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Portada: Primer mapa del Amazonas, de Quito al Océano Atlántico y que ha sido durante largo tiempo atribuido al Jesuita quiteño Alonso de Rojas. No tiene fecha segura pero coincide con la llegada de los portugueses capitaneados por Pedro de Texeira en 1638. Más recientemente, varios investigadores concuerdan en estimar que el mapa fue en realidad trazado por el Jesuita Cristóbal de Acuña para el Rey en 1642, luego de la expedición por el Amazonas (Mis agradecimientos van para el historiador Octavio Latorre por sus precisiones)Contraportada: Foto de grupo de los partcipantes al 3 EIAA

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Antesde

Orellana

Actas del 3er Encuentro Internacionalde Arqueología Amazónica

Stéphen Rostaineditor

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© Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, UMIFRE 17, MAE/CNRS-USR 3337 AMÉRICA LATINAAv. Arequipa 4500, Lima 18, PerúTeléf.: (51 1) 447 60 70 Fax: (51 1) 445 76 50E-mail: postmaster@ifea.org.pePágina Web: http://www.ifeanet.org

Este volumen corresponde al tomo 37 de la Colección “Actes & Mémoires de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines” (ISSN 1816-1278)

Antes de Orellana.Actas del 3er Encuentro Internacional de Arqueología Amazónica

Stéphen Rostain editor Edición: - Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos - Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales - Embajada de EEUU Diseño: Stéphen Rostain Diagramación: Stéphen Rostain ISBN: 978-9942-13-892-7 Impresión: ArtesGráficasSeñal Impreso en Quito, Ecuador, Mayo de 2014

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Contenido

Organización del 3er Encuentro Internacional de Arqueología Amazónica 10

Prefacio: “... Cambia tus ojos...”Stéphen Rostain 11

Simposio “Todo sobre la Amazonía”La Amazonía, una impostura geográficaEmmanuel Lézy 17

El proceso cartográfico y la Amazonía. El primer atlas del Perú, 1865Jean-Pierre Chaumeil 27

Nomear o seu Universo (e cada povo se torna, sem saber, muito egocêntrico…)Françoise Grenand 33

Simposio “Arcaico”Recolectores del Holoceno Tempranoen la Floresta Amazónica ColombianaGaspar Morcote-Ríos, Francisco Javier Aceituno Bocanegra & Tomás León Sicard 39

El Arcaico en los valles interandinos del Magdalena y Cauca en Colombia: cacería especializada y horticultura tempranaCarlos Eduardo López & Martha Cecilia Cano 51

Simposio “En honor de Donald Lathrap y Betty Meggers”La arqueología del Ecuador antes y después de Betty Meggers José Echeverría-Almeida 59

Amazonian Ethnoarchaeology and the Legacy of Donald LathrapJames A. Zeidler 61

Simposio “Guyanas e Orinoco”Fauna del arte precolombino en las GuayanasStéphen Rostain 69

Excavations at Poncel: an update of the Late Ceramic Age of CayenneMartijn van den Bel 75

Ethnographic and Archaeological “Cultures” in Guiana, Northern AmazoniaRenzo S. Duin 89

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Nuevos aportes a la arqueología del sitio El Saladero, bajo Orinoco, VenezuelaJosé R. Oliver 97

Ecología histórica de la Gran Sabana(Estado Bolivar, Venezuela) entre los siglos XVIII y XXRodríguezIokiñe,RafaelGasson,AudreyButt-Colson,Alejandra Leal & Bibiana Bilbao 113

Simposio “Bajo Amazonas”Modos de figurar o corpo na Amazônia précolonialCristiana Barreto 123

Os Artesãos das Amazonas: a diversidade da indústria lítica dos Tapajó e o MuiraquitãClaide de Paula Moraes, Anderson Márcio Amaral Lima & Rogério Andrade dos Santos 133

Science, technology, and innovation in indigenous AmazoniaAnna C. Roosevelt 141

The Cultivated Wilderness Project. Hinterlandarchaeology in the Belterra Region, Pará, BrazilPer Stenborg, Denise P. Schaan, Christian Isendahl, Mats Söderström, Jan Eriksson, Márcio Amaral & Mats Olvmo 149

Simposio “Medio Amazonas y Madeira”Como os contextos funerários nos ajudam a entenderos vivos na Amazônia Pré-ColombianaAnne Rapp Py-Daniel 157

Arqueologia do baixo rio Negro e a discussão de contextos locais do rio UniniMárjorie Nascimento Lima, Eduardo Kazuo Tamanaha & Eduardo Góes Neves 167

The Polychrome Tradition at the Upper Madeira RiverFernando Ozorio de Almeida & Eduardo Góes Neves 175

Houses, hearths, and gardens: space and temporalityin a pre-Columbian village in the Central AmazonAnna T. Browne Ribeiro 183

Simposio “Ecuador”Tecnología cerámica y transición cultural en la altaAmazonia ecuatoriana: el caso del valle del río Cuyes (primeros resultados y perspectivas)Catherine Lara 191

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El Formativo del Alto Pastaza (Ecuador), entre arqueología y vulcanologíaGeoffroy de Saulieu, Stéphen Rostain & Jean-Luc Le Pennec 199

Dinámica de vida en el área de influencia del río Napo,desde 9000 a.C. hasta 1400 A.D.Amelia M. Sánchez Mosquera 207

Caballones vs. camellonesFranklin Fuentes G., David Leyton, Telmo López M.,Javier Véliz Alvarado & Stéphen Rostain 215

Perspectival Ontology and Animal Non-Domestication in the Amazon BasinPeter W. Stahl 221

Simposio “Alta Amazonía”Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Ceja de Selva (800-100 B.C.): A Case Study from Huayurco, Jaén Region, PeruRyan Clasby 233

Los orígenes y el desarrollo de la organización socio-política de la cultura Chachapoya: Una mirada desde la Provincia de Luya, Departamento Amazonas, PerúKlaus Koschmieder 243

Aproximación socio cultural y ambiental en base de la interpretación de los petroglifos de la cuenca del Armanayacu, tributario del Río Paranapura, bajo Huallaga, Amazonía peruanaSantiago Rivas Panduro 251

La arqueología y ele mito de origen de los Shipibo-Conibode la cuenca del Ucayali, PerúDaniel Morales Chocano 265

Simposio “Mojos y Acre”Island, River and Field: a Historical Ecology of the Bolivian AmazonJohn H. Walker 273

Unidad en la Diversidad. Implicaciones de la variabilidad cerámicade la región del Iténez, BoliviaCarla Jaimes Betancourt 281

Simposio “Paisajes modificados y dieta”Initial contributions of charred plant remains from archaeological sites in the Amazon to reconstructions of historical ecologyMyrtle P. Shock, Claide de Paula Moraes, Jaqueline da Silva Belletti, Márjorie Lima, Francini Medeiros da Silva, Lígia Trombetta Lima, Mariana Franco Cassino & Angela Maria Araújo de Lima 291

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Uso do Saber Tradicional Indígena no Reconhecimento e Caracterização de Paisagens Manejadas na Amazônia BrasileiraMyrian Sá Leitão Barboza, Alcieila Farias Figueiredo, Angélica Leal de Souza, Vanessa Waiwai, Asiso Waiwai, Pedro Waiwai & Nivaldo Waiwai 297

What do we know about the distribution of Amazonian Dark Earth along tributary rivers in Central Amazonia?Carolina Levis, Marcio de Souza Silva, Mauro Almeida e Silva, Claide P. Moraes, Eduardo K. Tamanaha, Bernardo M. Flores, Eduardo Góes Neves & Charles R. Clement 305

Uso de plantas económicas y rituales (medicinales o energizantes) en dos comunidades precolombinas de la Alta Amazonia ecuatoriana: Sangay (Huapula) y Colina Moravia (c. 400 a.C.-1200 d.C.)Jaime R. Pagán Jiménez & Stéphen Rostain 313

Simposio “Geoarqueología”The variability of Amazonian Dark Earths: comparing anthropogenic soils from three regions of the Amazonian biomeManuel Arroyo-Kalin 323

Anthropogenic Landscapes in Amazonia: TopographicFeatures, Use of Space, and Formation of Anthrosols (Terra Preta) in Prehistoric Settlements Morgan J. Schmidt 331

Arte Rupestre do Juruparí? Explorando relações iconográficas entre gravuras rupestres e o complexo mito-ritual do Jurupari no Baixo rio Negro, AmazôniaRaoni Valle 339

Pinturas y grabados rupestres en la cuenca del Marañon, alta Amazonía de Perú UlisesGamonalGuevara&QuirinoOliveraNúñez 347

Simposio “Etnoarqueología”Cultural Construction, Interculturality, Multiethnicity, and Survival Strategies among Amerindians in the ‘Island of Guiana’ with a Brief Introduction from the Upper AmazonPeter E. Siegel 351

Betwixt and Between: Unraveling material histories in the Southern Guyana-Suriname borderlandJimmy L.J.A. Mans 359

Temporalidades enraizadas: manejo ambiental e construção social na AmazôniaJuliana Salles Machado 367

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Lugares de memória. Etnoarqueologia o uso do espaço pelos Asurini do Xingu, BrasilFabiola Silva 375

Simposio “Entre pasado y presente: contribuciones etnológicas”Prácticas ancestrales de crianza de agua y suelo ayudan a convivir con lluvias intensasKashyapa A. S. Yapa 381

La Fase Napo en la arqueología de rescateFerran Cabrero 389

El ritual como máquina del tiempo: ejemplos chacobo (Amazonía boliviana)Philippe Erikson 399

Las “naciones indias”, Guayana Francesa y Amapá, siglos XVI-XIX. Algunas reflexiones en torno al etnogénesisPierre Grenand 407

Simposio “Patrimonio”Arqueología amazónica: un patrimonio por descubrirAlexandra Yépez 417

De-construir el patrimonio…Jorge Gómez Rendón 423

Arqueologia e [Des]envolvimento: Patrimônio, Contratoe Comunidades Locais na AmazôniaMarcia Bezerra 433

Coca in context. From the North-West Amazon to coastal EcuadorColin McEwan 441

Ver lo invisible. El levantamiento aéreo con escáner lásery su aplicación practica para los estudios arqueológicosYuri Svoiski & Ekaterina Romanenko 451

Figuras en color 461

… y para concluir con algunos recuerdos 563

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Simposio “Alta Amazonía”

Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Ceja de Selva (800-100 B.C.):

A Case Study from Huayurco, Jaén Region, PeruRyan Clasby

Yale University, Estados Unidos

Introduction

The eastern Andean montane forest has traditionally been an afterthought in discussions concerning the development of early ceremonial architecture in the Andes. Commonly perceived as an environmental zone inhospitable towards large populations and complex sociopolitical formations, the ceja was little investigated in comparison to the highland and coastal valleys to the west. However, recent archaeological investigations in the Jaén region of the northeastern Peruvian Andes have begun to overturn these assumptions, demonstrating that certain parts of the ceja were densely occupied from an early period with local populations developing unique sociopolitical formations represented in both domestic and ceremonial architecture. This paper will examine the excavation results of an early ceremonial structure (800-100 B.C)1 from the site of Huayurco in the Jaén region, providing insight into the type of early societies that existed in this area, and the impact that interregional exchange had on their development.

The eastern slopes of the Central Andes

The eastern slopes of the Central Andes, often referred to as the montaña, selva alta (high jungle), and “ceja de selva” (eyebrow of the jungle), is a narrow ecological zone of tropical montane forest between the western Andean sierras and the Amazonian lowlands (Pulgar Vidal 1972; Raymond 1988). The area is characterized by steep slopes, heavy rainfall, expansive forests, and rugged terrain as well as considerable environmental variability. Wide ranging altitudes (3,800-300 masl), different soil types, and local precipitation patterns create an abrupt topography comprised of forested microclimates within which is an incredibly

diverse range of flora and fauna (Bush et al. 2011; Gentry 1988; Raymond 1988). The difficult terrain coupled with the factthat many areas today are sparsely inhabited suggested that the eastern slopes were an environmental zone of limited capacity for permanent settlements, large populations, and complex sociopolitical organization (Steward 1948: 507-508). Thus, the eastern slopes have long been considered marginal to the complex cultural developments occurring in the Central Andes despite early attempts by scholars such as Julio C. Tello (1960) and Lathrap (1970) to emphasize its importance. Recent archaeological and ethnohistoric investigations, however, have demonstrated that certain areas were intensely populated lending support to the idea that the ceja de selva played a critical role in facilitating economic and ideological exchange between both the Central Andes and Amazonian lowlands throughout much of prehistory (Burger 1984, 2003; Church 1996; DeBoer 2003; Guffroy 2008; Raymond 1988; Taylor 1999; Valdez 2008; Yamamoto 2008; Zeidler 2008). Indeed, Spanish chroniclers noted the favorable warm climate and the availability of fertile agricultural lands as well as large sedentary populations and complex social patterns involving hierarchy and class differences (Taylor 1999: 196-197). Ethno-historical documents suggest that eastern slope populations were in repeated contact with peoples from the Central Andes, often involved in trade networks between societies in the highlands and tropical lowlands (Raymond 1988; Taylor 1999). Archaeological evidence lends support to these claims. Initial Period (1800-900 B.C.) and Early Horizon (900-200 B.C.) iconography found on pottery, stone carvings, mud murals, and other media at sites on the Peruvian coast and highlands exhibits tropical forest plant/animal imagery such as manioc, the jaguar, the harpy eagle,

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and the caiman (Burger 1992; Lathrap 1971; Tello 1960). The prevalence of these images suggests that the cosmology of early Central Andean societies drew significantly fromthe tropical rain forest, likely indicating close interregional interaction.This is significantasthese time periods are associated with the rise of complex societies on the Peruvian central and north coast and in the adjacent highlands (Burger 1992). These interactions helped to shape cultural development within the Central Andes and thus are necessary to understand the larger historical processes related to Andean civilization.

The Jaén region

One such area of likely importance to interregional exchange is the Jaén region. Situated in the northeastern slopes of the Peruvian Andes, close to the Ecuadorian border, this region encompasses the modern districts of Cajamarca and Amazonas. From an ecological perspective, the Jaén region is located at a natural interface. In addition to the high temperatures (25’C annual average), dense vegetation, and rolling hills that characterize its position between the highlands and the tropical lowlands, Jaén also lies in a transition point between the wetter Ecuadorian Andes to the north and the more arid Peruvian Andes to the south, a zone traditionally used by scholars to separate the culture areas of the Northern and Central Andes (Guffroy 2008). The region is also distinct from other areas of the eastern slopes in that elevations are fairly low (300-1200 masl) and the climate is rather dry. In fact, Jaén actually receives relatively little precipitation due to rain shadows. As a result, the vegetation consists of short but dense, scrub forest.Directly west of the Jaén region is the Chamaya highlands, a stretch of the Andes where the mountain chain is at its lowest and narrowest (Raymond 1988). Here, mountain passes such as El Paso de Porculla (2,140 masl), are fairly low in relation to other areas of the Andes which can exceed elevations of 4000 masl. Multiple river systems with highland origins (including the Chinchipe, Utcubamba, and Huancabamba) converge in this basin as tributaries of the Marañón forming naturalcorridorsthatconnectthePacificcoasttotheAmazonian rainforest and the Northern Andes to the Central Andes. In essence, the low passes and intersection of tributaries in the Jaén region creates a geographical nexus that would

have connected distinct environmental zones, helping to promote interregional interaction between the coast, highlands and tropical lowlands in prehistoric times.The ethnohistorical evidence for the region gives support to the idea that Jaén was a conduit of inter-cultural exchange The Incas attempted to conquer this zone (Cieza Leon 1985 [1553]: 163; see also Taylor 1999: 201), possibly for control in the trade of exotic goods that they regarded as desirable (among these might have been coca, tropical fruits, bird feathers, hallucinogens, medicinal herbs, pets, and animal pelts). During the early Colonial Period, Spanish chroniclers documented intensive exchange networks between the populations of the Jaén region and groups in Southern Ecuador, the tropical lowlands, and the Peruvian sierras (Jiménez (ed.) 1897: 36-38; see also Shady 1987). People arrived from these regions both by foot (likely from the west, north and south) and canoe (from the east) for the exchange in products such as salt, gold and stone. According to the chroniclers, the Jaén region was a central node where populations from different environmental zones came to acquire new products and the local groups were active in both production and exchange.

Huayurco and the archaeology of the Jaén region

The Jaén region’s potential as a nexus of interregionalinteractionwasfirstdemonstratedarchaeologically with the discovery of Huayurco in 1961 by Pedro Rojas (1961, 1985). The site of Huayurco is located around the Chinchipe and Tabaconas confluence at analtitude of roughly 400-450 masl (Fig.1). This confluence,alongwiththeChinchipe-Marañonroughly 30 km downstream, represents one of two major nexus points within the Jaén region. Together, they connect many of the river valleycorridors that lead to thePacificcoast,Andean highlands, and Amazonian rainforest From a geographical standpoint, Huayurco was favorably situated to take advantage of interregional exchange routes that would have likely passed by the site.Test excavations by Rojas revealed various offerings that suggested both local and non-local origins (Lathrap 1970; Rojas 1985). A simple brown-ware bottle, a common form in the late Initial Period of the Central Andean highlands, appeared alongside marine shell products including large conch trumpets and

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beads intheshapeof fish.Inaddition,Rojasfound 14 finely carved stone bowls and 118 stone bowl fragments, some of which featured excised designs on the exterior and castellated rims. The large quantity of these vessels within small test excavation units and the perceived unfinished nature of some of the fragmentsinspired Donald Lathrap (1970: 108) to suggest that Huayurco was an important production center for a local stone bowl tradition. The presence of similar stone bowls found in coastal and highland Peru (Lumbreras 2007: 285, Fig. 216, sp.672a,b; Mohr-Chavez 1977: 718-719, Fig. 7.11, 7.12; Rojas 1961: 117 a-f); appeared to indicate that Huayurco was active in long distance exchange. This idea was reaffirmed by the presence of marine shelland the fact that the iconography on both the stone vessels and ceramic fragments shared stylistic traits with early traditions found in coastal, highland and tropical lowland sites (Lathrap 1970: 108). These observations led to the idea that Huayurco and the Jaén region were intensely involved in early interregional exchange networks connecting the Andean highlands to the Amazon rainforest.Nevertheless, despite Huayurco’s potential for

exploring early interregional exchange networks in the eastern slopes, few investigations were conducted in the Jaén region over the ensuing decades. The primary exceptions were small projects carried out by Jaime Miasta in the Chinchipe and Tabaconas valleys (Miasta 1979) and Ruth Shady and Hermilio Rosas in the Bagua area (1979; Shady, 1987, 1999). In recent years, Jaén has seen an upsurge in archaeological research. This includes investigations by Atsushi Yamamoto (2008) along the Huacabamba River; Quirino Olivera (2013) near the cities of Jaén and Bagua and Francisco Valdez (2008) in the Zamora-Chinchipe valley in southern Ecuador. These projects in various stages of completion have significantlyaddedtoagreaterunderstandingof the prehistory in this region.

Huayurco

As mentioned, Huayurco is located at the confluence of the Chinchipe and TabaconasRivers, at roughly 400-450masl. The valleys here are comprised of rolling ridges with gradualtosteepinclinesabovethefloodplain.Many of the ridges feature low lying shelves andhillsthatprovidenaturallyflatareasabovethefloodplain.Thesespacestodayandinthepast have been used by the local populations for domesticactivities.Thefloodplainitself variesinsizeneartheconfluencewiththeTabaconasbeing considerably wider than the more deeply entrenched Chinchipe. Nevertheless, each would have likely provided substantial arable land for agriculture. Survey demonstrated that Huayurco, rather than a single site or mound, is actually a complex of at least 12 discontiguous components located around the confluence (Fig.2). Thesecomponents cover a stretch of over 200 ha and range greatly in both time and function. I have grouped them together primarily due to their closeproximitytotheconfluenceandtoeachother (most components were separated by less than 0.5km). A formal settlement pattern survey based on extensive test excavations is necessary to clarify the temporal and functional relationships of the components.Each component, presumably habitational, was positioned well above the level of the floodplain, taking advantage of the lowlying shelves and hills along the edges of the valleys. These components vary in nature. Some are hills showing evidence of platform terracing throughmodificationof thenatural

Figure 1. Huayurco and the Jaén region: Map shows location of major rivers and modern population centers

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inclinations. Other components are sherd or artifact concentrations. While it is possible that small-scale components may have been located on the floodplain, seasonal floodingand the shifting nature of the rivers would have likely prevented any long term settlements (see Lathrap 1968). More likely, these areas were utilized for agricultural purposes including maize, manioc, and palm fruit production, while households and non-domestic activities were placed on the natural terraces and hills along the edges of the valleys. The apparent preference for flat areas abovethefloodplainmeantthatsomeof thehillsandterraces had also been reoccupied on various occasions. While these 12 components made it more difficult to fully evaluate the EarlyHorizon occupation that had been described by Rojas (1985) and Lathrap (1970), they provided an opportunity to investigate the long term cultural developments (spatially and temporally)of an eastern slope community at the site level.

Excavations

Excavations were conducted at multiple components in order to get a better understanding of their temporal and

spatial relationships. The components were divided into sectors (A-L) for the purposes of identification (Fig.2). This paper willexamined the excavation results from Sector G which revealed evidence of early ceremonial architecture. Sector G was primarily selected for its strong evidence of an early occupation, represented by polychrome, incised, and polychrome incised pottery, similar to Early Horizon styles found elsewhere in the Jaén region by Shady (1999; Shady and Rosas 1979) and Yamamoto (2008).

Sector G

Sector G is located on the northern edge of the Chinchipe River, directly adjacent to a small quebrada The sector, over 3 ha in size, is represented by a low lying hill with at least three natural platform terraces, each of which featured evidence of human modification.While surface pottery was collected from each of the terraces, intact stratigraphic deposits were limited to the middle terrace which featuredamuchwiderandflatterplatform.In fact, excavation of the middle platform revealed a large rectangular structure just below the surface (Fig.3). This structure, roughly 15x20 m was comprised of stone footings and freestanding walls made from locally collected river cobbles packed in a soft, yellow mortar. An examination of the stratigraphy and associated architectural features indicate that the structure was not built in a single episode. Rather, it represents the culmination of activities related to multiple occupational phases dating between 800-100 B.C. The chronological complexity of this site was principally recognized along the eastern edge of the middle platform where excavation units revealed stratigraphic deposits of more than 2 m in depth. It was in this area where the earliest occupation of the site was recognized. While horizontal exposure was limited for these early levels,excavationrevealedaninitialfloorbuiltinassociation with at least two freestanding stone walls. As with the stone footings represented inthefinalconstructionphase,thewallswerecomprised of river cobbles packed in a soft, yellow mortar.Most interestingly, this initial occupation was preceded by a stratigraphic layer containing at least 24 human burials, 19 of which were children or infants (Toyne 2012). All of the burials were found in close proximity to one another with individual remains usually mixed

Figure 2. Location of the different sectorsthat comprise the site of Huayurco

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or superimposed over others. In fact, many of the individuals were incomplete consisting only of crania or long bones. While one cannot factor out issues of preservation, the close proximity of these burials along with their incomplete nature suggest that they were possibly secondary deposits, placed in the ground before the initial construction phase at the site. Most of the burials lacked material deposits with the exception of two adults, one of which was accompanied with a hafted axe made of rose-colored quartz while the other featured a small bracelet or necklace made of circular stone beads. The type of stone was not identifiedalthoughoneof thebeadswasbluein color, similar to lapis lazuli.Pottery found in the deposits below and in association with the floor consisted almostexclusively of decorated pottery in the form of open bowls and short-necked jars. Many of the bowl rims were castellated along the rim. The pottery featured a variety of techniques including both painted and incised wares. Zonal polychrome incision was also common. Much of the decoration included white and/or black paint on a red slip. Many of the jar rims were reinforced on the exteriors, often with nicks or impressions at the junction of the rim and neck. Substantial changes occurred to the middle platform around 400-300 B.C as the original occupation appears to have been intentionally buried. In fact, a thick layer of crushed, red-colored rock was superimposed over the earlier occupation. This layer, which contained few material remains, occurs naturally in other parts of Sector G, and appears to have been mined specificallyasafoundationforthesucceedingfloorlevels.Whiletheexteriorwallsassociatedwith the earlier occupation were largely covered over, the inhabitants took advantage of the framework already in place by modifying and rebuilding the walls in the same location.As with the earlier occupation, the inhabitants appear to have placed dedicatory burials below the levelof thefloors. In this case,however,only twowere identified,anadultandachild(Toyne 2012). The adult, who lacked any offerings, was partially buried underneath one of the stone footings. The child, on the otherhandwasplacedunderthefloorandwasaccompanied by a fragment of a mortero stone as well the partial skeleton of an alpaca.The structure itself is comprised of a series of footings along the interior which form several different rooms. The structure appears

to have been built in two different phase as twodifferentfloorswerefoundinassociationwith the architecture. The stone footings and walls that comprised the structure were almost certainly capped by wood, thatch, or other perishable material for protection against the elements. While poor organic preservation at the site ruled out finding these materials,several possible post holes were found within the interior, often directly adjacent to the footings. While the specific function of the structureis unclear, excavation revealed a large amount of hearths within each of the interior rooms. Thesehearthswereunlined,identifiedprimarilyby their dark ash and the circular orange burn marksinthefloor.Manyof theseorangeburnmarks overlapped suggesting that the burning events were frequent with each hearth used onlybriefly.Most of the hearths lacked macro remains that would demonstrate their intended use. However, a few revealed evidence of small bone and pottery. The bone largely consisted of local riverine species although some mammals were present as well (Vásquez and Rosales 2012). In fact, a few of the hearths contained the remains of small to medium sized felines such as the Felis tigrina. None of the feline bone featured cut marks. Animal remains found in the deposition associated with the floor wasa mix of local species including riverine crab (Hypolobocera sp.), land snail (Bulimulidae sp., Thaumastus sp.), deer (Odocoileus virginianus sp.), armadillo (Dasypus sp.), and lizard (Saurio sp.; Iguana iguana). Exotic animals are also present in the form of marine products (Platyxanthus orbigny, Rhinobatosplanicep sp., Pteriidae sp., etc.), camelids (Lama sp.), agouti (Agouti sp.) and capybara (Hydrochaeris sp.).Evidence for ritual use of the structure is also indicated by the presence of offerings within the interior of the building. In addition to scattered pottery deposits, necklaces made of materials such as rose-colored quartz2 (Fig.4) andmarineshellwerealsoidentified.Theshellnecklace was of particular importance as it was a clear indication of Huayurco’s long distance relationships. Continued excavation showed this not to be an isolated find as numerousworked marine shell fragments were found along the interior of the complex. Analysis by Gladys Paz (2011) revealed three types of marine shell (Pinctada mazatlanica, Strombus gracilior, Prunum curtur). imported from the warmer waters of the far-north coast of Peru

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and Southern Ecuador. ContactwiththePacificcoast was also supported by the presence of the marine species listed above including some coming from the colder waters of Peru.The second phase, which roughly dates from 400to100B.Cisalsodefinedbyopenbowlsand necked jars. Many of the jars in this phase feature reinforced exterior rims and strong carinations along the body. Bowl rims were often castellated. Post-fired white paint wastypically applied to reduced ware or red slipped vessels. Exterior decoration usually consisted of incised geometric designs. One of the most prominent designs was the double-helix spiral (Fig.5, see Stone 2011: 41). In some cases, the incisionswerefilledwithpostfiredredorwhitepaint. Many of the jar forms featured red-painted reinforced exterior rims. Bowls often featured a variety of decorative techniques including zonal polychrome incision, stamping, modeling, and crosshatching.

Discussion

The architectural and cultural features associated with the structure in Sector G at Huayurco appear to indicate that it functioned as a ritual or ceremonial center. As mentioned, there were a number of interments placed below each of the principal construction phases, an act which has parallels to the Andean tradition of burying children or offerings underneath the foundations of ceremonial structures in order to ensure the success of the activities inside (see Burger 1992:74). Further, the structure featured exotic offerings, finepottery, and a number of unlined hearths withintheinterior.Thedistributionof thefirepits suggest the possibility of brief but frequent ceremonies centered on burning rituals. The presence of burnt feline bone in the hearths lends support to this idea. While the nature of this significance is stillbeingassessed, thearchitectural and the horizontal distribution of its features and artifacts speak to a unique eastern slope pattern which may not have direct antecedents in either the highlands or tropical lowlands. Similar stone footings and walls have been discovered by Olivera (2013) and Valdez (2008) at the nearby sites of Montegrande and Santa Ana-La Florida, both of which appear to date to periods much earlier than Huayurco, possibly representing antecedents to the architectural traditions at Sector G. The ceramic iconography in the later phase of Sector G is exceptionally provocative. Rebecca

Stone (2011: 41) argues that the double-helix spiral is referencing the “caapi vine/snake/spiralconfiguration,”amixof symbolsinherentto shamanic transformation through the use of psychotropic drugs. Although seemingly tied to symbols of the jungle, variations of the double-helix are found at various sites in the coast, highlands, and eastern slopes of Northern Peru during the late Initial Period and Early Horizon. This includes the lower and middle Jequetepeque (Sakai y Martínez 2008: 180, Fig. 3F; Tsurumi 2008: 153, Fig.13); Cajamarca (Terada and Onuki 1982: lamina 86); Kuntur Wasi (Inokuchi 2008: 227, Fig. 2b); Pacopampa (Morales 2005: 227, Fig.18); the Huancabamba (Yamamoto 2008: Fig.20); and Bagua (Shady 1999: 205, Fig. 2d.) The ubiquitous nature of this design possibly indicates a shared tradition between coastal, highland, and lowland groups during the late Initial Period and Early Horizon. In fact exchange networks expand during this period with a greater variety in the type of products being moved (Burger 1992). This occurs alongside a greater increase in the shared use of iconographic symbols. Perhaps the double-helix was one of many familiar symbols that spoke to a larger connection between distant populations based on shamanism and the use of psychotropic drugs. In effect, these symbols may have helped to unite various cultures through a shared ideology which could have then had practical implications related to exchange and interaction.In fact, these exchange networks are evident in terms of the marine shell and animal products found in Sector G. As mentioned,the animal remains associated with the structure includes species with coastal, highland, and tropical forest origins3. While the nature of this exchange is unclear, the presence of marine shell beads and necklaces suggest that the people of Huayurco desired exotic products for non-domestic activities. With regards to the idea that Huayurco was a stone bowl production center, this too remains to be determined. Outside of a surface fragment found in Sector J, no stone bowls were recovered during the course of the investigation. Until more of these vessels are foundincontext,itremainsdifficulttoassesstheir significance to the local cultures. Of recent work in the region, only Valdez (2008) has found these vessels in context (as part of an offering). However, at least 94 of these stone vessels are present in local museums in Jaén and Bagua suggesting that they were

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widely produced within the region, possibly over a long period of time.Huayurco continued to be occupied during the Early Intermediate Period but experienced substantial changes in terms of site layout. Sector G was abandoned while large scale architecture was undertaken in Sector D, located along the eastern edge of the Tabaconas River (Clasby and Meneses 2013: 310-314). The inhabitants of the site had terraced the hill in Sector D and built large walls on both platforms which may have had either ceremonial or defensive functions. During a 500-600 year span (A.D. 1-600), this sector was the location of numerous reconstruction activites. The nature of Huayurco’s interregional relationship begin to change as well. Although excavations continued to yield exotic animal remains and shell products, these items appear to have diminished in importance. The pottery becomes less varied and shows greater stylistic ties to cultures in the highlands of southern and central Ecuador than to the Peruvian coast and highlands suggesting that Huayurco may have shifted the focus of its long distance exchange.The initial excavation results from Huayurco indicate that the Jaén region was at times well connected to the cultural processes occurring in both the Northern and Central Andes.The

populations living in this region were not small, marginalized groups but rather large societies with complex sociopolitical formations. The inhabitants of this region were specialists in both pottery and the production of finelycarved stone vessels. They also engaged in the construction of large scale ritual and monumental architecture beginning at an early period. While recent investigations have been instrumental in demonstrating the complex cultural developments within the Jaén region, further research is necessary to contextualize these processes within the larger prehistoric narrative of Western South America.

Acknowledgements

The research at Huayurco was supported by NSF Dissertation Improvement Grant. BCS-0951661 and the MacMillan Center Dissertation Grant (Yale University). I would also like to thank Richard Burger and Jason Nesbitt for their helpful comments and advice concerning this paper.

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1 The years are based on seven calibrated radiocarbon dates taken from different contexts associated with the two principal construction phases of the structure (see Clasby and Meneses 2013).2StoneidentificationsmadebyEdwinSilvadela Roca.3 Some species presumed to be exotic as they are not present in the area today (including the agouti, capybara, and felines) may have had ranges that extended into the region in prehistoric times.