Disaster chapter Bryant-Tokalau

Disaster Relief in the Asia PacificAgency and resilience

Edited by Minako Sakai, Edwin Jurriëns, Jian Zhang and Alec Thornton

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

First published 2014 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2014 Minako Sakai, Edwin Jurriëns, Jian Zhang and Alec Thornton

The right of the editors to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Agency in Asia Pacific disaster relief : connectivity, conflict and community resilience / edited by Minako Sakai, Edwin Jurriëns, Jian Zhang and Alec Thornton.

pages cm. – (Routledge contemporary Asia series ; 44)Includes bibliographical references and index.1. Disaster relief–Asia–Case studies. 2. Disaster relief–Pacific Area–Case studies. I. Sakai, Minako, 1963–HV555.A78A35 2013363.34'8095–dc23 2013025207

ISBN: 978-0-415-71177-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-88435-6 (ebk)

Typeset in Times by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and WearCop

yrigh

ted m

ateria

l - pro

vided

by Tay

lor &

Francis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Contents

List of illustrations x Notes on contributors xi Acknowledgments xiii List of abbreviations xiv Map of the sites of disasters in the book xviii Introduction 1

1 Coping with disaster: agency and resilience in the Asia- Pacific context 3E D W I N J U R R I ë N S , M I N A K O S A K A I , A L E C T H O R N T O N A N D

J I A N Z H A N G

PART ICivil society 17

2 Responding to disasters in the Asia- Pacific region: state and civil society relationships 19D A V I D W . L O V E L L

3 Key factors for capacity- building of disaster relief operations: Indonesian examples 35M I N A K O S A K A I A N D A M E L I A F A U Z I A

4 Fostering civil society organizations for disaster relief in Japan: challenges and prospects for sustainable future operations 52M I N A K O S A K A I A N D K E I S H I N I N A B A

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

viii ContentsPART IIMilitary and state institutions 67

5 The military and disaster relief in China: trends, drivers and implications 69J I A N Z H A N G

6 Myanmar, Cyclone Nargis and regional intermediaries 86C H R I S T O P H E R R O B E R T S

7 Temporalities of planning and disaster: slum demolition and the rebuilding of lives at the margins of Delhi 102U R S U L A R A O

PART IIILocal cultural knowledge and the media 117

8 The politics of the Mount Merapi eruption in Central Java, Indonesia 119P R I Y A M B U D I S U L I S T I Y A N T O

9 Coping with floods in urban Fiji: responses and resilience of the poor 132J E N N Y B R Y A N T - T O K A L A U A N D J O H N C A M P B E L L

10 From early warning system to trauma healing: alternative media and disaster relief in Central Java 147E D W I N J U R R I ë N S

PART IVEconomic initiatives 169

11 Agrarianism, capitalism or protectionism? Exploring economic restructuring and local responses amidst global change in Samoa 171A L E C T H O R N T O N A N D E T I E N N E N E L

12 Responding to natural versus human- made disasters: lessons from Fiji 189S A T I S H C H A N D

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Contents ix

Conclusion 207

13 Lessons from disaster relief in the Asia Pacific 209J I A N Z H A N G , M I N A K O S A K A I A N D E D W I N J U R R I ë N S

Index 217

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Illustrations

Plates 4.1 Showing Makenaizou towels 61 6.1 Welcome messages at the Mandalay Palace 88

Figures12.1 Building permits issued for new private dwellings, 1983–2010 19412.2 Per capita GDP in US dollars at 2000 prices for Fiji, Mauritius

and Malta 195

Tables 8.1 Refugees from the Mount Merapi eruption (5 November 2010) 12311.1 Key informants and coding 17312.1 Description and summary statistics of variables used in the

analysis 19312.2 Regression results of the impact of coups versus natural disasters 198

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Contributors

Jenny Bryant- Tokalau is Associate Professor in Geography, in the School of Maori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, University of Otago, New Zealand. Her research areas include the Qoliqoli (foreshore) and informal settlement in Fiji; poverty and environmental governance in the Pacific; and the impacts of natural disasters on Pacific urban- dwellers.

John Campbell is Associate Professor in the Geography, Tourism and Environ-mental Planning Programme, University of Waikato, New Zealand. His research areas include the human dimensions of natural hazards, global warming in the Pacific, and global environmental change.

Satish Chand is Professor of Finance in the School of Business at the Univer-sity of New South Wales, Canberra, at the Australian Defence Force Acad-emy. His research interests include labour migration, and the challenges of development in communities torn by conflict.

Amelia Fauzia is Lecturer and Deputy Director of the Research Institute of Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta, and is Visiting Fellow in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of New South Wales, Canberra. She is the author of Faith and the State: A History of Islamic Philanthropy in Indonesia (E.J. Brill, Leiden).

Keishin Inaba is Associate Professor of Sociology in the Graduate School of Human Sciences, Osaka University, Japan. His current research focuses on altruism, civil society and religion as social capital in contemporary Japan.

Edwin Jurriëns is Lecturer in Indonesian Studies at the Asia Institute, University of Melbourne, and Visiting Fellow at the School of Humanities and Social Sci-ences, University of New South Wales, Canberra. His research interests include media and contemporary art, with a specific focus on Indonesia.

David W. Lovell is Professor of Politics and Head of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of New South Wales, Canberra, at the Australian Defence Force Academy. He has published in the areas of Austral-ian politics, communist and post- communist political systems, the history of political thought, and the problems of democratization.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

xii Contributors

Etienne Nel is Professor of Geography, University of Otago, New Zealand. His primary research interests lie in the broad areas of economic geography and local economic development. He is on the editorial board of the journals Applied Geography, Local Economy and the Journal of Geography in Higher Education.

Ursula Rao is Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Institute of Anthropology at the University of Leipzig in Germany. Her current research focuses on e- governance and cultural transformations in India. She has also written on Hindi and English journalism, urban space and ritual theory.

Christopher Roberts is Senior Lecturer at the National Security College within the Australian National University. He specializes in the politics and security of East Asia. He has published on a broad range of subject areas including ASEAN and East Asian regionalism; the implications of state weakness, cul-ture and identity for collaboration; and the foreign affairs of Myanmar, Laos, Brunei and Australia.

Minako Sakai is Senior Lecturer and Program Coordinator of Southeast Asian Social Inquiry, School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of New South Wales, Canberra. Her current research topics focus on the role of regionalism and religious (Islamic) organizations in social policy in Indo-nesia.

Priyambudi Sulistiyanto is Senior Lecturer and Head of Flinders Asia Centre, School of International Studies, Flinders University, Adelaide. He has pub-lished on the topics of local politics in Southeast Asia and the politics of reconciliation.

Alec Thornton is Senior Lecturer in Geography at the University of New South Wales, Canberra. His primary research interests lie in urban agriculture, land use and the social production of space. He is on the editorial board of the journals Applied Geography and Urban Forum.

Jian Zhang is Senior Lecturer in Political Science in the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of New South Wales, Canberra. His primary research interests are China’s foreign and defence policies, the Chinese military and traditional and non- traditional issues in the Asia Pacific.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

9 CopingwithfloodsinurbanFijiResponses and resilience of the poor

Jenny Bryant- Tokalau and John Campbell1

IntroductionIn January 2009 Fiji faced its worst floods since 1931 with 400 mm of rain falling in two days, leaving a dozen people dead and more than 10,000 people displaced. The floods destroyed crops and infrastructure, and spread the risk of disease. In rural areas, the severe economic impact of the floods was well under-stood. This chapter will demonstrate that in urban areas the picture was less clear, partly due to the marginalization of the urban poor. Many urban squatters live on degraded coastal land and river flood plains, which are exposed to severe and rapid floods. We will argue that, while the urban poor are very vulnerable to the impacts of disaster, including death, illness and loss of their homes, they are not necessarily without coping strategies. The common perception that traditional ways of dealing with disaster through kinship networks and food security are lost may well be a myth. Using examples from informal settlements on the main island, Viti Levu, we will illustrate that Fiji’s urban poor do have ways of coping with vulnerability, disaster and hardship caused by major environmental change. We will discuss the implications of natural disasters for urban settlements, and outline urban planning strategies for disaster prevention in the future.

HistoryofdisastersinFijiDue to its location in the central South Pacific, Fiji is exposed to tropical cyclones. Between 1875 and 1975, for example, approximately 125 cyclones hit the wider Fiji Island group, although these were not evenly spread over time (McLean 1977: 12). Some decades experienced very few events, while in some seasons, such as 1972–3, there were multiple major cyclones requiring both immediate and long- term community and international responses. Each decade, Fiji is affected by an average of 12 to 15 tropical cyclones, usually accompanied by high- intensity rainfall (Raj 2004: 1; Yeo and Blong 2010: 657). Since Fiji’s independence in 1970, a number of floods have affected the country, with severe damage and loss of life. Between 1972 and 2003 there were 12 major events. In 1972, Cyclone Bebe caused widespread damage across a

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Coping with floods in urban Fiji 133

large swathe of Viti Levu and resulted in the loss of 20 lives and considerable flooding on the island. This was the first major disaster since independence and resulted in one of Fiji’s most extensive relief and rehabilitation efforts, espe-cially in rural areas (Campbell 1984). Nadi Town was left 2.4 m underwater, 500 houses were damaged and 1,200 people (about 10 per cent of the urban population at the time) were rendered homeless (Hackett 1973). Another major event was the flood from Tropical Cyclone Kina in January 1993, which fol-lowed a severe drought induced by the El Niño event of 1992–3, causing the deaths of 23 people and damage amounting to approximately US$100 million (Raj 2004: 2). In the Rewa watershed near the town of Nausori, people from the urban, peri- urban and rural areas sustained massive losses and damage. Across the country, more than 120,000 people (approximately 10 per cent of the popu-lation) suffered serious destruction of housing and crops. In order to cope with the disaster, they had to be supplied with food rations for up to six months. Such flood- induced disasters have serious social and economic implications, not only at the time of the flood, but also for a considerable time afterwards. National gross domestic product (GDP) and government development programs are seriously affected, as resources initially earmarked for capital development works need to be redirected to cover the high costs of relief and rehabilitation (Raj 2004). The deaths associated with floods have largely been attributed to high- density settlements on exposed flood plains (Yeo and Blong 2010: 661). In 1931, there was little warning when floods affected the urban centres of Ba, Nausori, Siga-toka and Nadi on the main island, Viti Levu, causing 225 deaths. Radio mes-sages warned of the cyclone, but not of the flood that rapidly arrived on the Ba flood plain during the night. Many of Ba’s Indian settlers had no access to radio (Yeo and Blong 2010: 668). Fijian villagers may have been more aware as bulis2 were contacted by the district commissioner. There are a number of other reasons that there were fewer deaths of ethnic Fijians. They tended to live on higher ground, in well- established settlements. After hearing news of an impending flood, they would have beaten the lali (drum) to warn surrounding villages. The popular press also claimed that Fijians were often able to swim, as opposed to Indo- Fijians, who generally were not (Yeo and Blong 2010: 669). In order to understand the impacts of disasters, it is necessary to look at an array of social issues such as settlement patterns, political affiliations, com-munity structures, isolation and resilience. Geographies, histories and social net-works all influence the effects of disastrous weather. In Fiji, as in the wider Pacific, human settlement patterns have changed considerably over the past century, particularly over the past 50 years. As a result of increased urban concentration, a growing number of displaced rural people live in informal communities, sometimes known as squatter settlements (Chandra 1990; Haberkorn 2008). The majority of these settlements are located on flood plains, usually the only places where settlers can gain access to land. Arguably, this location makes many new urban dwellers highly vulnerable to a major flooding disaster (see Yeo and Blong 2010).

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

134 J. Bryant-Tokalau and J. Campbell

The2009floodsAs mentioned, in January 2009 Fiji faced its worst floods since 1931. The impact on the rural economy was severe, particularly in a time of economic downturn (Lal et al. 2009a: 25–7). While assessments of the impact of the 2009 floods in rural settings were made soon after the disaster (Lal et al. 2009a), the picture in urban areas was less clear. Some of the newspaper and other reports on the floods commented that people living in informal settlements in towns and cities would be more vulnerable to the impact of disaster, and more likely to fall further below the poverty line (Lal et al. 2009b: 40). Urban squatters living on coastal, often degraded land would be particularly exposed, as they were confronted with severe and rapid floods rushing through and, in some cases, submerging their homes (Kikau 2009). It is often assumed in such reports that urban people have few tra-ditional ways of dealing with the impacts of disasters, because of weakened kinship networks and food security practices. These changes, along with the absence of secure land tenure, would make people vulnerable. Immediately following the 2009 floods, Fiji’s Ecumenical Centre for Research, Education and Advocacy (ECREA) provided relief, including food rations and mosquito nets, to squatter settlements and isolated rural villages. Due to accessibility issues, these settlements and villages were omitted from the initial aid distribution. ECREA’s key role was to set up a hotline for donations and to assist the settlers and villagers with dealing with the ‘loss of homes, belongings and livelihoods and destruction of crops, roads, water systems and electricity’.3 The director of ECREA’s partner organization, Christian World Service, visited a number of communities after the floods. In urban Nadi, he

talked to central Nadi business owners who lost all their goods, a pharmacist who lost a month’s supply of medicine and an electronics shop owner who lost $360,000 of stock. None of these businesses had insurance. Because Nadi regularly experiences floods, insurance against floods of more than 30 cm is unavailable. [Everywhere, he] saw sofas, chairs, mattresses and books spread out in front of houses to dry in the sun. People cleaned debris and silt from cupboards, furniture, electronic devices and gas cookers. In rural squatter communities, locals showed him how high the waters rose. In some instances, it was greater than head height.4

He also heard that the owner of a severely damaged house was so upset the house could not be repaired that he suffered a heart attack and died. For people on a low income, rebuilding was difficult. A key impact on many of the poor was that school students had to return to class without books: ‘Parents spent their end of year [sugar] bonuses to buy text books and exercise books before the flood but these books were now destroyed.’5

Headlines like ‘Fiji floods kill eight, strand thousands’ and ‘Australians are among thousands of tourists stranded in resorts in Fiji’ (Sydney Morning Herald,

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


13 January 2009) dominated the early newspaper articles, which often included much exaggerated or understated information. Some of the international press reported on the dangers of malaria for which the vector, the anopheles mosquito, does not exist in Fiji, but other illnesses presented a very real fear. Newspaper and television reports showed the inundation of hundreds of homes and busi-nesses in towns and villages throughout coastal areas of Viti Levu as rivers and streams overflowed their banks. By the second day of the floods, once the magnitude of the disaster was understood by the overseas media to affect more than tourists, there were 9,000 people living in shelters and dozens reported to be ill (BBC 2009). In one shelter in the Western Division, 85 people were suffering from diarrhoea and respira-tory illnesses. Issues of food, clean water, and the need for clothes, bedding and tents were also reported. The fear that businesses in Nadi might take six months to a year to recover from the floods, and the concern that many smaller busi-nesses might never reopen, reflected the enormity of the economic and social impacts on people in the Nadi urban area. It seemed that urban settlements were affected more than those in rural areas. This was due in part to the path of the tropical depression that preceded the floods, but it was also strongly related to the rapid deforestation upstream from Nadi and to the growing number of people living in precarious conditions close to towns. The abandonment of sustainable farming practices like contour farming also resulted in ‘increased erosion and siltation of water bodies’ (Chandra and Dalton 2011: 8).

Urbanization,theurbanpoorandvulnerabilityFiji has changed and become more urban. In 2007, Fiji’s urban population was 420,000 people, or 51 per cent of its total population (Government of Fiji 2007). People have moved to towns for many reasons, such as employment opportun-ities, education, the expiry of cane leases,6 or a personal desire to migrate. Once in town, many are unable to purchase or even rent land and formal housing. Pressure on the small amount of freehold land is intense, making it unaffordable for low- income households. Competitive interests for state and native leases make it difficult to find suitable land on which to house the poor, and squatters of all ethnicities are becoming more aggressive in their movement onto state land (Bryant- Tokalau 2012). The main urban areas are Fiji’s capital, Suva, and several other sizeable towns such as Labasa on Vanua Levu. In Suva, around 190 ‘squatter’ (informal) settle-ments exist, housing approximately 60,000 people or 16 per cent of the city’s population (McKinnon et al. 2007). It is unclear how many of the squatters live on state land and along river courses and coasts. Apart from suffering uncer-tainty about land tenure, these people are also very vulnerable to disasters, because of their lack of resources, limited livelihood options, insecure housing, and lack of service provision. The urban population of Nadi almost tripled, from 15,220 in 1986 to 42,284 in 2007.7 Much of this growth was absorbed in

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


peri- urban settlements on the outskirts of the town, similar to what happened in Suva and Labasa. The number of marginalized urban dwellers in Fiji is growing, but there are very few assets held in their informal settlements. The urban poor subsist partly through informal activities, and fishing and gardening (Thaman 1995; Thornton 2009), but these activities are not wholly sustainable due to lack of access to land in the long term, and the marginal nature of coastal settlements. In regards to land- tenure issues, informal vakavanua8 arrangements between settlers and landowners, many of which have existed for generations, are increasingly under threat (Bryant- Tokalau 2012). Various scholars have noted the problems of governance and infrastructure associated with land use in urban areas of Fiji (Chandra and Dalton 2011; Connell and Lea 2002; Raj 2004), especially the complex and fragmented institutional arrangements that can impede flood risk- reduction efforts. In Nadi, for example, the Town Council and Rural Local Authority are respons-ible for land-use planning, but much inappropriate and unplanned development has taken place (Chandra and Dalton 2011: 8). Government agencies often work under different institutional regimes and suffer from a lack of harmon-ization, which can lead to confusion and a lack of law enforcement to prevent a further increase in the watershed degradation and excessive flooding of recent years. Urban settlers, particularly those in squatter settlements, have high levels of exposure to the effects of natural extremes, especially in low- lying coastal and riverine environments and in steeply sloped areas. Usually the informal settle-ments are the ones that are worst affected by flooding. Implications for the local residents are multiple. Reductions in ongoing employment and loss of jobs and crops severely reduce personal incomes and also affect the national economy. In addition to the inability to pay when there are new costs and stresses associated with flood losses, the urban poor also have difficulties with access to education and health services. Makeshift housing means vulnerability to damage or destruction. Once these houses are lost they are difficult to reconstruct, as people often do not receive permission to build, or do not have the resources to acquire new or second- hand materials. Fresh or potable water, which is an issue most of the time for ‘squat-ters’ – as they are often bypassed by urban reticulation schemes – becomes even less accessible following disasters. Many people in the settlements must deal with the impact of silt and other waste being deposited on their houses, without having a supply of water required for the clean- up. Settlements close to main roads usually have access to public transport, but settlers are increasingly relocated to outlying areas of the cities and towns (Kikau 2009). This makes their access to both employment and services very compli-cated. In the event of a disaster, urban settlements can be as isolated as rural vil-lages, and can experience serious delays in receiving any form of assistance. This short overview confirms that a large number of urban settlers are vulnerable to floods and other disasters. This does not mean, however, that they are

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


completely ignorant of their new environment, or that they sit helplessly by, waiting for assistance in the event of a major disaster.

Fijianurbancasestudy:howpeopledealwithdisastersYeo and Blong (2010) argue that there is an urgent need to focus on urban areas before a major disaster leads to a high death toll and loss of housing and infra-structure. There exist a number of schemes for mitigating the likely impacts of floods – for example, in the Nadi River Basin (Chandra and Dalton 2011) and the Rewa Delta (Raj 2004). These schemes address issues such as possible losses, of human lives as well as infrastructure, the need for integrated manage-ment and planning, and closer involvement of communities and other stakehold-ers. They also emphasize the need for integrating traditional knowledge into disaster planning (Chandra and Dalton 2011: 11). What may not be recognized is that some traditional or community practices have continued to exist in urban areas. These are resources that can be utilized. The common view seems to be that urban people are less able to cope with disaster and other difficulties because they have no connection with their rural and/or traditional networks (for example, Connell and Lea 2002: 97). It is assumed that, being relatively new to urban areas, people have low levels of understanding of local conditions and limited access to emergency services (as they are often the last to receive assistance), compounding the many inequalities faced by those on the margins. Such views are of concern, as the growing con-centration of people is in urban and peri- urban areas. Settlements on the flood plains adjacent to the cities of Ba, Nadi and Suva, for example, are increasing in number, similar to the situation in 1931, when so many people died in Ba. Then the concentration of people was in rural villages, but now people are concentrat-ing in peri- urban informal settlements, and have fewer rights and certainty related to residential land tenure. We do not agree, however, with the assumption that settlers living in such con-ditions lack cohesion or have limited social networks. Although it is partly true that urban communities have less cohesion than rural communities, limited know-ledge of local conditions and live in dependency on landowners (for example, Connell and Lea 2002: 97), the situation is more complex and it is not always the case that people cannot cope with disaster. Interviews conducted in several Suva settlements in 2006 and 2007 (Bryant- Tokalau 2012) revealed a variety of responses, ranging from ‘if people can’t support one another then they can’t live in this place’ to ‘people just wait for the cyclone to hit – they don’t plan except to put rocks on their roofs and collect water’. The research carried out at that time exam-ined coping strategies of the poor in a number of areas, and was not specifically focusing on disaster response. It was clear, however, that in the informal settle-ments there was a continuing presence of ‘traditional ways of coping’, including the continuation of kinship networks as well as the development of new com-munities and associated sets of linkages. Levels of resilience clearly existed, just as one would expect to find in traditional village communities.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


Bryant- Tokalau (forthcoming) has noted elsewhere that although networks and relationships are changing in urban areas, what is ‘strongly important to the way the settlements develop is relationships between families’. Many Fijians will have a tauvu relationship,9 which enables sharing and often continues to exist in an urban context. These links not only remain significant, but also are widened with the addition of local knowledge from other new migrants. Some of the migrants who move from the countryside into the settlements have strong familial relationships. In many settlements with mixed ethnic and regional mem-bership, however, there are settlement committees with wide group membership. Some of these have been promoted by non- governmental organizations (NGOs), but often they simply develop as people live together over a period. The settlement committees are being replicated in urban settlements. In addi-tion, many urban households retain their original kinship or extended family connections, which are called on in times of duress.10 Campbell (2010: 6) dem-onstrates that urban squatter communities are not without ‘social capital’ and are capable of building community resilience – for instance, through shared agricul-tural practices. There is evidence that in anticipation of tropical cyclones and floods, people carry out much of the same gardening practices that were used in rural areas preparing for disaster11 – for example, cutting cassava tops, collecting water, tying down roofs and moving to stronger structures. People also discuss the warning signs of impending tropical cyclones with each other, such as sea-sonal changes in the fruiting and flowering of plants and changing behaviour of seabirds. Thaman’s (1995) work on urban gardens demonstrates that whilst many urban dwellers may not feel that they are prepared for or warned of impending disaster, many will discuss and act upon such signs. People are also responding to disaster education in the more ‘modern’ or formal sense. One official commented on television after the Nadi 2009 flood that ‘education is working . . . people are more aware of the need to prevent casu-alties’. In this flood, ten people died, and many lost their homes and other prop-erty – which will have great long- term consequences and uneven impacts – but the situation could have been much worse. Because of the emphasis on the rural economy, the relatively recent reloca-tion of people to urban areas in the Pacific, the negative aspects of urban life and the growing numbers of urban poor, it is possible that academics, government officials and consultants have simply assumed that urban people have less resil-ience and lack appropriate social networks. They fail to see ‘community’ in urban lifestyles, and their portrayal of poor urbanites as victims is replicated in preparedness planning, or the lack thereof. What is clear is that the majority of people do not simply wait for assistance after a disaster. Of course, communities have changed, and people do suffer, often disproportionately because of their poor conditions; however, as demonstrated in the Lakeba study that will be dis-cussed later, urban people are not helpless, even when they are poor and live in informal settlements.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


Waysofcopingwithdisaster:traditionalandmodernAn important trend in the study of natural disasters is the concept of vulner-ability, which refers to a social process. From this perspective, extreme events are the hazard or catalyst, but disasters only occur when they affect a vulnerable population (Wisner et al. 2003). Exposure refers to the level of a community’s physical vulnerability to an extreme event. A low- vulnerability or resilient com-munity is generally characterized by an ability to withstand or cope with extremes. Historically, rural Pacific Island communities, including those in Fiji, have always had relatively high levels of resilience (for example, Campbell 2006). As argued, not only rural people have had traditional mechanisms of coping, but also urban people have retained a number of strategies to survive major disruptions to their lives; however, the tendency of disaster strategies to focus on the rural only, and the lack of attention to urban dwellers, increases the likelihood of a major urban disaster in the future. There is extensive literature on the coping strategies of rural people in both planning for and coping with disasters (for example, Bayliss- Smith 1977; Camp-bell 2006; Lal et al. 2009b; Thaman 1982), particularly in countries that are very dependent upon primary industries (usually agriculture) as the mainstay of their economies. Much of the literature focuses on rural areas where dependency on the primary sector (especially for cash generation) has been very closely associ-ated with poverty and vulnerability to disaster (Lal et al. 2009b). The report of the Applied Geoscience and Technology Division of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SOPAC), for example, links low incomes in the primary sector to people’s housing in hazardous locations (Lal et al. 2009b). Whilst the report provides a good summary of hazards, policy implications and official responses, the implications of disaster for the urban poor are not the focus. Con-sidering the growing urbanization across the Pacific, including in Fiji, coping strategies of the poor in both rural and urban areas need to be highlighted. To support the contention that urban strategies for coping with disaster do exist, it is useful to look in some detail at earlier reports of community responses to floods and tropical cyclones, and to draw lessons from these cases. Much of the earlier work (Ravuvu 1988; Thaman 1982) focused on methods for guaran-teeing food security, such as storing surpluses; preserving, protecting and pre-paring gardens; and ensuring diversity of production. Other studies focused on inter and intra- community cooperation through ceremony, exchange and other practices (Ravuvu 1988).

Alessonfromthepast:the‘hurricanehazard’studyIn the mid 1970s, as part of the Man and the Biosphere (MAB) project on the rational use of island ecosystems, Muriel Brookfield (1977) wrote on how the people of Lakeba Island in Fiji responded to cagi laba12 (Hurricane Val) and its aftermath. Based on the views and experiences of the inhabitants of Lakeba, Brookfield outlined varying responses, from fatalistic acceptance of the will of

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


God, and migration instigated by fear, to new plans for a better future. She also assessed the effectiveness of external and government aid as well as the meas-ures taken by local residents before, during and following the hurricane. In describing how the local people responded, she also managed to highlight their lack of information and sense of isolation and abandonment. Whilst there is no study about a similar set of responses for the present day with the same detail as Brookfield’s study, there is space for discussion about points of comparison and changes in human endeavour and belief. The 1975 hurricane and its impact dem-onstrate the problem that people in the outer islands are isolated and have to fend for themselves. Lakeba had not faced a hurricane for 27 years when Val hit (see Bayliss- Smith 1977: 70–2) and, in some ways, it had been lulled into a false sense of security and expectations of easy recovery. It was a time when everything seemed to be going well, especially because the local economy was benefiting from high copra13 prices. The island also had a perceived sense of immunity as it was the home of Ratu Kamisese Mara, the former prime minister and Tui Nayau14 (Brookfield 1977: 103). Communications at that time were not good and people were informed very late of the change in direction of the hurricane. By the late afternoon, they could see for themselves the potential danger. They did whatever they could within their capacity, such as putting up shutters or boards on houses, cutting off the high tops of cassava plants (without completely destroying the plants), moving to safer houses, cutting down threatening trees, storing food supplies, water and cooking pots, and bringing children home from school. Brookfield (1977: 107–10) asked the children of Tubou Village on Lakeba to write stories about the hurricane, which produced some very graphic and imme-diate descriptions of the event. The hurricane did not cause any deaths, but there was massive destruction and loss of livestock, homes, boats and food gardens. There were also many tales of courage, such as a story about a pregnant woman who safely gave birth in hospital after having to walk uphill through the storm, while her husband, the headmaster of a local boarding school, ensured the safety of his 58 pupils. Damage in the Lau Island group was significant, with 314 houses destroyed, of which 87 were located on Lakeba. In Tubou Village, there was also severe damage to schools. Elsewhere the impact was even more serious (Bayliss- Smith 1977: 72), especially in places where households relied on income from copra. Copra and yaqona15 suffered significant damage, while root crops could be har-vested for a few weeks before they started to rot in the ground. Fish stocks were also affected and nets and boats were destroyed. Brookfield (1977: 120) com-ments on the role of emergency services in the days following the hurricane. The National Emergency Service Committee (EMSEC) struggled with partial and often absent communication, and also had difficulty in reaching many parts of the Lau Group. As they needed to prioritize relief provisions, they first assisted the people who were most affected, such as on the island of Kabara in Lau. For other people, self- help was promoted as a short- term solution.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


Some people rebuilt their houses and replanted their crops while waiting for emergency aid. Others suffered from nightmares, lost interest in their surround-ings, and even considered moving away for the sake of wage- earning jobs and schooling for their children. While waiting for their crops to mature, many people did not have a source of income16 to pay for necessities such as fuel, food (Bayliss- Smith 1977: 80) and school supplies (Brookfield 1977: 120–3). People also resented the idea put forward by an international emergency aid director that people could earn ‘food for work’ while waiting for life to return to normal (Brookfield 1977: 123). According to Brookfield (1977: 123), the ‘money con-scious Lauans would not be prepared to work only for rations’. Many people worked hard in the ensuing months, both individually and in teams, but without earning an income (Brookfield 1977: 125). Several significant changes occurred as a result of the enforced change in life-style, including emigration, new styles of buildings, the penning of livestock, the planting of less vulnerable crops, the construction of a very strong hall to house all the villagers, a stronger dependence on food from stores, and the perceived need of and desire for a formal monetary income. There was also obvious social change, with the ‘unemployed, ill- educated, bored youth with dreams of city- wealth and living’ breaking away from the old ways (Brookfield 1977: 139). In short, the 1975 hurricane brought significant change to Lakeba and arguably served as a catalyst for other changes. For example, many people understood that hurricanes were likely to recur. They started to rely on the information from natural signs, such as very hot and wet weather, a high abundance of mangoes and breadfruit, an increase in land crabs, and changes in the flight paths of sea-birds (Brookfield 1977: 134). Because of the long period of complacency on Lakeba, few had been taking note of such signs before the cagi laba. After the hurricane, people became more aware of these signs, although some continued to regard them as myths. Brookfield’s account of the impacts of Val is fascinating as it highlights the difficulties of isolated people in dealing with disasters. Usually these disasters are dealt with from a central rather than a local level. It also shows that people, in the absence of outside assistance and communication, have to be self- reliant. Brookfield (1977: 143) partially attributes the difficulties faced by Lakeba to the inherited centralized colonial structure, but she also comments on the need for appropriate and speedy aid and more environmental awareness. This implies that damage is likely to be more severe in unprotected environments. We have dwelt on this case in some length as it anchors any discussion of how the poor deal with disasters. It provides special insight into circumstances where people do not have access to central government and emergency services, where they lack connections with people who can assist, and have only a few personal resources that can be utilized during and after a disaster. The parallels with the conditions of the marginalized urban poor are striking. In Lakeba, many people who had high incomes from copra in the years preceding Hurricane Val faced dietary shifts and lower income after the disaster (Bayliss- Smith 1977: 82–91). In Lakeba, self- help and traditional ways of coping are still available to

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


people, but overall the communities suffer, both psychologically and physically. Similar circumstances prevail in the sprawling urban squatter settlements, where people are often isolated and far from emergency assistance. Campbell (2006), who was also part of the 1977 MAB team in Lakeba, has written widely on traditional methods of coping with disasters. In his work, he focuses on the issue of food security, and how systems of surplus, preservation, the fragmentation of gardening land and diversified production can strengthen the resilience of people facing disaster. He also discusses inter and intra- community cooperation through traditional ceremonies and cultures of exchange, as well as ways of predicting future storms by observing indicators such as the extravagant fruiting of trees and the changed behaviour of fish and birdlife. Historical building practices developed over centuries in response to the environ-ment, and designed particularly to withstand adverse weather, are important in Campbell’s work. He describes features such as the ‘hipped’ shape and lashing of roofs and deep house posts as measures that, intentionally or not, have resisted fierce weather. An interesting factor is the traditional way of building houses on mounds, which not only may reduce flood damage but also has important social and political dimensions:

A traditional Fijian house or bure is always built on a yavu, which is the foundation of a house. . . . The task of allocating where a certain yavu will be laid involves the chief throwing stones from his own house [usually located in the village centre] . . . These yavu become almost sacred over time, having become imbued with Fijian metaphysical qualities and there are usually repercussions for those who choose to build on a yavu that is not of their family. Over time these yavu come to hold mana.

(Cagilaba 2005: 76)

Campbell et al. (2007: 26) note that the resettlement of people with such strong and intergenerational bonds to place ‘may be seen as a measure that can create a fissure in this set of relations’. Given the upheavals that take place in the wake of tropical cyclones and other natural disasters, the question has to be raised of how people cope with disaster in new locations, especially urban settlements. To what extent is it true that they relocate without strong familial bonds and limited knowledge of the local physical environment? The detailed writings of the MAB team in the mid 1970s provide a strong background for understanding the impacts of disasters in modern Fiji, including in urban areas, but the work is rarely cited. Today the focus of international reporting on tropical cyclones and other disasters is on the impact on tourism rather than the deaths and relocation of locals. Academic literature and the media suggest a loss of traditional knowledge systems. In reality, however, there are parallels between the impacts of disasters on people in isolated rural areas and on people in marginal urban areas. There is much more knowledge among the urban groups about how to deal with disasters than planners give them credit for. It may be time to return to a combination of ‘disaster research’ and ‘participatory

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


action’ (Kelman et al. 2011: 59), particularly for the planners of disaster relief in the urban context.

PlanningforthefutureDespite the knowledge and coping strategies developed by urban dwellers, it is likely that there will be a major urban disaster as a result of flooding in the near future (Campbell 2010; Yeo and Blong 2010).17 Our sense is that the disaster will come about because of increased physical exposure in the urban context – for example, continued water- catchment change and increases in rainfall intensity related to climate change and population growth, and not so much because communities are losing resilience or ways of coping with disaster. There is evidence that people are taking such extreme events more seriously. For instance, they try to escape the danger of tsunamis by moving to other places, and in the event of a cyclone and subsequent flood they do not just sit by and wait to be rescued. Urban dwellers are as vulnerable as rural people, and they are likely to face extreme loss and be traumatized. Losses are also likely to increase in the future. Nevertheless, the sustainability of urban livelihoods could be strengthened by recognizing activities that build on existing coping structures. In recent years, various academics have recommended that planning for dis-asters in urban areas be given priority (Campbell 2010; Chandra and Dalton 2011; Raj 2004). Urban exposure is growing and, despite local willingness to cooperate in disaster mitigation, Yeo and Blong (2010) predict a catastrophic urban disaster in the near future. At present much of the planning focuses on rural areas and there is no differentiation between the rural and the urban. In the urban context, there are continued efforts to keep floodwaters away from people, through the creation of levees, dredging and other measures, but there has been little effort to find ways to keep people away from the floodwaters. This will require innovative and sensitive thinking, given the presence of traditional land- tenure systems. What is needed are participatory approaches with urban and peri- urban residents, which build on exist-ing elements of resilience and provide empowerment to the people concerned. The provision of urban services to squatter settlements, efforts to move people to less exposed locations, poverty reduction and the creation of sustainable livelihoods should all be part of these approaches.

ConclusionUrban growth will pose new problems for disaster management in Fiji, where most emphasis to date has been on the rural population. Planning for disaster reduction is an important step. Such planning needs to acknowledge that the resi-dents of informal settlements are not inherently vulnerable. Instead, planning should build on and enhance the considerable resilience that these people already have. At the same time, it should be acknowledged that the exposure to hazards in squatter settlements is likely to grow. Based on the current trends, vulner-ability will continue to grow because of increases in poverty and unsustainable

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013


livelihoods. Trying to solve these problems is a challenge not only for the urban government and their emergency and relief responses. The National Government will also need to re- examine existing approaches to development, and start to prepare new solutions for Fiji in the years ahead.

Notes 1 The authors would like to acknowledge comments from anonymous referees as well

as the guidance and support of Dr Tim Bayliss- Smith (University of Cambridge) and Muriel Brookfield (Canberra) in resurrecting their works from the 1970s Man and the Biosphere project in Fiji.

2 A buli is the head of a group of villages under Fijian administration. 3 Available online at: www.cws.org.nz/what- can-i- do/emergencies/past- emergencies/

fiji- floods (accessed 10 April 2013). 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Approximately 13,000 sugarcane leases were predicted to expire between 1999 and

2028 (Storey 2006: 15), possibly displacing as many as 75,000 people (Bryant- Tokalau 2010).

7 According to the Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics, 2008. 8 This broadly refers to the ‘Fijian customary way of life’. 9 Tauvu refers to indigenous people in certain parts of Fiji who have reciprocal rights

and permission to coarsely joke with each other without causing offence.10 For discussions of family and community links in urban areas both in Fiji and in the

wider Pacific, see the works of Bryant- Tokalau (forthcoming); Campbell (2010); and Mohanty (2006).

11 See Brookfield’s (1977) Lakeba study.12 Cagi laba refers to tropical cyclones in general. Hurricane Val was much more

powerful than the more generic ‘tropical cyclone’ to which cagi laba refers.13 Copra is the dried white flesh of the coconut from which coconut oil is extracted.14 The Tui Nayau is paramount chief of the Lau Group, traditionally a very powerful

position in Fiji.15 Yaqona is a pepper plant used for making a traditional drink.16 Copra is particularly susceptible to high winds. Coconut trees may survive, but

coconut production usually takes several years to return.17 In 2012, Fiji faced significant flooding of an even greater level than in 2009. Nadi

Township was once more badly affected.

BibliographyBayliss- Smith, T.P. (1977) ‘Hurricane Val in north Lakeba: the view from 1975’, in R.

McLean, T.P. Bayliss- Smith, M. Brookfield and J. Campbell The Hurricane Hazard: natural disaster and small populations, ed. H.C. Brookfield, Population and Environ-ment Project in the Eastern Islands of Fiji, Man and the Biosphere Programme Project 7: Ecology and Rational Use of Island Ecosystems, Canberra: ANU Development Studies Centre.

BBC (2009) ‘Fiji flooding death toll climbs’, BBC, 14 January. Online. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia- pacific/7828002.stm (accessed 10 April 2013).

Brookfield, M. (1977) ‘Hurricane Val and its aftermath: report on an inquiry among the people of Lakeba in 1976’, in R. McLean, T.P. Bayliss- Smith, M. Brookfield and J. Campbell The Hurricane Hazard: natural disaster and small populations, ed. H.C.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Coping with floods in urban Fiji 145Brookfield, Population and Environment Project in the Eastern Islands of Fiji, Man and the Biosphere Programme Project 7: Ecology and Rational Use of Island Ecosystems, Canberra: ANU Development Studies Centre.

Bryant- Tokalau, J. (1994) ‘Our changing islands: Pacific urban environments’, The Courier (ACP/EU), 144: 80–2.

Bryant- Tokalau, J. (2010) ‘Living in the Qoliqoli: urban squatting on the Fiji foreshore’, Pacific Studies [Hawai’i], 33(1): 1–20.

Bryant- Tokalau, J. (2012) ‘Twenty years on: poverty and hardship in urban Fiji’, Bijdra-gen tot de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde, 168(2/3): 195–218.

Bryant- Tokalau, J. (forthcoming) ‘The changing face of the urban Pacific’, in D. Dussy and E. Wittersheim (eds) Villes invisibles: anthropologie urbaine dans le Pacifique, Collection Cahiers du Pacifique Sud Contemporain, Paris: L’Harmattan Publishers.

Cagilaba, V. (2005) ‘Fight or flight? Resilience and vulnerability in rural Fiji’, MSSc thesis, Department of Geography, University of Waikato, New Zealand.

Campbell, J.R. (1984) Dealing with Disaster: hurricane response in Fiji, Honolulu and Suva: East- West Center Pacific Islands Development Programme & Government of Fiji.

Campbell, J.R. (2006) ‘Traditional disaster reduction in Pacific Island communities’, GNS Science Report 2006/038, Lower Hutt, NZ: Institute of Geological and Nuclear Sciences.

Campbell, J.R. (2010) ‘An overview of natural hazard planning in the Pacific Island region’, The Australasian Journal of Disaster and Trauma Studies, 1. Online. Avail-able at: http://trauma.massey.ac.nz/issues/2010–1/campbell.htm (accessed 13 April 2013).

Campbell, J.R., Goldsmith, M. and Koshy, K. (2007) Community Relocation as an Option for Adaptation to the Effects of Climate Change and Climate Variability in Pacific Island Countries, Hamilton, NZ: Asia- Pacific Network for Global Change Research, University of Waikato.

Chandra, A. and Dalton, J.A. (2011) ‘Managing watersheds for urban resilience: partner-ship for environment and disaster risk reduction (PEDRR)’, policy brief presented at the Global Platform for Disaster Risk Reduction, Roundtable on Managing Watersheds for Urban Resilience, Geneva, 12 May.

Chandra, R. (1990) ‘Patterns and processes of urbanisation in Fiji’, in R. Chandra and J. Bryant Population of Fiji, Population Monograph 1, Noumea: South Pacific Commis-sion.

Connell, J. and Lea, J. (2002) Urbanisation in the Island Pacific: towards sustainable development, London: Routledge.

Government of Fiji (2007) 2007 Census of Population and Housing, Suva: Government of Fiji. Online. Available at: www.statsfiji.gov.fj/Census2007/census07_index2.htm (accessed 10 April 2013).

Haberkorn, G. (2008) ‘Pacific Islands population and development: facts, fictions and follies’, New Zealand Population Review, 33/34: 95–127.

Hackett, J. (1973) Bebe! Fiji’s worst hurricane, October 21–25, 1972, Suva: Government Printer.

Kelman, I., Lewis, J., Gaillard, J.C. and Mercer, J. (2011) ‘Participatory action research for dealing with disasters on islands’, Island Studies Journal, 6(1): 59–86.

Kikau, R. (2009) ‘Squatter strife: 300 families in limbo’, Fiji Times Online, 24 March. Online. Available at: www.fijitimes.com.fj (accessed 23 June 2009).

Lal, P., Rita, R. and Khatri, N. (2009a) ‘Economic costs of the 2009 floods in the Fiji

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

146 J. Bryant-Tokalau and J. Campbellsugar belt and policy implications’. Online. Available at: www.preventionweb.net/files/11842_EconomicCostsofEN.pdf (accessed 13 April 2013).

Lal, P.N., Singh, R. and Holland, P. (2009b) ‘Relationship between natural disasters and poverty: a Fiji case study’, SOPAC Miscellaneous Report 678, United Nations Inter-national Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR).

McKinnon, J., Whitehead, S., Chung, M. and Taylor, L. (2007) ‘Fiji informal settlement scoping mission report’, unpublished report, Wellington: NZAID.

McLean, R. (1977) ‘The hurricane hazard in the eastern islands of Fiji: an historical ana-lysis’, in R. McLean, T.P. Bayliss- Smith, M. Brookfield and J. Campbell The Hurri-cane Hazard: natural disaster and small populations, ed. H.C. Brookfield, Population and Environment Project in the Eastern Islands of Fiji, Man and the Biosphere Pro-gramme Project 7: Ecology and Rational Use of Island Ecosystems, Canberra: ANU Development Studies Centre.

Mohanty, M. (2006) ‘Squatters, vulnerability and adaptability of urban poor in a small island developing state: the context of Fiji Islands’, paper presented to IGU Commis-sion on Population and Vulnerability and Asia Pacific Migration Research Network (APMRN), IGU 2006 Conference, Brisbane, 3–7 July. Online. Available at: www.hss.adelaide.edu.au/socialsciences/igu/documents/manoranjan_mohanty.pdf (accessed 18 January 2012).

Raj, R. (2004) Integrated Flood Management Case Study Fiji Islands: flood management, Rewa River Basin, ed. Technical Support Unit, Geneva: World Meteorological Organ-ization/Global Water Partnership Associated Programme on Flood Management.

Ravuvu, A. (1988) Development or Dependence: the pattern of change in a Fijian village, Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific.

Storey, D. (2006) ‘End of the line? Globalisation and Fiji’s garment industry’, in S. Firth (ed.) Globalisation and Governance in the Pacific Islands, Canberra: The Australian National University.

Thaman, R.R. (1982) ‘Hurricane Isaac and Tonga: a natural or cultural disaster?’, Journal of the School of Social and Economic Development, 3(8): 22–35.

Thaman, R.R. (1995) ‘Urban food gardening in the Pacific Islands: a basis for food security in rapidly urbanising small- island states’, Habitat International, 19: 209–24.

Thornton, A. (2009) ‘Garden of Eden? The impact of resettlement on squatters’ “agri- hoods” in Fiji’, Development in Practice, 19(7): 884–94.

Wisner B., Blaikie, P., Cannon, T. and Davis, I. (2003) At Risk: natural hazards, people’s vulnerability and disasters, 2nd edn, London: Routledge.

Yeo, S. and Blong, R.J. (2010) ‘Fiji’s worst natural disaster: the 1931 hurricane and flood’, Disaster, 34(3): 657–83.

Copyri

ghted

mate

rial -

provid

ed by

Taylor

& Fran

cis

Bryant-

Tokala

u, Univ

ersity

of O

tago,

13/01

/2013

Disaster chapter Bryant-Tokalau

Documents

Transcript of Disaster chapter Bryant-Tokalau