia and the North-South Route, which connected the Balticwith the Black Sea.11 In the sixteenth century, Lviv was an importantmetropolis of the Kingdom of Poland. Devastated by fire in 1527, it rosefrom the ashes in the second half of the century, entering an age ofeconomic and cultural prosperity.12 A description of the city left by aDominican Martin Grunweg from Danzig (Gdańsk), who lived in Lviv in1582-1602, reflects its character vividly: ‘In this city, as in Venice, it is nowonder to meet every day on the market square people from all aroundthe world in their attire: Hungarians in their small magerkas [soft roundcaps], Cossacks in their kuchmas [big fur hats], Muscovites in whitechapkas [caps], and Turks in white turbans. All of them in long robes,whereas Germans, Italians and Spaniards in short ones. Every one of them,whatever language he spoke, would find his tongue here. And trulyspeaking, although the city is more than a hundred miles from the sea, atany time you could see on the market square, next to barrels of malvasia,a crush of Cretans, Turks, Greeks, Italians, dressed as if on board a ship,and you would be under the impression that there was a harbour justbeyond the city gate’.13

The confessional situation in Lviv was quite different from that in othermajor Polish cities at the time. While in Kraków and Poznań Protestantdoctrines were gaining large numbers of apologists, especially among theupper urban elites, Lviv remained practically untouched by theReformation. The lines of religious division ran first and foremost betweenthe Catholic, the Orthodox and the non-Christian communities,determining the municipal social hierarchy while allowing peacefulcoexistence. It thus seems that the Lviv ethnic and confessional mosaichelped immigrants to assimilate into their new environment, even thoughthere might be no doubt that – at least officially – they couldn’t berecognized as Protestants. Yet it must be underlined that the climate forimmigration in Poland was particularly favourable during the reign ofSigismund Augustus, who approved of settlement of Protestants, especiallyif the kingdom could profit from their skills.

Even though the situation in Lviv in the third quarter of the sixteenthcentury seemed to stimulate immigration, it is clear that on the long routefrom the Low Countries to Galicia there were many other equally or moreattractive posts. There was an abundance of work in the German cities andprincipalities profiting from the stability that followed the Peace ofAugsburg. However, at the moment when Van Hutte and Horst left theirhomelands some of the attractive posts had already been occupied by theircountrymen.14 Moving eastwards: from c. 1554 onwards, Hans Fleiser fromNijmegen had attracted interest from patrons in the capital of Silesia,Wrocław (Ger. Breslau) (fig. 3), and his brother Michael tried to settle inanother Silesian city, Legnica (Ger. Liegnitz), and afterwards in Poznań.15 Inthe port city of Danzig, which traditionally had strong trade and culturalcontacts with the Low Countries, there were already Netherlandishstonemasons present in the 1550s, such as Cornelis Hohe, Barthold Pasteyde




Eastern outpost 141



4

Cornelis Hohe, Barthold Pasteyde &

Heinrich Nieborch, Socle of the baptismal

font, 1552-1554, sandstone, Gdańsk, Church

of Our Lady (photo: A. Lipińska).

and Heinrich Nieborch, who were involved in the execution of the font inthe Church of Our Lady (1552-1557) (fig. 4).16

It was not the previously settled Netherlandish artists who were the mostformidable competition for the newcomers, however. It is presumable thatat least in some cases the existence of a Dutch or Flemish colony might havestimulated new arrivals.17 The Netherlanders’ most important rivals were insome cases local artists (if they were able to compete), or, more often,Italians. I will give just two examples. In Dresden, aside from two isolatedexamples of imports from Antwerp,18 the sculpture market in the second halfof the sixteenth century was dominated by local masters from the Waltherfamily, who cooperated with the Italian designers the Tola brothers, and laterwith Giovanni Maria Nosseni.19 Similarly, sculptural production in Krakówwas from 1502 onwards was dominated by Florentine and Roman sculptorsand architects, who – if the need to expand their workshops arose – tendedto fetch new craftsmen from their homeland rather than bring strangers intotheir familia.20 The tasks of their Polish collaborators were initially limitedto basic preparatory work and it was not until the 1570s that the first localsculptors trained in the circles of the Italians gained their independence.21

Apart from immigrants from artistic centres such as Florence or Rome,who tended to put down roots in their destination cities, other players onthe sixteenth-century transalpine architecture and sculpture scene werethe travelling ateliers of magistri comacini. These craftsmen from the Comoand Ticino regions were often the first to implant the Renaissance style inBohemia, Germany, Poland and Scandinavia.22 By way of example, the firstphase of the Renaissance in Silesia was shaped between c. 1520 and 1550 byComasques, with the Parr family as the most influential exponents. Theirworkshop, after completing a remodelling of the ducal castles of Liegnitzand Brieg (Pl. Brzeg) in 1540 and the 1550s, respectively, continued their‘conquest’ in Güstrow (1557-c. 1572) and subsequently in Uppsala (1572 -1580).23


5

Pietro di Barbona (design), Portal of the

black house, 1571-1578, painted sandstone,

Lviv, Market Square (photo: A. Salyuk).



In Lviv, too, maestri Ticinesi were the first to profit from the buildingboom following the disastrous fire of 1527,24 starting with Petrus MuratorItalus from Lugano in 1543. He was the first architect of the OrthodoxCathedral of the Dormition (1527-1549), whose tower (designed by Petrusdi Barbona, 1572-1578) marks the skyline of the city to this day. Thearchitectural form of the Ruthenian Cathedral, with its multi-domed corpusand Lombardian-Venetian-style campanile, reflects the character of Lvivand the wider Red Ruthenia, which was a place of encounters between theEastern and Western worlds, the Orthodox and Latin cultures. Comasquemasters were present in Lviv until the first quarter of the seventeenthcentury, and some of them settled there permanently and became membersof the stonemasons’ guild.25

Nevertheless, their field of expertise was masonry and ornamentalsculpture (fig. 5), and there were no statuari among them to satisfy theincreasing demand for figurative sculpture: tomb monuments andaltarpieces for local merchants, clergy and nobility. Testimony to the lackof highly qualified figural sculptors in Lviv at that time might be an isolatedexample from the period before 1560: the tomb plate of the Armenianpatriarch Stephan V. Salmastesi in the Armenian Cathedral (1551, fig. 6). Theonly alternative to the poor work of local stonemasons of this kind wasimports either from centres as distant as Nuremberg (e.g., the bronze tombplate of Mikołaj Herburt, from the workshop of Pankraz Lebenwolf, 1551, inthe Latin Cathedral of the Assumption) (fig. 7) or from the Italian ateliersin Kraków (e.g., the tomb of Krzysztof Herburt, 1558, in the Parish Churchin Felsztyn [Ukr. Скелівка]) (fig. 8).26 The question of why there wereapparently no attempts on their parts to ‘colonise’ Lviv remains unansweredfor the time being. Only simultaneously with the establishment of Hermannvan Hutte in Lviv did three sculptors trained in the circle of the KrakówItalians – Sebastian Czeszek, Jan Biały and Jan Zaremba – settle in theRuthenian capital.27

As a newcomer, Van Hutte had probably one major asset in the eyes ofhis clients: his competitiveness. Gębarowicz demonstrated that Van Huttepriced his works cheaper than the Kraków Italians. Comparable doubletombs by Gerolamo Canavesi and Van Hutte were evaluated in therespective contracts at 500 zloty and 330 zloty.28 This might have beenpossible due to Van Hutte using cheaper local materials, or it may have beena conscious marketing strategy by the newcomer who needed to establishhis reputation and break his rivals’ oligopoly. As we will see below, however,he was not always able to keep to his dumping-level quotes.

An additional reason why the two sculptors settled in Lviv might havebeen the alabaster deposits on the Dniester River about 80 miles south ofthe city. Examples of other immigrant artists from the Low Countriesdemonstrate that their know-how in the field of alabaster prospecting andprocessing was highly valued by their foreign patrons. It is no coincidencethat along these sculptors’ migration routes in the third quarter of thesixteenth century, new or reopened alabaster quarries sprang up andconsequently a fashion for this material developed.29 In some cases it couldbe possible to trace a network of interrelations between artists and patronsthat stimulated this phenomenon.30

6

Unknown sculptor, Tombstone of the

Armenian patriarch Stephan V Salmastesi,

1551, sandstone, Lviv, Armenian Cathedral

(photo: J. Jaworski, photo collection of the

Institute of Art History of the Jagellonian

University).

Eastern outpost 143



7

Workshop of Pankraz Lebenwolf, Tomb

plate of Mikołaj Herburt, 1551, bronze, Lviv,

Latin Cathedral of the Assumption (photo:

J. Jaworski, photo collection of the Institute

of Art History of the Jagellonian University).

8

Gianmaria Mosca called Padovano, Tomb of

Krzysztof Herburt, 1558, Skelivka, Parish

Church (photo: J. Jaworski, photo collection

of the Institute of Art History of the

Jagellonian University).

Also in the above-mentioned royal privilege, Hutte’s competence in thefield of carving and quarrying the ‘Ruthenian marble’ (as the local alabasterwas then called) was pointed out.31 And in fact the sculptor leased alabasterquarries in Wasiuczyn (Ukr. Васючин) in the 1560s and 1570s, much likeHendrik Horst, who ran a quarry in Żurawno (Ukr. Жуpавно) in thefollowing two decades.32 As a result of their activities as stone dealers,alabaster became one the most popular materials in the Kingdom of Polandand neighbouring countries, especially Silesia.33 Next to Belgian marblesand English alabaster – whose import was arranged in Poland by anotherimmigrant Flemish sculptor, Willem van den Blocke from Mechelen, basedin Danzig starting in 1584 – the ‘Ruthenian marble’ gave a new appearanceto the church furnishings and secular interiors of the late Renaissance andearly Baroque in Poland.

Let us return to the question of Van Hutte’s artistic output in Poland.From the privilege mentioned in the introduction, one might infer that theimmigrant enjoyed the king’s favour and that Sigismund Augustus – anambitious patron of the arts who had developed a taste for NorthernRenaissance art – might have planned to entrust the sculptor with acommission.34 No works or written sources have survived, however, that




could confirm Van Hutte’s activity in the royal service. Nevertheless, we mayassume that the newcomer’s skills made an impression in courtly circles,since at the very beginning of his career in Poland (before 1562) he hadalready obtained an important commission from the bishop of Poznań,Andrzej Czarnkowski (1507-1562).35 It is thus plausible that the king’sprivilege was the result of an intercession at court by the powerfulCzarnkowski family.

Bishop Czarnkowski entrusted Van Hutte with the execution of thetomb of his parents, Maciej and Katarzyna, in the collegiate church inCzarnków (Greater Poland). This work subsequently became the subject ofa lawsuit between Van Hutte and the bishop’s heirs; extant documentationindicates that by 1570 the artist had not delivered the monument.36 Both thedocuments concerning this litigation, as well as the form of the tomb thatwas finally erected in Czarnków, probably in the 1570s, throw doubts on VanHutte s authorship (fig. 9). Firstly, the architectural structure and ornamen-tal vocabulary of this two-storey tomb closely resembles works by Italianworkshops in Kraków. Secondly, there is a significant difference in style andquality between the figures of Katarzyna and Maciej Czarnkowski. Whilethe lower effigy represents a typical generalised, decoratively flattenedrepresentation of a noble woman of that time, the upper demi-gisant of theknight is striking in its plasticity and fine carving. On this basis, the lowerfigure has been ascribed to one of Van Hutte’s collaborators mentioned inthe sources – Jan Zaręba or Stanisław Furman – and the figure of MaciejCzarnkowski to an unknown Italian sculptor active in Kraków.37 We do notknow if it was Van Hutte who – under pressure of the charges – decided tosubcontract his commission out, or if the Czarnkowski brothers finallydecided to re-commission the monument from another atelier. Even if thetomb did originate in Van Hutte’s workshop, the absolute absence of anystylistic elements that could relate to the place of his presumable trainingsuggests that he featured in this case solely as an entrepreneur. Even theuse of alabaster does not necessarily imply that the monument came intobeing in Lviv, as in the 1570s this material was already being used insculpture in Kraków as well.38

In the case of the Czarnkowski tomb, the unreliable Van Hutte failed inhis attempt to attract well-connected, high-society clients in Greater Poland.Was Poznań his first post in Poland? This cannot be ruled out, since thiscity also lacked strong local sculpture workshops and – in the case of tombsculpture – was completely dependent on imports from Italian ateliers inthe capital, Kraków.39 Why did Van Hutte not stay there? Possibly becauseof the death of his wealthy patron and the conflict with his heirs.

How was Van Hutte situated in Lviv, where he was recorded for the firsttime in 1565?40 Initially very well, apparently. As early as in 1566 he bought‘a garden with a shed’ outside the city, but he lived in the city in rentedhouses.41 No guild could protest against his settling there, not only becauseof his royal protection but also because the first stonemasons’ guild was notofficially established in the city until 1572.42 In its earliest preserved register,from 1582, there is a record of guild elder ‘Herman Czapka’ (Pl. ‘Herman Hat’– comparable to the German Hut, meaning hat), although in 1576 there isalso a record in Kraków of ‘Master Czapka Leopoliensis’ taking two

Eastern outpost 145



9

Workshop of Herman Van Hutte &

unknown Italian sculptor active in Kraków,

Tomb of Maciej and Katarzyna

Czarnkowski, 1562-1580, limestone and

alabaster, Czarnków, collegiate church

(photo: G. Solecki).

apprentices.43 There are other indications that Van Hutte integrated wellwith the local milieu, at least initially, until he abused the trust bestowedupon him. When the first complaints were filed against him – again becausehe had not met his obligations – his guild brethren and other influentialindividuals of Lviv, such as the goldsmith Hans Dresner and a patrician, JanSzolc-Wolfowicz, vouched for him.44 In the late 1570s, however, judging fromthe number of charges brought against him for debts and brawls, blackclouds gathered over the head of the dishonest and apparently violentsculptor, and after 1582 he disappeared from the scene for good.

Despite many attempts at attribution by Polish and Ukrainian arthistorians, Hutte’s oeuvre seems rather vague.45 His story, which can be




reconstructed from the abundant sources preserved in the Central StateArchive of Ukraine in Lviv, provides more material for a tale about thevicissitudes of the life of a conman who hoped to make a career in the ‘fareast’ than for an art historical monograph in the classic sense. In additionto the Czarnkowski monument, a long list of other tombs of Polish nobilityand clergy, representing the demi-gisant type, have appeared on the list ofhypothetical works of Van Hutte (fig. 10).46 This list is stylisticallyheterogeneous, however, and if Van Hutte was involved in any of thesecommissions, it would again have been rather as an entrepreneur than astheir sculptor. Moreover, according to the sources he was employed in theyears 1574-1575 to ‘alter’ a stone ciborium in a church in Sambor (Ukr.

10

Workshop of Herman Van Hutte (?), Tomb of

Jan and Zofia Sienieński, c. 1580 or 1582,

alabaster, Rymanów, St. Lawrence Church

(photo: A. Lipińska).

Eastern outpost 147



Самбір), but it has not survived.47 The only work counted in the oeuvre ofVan Hutte that demonstrates the ‘northern style’ in the figural parts, amanner clearly distinctive from the production of the Kraków school, is analtarpiece installed before 1573, thought to be a commission of HieronimZapała in the Latin Cathedral in Lviv.48 This attribution and dating also needto be questioned, however, for the altarpiece certainly came into beingmuch later – not until the 1610s – and is most probably the work of JohannesPfister, trained in the Breslau workshop of Gerhard Hendrik fromAmsterdam.49

Although a convincing reconstruction of Van Hutte’s work seemsimpossible, there is no reason to suppose that his reputation wascompletely unfounded. A patron like Bishop Czarnkowski, an eruditeeducated in Italy, frequently visiting important European artistic centresin his capacity as an ambassador of the Polish king, would not haveentrusted Van Hutte with such an important commission without seeingevidence of his skills.50 Neither would he have been counted among themasters of the masons’ guild in Lviv, even if he was exempted from theformal requirements. Moreover, there is certainly one reason why VanHutte should not be entirely marginalised. Even if his professional ethicscan hardly be regarded as exemplary, he may definitely be credited withintroducing a new kind of entrepreneurial activity that had not beenpractised before on such a scale in Poland, either by local or by Italiansculptors. The initiation of the exploitation of Ruthenian alabaster on anextensive scale may undoubtedly be credited to Van Hutte. This materialhad probably been used in Red Ruthenia since the eleventh century, butthere is no proof that it was applied in sculpture. In the 1550s there areisolated cases of the use of this material by the Italian masters in Kraków(Gianmaria Mosca called Padovano and Santi Gucci).51 It was Van Hutte,however – possibly observing symptoms of the fashion for alabaster on hisroute to Poland – who fully discerned the potential in the Rutheniandeposits. His offer was broad: as well as figural tombs he offered tabletopsand chessboards, and rough round and square blocks of the material. Hedelivered to Kraków, Gdańsk, Warsaw, Poznań and Breslau. In this way VanHutte – and subsequently his Netherlandish successor in Lviv, HendrikHorst, as we shall see – contributed to the popularisation of the materialin all its colour variations.

The colour scheme introduced by the Netherlandish newcomers wasnot the only thing that was new. One consequence of the use of alabasterwas the popularisation of the small-scale relief genre, since this material isrelatively soft and easy to carve. Moreover, it is also to be assumed that –next to the availability of the material – an additional factor stimulating theinitial popularisation of the genre of alabaster relief was the importationof ready works from Mechelen and Antwerp workshops. It has beenconfirmed that these works reached Breslau and Kraków, so there is noreason to doubt that they were also known in Lviv.53 I cannot prove it in thecase of Van Hutte, but the examples of the aforementioned Hans Fleiserand Hendrik Horst demonstrate that Netherlandish sculptors wereinstrumental in the import of the Southern Netherlandish albastjes, andadapted them in their own works.54




An association with Southern Netherlandish alabaster production islegible in the form and composition of reliefs in a Passion altarpiece fromthe Holy Cross Chapel in the Latin Cathedral in Lviv, commissioned bypatrician Jan Szolc-Wolfowicz (1595, now in St Nicolas’ Orthodox Churchthere, fig. 11).55 The poor quality of these carvings prompted Gębarowicz toassume that the founder – reportedly an amateur sculptor – executed thesereliefs himself. This seems a rather unlikely and quite unnecessaryexplanation, as there are other works in Lviv from this period representinga comparable quality, which is also similar to the standard of many

11

Unknown sculptor, Passion altarpiece, 1595,

alabaster, Lviv, St. Nicolas’ Orthodox Church,

originally altarpiece from the Holy Cross

Chapel in the Latin Cathedral (photo: A.

Lipińska).

Eastern outpost 149



Mechelen works dating from around 1600. Leaving aside comparison ofworks of this kind with masterpieces, which is simply unproductive, wecould perceive the Szolc-Wolfowicz altarpiece as an interesting case oftransformation and appropriation of models created in Western artisticcentres to the local aesthetics.

In contrast with those of Van Hutte, the artistic achievements of HendrikHorst from Groningen are unquestioned, although his work certainlyrequires revision and new problematisation. I would like to begin, however,with the few pieces of information about Horst’s life in Poland sourced fromthe archives. Mentioned for the first time in 1573 in Lviv, he features in theguild register between 1582 and 1586 and in 1589 as ‘Master HenrychZgodliwy’ (Pl. agreeable). Thus, according to a local guild tradition, he wasgiven a nickname. In 1582 he took an apprentice, Mikołaj Sobolewicz. Hemust have gained high status and respect in his guild, since in 1585 he wasasked to vouch for two other masons applying for Lviv citizenship. Hisposition in the city is also confirmed by a commission from the city councilin 1585 for two figures (Crucifixion and Resurrection, lost) which were to bepresented to Chancellor Jan Zamojski, the second in rank in the kingdomand a refined art connoisseur.56

Horst also developed his private life in Lviv: he married Barbara Król,daughter of a butcher and sister of a bell-founder, Daniel. Two children,Anna and Łukasz, were born out of this marriage. In 1586, Horst bought ahouse in Lviv, but already in 1589 or 1590 he had settled permanently indistant Poznań, probably due to a lucrative contract with a powerful count,Stanisław Górka. Even as a resident of Poznań, however, he maintainedbusiness contacts with Lviv – probably because he still ran (through hisagents) the alabaster quarries in Żurawno, which he had leased since the1570s. In 1579 he supplied the sculptor Friedrich Gross with alabaster for thepulpit in St. Mary Magdalene Church in Breslau and in the 1590s herepeatedly appeared in documents concerning transport of this material.57

In 1590 he acquired a house and in the following year he accepted the rightsto the city of Poznań, where he died before 1612.58 From the fact that he paida yearly rent to the Canons Regular of St. Mary Magdalene Church in 1602,it is clear that he was Catholic at that time.

A work unanimously regarded as Horst’s is the two-storey tomb ofHetman Mikołaj Sieniawski (1469-1569) and his son, also a hetman and theRuthenian Voivode, Hieronim (1516-1579) (fig. 12). It was executed c. 1583 inthe choir of the castle church in Brzeżany (Ukr. Бережани).59 It is the onlyknown signed work of Horst’s, bearing the monogram ‘H.H.Z’ (Henryk HorstZgodliwy) and a mark depicting a pair of compasses, a protractor and aruler.60 The Sieniawski tomb represents the type of funeral monument thatwas the most popular among the Polish szlachta, and one that was upliftedto a symbol of the solidarity of the noble class by the examples of the tombsof the two last Jagiellon kings in the Sigismund Chapel in Kraków’s WawelCathedral. In Brzeżany, long-bearded sleeping knights, represented in fullarmour and with the insignia of their office, rest their heads on their arms.Thus, this part of the Sieniawski monument is absolutely standard andshows no attempt to introduce any innovations on the part of the foreignsculptor. Moreover, the ‘double-decker’ tomb type had already been popular




in Poland for three decades, and the sober Doric and Ionic orders of itsarchitecture has precedents in the work of the aforementioned Padovanoand Canavesi.

Nevertheless, the monument in Brzeżany differed markedly fromprevious local productions. This was firstly because of its colour scheme:the ‘black Ruthenian marble’ (dark grey stromatolitic gypsum quarried inKąkolniki [Ukr. Кункольники]) of the tomb architecture provides a foil forthe effigies, in a red marble (in fact very dense limestone, possiblyHungarian), as well as for the capitals and ornamental and figural friezesin the creamy white alabaster from Żurawno. Secondly, this was because ofthe ornamentation, whose characteristic form might be called a ‘signature’of Horst’s workshop. The only elements from the repertoire ofNetherlandish mannerisms it features are sparingly applied: smallcartouches and strapwork side volutes. What dominates is a flat geometricornament in the form of strapwork translated into the aesthetics of orientaltextiles, one of the main commodities merchandised in Lviv. The dark andlight zones within these patterns result from the contrast between the matte

12

Hendrik Horst, Tomb of Mikołaj and

Hieronim Sieniawski, c. 1583, alabaster,

Brzeżany, castle church fragments preserved

in the branch of Lviv National Art Gallery in

the Olesko Castle (photo: photo collection of

the Institute of Art History of the Jagellonian

University).

Eastern outpost 151



13

Hendrik Horst, Tomb of Mikołaj and

Hieronim Sieniawski, c. 1583 (detail),

alabaster, Brzeżany, castle church (photo:

photo collection of the Institute of Art

History of the Jagellonian University).

bush-hammered background and the shiny polished ornamental motives,which resemble incrustation. This kind of decoration covers the plinth, thelower sections of the shafts and the side niches, producing a chromaticeffect closer to polychromy than to sculptural decoration.

Another unique element of the Sieniawski tomb is the two alabasterfigural friezes placed under the effigies, referring to the heroic deeds of thedeceased (fig. 13). The upper one depicts a battle, alluding to the inscriptionpraising Mikołaj Sieniawski as ‘a magnanimous hero of Mars born for arms’.The lower one depicts the triumphant procession of a commander andvisualises the feats of Hieronim, who ‘following the example of his fatherattacked the borders of the enemy’. Although alabaster friezes with battleand triumphal scenes had been featured before, on the funeral monumentof Hetman Jan Tarnowski in Tarnów cathedral (1561-1574), their compositionis different here. In contrast to the rich, multifarious narrative of the reliefsin Tarnów, their counterparts in Brzeżany, notwithstanding a similarclumsiness, allude more directly to their distant ancient models thanks totheir simple composition.

In the mausoleum church in Brzeżany another monument was erectedin 1584 to commemorate the second son of Hieronim Sieniawski, Jan (d.1583). Its form leaves no doubt that it, too, was executed in the Horst atelier(fig. 14). A certain difference in the style of the effigy is to be credited toanother member of the workshop. This applies to other tombs executed inthis atelier as well, which suggests that the Dutch sculptor usually hiredlocal sculptors for this task.

Having proved himself in the prestigious project for the Sieniawskifamily, Horst shortly received a new commission from another influentialPolish magnate: Count Stanisław Górka. On 16 November 1584 they signeda contract concerning the execution of the tomb of the palatine and his twobrothers, Andrzej II and Łukasz III, for their funeral chapel in the Parish




Church of All Saints in Kórnik.62 Although the mausoleum of the LutheranGórkas was dismantled in the late seventeenth century, after the churchwas taken over by Catholics, the chief elements of its furnishing arepreserved. The effigies of the Górka brothers, bereft of their originalarchitectural framing, again represent the common type, and again certaindifferences in their carving suggest teamwork. What gave the mausoleumof the Górkas the magnificence appropriate for magnates was – even morethan in Brzeżany – its material richness. The figures of the three brothersare carved from three different kinds of stone with various origins. The firstone, that of Stanisław (fig. 15), is made of the dark green, white-veinedRuthenian alabaster from Kąkolniki; the second one, of Andrzej II, from ablack, white-veined ‘marble’ from the Low Countries (Noir de Dinant) (fig.16); and the third one, that of Łukasz III, of the creamy white Saubsdorfer

14

Hendrik Horst, Tomb of Jan Sieniawski,

c. 1583, alabaster, Brzeżany, castle church,

fragments preserved in the branch of Lviv

National Art Gallery in the Olesko Castle

(photo: photo collection of the Institute of

Art History of the Jagellonian University).

Eastern outpost 153



16

Hendrik Horst, Tomb of Andrzej II Górka,

after 1584-before 1603, Belgian black

‘marble’, Kórnik, Parish Church of All Saints

(photo: G. Solecki).


15

Hendrik Horst, Tomb of Stanisław Górka,

after 1584-before 1603, alabaster, Kórnik,

Parish Church of All Saints (photo:

G. Solecki).



Marmor (from Gross-Kunzendorf [Pl. Wielki Konradów] in Silesia) (fig. 17).A Crucifix was finely carved from the milky, semi-transparent alabaster fromŻurawno (fig. 18).64 Another work of alabaster, which originally formed partof the mausoleum but cannot be ascribed to the Horst workshop, is aCrucifixion relief. It is a Netherlandish work (c. 1570-before 1584), based onan etching by Hieronymus Wierix after Crispijn van den Broeck, importedeither by the Górkas or by the sculptor himself for inclusion in the Kórnikmausoleum.65 Gilded inscription tablets from the aforementioned greenalabaster, combined with coats of arms and ornaments of white alabaster,completed the sumptuous monuments.

Completion of this splendid commission, continued after the death ofthe last Count Górka by his heirs, the Czarnkowski brothers, took almost 20years. The fact that the most characteristic elements of Horst’s repertoire –the fabric-like decoration of the tomb’s architecture – have been lost, andthe circumstance that the mausoleum was not finished before 1603, hasinduced some scholars to doubt Horstss authorship. The analogies betweenthe Sieniawski and Górka effigies and the sculptor’s similar understanding

17

Hendrik Horst, Tomb of Łukasz III Górka,

after 1584-before 1603, Saubsdorfer marble,

Kórnik, Parish Church of All Saints (photo:

G. Solecki).

Eastern outpost 155



18

Hendrik Horst, Crucifix, after 1584-before

1603, alabaster, Kórnik, Parish Church of All

Saints (photo: G. Solecki).

of the role of the different stone materials may dispel these doubts, in myopinion. The Górka tombs provided the basis for ascribing other funeralmonuments in Greater Poland to the Horst workshop. There are someanalogies indeed in the case of the tombs of Jan Rozdrażewski in St. John’sChurch in Krotoszyn (1597-1601) and Jan Rydzyński in St. Mary’s Church inPoniec (c. 1595), but others require reconsideration.66

Horst’s workshop also offered works representing genres besides funeralsculpture. Having signed the contract with Górka, he simultaneously tookanother big commission back in Lviv. This was from Paweł Kampian, cityphysician and a humanist, another influential figure on the list of Horst’sclients.67 It was an altarpiece for the Kampian family chapel in the LatinCathedral, executed 1586-1590 (fig. 19). This two-storey stone retable, based


19

Hendrik Horst, Altarpiece of the Kampian

chapel, 1586-1590, alabaster and marble, Lviv,

Latin Cathedral (photo: A. Lipińska).



20

Andreas Bemer, Epitaphs of Kampian

family, 1619-1625, alabaster and marble, Lviv,

Latin Cathedral (photo: A. Lipińska).

on the scheme of a triumphal arch, operates with a formal language andmaterial scheme related to that in Brzeżany. The characteristic flatornamentation was applied here in a more moderate way, however, givingthe altarpiece a more sober, monumental appearance. In the side nichesthere are life-size figures of St. Peter and St. Paul sculpted in the round, whilesecondary paintings have been placed in the central fields, possiblyreplacing original ones. As for the figures: they definitely represent thepinnacle of achievement within the figural sculpture connected to Horst’sworkshop, but – having no clear image of him as figural sculptor – it isimpossible to determine their authorship at the moment.

The Kampian Chapel also houses the epitaphs of Paweł Kampian andhis son Marcin; these were part of another phase of execution of the interiorfurnishing, however (fig. 20). Since they continue the general architecturalconcept of the altarpiece and their plinths include elements stylisticallyconvergent with the Horst altarpiece, it is justifiable to assume that Horstwas responsible for the initial design of the whole chapel’s furnishing.However, his move to Poznań and Paweł Kampian’s death in 1600 delayedthe execution of the initial plan. It was concluded in the years 1619-1625 byAndreas Bemer from Breslau,68 and it was in this phase that the crowningpart was added to the Horst altarpiece.69 The Kampian chapel underwentanother refurnishing just a half century later, and future research todistinguish work by Horst and Bemer should also take these changes intoaccount.

The altarpiece in the Kampian Chapel has not gained the recognitionin Polish art history that it deserves. Although stone sculpture played animportant role in the Polish Renaissance, funeral monuments are morenumerous, and examples of altarpieces are few and far between. More thana century ago Łoziński noticed that this genre was a Lviv speciality, andsince all preserved examples postdate the Kampian chapel altarpiece, itsrole as a model is presumable.70

Another unique work that should be counted in Horst’s oeuvre was the




altarpiece-mausoleum of St. Hyacinth of Poland (1183-1257) erected in theDominican Church in Kraków (c. 1583/1584) in connection with hiscanonisation process, concluded in 1594. Horst must have received thisprestigious commission thanks to the backing of the Lviv Dominicans, sincethere are no other indications of his activity in Kraków. This monumentalwork survived only a few decennia, however, and was dismantled as earlyas 1626. Many of its elements were reused in the construction of the stallsand portals of St. Giles’s Church in Kraków (fig. 21), while some loose partsare still to be found in the Dominican cloister. Sinko-Popielowa pursued ahypothetical reconstruction of the monument (fig. 22) based on itspreserved remnants and a detailed description left by Giovanni PaoloMucante, master of ceremonies of Cardinal Enrico Getano, upon hismission to Poland in 1596.71

According to this reconstruction, the altarpiece-mausoleum of St.Hyacinth was a freestanding monument located in the centre of the chapel.It consisted of several parts: a socle register, with the function of altar table,included relics of the saint ‘in theca alabastrina’.72 Above it, on a podiumperhaps covered with inscription tablets, the tomb was situated with arecumbent statue of the saint. Arcades surrounding the sarcophagus werepopulated by alabaster figures of the theological and cardinal virtues (fig.23), and St. Hyacinth himself with angels-atlantes supported the corners of

21

Hendrik Horst & an unknown Krakow

workshop, Stalls and portals, after 1626,

alabaster and marble, Krakow, St. Giles’s

Church, constructed of the parts of the

altarpiece-mausoleum of St. Hyacinth,1584-

1594 (photo: A. Lipińska).

22

Hypothetical reconstruction of the

altarpiece-mausoleum of St Hyacinth by

Hendrik Horst, 1584-1594 (after Sinko-

Popielowa 1948).

Eastern outpost 159



23

Hypothetical reconstruction of the

altarpiece-mausoleum of St Hyacinth by

Hendrik Horst, 1584-1594 (after Sinko-

Popielowa 1948).

the tomb slab. The tomb was placed under a vaulted baldachin supportedby six columns and six pillars, constructed of dark varieties of Ruthenianalabaster. A second, smaller domed baldachin rose above its entablature.Beneath this, a figure of the Virgin Mary, four Dominican saints, andfigurines of the kneeling founders were placed. The dome was crowned witha cross and figures of angels.




There are no written sources confirming Horst’s authorship of this work,but a preserved fragment of an inscription affirming the Lviv origin of thework (‘LEOPOLIEN FABRE CONSTRV’) as well as the full set ofcharacteristic materials and ornamentation leave no doubt that the St.Hyacinth mausoleum originated in the atelier of the master fromGroningen. Just as in the previous cases, the participation of workshopcollaborators is not only presumable because of the scale of thecommission, but also reflected in various idioms visible in the preservedparts.

Mucante asserted that the monument of St. Hyacinth resembled theArca di San Domenico in Bologna by Nicola Pisano. This might indeed havebeen manifested in the (possibly deliberate) archaising form of the whitealabaster sarcophagus with the recumbent figure, surrounded by a‘procession’ of little figures. For the form of the baldachin, another sourceof inspiration might be pointed out, however: the mausoleum of ChristianIII in Roskilde by Cornelis Floris (fig. 24). The two-storey ‘glorieta’ structure,on the other hand, is to be found in another work traditionally ascribed tothe Floris circle: the Edo Wiemken monument in Jever (1561-1564) (fig. 25).73

It is signed with the monogram ‘H.H’ (!), which, according to Ehrenberg,was left by one of Floris’s collaborators, Heinrich Hagart – though Hedickeunderlined the hypothetical character of this assertion a century ago.74 Thesuggestion that Hendrik Horst could be the Jever H.H. master must beregarded as no less hypothetical at this stage of research. In my opinion

24

Cornelis Floris, Mausoleum of Christian III

in Roskilde, 1573-1575, marble and alabaster.

Eastern outpost 161



25

Master H.H., Monument of Edo Wiemken,

1561-1564, stone and wood, Stadtkirche Jever

(photo: Landesamt für Denkmalpflege,

Hannover).

the relationship between the Jever monument and the Kraków altarpiece-mausoleum is worth further investigation, however. A first step should berevision of Sinko-Popielowa’s reconstruction of the St. Hyacinth monument,which, though convincing, does not include all the elements that may haveoriginally belonged to the work. Moreover, today’s visualisation tools mightenable more precise reconstruction.

The two migrant sculptors – Hermann van Hutte and Hendrik Horst –though previously often enumerated in one breath as introducers of the‘Northern Renaissance current’ in Poland, represent different models ofartistic activity. While on the basis of existing documents Van Hutte can beregarded first and foremost as an entrepreneur whose artistic output seems




impossible to reconstruct, Horst’s work provides rich material forconclusions concerning his profile as an artist. Both cases, however, are veryeloquent in informing us about the specific fields of activity of migrantartists from the Low Countries, and their strengths and weaknesses inrelation to other players on the local scene. In the case of Van Hutte, hisactivity as stone breaker and supplier seems to have had the biggestinfluence on developments in the Polish sculpture of the late sixteenthcentury. Horst, on the other hand, can undoubtedly be credited with anumber of works that present an interesting balance between innovationand ability to adjust to the very clearly articulated requirements of the localpublic. While it was nearly impossible to overcome the rules of the socialdecorum dictating the form of a Polish nobleman’s tomb, an artist like Horstcould give it a new appearance through the medium of material andornamentation. This immigrant sculptor and architect had the chance togive voice to his innovative approach in a genre not restricted by socialdecorum or tradition, as was the case with the St. Hyacinth tomb andaltarpiece, the first monument of this kind in Poland.

Van Hutte and Horst undoubtedly shared the asset that was theirmobility. Notwithstanding the fact that they settled permanently in Lviv,they operated on a broad scale in the whole of Poland as stone dealers. VanHutte apparently made attempts to find a niche in the highly competitivemarket in Kraków, and Horst succeeded in establishing himselfpermanently in Poznań while maintaining his business contacts withdistant Lviv. This must certainly have required a high degree of adaptability.

It is important to stress that this article is a snapshot of a work inprogress. It is to be assumed that examination of archives in the presumedplaces of origin of both artists could bring new findings, giving a clearervision of their backgrounds. Likewise, revision of the reconstruction of theSt. Hyacinth monument and investigations into its relation to the EdoWiemken tomb in Jever may be expected to bring new conclusionsconcerning Hendrik Horst’s profile.

Finally, what remains to be expressed is the conviction that thecomparison of the careers of these two artists, both of whom were activein Poland with the fortunes of other (not solely Netherlandish) migrants,might contribute in the future to a more rounded picture of thephenomenon of artist mobility in the early modern Central and EasternEurope, and consequently also of sixteenth-century sculpture in the LowCountries.

Eastern outpost 163

Notes1 ‘Limitatio termi[ni] / hermano Statuario

/ Omni consules Leopolien[ses]Prorogaver[un]t denuo hermanolapicide fanhute tempusimporta[n]daru[m] h’aru[m] legitti / megenealogie sue et erudit[ion]is artificiisufficientis ad / festu[m] futuru[m]Solem[ni]s pascho, sub iuris civilis etCo[n]tub[er]nii artis MuratoriaA[...]ssione, Act[um] sa[bbato]’, CentralState Archive of Ukraine in Lviv [further

as CSAU], Consularia, vol. 7, sheet 835.Cf. Gębarowicz 1962, 19.

2 ‘Oblata per Herman / Ad officiumactisque praesenti a castrensialeopolien[sia] oblata sunt […] hancSuae R. Mts. / privilegij seu libertatis exparte providi Hermanij von HuttiAquisgra: / nensi Titulo et sigilloeiusdem Mt. Reg. [...] et obsignatum acmanu ppria /Magni Valentini DembinskiR.P. Cancellarij subscriptum. Quarum

tenor est talis / Sigismundus AugustusDei gratia Rex poloniae magnus duxLithuaniae Rus: / ssiae PrussiaeMasoviae Samogitiae, etc. Dominus ethaeres. Notum Testatumque / facimusad quod pertinet universis et singulisharum notitiam habituris. Quia / nos[...] Famati ac Honesti Hermanni vonHutt Aquisgranen[sis] artem dexteri: /tati industriam atque peritiam qua estin sculpendum et excidium lapidibus



prae:/ ditus. per nonullos regni nostriconsiliarios commendatum haberemuspersuasimusque nobis / esset illiusoperam in Marmori Ruthenico […] acexcidium nobis […] se / posse deindepro servitore ac sculptore nostroasserendum et cooptandum nobis / esseduximus. Uti asserimus et cooptamuspraesentibus litteris nostris. Dan. eiomnimoda / facultatim est in regnonostro poloniae et in omnibus ditiaribusnobis et regno subiect. / Tuto versarimanere Civis offici. ne omni iure civiligaudere nemineque repugnand. / artemsuam exercendam nobis inservireposset. Quamobrem mandamus ad quos/ pertinet universis et singulis ut ineudem Hermannus/m ita utinservitorem nostrum / sese ge[...]at. ethanc concession[...]am illi in omnibussarta tecta et immolata. / cons[...]uentpro gratia nostra Haram, quibus sigillumnostrum subappensum est testi: /moniol[itte]rarum. Datum Petrikowiae PrimaDie mensis Aprilis Anno Dominimillesimo / Quingentesimo SexagesimoSeptimo Regni nostri Trigesimo Octavo[...] / Magni Valentini De[m]binski exDembianii Regni Poloniae Cancell. […]Dembinski / M.P.Cam[merarius]. Eiusdem / Oblata sunt ad officium […]actisque praesentia Castren. Leopolien.Litterae (?) Suae Regiae / Mts titulo etsigillo eiusdem Mts. Reg. […] etobsignatae ex parte pro: / vidi Hermanivon Hulsti Aquisgranen. quas […] sibiarte p[...]tibus con: / nota [...] et subtenori verborum subsignendum inferi(?) et [...] / Sigismundus Augustus Deigra[tia] rex poloniae magnus duxLithuani: / ae Russiae, Prussiae,Masoviae, Samogitiae, etc. Dominus ethaeres / Famatis proconsuli acconsulibus civitatis nostri Leopoliensisfidelibus no: / stris dilectis gratiamnostram Regiam Famati fideles [...] pernonnullos Regni nostri / Consiliarioscommendatio est nobis Famati atquehonesti Hermanni von Hutte / quis […]in excidium ac sculpendum lapidibusars et peritia Quia / vero eius opera inservicijs nostris uti instituimus eundemin servitorem nostrum acci: / pimuseisque p[…]im in regno nostro manendiartemque suam exercen[...] de: / dimuset facultatim Civitatis adipiscendiconcessimus. Cum aut[em] eundem inCivitati nostra Leopolien. manereinstituisse […] iussimus. Manda[...] /putavimus uti mandatum fieri […]voluimus. Ut q. a nobis illi comissum est

/ etiam […] libere admittant ut […]ibidem […] acquirere civis officii / etiure Civitatis nostrae Leopolien. gaudere(?) in societate et communitate /Civium Leopolien. degere adipcio suovacans […] versari possit iniq. / illummolestia afficiant ulla [...] aliquis ab eoexigant suas Aquis: / grano afferen. Cumeum pro servitore et sculptore nostroiam susceperimus te: / stimoniumquede eo Consiliariorum nostrorumassumpserimus. Hec […] nostra P. /gratia nostra et officij sui debito eumfactum. Datum Petrikowii prima dieaprilisAnno Dni MDLXVII Regni nostriXXXVIII Ad mandatum S.R.M. PPR.’,CSAU, Castriensia Leopoliensia, vol. 333,sheet 395-396. Cf. Gębarowicz 1962, 19.

3 ‘Decretum inter muratoresLeopolien[ses] et Henricus Hoßth / ExDecreto Spectabilium D. ConsilumCivitatis Leopolien[sis] famati Magistri /Muratores Cives Leopolien[ses] debentin Contubernium suum admittere etsusci: / pere honestum Henricum Hoßthsculptorem incolam Leopolien[sem] etliberum illi / laborem artis muratoriae etsculptoriae inter se concedere ex quonon solum in scul: / ptura sed etiam inmuratoria arte se exertimum etemeritum esse probare vult / demmodolegitima sibi dilatio ad afferen[tis]eiusdem sed eruditionis ac etiam /genealogiae literas concedatur, Enimquia oneribus et obsequijs incontubernio / illorum praestandisomnibus se satisfacturum ultrosubmittit Quod autem / attinetdilationem ipsam quam idem Henricusab officio nostro dari sibi postu:/ lavit adimportan[tes] eiusmodi literas,habentes rationem patriae illus ab ea //Civitate longissime distantisvolentesque prospicere rebus et fortunismelioribus eiusdem / tanquam nonitijin ea Civitate hominis pro decore etiamCivitatis futuri ut commodis / etfaciliens eas literas assequi possit desingulari gratia nostra concessimuseidem dila: / tionem praefiximus quaeterminum ulteriorem indecendarum etimportandarum ab eo / literarum eameruditionis assertae in arte muratoriaquam etiam genealogiae piae ut /praefertur hinc ad triennium sub quotempore utique in Contuberniomuratorum manere et artificium suumassertum liberi exercere debet hocpraesenti Decreto mediante. / ActumSabbato post festum S. Martini AnnoDomini M. D. LXXIII’, CSAU, Consularia,

vol. 8, sheet 1641-1642.4 Horst’s native city was mentioned in the

entry in the burgher roll of Poznań:‘Henricus Horst Sculptor lapidumGreningensis ex / Frisia ius civilesuscaepit die et anno quibus supra.[Annus D[omi]ni MDXCI, feria sextavigilia Purificationis Beatae MariaeVirginis]’, State Archive of Poznań, Aktamiasta Poznania [Poznań City Acts], I272, sheet 48. In other sources the sculptor featuresvariously as Horscht, Horszt, Hornstein,Horstein, Horstin or Horstyn. Thenames Zur Horst, Van Horst(en), VanHörsten, Horst and Horstenius appearfrequently in the sources in Groningenand Friesland, often borne byimmigrants from Westphalia. I owe thisand other information concerning thehistory of reformation in andemigration from Groningen to Otto S.Knottnerus to whom I would like toexpress my gratitude for sharing hisknowledge.

5 Любченко 1981, 26.6 Łoziński 1901, 74-185; Gębarowicz 1962;

Gębarowicz 1969; Любченко 1981, 46-182; Heydel 1979; Mikocka-Rachubowa1988.

7 Studies on the so-called Netherlandishcurrent in Polish and Silesian art:Hrankowska 1995; cat. Legnica 2001;Kapustka et al. 2003.

8 Pennings 1905, 30-35; Molitor 1993. 9 On the situation in Groningen during

the revolt see: Duijvendak et al. 2008,107-151; Veldman 1990. Among therefugees from Groningen who tookshelter in Emden was Johan Horst [!],formerly a minister at the St. MartinChurch in Groningen, who was expelledfrom the city because of his pro-Lutheran sympathies. Cf. Feith 1896, 165;Duijvendak et al. 2008, 97. So far norelation between the sculptor HendrikHorst and the minister Johan Horst hasbeen determined, but this issue requiresfurther investigation.

10 E.g., Johan van Groningen, active 1568-1606 in Mildstedt and Husum; Gert vanGroningen, active 1573-1577 in Aarhusand Helsingør (furnishing of theKronborg castle); Tonnies vanGroningen, active 1588-1596 in Køge;Mikkel van Groningen, 1580-1610. Seedigitalised version of Weilbachs 4th ed.of Kunstnerleksikon(https://www.kulturarv.dk/kid/Forside.do, 30 May 2013).

11 Braudel 1995, 199-201.



https://www.kulturarv.dk/kid/Forside.do

https://www.kulturarv.dk/kid/Forside.do


12 Hrytsak 2000.13 ‘In dieser statt ist kein wunder wie tzue

Venedig, auf ihrem marktae, alle tageauch aus aller welt örtter folk beyderrpershoen in ihres landes kleidungetzusehen, die Ungern in ihren kleinenkutzmen. Die Moßkwitter in ihrenweyssen ßepken, die Turken in ihrenweyssen tzolmen. Diese in ihren langenkleidung, wieder Deutzen, Welschen,Franztzösen, Hisspanier in ihrerkuerzen. Es sey einer, was tzunge erwolle, er findet hie seine sprache. Undwarlich, all liegt diese Statt aberhundertt meiln vom Meere, dennochwen mann aufm ringe gewar wirt, wiesich so ein haufen Candier, Turken,Griechen, Welshcenn, noch in ihrerschiefkleidunge, umb die malmasirfessen mischen dunkt einem nichtanders nur, es sey der Portt vor demthore‘. Biblioteka Gdańska [GdańskLibrary], Mscr no 1300, sheet 270-271,after Bues 2008, vol. 2, 653-654.

14 To mention just a few of the many wholeft the Low Countries between 1550 and1580: Heinrich and Wilhelm Vernuckenin Nordrhein; Arendt and Joris Robijn inCologne and Mainz; Elias Godefroy inKassel; Adam Liquier in Kassel andBraunschweig; Alexander Colijn inSpeyer, Prague and Vienna; HenrikHagart in Jever and Munich; ClausMidow in Schwerin and Königsberg; andJan Gregor van der Schardt inNuremberg and Vienna. Cf., e.g., Jolly1999, and the article by Arjan deKoomen in this volume.

15 Bimler 1934, 80-81, 104-108; Bek 2005, 213-220.

16 Bronze elements of the font had beenordered in 1554 in Utrecht by modellerHinrik Wyllemsson and founder AdrianHynrichsen and were delivered toGdańsk in 1557; Pałubicki 1981, 183-184.On the topic of the activity of theNetherlandish artists in Danzig/Gdańskmore generally, see the article byFranciszek Skibiński in this volume, aswell as the acts of the conferenceNetherlandish artists in Gdańsk in thetime of Hans Vredeman de Vries(Danielewicz & Ruszkowska-Macur2006).

17 This was certainly the case in Gdańsk,where merchants from the LowCountries had been presentcontinuously since the 14th century anda Netherlandish orientation became aconstant feature of the local art.Although Netherlanders did not play

such a significant role in either Lviv orin Poznań, names of immigrants fromthe Low Counties appear in the in thePoznań burgher roll in the yearspreceding Horst’s settlement in the city,e.g., Jacobus von Leijden (1575), NicolausFrisse (1578), Joannes de BittereAntverpiensis (1582), Wilhelm BoelAntverpiensis (1582). State Archive ofPoznań, Akta miasta Poznania [PoznańCity Acts], I 272, sheets 5, 11, 24, 25.

18 An alabaster altarpiece for the DresdenCastle chapel, commissioned inAntwerp in 1554, and the tomb of Moritzof Sachsen in Freiberg Cathedral,designed by the Tola brothers, wereexecuted in the workshop of Antonisvan Seron in Antwerp in the years 1561-1563. Cf. Lipińska 2007, 107-121 (see therefor older literature).

19 Hentschel 1966; Meine-Schawe 1990.20 I am referring here to the workshops of

Franciscus Fiorentinus, JoannesFiorentinus, Bartolommeo Berrecci,Bernardino de Giantois (Romanus) andGiovanni Cini, Giovanni MariaPadovano, Gerolamo Canavesi fromMilan. Cf. Kozakiewiczowa 1984;Markham Schulz 1998.

21 E.g., Jan Michałowicz from Urzędów.22 Cf., e.g., Guldan 1958; Karpowicz 1987. 23 Torbus 2006.24 Łoziński 1901, 20-43; Kozubska 2008.25 Petrus Murator Italus aus Lugano (1543);

Gabryel Quadro Italus magister murator(1561); Angiolo und Gallacius (d. 1560)Itali de Bruzin; Petrus Italus MuratorSzwanczar [Pl. Swiss] (1567); FranciscusRoland de Brusimpiano (1572);Peregrinus Bononicus (1572);Christophus Bozzano (1572); BernardoMorando (1572); Jacobus Italus murator(1572); Martinus de Muralto muratorItalus (1580); Bernardus FrancosonVenetianus murator (1575); ZaccariusCastello de Lugano (1593); Caspar deCasparino (1597); Pietro Caracci (1605);Dominicus Sol de Vetulis (1608);Nicolaus Silvestri de Bormio Valtellino(1628). Łoziński 1901, 20-43; Kozubska2008.

26 Gębarowicz 1962, 51; Mikocka-Rachubowa 1988, 291.

27 Zaremba is featured in the sources from1569 as a pupil of Van Hutte who is suinghim for unpaid work, which led to abrawl between the parties. Gębarowicz1962, 16-17.

28 Gębarowicz 1962, 54.29 Lipińska 2009a.30 By way of example: in the late 1550s and

1560s Elias Godefroy Dupré fromKamerijk (d. 1568) and Adam Liquierfrom Beaumont (d. 1585) were employedat the court of Philip I, Landgrave ofHessen. Their chief works in Kassel werethe Alabaster Chamber in the castle(1557-1559) and the tomb monument ofthe prince and his spouse Christine inSt. Martin’s Church (1567-1572). Thesewere both executed in local alabaster,quarried in Konnefeld on the Fulda,south of Kassel. It has not yet beenconfirmed whether Godefroy andLiquier were effectively the discoverersof these alabaster deposits, but there isno doubt that they were the first toemploy it on a large scale in prestigiouscommissions (cf. Winkelmann 1697, vol.1, 39; Kramm 1936; Boehn 1952).Impressed by the works in Kassel, Juliusof Braunschweig-Lüneburg employedLiquier (from 1572 onwards) and otherNetherlanders (Claus van Eppen, 1566-1567; Hendrick van den Broeck, 1570;Augustin Adrians, 1571; and JohannEsken 1571) to exploit and work inalabaster found in the vicinity ofWolfenbüttel. When the material provedto be of good quality, the dukeundertook an epistolary campaign toencourage the city councils of theHanseatic cities and the Germanprincely courts to make use of hisnatural resources. Cf. Jolly 1999; Lipińska2014.

31 Cf. n. 1 and 2.32 Gębarowicz 1962, 36; Gębarowicz 1969;

Wardzyński 2011.33 Cf. Wardzyński 2011, 45, map 1.34 Unlike his father, whose art patronage

was orientated predominantly towardItalian art, the last Jagiellon heldNetherlandish art in high esteem, as isclearly illustrated by his rich collectionof Brussels tapestries. Cf., e.g., Piwocka2007.

35 Gębarowicz (1962, 36) suggested that thefact that Van Hutte had alreadyobtained such an importantcommission before 1562 means that hecould not just have arrived in Poland,but must have come as early as thebeginning of the 1550s. This, however,cannot be confirmed.

36 Gębarowicz 1969, 258, 261.37 Wardzyński 2011, 47-48.38 Wardzyński 2011, 53-55.39 Jakimowicz 1988, 590. 40 The first document concerns the

transport of some ‘goods’ to Poznań.According to Gębarowicz, it might have

Eastern outpost 165



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47 Gębarowicz 1962, 29.48 Łoziński 1901, 134; Gębarowicz 1962, 36;

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alabastrinos’ for delivery to Warsaw. In1571, Van Hutte received an order from acastellan of Gdańsk, Jan Kostka deStemberg, to deliver one thousand‘square stones of white alabaster’. Thedesignation of this great quantity ofmaterial is unfortunately unknown. Cf.Gębarowicz 1962, 20, 24, 56; Gębarowicz1969, 257-263.

53 Lipińska 2007, 138-148, annexes no. 8, 9;cat. Gdańsk 2011.

54 Cf. Lipińska 2007, 138-148, 154-165;Lipińska 2010.

55 Gębarowicz 1962, 200-206.56 Cf. Gębarowicz 1962, 57-72, 179-184;

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57 Bimler 1936, 44-45.58 In 1612 his wife is mentioned as a widow;

cf. n. 4 and Brosig 1934, 99-106;Gębarowicz 1962, 57-72; Heydel 1979.

59 From 1878 in the side chapel of thechurch, now in Olesko Castle (Ukr.Олесько), a branch of the Lviv PictureGallery. Łoziński 1901, 120-122;Gębarowicz 1962, 60; Любченко 1981,68-70; Nestorow 2006, 172-178.

60 Łoziński 1901, 11.61 Wardzyński 2011, 42-43.62 ‘Heros Magnanimus Martis natus ad

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66 Dim. 68 x 57 cm; Eckhardtówna 1934-1935; Harasimowicz 1986, 290-297;Lipińska 2007, 13, cat. no. III, figs. 140-141;Kowalski 2007, 183-184, 249.

67 This reconsideration should also includea group of five tomb figures preserved inthe Dominican Church in Lviv, of whichthree have been previously ascribed toHorst’s workshop.

68 Horst was already working for Kampianin 1576, since in 1580 he demanded anoverdue payment from him; Heydel1979, 120.

69 Heydel 1994.70 Mańkowski 1974, 209-210; Любченко

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