Introduction: Subaltern identity politics in Third

world developing societies

‘Subaltern” term was first used in a non-military sense

by Marxist Antonio Gramsci a Marxist thinker of high repute.

Some believed that he used the term as a synonym for

proletariat, possibly as a code word in order to get his

writings past prison censors, while others believe his usage

to be more nuanced and less clear cut.

Subaltern are those people who have been marginalized

by hegemonic powers who kept them outside of power corridors

as well as from economic means.1

Subaltern term includes women, homosexuals, tribal,

aborigines, eunuchs as well as proletariats.

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak2 argues that subaltern is

not just a classy word for oppressed, for Other, for

somebody who's not getting a piece of the pie. In

postcolonial terms, everything that has limited or no access

to the cultural imperialism is subaltern - a space of

difference. Now who would say that's just the oppressed? The

working class is oppressed, it's not subaltern. Many people

want to claim subalternity. They should see what the

mechanics of the discrimination are. They're within the1 http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/2 http://www.postcolonialweb.org/poldiscourse/spivak/spivak3.html

1

hegemonic discourse wanting a piece of the pie and not being

allowed, so let them speak, use the hegemonic discourse.

They should not call themselves subaltern.”

Subaltern studies began in India as an effort to re-

write history “from below” by the left oriented historians

who were dissatisfied with prevailing nationalist

interpretations of Indian history. They adopted Antonio

Gramsci’s concept of the “subaltern” to signify the

subordinate position of peasants and other people subject to

various forms of discrimination. Early work in Subaltern

studies was concerned with peasant insurrection, revolution,

and resistance in many forms. Subaltern studies scholars

soon shifted attention from recovering the agency and self-

consciousness of peasants and workers to study of the

representations of subalterns by the colonial state,

nationalist movements and elite discourses. Michel

Foucault’s perspective on power and Jacques Derrida’s

critique of discourse were both influential as subaltern

studies evolved into a broad postcolonial critique of

knowledge and power.1 From these perspectives,

“subalternity” was not an autonomous position outside

dominant discourses, but rather an effect of the dominant

discourses of colonialism, nationalism and modernity.

Subaltern studies employ diverse approaches to the history

1 http://foucault.info/documents/foucault.power.en.html

2

of subaltern peoples. These range from examining the

workings of religion, gender, science, medicine, and memory,

the “fragments” of the nation, critiques of enlightenment

practices of history writing, and much more. Subaltern

studies have thus become part of the complementary and

interdisciplinary repertoire of critical theories available

to scholars of colonialism, cultural studies, historical

anthropology, and post-colonial studies. Begun in India as a

critique of colonialist and nationalist historiography,

subaltern studies now circulates throughout the global

academy.1

In several essays, Homi Bhabha, a key thinker within

postcolonial thought, emphasizes the importance of social

power relations in his working definition of 'subaltern'

groups as "oppressed, minority groups whose presence was

crucial to the self-definition of the majority group”

subaltern social groups were also in a position to subvert

the authority of those who had hegemonic power. Bonaventura

de Sousa Santos uses the term 'subaltern cosmopolitanism'

extensively in his 2002 book ‘Toward a New Legal Common Sense’.

He refers to this in the context of counter-hegemonic

practices, movements, resistances and struggles against neo

liberal globalization, particularly the struggle against

social exclusion. He uses the term interchangeably with

cosmopolitan legality as the diverse normative framework for

1 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/subaltern/ssallau.htm

3

an 'equality of differences'. Here, the term subaltern is

used to denote marginalized and oppressed people(s)

specifically struggling against hegemonic globalization1.

A subaltern study has been influential elsewhere but

not everywhere. The inter-disciplinary study of colonialism

has embraced subaltern studies, but the more narrowly

defined field of “imperial history” has treated it with

suspicion.

In part, this suspicion may be indicative of an anti

theoretical bias among

historians while subaltern studies has been used to pose

questions for the study of China, Africa, Europe, the U.S.,

and the Middle East. It is in

India and Latin America that subaltern studies have been

most extensively

institutionalized with scholarly collectives, academic

journals, and course readers.

What is the nature of subaltern movements in third

world countries? What factors are involved in subaltern

assertion in third world countries? These questions are main

theme of this chapter

Political discourse in third world country is very

complex as well as extensive. As the whole third world is

1 http://prelectur.stanford.edu/lecturers/bhabha/reviews.htm

4

also a subaltern group among developed nations, to study the

subalterns in third world is to find the most marginalized

among the marginalized. The third world represents a vivid

representation of society, politics, history, physical

feature. From far eastern china to Latin American Peru,

third world is far more extensive and different from the

first world and second world. There is one of the most

significant feature of third world is economic

backwardness and cultural baggage of the colonial past.

There are historical reasons for the underdevelopment of

third world nations. Historically most of the third world

countries have been colonies of first world nations. First

world nations not only exploited these nations economically

and formed the political system to some extent in case of

some of the countries and restructured their history1.

Most of the third world countries have been colonies of

first world countries. They have a colonial past as well as

their own history rooted in indigenous culture and society.

These societies are also divided on many lines, like class,

caste, religion, region, language. There are always dominant

groups in these societies which have made rest of the people

subaltern. Subaltern groups are indulging in various type of

political struggle.

1 http://www.palgrave.com/products/title.aspx?PID=325331

5

Subaltern politics in third world countries can be

categorized in three ways :

1. Democratic- non violent struggle

2. Semi democratic which includes civil society tools as

well as armed struggle

3. Radical armed protest

The other nature of subaltern politics is conflict

within subaltern groups. This type of conflict are based on

ethnic identity where every group wants to grab more power

in existing structure or wants to overthrow existing

power structure and wants to annihilate or marginalized

contra group. These types of inter -communities and intra-

communities conflict are one the main feature in Africa and

Latin America.

In some countries this conflict is between ruling

elites and ethnic population those who are demanding

independence of some degree of autonomy in their region.

Identity politics in third countries by subalterns has a

vast scope to study. Here in this introductory chapter I

will examine some prominent examples of subaltern examples

Some struggles are very calm and even not visible, like

struggle of Tibetan Buddhists led by Dalai Lama1. Dalai Lama

1 http://users.wpi.edu/~phansen/articles/subaltern-tibet.pdf

6

is living in exile in India and protesting peacefully

against imperialist Chinese government who has captured

Tibet by foul mean. History of Tibetan resistance is mostly

peaceful though there are some incidents in Tibetan

resistance those can’t be categorized as peaceful. 1959,s

Lahasa uprising and 2008 uprising are some exceptions. The

cause of 2008,s Lahasa uprising was state discrimination as

well as to highlight the plight the Tibetans under majority

Han1 rule.

The 2008 Tibetan unrest, also known in China as the

3•14 Riots, was a series of activities undertaken to protest

government policies in Tibet. The riots sparked a wave of

Chinese nationalism never seen before in so much force. It

also sparked criticism of western media for biased reports

with websites including anti-cnn formed to raise awareness

of this situation. The unrest began with demonstrations on

March 10, 2008, the 49th anniversary of the failed uprising

in 1959 in Tibet against Beijing's rule. The protests and

subsequent riots began when 300 monks demanded the release

of other monks detained since the previous Autumn, but soon

after, political demands surfaced and the protest turned

violent Tibetans attacked non-Tibetan ethnic groups.

Rioting, burning, looting and killing began on March 14.

1 The biggest population group of peoples republic of china . Han Chinese constitute about 92 percent of the population of the People's Republic of China

7

The unrest happened during the week when major local

government leaders were away for the annual National

People's Congress in Beijing. According to Wen Jiabao, the

Premier of the People's Republic of China, attacks on non-

Tibetan interests in the Tibet Autonomous Region and several

other ethnic Tibetan areas occurred at about the same time

as attacks on dozens of Chinese embassies and consulate.

In Sichuan province, in an area incorporating the

traditional Tibetan areas Kham and Amdo, Tibetan monks and

police clashed March 16 in Nagawa county after the monks

staged a protest, killing at least one policeman, and

setting fire to three or four police vans. The India-based

Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy claimed at

least seven people were shot dead; however the claim could

not be independently confirmed.1 There are claims that

police shot between 13 and 30 protesters after a police

station was set on fire, however reports of deaths are

impossible to verify because of the restrictions on

journalists. The recent cause of this unrest was, many

migrants from other parts of China have been moving into

Lahasa and now own many of the city's small businesses.

Tibetans in Lahasa are also angered by the inflation that

has caused the prices of food and consumer goods to

1 Yahoo! News. 16 March 2008.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080316/ap_on_re_as/china_tibet.

8

increase. Residents were worried that a railway built to

link Lahasa to other areas of China would increase the

number of migrants in the city, but they accepted it because

the government assured them that cheaper transportation

would keep prices lower. However, as in other parts of the

country, prices have continued to rise, creating resentment

amongst the residents of Lahasa. The Tibetan youth complain

about not having equal access to jobs and education. Tibetan

living under Chinese rule is in dilemma. Most of them have

submitted the Chinese rule but rest of the people living

specially in India are agitating in their capacity against

this Chinese invasion.

Most of the history of Tibetan resistance is relatively

and calm. Demonstration at front of People's Republic of

china, embassy peaceful march are main trait of this

resistance. There are a very few occasion when some

protestors show violent manner this also include self

immolation and trying to enter into embassy premises to

mount pressure on Chinese government supporters from all

around the world rally and organize seminars to highlight

the issue.

Another example of subaltern resistance is also from

china. Resistance of Uyghur- people from Xinjiang province.

Uyghur people are basically Muslim. Though china has granted

9

autonomy to Uyghur province but Uyghurs are demanding

liberation from Chinese rule. Their movement is a part of

larger east Turkestan independence movement prior to the

20th century, the cities of East Turkestan, and hosting

Turkic communities such as Uyghur, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Kazakhs

and Persephone Tajiks, held little unified nationalistic

identity. Identity in the region was heavily "oasis-based",

that is, identity focused on the city, town and village

level. Cross-border contact from Russia, Central Asia, India

and China was significant in shaping each oasis' identity

and cultural practices. Under Manchu1 and Republic of China

rule, a largely Uyghur, but also multi-ethnic Turkic, based

identity began to coalesce. A rebellion against Chinese rule

led to the establishment of the short-lived Turkish Islamic

Republic of East Turkestan (1933-1934). With Soviet aid and

Hui2 forces, the Republic of China reestablished control

over the region

During the Chinese civil war, East Turkestan once again

rebelled and established an independent republic called the

East Turkistan Republic (1944-1949). After winning the

Chinese civil war in 1949, the People's Liberation Army

reasserted control of Xinjiang, ending its independence.

After the so-called liberation of "West Turkestan"

(Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and1 last ruling dynasty of China2 A Muslim ethnic group in China

10

Uzbekistan) from the Soviet Union in 1989, calls for the

liberation of East Turkestan from China began to surface

again from many in the Turkic population

Those that use the term Uyghurstan tend to envision a

state for the Uyghur people. Those groups that adopt this

terminology tended to be allied with the Soviet Union while

it still existed. Since then some of the leaders of these

groups have remained in Russia, Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan, or

have emigrated to Europe and North America (Canada and USA).

It is worth noting that none of these identities are

exclusive. Some groups support more than one such

orientation. It is common to support both an Islamic and

Turkic orientation for Xinjiang, for example, the founders

of independent Republic in Kashgar in 1933 used names Turkic

Islamic Republic of East Turkestan, Eastern Turkestan

Republic and Republic of Uyghurstan at the same time.

Many Uyghurs are forced to assimilate to a Chinese way

of life and feel threatened by the spread of Chinese

culture. In Xinjiang, school instruction is in Chinese and

very few pieces of literature are published in Uyghur or

other Turkic languages. The Chinese government gives

economic incentives for Han Chinese to move to Xinjiang. In

1949, 95% of Xinjiang was Uyghur, by 2003, this percentage

dropped to 45%.

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Many Uyghurs face religious persecution and

discrimination at the hands of the Chinese authorities.

Uyghurs who choose to practice their faith can only use a

state-approved version of the Koran; men who work in the

state sector cannot wear beards1 and women cannot wear

headscarves. The Chinese state controls the management of

all mosques, which many Uyghurs claim stifles religious

traditions that have formed a crucial part of the Uyghur

identity for centuries. Children under the age of 18 are not

allowed to attend church or mosque.

Kurds people in West Asia fighting for more rights and

for an independent nation. Kurds are the largest ethnic

people in world without a homeland.

Some twenty million to thirty million Kurds are divided

between southeastern Turkey, northeastern Syria, northern

Iraq, and northwestern Iran, as well as a small region in

the southern part of the USSR.

Kurds make around 17% of Iraq's population. They are

the majority in at least three provinces in northern Iraq

which are together known as Iraqi Kurdistan. Kurds also have

a presence in Kirkuk, Mosul, Khanaqin, and Baghdad. Around

300,000 Kurds live in the Iraqi capital Baghdad, 50,000 in

the city of Mosul and around 100,000 elsewhere in southern

Iraq. 1 http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/hair-02202009174717.html.

12

Kurds led by Mustafa Barzani were engaged in heavy

fighting against successive Iraqi regimes from 1960 to 1975.

In March 1970, Iraq announced a peace plan providing for

Kurdish autonomy. The plan was to be implemented in four

years. However, at the same time, the Iraqi regime started

an Arabization program in the oil-rich regions of Kirkuk and

Khanaqin. The peace agreement did not last long, and in

1974, the Iraqi government began a new offensive against the

Kurds. Moreover in March 1975, Iraq and Iran signed the

Algiers Accord, according to which Iran cut supplies to

Iraqi Kurds. Iraq started another wave of Arabization by

moving Arabs to the oil fields in Kurdistan, particularly

those around Kirkuk. Between 1975 and 1978, 200,000 Kurds

were deported to other parts of Iraq.

During the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, the regime

implemented anti-Kurdish policies and a de facto civil war

broke out. Iraq was widely-condemned by the international

community, but was never seriously punished for oppressive

measures such as the mass murder of hundreds of thousands of

civilians, the wholesale destruction of thousands of

villages and the deportation of thousands of Kurds to

southern and central Iraq. The campaign of Iraqi government

against Kurds in 1988 was called Anfal ("Spoils of War"). The

Anfal attacks led to destruction of two thousand villages

and death of 50,000 to 100,000 Kurds.1

1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurdish_people

13

The President of Iraq, Jalal Talabani, meeting with

U.S. officials in Baghdad, Iraq, on April 26, 2006.

After the Kurdish uprising in 1991 led by the PUK and

KDP, Iraqi troops recaptured the Kurdish areas and hundreds

of thousand of Kurds fled to the borders. To alleviate the

situation, a "safe haven" was established by the UN Security

Council. The autonomous Kurdish area was mainly controlled

by the rival parties KDP and PUK. The Kurdish population

welcomed the American troops in 2003 by holding celebrations

and dancing in the streets.1 The area controlled by

peshmerga was expanded, and Kurds now have effective control

in Kirkuk and parts of Mosul. By the beginning of 2006, the

two Kurdish areas were merged into one unified region.

KURDISH STRUGGLE IN IRAN

The Kurds constitute approximately 7% of Iran's overall

population. The Persians, Kurds, and speakers of other Indo-

European languages in Iran are descendants of the Aryan

tribes that began migrating from Central Asia into what is

now Iran in the 2nd millennium BCE. According to some

sources, "some Kurds in Iran have resisted the Iranian

government's efforts, both before and after the revolution

of 1979, to assimilate them into the mainstream of national

life and along with their fellow Kurds in adjacent regions

1 CNN.com - Coalition makes key advances in northern Iraq - April 10, 2003

14

of Iraq and Turkey, has sought either regional autonomy or

the outright establishment of an independent Kurdish state"

while other sources state that "most of the freedoms Turkish

Kurds have been eager to spill blood over have been

available in Iran for years; Iran constitutionally

recognizes the Kurds' language and minority ethnic status,

and there is no taboo against speaking Kurdish in public."

In the 17th century, a large number of Kurds were displaced

by Shah Abbas to Khorasan in Eastern Iran and resettled in

the cities of Quchan and Birjand, due to Safavid Scorched

earth policy, while others migrated to Afghanistan where

they took refuge. The Kurds of Khorasan, numbering around

700,000, still use the Kurmanji Kurdish dialect. During the

19th and 20th centuries, successive Iranian governments

crushed Kurdish revolts led by Kurdish notables such as

Shaikh Ubaidullah (against Qajars in 1880) and Simko

(against Pahlavis in the 1920s) 1.

In January 1946, during the Soviet occupation of

north-western Iran, the Soviet-backed Kurdish Republic of

Mahabad declared independence in parts of Iranian Kurdistan.

Nevertheless, the Soviet forces left Iran in May 1946, and

the self-declared republic fell to the Iranian army after

only a few months and the president of the republic Qazi

Muhammad was hanged publicly in Mahabad. After the 1953

Iranian coup d'état, Mohammad Reza Pahlavis became more

1 http://plateauofiran.wordpress.com/2007/06/08/kurdish-rebellion/

15

autocratic and suppressed most opposition including Kurdish

political groups seeking greater rights for Iranian Kurds.

He also prohibited any teaching of the Kurdish-language.

After the Iranian revolution, intense fighting occurred

between militant Kurdish groups and the Islamic Republic

between 1979 and 1982. In August 1979, Ruhollah Khomeini

declared a "holy war" against the Kurdish rebels seeking

autonomy or independence and ordered the Armed Forces to

move to the Kurdish areas of Iran in order to push the

Kurdish rebels out and restore central rule to the country

The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps fought to

reestablish government control in the Kurdish regions. Since

1983, the Iranian government has maintained control over the

Iranian Kurdistan. Frequent unrest and the occasional

military crackdown have occurred since the 1990s.

In Iran, Kurds express their cultural identity freely,

but have no self-government or administration. As in all

parts of Iran, membership of a non-governmental political

party is punishable by imprisonment or even death. Kurdish

human rights activists in Iran have been threatened by

Iranian authorities in connection with their work. Following

the killing of Kurdish opposition activist Shivan Qaderi and

two other Kurdish men by Iranian security forces in Mahabad

on July 9, 2005, six weeks of riots and protests erupted in

Kurdish towns and villages throughout Eastern Kurdistan.

16

many people were killed and injured, and an untold number

arrested without charge. The Iranian authorities have also

shut down several major Kurdish newspapers and arrested

editors and reporters. Among those was Roya Toloui, a

Women's rights activist and head of the Rasan newspaper in

Sanandaj, who was alleged to be tortured for two months for

involvement in the organization of peaceful protests

throughout Kurdistan province. According to one of Iran

analysts of International Crisis Group, "Kurds, who live in

the some of the least developed parts of Iran, pose the most

serious internal problem for Iran to resolve, and given what

they see next door--the newfound confidence of Iraqi Kurds--

there's concern Iranian Kurds will agitate for greater

autonomy”.1

The Kurdish movement is not so strong in Syria. Syrian

government brutally suppressed Kurdish emergence

Kurds account for 9% of Syria's population, a total of

around 1.6 million people.2 This makes them the largest

ethnic minority in the country. They are mostly concentrated

in the northeast and the north, but there are also

significant Kurdish populations in Aleppo and Damascus.

Kurds often speak Kurdish in public,. Kurdish human rights

1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iranian_Kurdistan2 http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?lang=e&id=80256DD400782B8480256F63006435DB

17

activists are mistreated and persecuted.3 No political

parties are allowed for any group, Kurdish or otherwise.

Struggle of Tamils in SriLanka is a good example of

subaltern resistance in south Asia. Sri Lanka became an

independent nation in 1948. Since independence, the

political relationship between Sinhalese and Sri Lankan

Tamil community has been strained. Sri Lanka has been unable

to contain its ethnic violence as it escalated from sporadic

terrorism to mob violence, and finally to civil war.

Sinhalese community is majority in SriLanka. The roots of

the war lie in the Sinhalese-speaking capitalist rulers’

escalating discrimination and repression of the island’s

minority Tamil-speaking population. In 1956, Sinhalese was

declared the country’s sole official language, denying many

Tamils access to education and jobs. In the 1970s, Buddhism

was proclaimed the state religion — the Tamils are mainly

Hindus, Christians and Muslims. In 1978 discriminatory

quotas were introduced to limit Tamils’ access to

universities. Other discriminatory measures enacted by the

Sinhalese political elite have included the banning of

Tamil-language media and literature imports and the

destruction of the Jaffna public library.1

3 http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/1996/Syria.htm1 http://directaction.org.au/issue11/sri_lanka_rulers_seek_final_solution_to_tamil_resistance

18

In 1972 some Tamil youths decided that an armed

struggle was the only way to defend the Tamil population

from Sinhalese pogroms, and the LTTE militia was formed.

After nearly three decades of brutal suppression of Tamil

protests for basic democratic rights and against repression

and discrimination1, the Tamil struggle became a full-blown

insurgency for an independent Tamil state (Tamil Eelam) in

the north and east of the island.

This revolt started on July 23, 1983, there was an on-

and-off insurgency against the government by the Liberation

Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a separatist militant organization

which fought to create an independent Tamil state named

Tamil Eelam in the north and the east of the island. After a

30-month-long military campaign, the Sri Lankan military

defeated the Tamil Tigers in May 2009.2 For over 25 years,

the insurgency caused significant hardships for the

population, environment and the economy of the country, with

over 80,000 people officially listed as killed during its

course. The tactics employed by the Liberation Tigers of

Tamil Eelam resulted in them being banned as a terrorist

organization in 32 countries, including the United States,

India, Australia, Canada and the member nations of the

European Union.

1 http://www.eelamweb.com/ltte/2 Peebles, Patrick (February 1990). "Colonization and Ethnic Conflict in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka". Journal of Asian Studies (Association for AsianStudies)

19

After two decades of fighting and three failed

attempts at peace talks, including the unsuccessful

deployment of the Indian Army as a peacekeeping force from

1987 to 1990, a lasting negotiated settlement to the

conflict appeared possible when a cease-fire was declared in

December 2001, and a ceasefire agreement signed with

international mediation in 2002. However, limited

hostilities renewed in late 2005 and the conflict began to

escalate until the government launched a number of major

military offensives against the LTTE beginning in July 2006,

driving the LTTE out of the entire Eastern province of the

island. The LTTE then declared they would "resume their

freedom struggle to achieve statehood".

In 2007, the government shifted its offensive to the

north of the country, and formally announced its withdrawal

from the ceasefire agreement on January 2, 2008, alleging

that the LTTE violated the agreement over 10,000 times Since

then, aided by the destruction of a number of large arms

smuggling vessels that belonged to the LTTE, and an

international crackdown on the funding for the Tamil Tigers,

the government took control of the entire area previously

controlled by the Tamil Tigers, including their de-facto

capital Kilinochchi, main military base Mullaitivu and the

20

entire A9 highway leading the LTTE to finally admit defeat

on May 17, 2009.1

The next example of subaltern uprising is from Latin

America. In the country of Peru indigenous Indians organized

themselves against mestizo2 supremacy. To gain political

power these Indian organized themselves under the banner of

TUPAK AMERU REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT and "sandero luminso"

(shining path) .these organization took up the cause of

peasants and proletariats. But due to their violent politics

base don Maoism led them to decline. Subaltern politics in

Latin America is may be called ethno politics. In whole

third world nation the struggle of subaltern identity is

getting stronger day by day. Non state actor and foreign

help also increase these types of movements. Some times

theses movements create too much displacement and violence

and that is also the worst factor involved in subaltern

resistance.

In Africa tribalism and failed state presents various

types of conflict, multiethnic conflict leave no space to

identify the subaltern group. Identity politics in third

world is only successful in democratic nation. In other

countries it has always led to violence and unrest.

Sometimes its really difficult to identify the subaltern

1 http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/Rise-and-fall-of-LTTE-From-band-of-boys-to-guerrilla-outfit/articleshow/4544306.cms2 people of mix breed

21

group in third world where all the parties are well equipped

with arms and killing each other.1

Subaltern identity politics is a way of achieving power

through non conventional way. Subaltern identity politics in

most of the third world countries is based on aborigines.

Same is in the case of India's Dalit Bahujan movement.

India's Dalit Bahujan who claims they are aborigines and

considers other high caste people as intruders in their

homeland.2

Democratic identity politics movement like led by

Bahujan samaj party in India presents a positive example of

subaltern politics. Partial success of such movements and

power sharing has deepened people's faith in democracy and

nation as well as in harmony. Bahujan samaj party's winning

2007 assembly election in Uttar Pradesh started an era of

subaltern assertion in world's biggest sub national entity.

1 http://www.africanloft.com/tribalism-in-africa-a-western-creation/2 http://www.bamcef.org/

22

Historical background of Dalit iconoclasm and social

movements

To examine the historical background of Dalit social

movements first, we will have to look the social status of

Dalit in Hindu Society. Why they have been subjected to

Untouchability and segregation? For this we will have to re-

look into the interpretation according to scripture as well

as description of Hindu society in historical documents and

religious scriptures. These religious scriptures include

four Vedas, Upanishad, Brahmin texts, Ramayana, Mahabharata,

Smritis, Jain and Buddhists scriptures and other sources.

Some other sources also includes works of literature,

travelogue by foreign travelers, and depiction in visual art

forms.

According to vaidik social system Hindu society is

categorized in Varna order, though the literal meaning of

Sanskrit word Varna is color but actually the meaning of

Varna defines hierarchical Hindu social divisions.

This categorical hierarchy is first time mentioned in

Vedas. Rig-Veda is the oldest and the most sacred scripture

of Hindus. Vedas are considered “Apoureshey ”{non human}.

It means Vedas are the knowledge directly given by the

supreme God and not created by men. It also means that the

23

varna order is given by god itself, the Vedas contains hymen

dedicated to different god and goddesses. Now look at what

is mentioned about Varna order in Vedas ,about the social

structure of vaidik society. Varna order is first defined in

purush sukt of Rig-Veda. The Purusha Sukta in the Rig-Veda

refers to the four principal varnas described in Manu's

code, viz. Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. They

are compared to the body of the "primordial man" or Purusha:

"The Brâhmana was his mouth, of both his arms was the

Kshatriya. His thighs became the Vaishya, from his feet the

Shudra was produced." (RigVeda 10:90:12 This model is often

cited for its hierarchical ordering of the varnas since

Brahmins being the head are placed higher than the shudras

who constitute the feet

According to this definition Dalits are the lowest in

social order as they were considered ‘Atishudras’.

Dalits were always considered Atishudras or Pancham

(fifth) varna. Even today the word sawrna (the one who has

varna) is never used for Harijan or Dalit. It clearly shows

that popular media and upper caste Hindus still consider

them out of varna order.

Now look at what is mentioned about Varna order in

Purush-sukat of Veda. Brahmins are born from the mouth of

Brahma, Kshatriya from Shoulder, Vaishyas from ‘Thais’ and

24

Shudras from feet. So in this hierarchy, shudras or Dalit

are born from feet means they have the lowest status in

society based upon Varna Order. According to Varna Order

duties are also defined. As the duty of Brahmin is

performing religious rituals and teachings, the work of

Kshatriya is to fight and protect society, duty of Vaishyas

is agriculture and mercantile, so the duty of shudra is to

serve all these three varnas. Shudra’s works are extensive

like scavenging, carpentry, blacksmith, leather work,

barber, washer man, fisherman There is also sub-category

among shudras and they are called Ati-shudras. Ati-shudras

are those people who are involved in impure or dirty work

considered by higher varnas like work of a scavenger and

leather related work. Indeed today’s Dalits are decedents

of these Ati-shudras. There are lot of contradictions and

debate about how Varna is defined. According to some

scholars it is birth based and according to some it is based

on what work a person does. We found many contradictory

stories about Varna. Is it birth based or based on deed?

Another famous story is from Mahabharata, the story of

“Karna”. Though Karna was born to a royal lady ‘Kunti’, the

mother of Mahabharata;s’ famous protagonists “Pandavas”.

When she gave birth to Karna, she was unmarried, due to

social pressure, she abandoned him. Karna was brought up in

a chariot’s driver house. Karna was keen to acquire the

25

Brahmastra mantra from the great teacher Parshuram. 

However, he knew that Parshuram gave instructions to

Brahmins (the priestly class) only.  So he disguised as a

Brahmin and beseeched Parshuram to accept him as a

shishya(disciple).  Parshuram accepted him as such and

started giving him instructions.  One day when Parshuram was

resting in Karna’s lap, it so happened that a bee stung

Karna on the lower portion of his thigh.  It was very

painful and he started bleeding.  However, fearing that if

he moved his legs, he would awaken Parshuram, he did not

move at all and continued to suffer.  When Parshuram woke

up, he saw Karna bleeding.  He asked, “son tell me

truthfully who you are? A Brahmin cannot suffer so much

physical pain.  Only a Kshatriya (the warrior tribe) can

endure so much discomfort”.  Karna was obliged to disclose

his identity.  Parshuram was greatly annoyed because he was

a sworn enemy of the Kshatriya.  He therefore cursed Karna

that as he had learnt through deceit, he shall forget the

vidya (skill) which Parshuram had taught him at the crucial

juncture. This incident shows us enmity between different

varnas at that time. By birth Parshuram was a Brahmin but he

also used to teach armory it means he was not performing

his Brahminical work. It makes us clear that varna system

was birth based.

26

Again when Karna became the king with the help of

Duryodhana, he was not allowed to enter in “Dropdi,s

bridegroom selection contest, just because he was not from

Kshatriya family. It is clearly evident that though Karna

was expert in weaponry and knew all the martial arts-a

natural trait of Kshatriya-but just because he belonged to a

shudras family, he was discriminated. His all Kshatriya

like qualities could not make him Kshatriya.

Same thing happened with “Eklavya”1 a tribal boy who

was an archery prodigy. Eklavya asked Dronacharya to teach

him archery but he refused to teach him because he used only

to teach Kshatriya. Eklavya was under heavy influence of

Dronacharya so he made a statue of Dronacharya as an

inspiration and started practicing archery in front of that

statute.

After a long time when Dronacharya came to know about

him, he enquired about his master who taught him this skill

when he replied that his guru was “Dronacharya”, he was

shocked to know about this. Eklavya told him all the story.

Dronacharya replied that “I am Dronacharya and this is the

time to give me “guru-dakshina2”. Dronacharya was afraid of

Eklavya s’ skill and he had promised Arjun that no one could1 Eklavya is also a symbol of subaltern resistance., former dacoit turned politician Phoolan Devi formed Eklavya Sena to protect rights of tribal and women 2 Ritualistic fee given by disciples

27

ever surpass him in the skill of archery so he asked

Ekalavya to cut his right thumb and give the same as guru-

dakshina. So, the intention of Dronacharya was very clear

that he never wanted to see the best archer amongst the

Shurdras.

One of the most heinous example of discriminatory is

from epic “Ramayana” when Ram, the hero of most popular

epic, killed a Shudras’ Sage “Shambuk” just because he

wanted to attain a higher spiritual level through meditation

and it was a rule in Ram Rajya that no one can change

his/her Varna they have to follow birth-based Varna order.

Another example is of Ravana, the main villain of

Ramayana. Ravana was a demon, who did many monstrous acts

like kidnapping Rama’s wife “Sita”, but when Rama killed

Ravana, he was bound to perform a ritual to relieve himself

from the sin of killing of a Brahmin because by birth Ravana

was a Brahmin.

The roots of this discriminatory Varna system lie in the

clash of races. Fair complexioned Aryan hoards which started

invading India through the North West around 1500 B.C. They

vanquished and subjugated the dark complexioned earlier

settlers. And they started birth-based-class-system. Aryans

regarded the non Aryans as non –human and beyond the pale of

human society. But soon it became clear to the Aryans that

28

it was more advantageous to assign them a low position

within the society and exploit them on permanent basis. This

was achieved through myths and metaphysics.

The metaphysical doctrine of karma has provided a

powerful rationalization for inequality based on birth, and

made it acceptable to the wide masses. According to the

karma doctrine, this life is just one link in the infinite

chain of birth and rebirths, and each being is born in a

specific position according to his own deeds in past lives.

He can improve the prospects for his later births only by

adhering to, and performing well, the role proper to stratum

in which he is born. Paradoxically, the doctrine of karma

and that of moksa (salvation from the cycle of birth and

rebirth) arose in the process of protest against Brahaminic

supremacy and its extravagant ritualism.

The Aryan hordes were quite conscious of their cultural

and ethnic identity and looked down upon the dark complex

Ned earlier settlers. These people are referred to in the

Rig-Veda as dasa and panis. These are described as dark

complexned (Krishna Varna).the word dasa seems to be

connected with the Iranian word “dahae” which means

“countrymen”.

29

In the beginning Aryans hunted and looted the non-

Aryans .the poet vasvmitra prays to Indra to destroy the

blacks through his brilliance. At one place a poet says that

indra has destroyed black armies. At another place we find

that Indra has killed fifty thousand blacks. It seems that

dasas were militant people. They gave a tough fight to the

Aryans. A poet praises indra for killing dasa Sambara ,a

dweller of the mountains in the fortieth autumn. but finally

they were vanquished and were either absorbed in the lower

rungs of society or driven away from their dwellings and had

to take shelter in the dense forests and other inhospitable

regions. A poet says “indra kills dasas and increases the

might of the Aryans.

Most of the pre Aryan people were city dwellers and

traders rather than warriors. The Aryans were war mongering

and they massacred these peace loving people. the Aryan god

indra is credited with demolition of ninety nine cities of

dasa king sambar.

Due to different racial features the disdain of the

Aryans towards the dasas was so great that they were called

amanusa or “non human” and since the dasas were considered

non human all in human behaviors towards them was justified

by Aryans. In a hymen of Rig-Veda we find “you (indra)

subdued Pipru and powerful Margayu for Rjisvan, the son of

30

Vidathin, you smote down fifty thousand dark once, you

shattered cities as old age shatters good looks”. Fire was

the most effective and powerful weapon of the Aryans. And

they used it very often against Dasas.

This theory of inter racial conflict and invasion by

Aryan people is supported by most of the scholars.

According to sociologist, G.S. Ghurye, who has written

extensively on caste system in India, Aryan people were

invader to India. Ghurye’s book “caste and race in India”

is a slandered text for a historical understanding of varna

vayvastha (varna system). Ghurye traces this in Rig-Veda.

Initially shudra people countered Arya people with

their counter culture in the form of theology as well as

culturally. Aryans used to perform yagya and gave offering

to many gods like Varun Devata(god of water and rain) ,indra

Devata (chief of Aryan and of Gods),Agni( god of fire).

Their rituals were also very different. Shiva or Pashupati

was earlier God of only Atishudras but later Aryans also

assimilated Shiva to their band of gods and gave him a

respectable status. According to Dalit thinkers Rama

worshipped Shiva at Rameshwaram, the southern most part of

India just to gain acceptance of Darvid1. Later on Shiva

1 aborigines of south india .and according to some scholar darviads are who fled to south indian from the fear of aryan attackers.

31

became one of the major deity in Hindu Dharma. It shows that

there was clearly a confrontation between Aryan and non-

Aryans culturally and theologically but on the other hand a

process of assimilation and cross cultural interaction was

also going on. Aryan people adopted pipal tree worshipping

and some other rituals from non-Aryan people from

India.Indeed pashupati and pipal and bull worshipping were

not part of Aryan culture.

sometime during 1600-1500 B.C. a barbaric, avaricious,

illiterate and vandal pastoral group who called themselves

Devatas, Aryan or Brahmins invaded the highly advanced and

urban civilization in the very vast areas of North Western

Sectors of India, They destroyed cities and culture

belonged to a race called Assura. These autochthon Indian

Assuras were also called Dasas, Dashuys, or Panis. The

foreign intruders fought most of their battles on Indian

soil with the Assura kings of India. This Assura race of

India established ancient Indian urban civilization. After

complete destruction of Indian ancient civilization, culture

and religion, the Ayran and the Devatas consolidated their

colonial rule and composed the colonial constitution named

the Vedas, The Vedic literature, as a source material of

history, provide us the entire picture of those battles and

destruction of Assura- civilization of India. These Devata

Aryans introduced Caste System or Caste stratified society.

32

The victor Aryans in their reconstituted society placed

the defeated aboriginal Indians in the lowest strata of

society and declared them as the “human cattle”. They have

been described as “two footed animals” along with the “four

footed animals” in several mantras of the Vedic literature.

This could continue only through the institutional mechanism

of Untouchability. Untouchability is the most extreme form

of de-humanization process and Untouchables are the caste

away people of Hindu society. They next strata were the

Shudra. The Shudras are also equally subjected to torture

and hatred; exploitation and oppression; discrimination and

deprivation. They were also trampled down like non-human

beings. The difference between the Untouchables and the

Shudras is of degree only and not of kind. A group of

Indian autochthon avoided all connection with the victors

and the Brahminical society and remained at a distance from

the Aryan culture. They are now known as tribals.

Recently, N.K. Verma of Bihar Transport Department

discovered that Santhals of Sahebganj have still been using

the script of the Harappa period. It might just happen that

these tribes are the descendants of the Assura race. In the

state of Jharkhand there is scheduled tribe which still

bears the name of Assura.

33

According to Dr. Ambedkar Shudras and Untouchables are

semi-Hinduised aboriginal Indians and the non-Hinduised

indigenous tribals from the major chunk of the Bahujan

Dalits. The demarcation line, as drawn by the Baba Saheb

may be seen as follows:

“Every Brahmin does believe in the philosophy of

Brahmanism propounded by his forefathers. He is an alien

element in the Hindu society. The Brahmin vis-à-vis the

Shudras and the Untouchables is as foreign as the German is

to the French, as the Jew is to the Gentile or as the While

is to the Negro. There is a real gulf between him and the

lower classes of Shudras and the Untouchables. He is not

only alien to them but he is also hostile to them, in

relationship with them, there is in him no room for

conscience and no call for justice”.

In the above passage, Dr. Ambedkar declared that the

Brahmins belonged to a different race just as the Whiles and

the Negros. The conquerors also belonged to a different

religious group just as the Jew and the Gentile were

distinctly different. They had different nationality as the

French and the German. Above all, they were natural enemy

of land hostile to the Indian autochthon called the Shudras,

Untouchables and the Tribals. Aryan (bhudevatas), Brahmin-

Devata. The evidence of the later Vedic literature show that

34

the decendents of the Assura race who suffered defeat at

the hands of the Aryans in the protracted and numberless

Deva-Assura battles, were subjected to Sudrahood. The

aboriginal Indian were civilization builders, the owners of

the magnificent metropolis like Harappa, Mohenjodaro,

Dholavira and Daimabad and the operators of the ports and

docks like in Lothal. The Assuras, the major segment of

ruling class of ancient India, were the potentates and

defenders (Rakshasas) of the country. The Taittiriya

Brahmin gives evidence : “Daivya vo Brahmina, Assura

Sudra….” “Devatas become Brahmins and the Assuras were made

Sudras…”

In later Vedic age Untouchability and caste system was

very clearly observed by some foreign travelers, many

historical accounts proove it. Foreign travelers like fahi-

yan and Greek ambassador in Moryan court Megasthnese gave a

detail of Indian social structure. They said in their

account, that there was a birth based hierarchy in Indian

society and shudra people used to live in segregated part

of cities or villages.

The first open resistance to brahminical social order

came in the form of Buddhism in fifth century B.C. Though

Goutam Buddha was kshatriya by varna system but he

criticized varna order and condemned brahminical rituals

35

like animal sacrifice and vaidik ritualistic practices.

Influenced by egalitarian and rational ideas of Buddha

many people from the all varna embraced Buddhism. for

centuries Buddhism was the dominant religion of India but

it came to decline in 8th century A.D. when Shankarcharya

a supporter of Vedanta order1 countered Buddhism and asked

many Hindu kings to killed Buddhist and destroy

Buddhist monasteries.

Buddhist philosophy is always regarded by Dalit

thinkers as a source of inspiration and counter ideology of

brahminical ideas till date. From Baba Saheb Bhim Rav

Ambedkar to leaders like Uditraj they totally accepted

Buddhist philosophy.

The real resistance of brahminical ideas from the real

shudra Dalit community came in medieval times. In medieval

times caste system and untouchebility was in its height.

Though this resistance was devotional in nature but it also

had messages to change the social order. This resistance

was initiated by Bhakti2-saint-poets; most of them were from

shudra and untouchable castes. Chokhamela, Kabir, Ravidas,

Guru Nanak, Naamdev, Tukaram are some of prominent saint

poet of that time. They used to create devotional poetry and

in poetry there was message of equality, purification of

soul and rejection of discriminatory system. one of the

1 A form of Hindu philosophy 2 Bhakti is sanskrit word means devotion

36

example of this genre of poetry is given by early Bhakti

saint Chokhamela.

Chokha questions pollution and Untouchability. Consider the

following poem:

Vedas and the shastras

polluted; puranas inauspicious

impure; the body, the soul

contaminated; the manifest

Being is the same.

Brahma polluted, Vishnu too;

Shankar is impure, inauspicious.

Birth impure, dying is impure:i

Says Chokha, pollution stretches without beginning and

end. He is too intelligent not to perceive the self-interest

of the powerful classes behind the façade of religion, but

such instances of pure anger are rare. This Bhakti movement

had a small impact on Hindu society until Britishers arrived

in India there was a halt in Dalit movements. Though some

Hindu social Reformers took the issue of Untouchability and

condemned birth based varna System , like Raja Ram Mohan

Rai and Swami Dayanand.

An autonomous Dalit leadership in India has always been

perceived as synonymous to the leadership of Babasahab Dr.

37

B.R. Ambedkar. Though it is a well known fact that Ambedkar

was the first Dalit leader who had an all India following,

the autonomous Dalit leadership of several varieties existed

much before he came on the horizon of the Dalit liberation.

Such leadership had existed in different parts of the

country. For instances Dalits had organized demonstration

in Poona and Madras against the functioning of the National

Congress way back in 1895 and had even burnt its effigy.

But they had carried out more organized movements for

achieving their goals of equality, self respect, self right

etc. in different parts of the country since the 1920’s

onwards.

No doubt there was very limited Dalit independent

organizing before the 1920s; hence, leadership had yet

produced a number of leaders with a large following

throughout India. For instance, early known Dalit leaders

in Maharashtra were Kisan Faguji Bansode (1870-1947), Gopal

Baba Walankar, V Ravji Moonj Pundit (1860-1924), Shivram

Janba Kamble, Kalicharan Nandagawali (1886-1962), G.A. Gawai

(1888-1974) and others (Omvedi 1994). Similarly, in South

India M.C. Rajah, the leader of the Adi-Dravida movement,

was the Madras legislative Council in 1926. The Adi-Dravida

movement had been active in Madras since 1918.

38

The first independent Dalit political movement in India

was launched in 1910 when the All India Depressed Classes

Federation was established in Maharashtra under the

encouragement of the Bombay Presidency Social Reform

Association. Its purpose was to pressurize the Indian

National Congress to include in its main planks the removal

of Untouchability. Consequently, the Indian National

Congress had incorporated this in its agenda, adopted in its

annual secession held at Calcutta in 1917. It is

interesting to note that the Indian National Congress after

32 years of its formation, had adopted the agenda of the

removal of Untouchability

The government of India Act 1919 explicitly provided

for communal representations in the Indian Parliament. This

stimulated the formation of new Dalit organizations, which

aimed not only to secure benefits for the Depressed Classes

or the Dalits but also to organize them into coherent

political blocks.

Proper understanding of the nature and social

composition of the Dalit leadership in the past it is

necessary to analyze it region-wise.

In south, the independent Dalit leadership emerged in

the 1920s. Here, the agricultural commercialization laid

39

the basis for a wide spread movement of the rural Dalits

unlike their movements in the urban industrial centers found

in the Western and other parts of the India (Omvedt

1994:114). The Dalit leadership emerged more distinctively

in seven districts of the Coastal Andhra (Srikakulam,

Visakhapatnam, East and West Godavri, Ongole, Guntur and

Neilore) and four districts of Rayalseema (Kurnool, Chittor,

Anantapur and Cuddapah) which were included in the Madras

presidency during the colonial rule. Being influenced by

the non-Brahman movement in the region, Dalit movements

concentrated on the agrarian issues like their rights over

land, wages etc. More precisely there emerged the non-

Brahman movements (both of the Dalits and the middle level

castes) in 1917 in the Madras Presidency which challenged

the dominance of the Brahman elites in Indian National

Congress. It also rejected the Brahman dominance in the

almost every walks of life and laid the basis for the Dalit

leadership and its movements including that for a non-Ayran

or Dravidian identity.

The term ‘Adi-Andra’ rose in the past 1917 period when

Dalits in the South influenced by the ‘non-Aryan’ theme of

the Dravidian movement, were identifying themselves as Adi-

Dravidians, Adi-Andhras and Adi-Karnatakas – the original

sons of the soil. Their identities were accepted by the

then government.

40

Dalit leadership emerged during the 1920s in Hyderabad,

the largest state of the British regime in India, here the

Dalit movement developed within an already dangerously

polarized Hindu-Muslim communal tension. As stated by

Omvedt, “In some way there was closeness in Dalit and

Muslims relations in the Hydrabad area itself. Yet, it was

a closeness characterized by ambiguity” (Omved 1994:120).

In this narrow and communalized framework, a small but

vigorous Dalit (Malas) movement was organized in 1910 in

Hyderabad. Two important leaders who stood at the centre of

it were Bhagyareddy Verma and Arigay Ramaswamy. It was

Baghyareddy (1888-1939) who presided over not only the

momentous conferences of the Molas at Vijaywada in 1913 when

the “PANCHAMA” identity was rejected but he also headed over

number of other conferences thereafter. His organizing

activity began in 1912 when he formed the Adi Hindu

Jatiyonnati Sabha and Many Sangam. These organizations were

formed with the help of the Dalit employees of the both

government and Nizam of Hyderabad which also indicated the

emergence of a ‘Dalit Middle Class’ (Omvedt 1994:122).

The radicalization among Dalits throughout south India

brought with it the ‘Adi Ideology’. Four Adi Hindu

conferences were organized in Hyderabad itself between 1912

and 1924. Bhagyareddy transformed his Manya Sangam into the

41

Adi-Hindu Social Service League, which became the main

organization of the Dalits in Hyderabad. The term ‘Adi-

Hindu’ was spreading among a sizeable number of north Indian

Chamars during this time. This appeal of the Adi Hindu

identity in the north was the result of Bhagyareddy’s close

connection with noth India Adi Hindu movements. In fact,

Bhaghyareddy himself had traveled and attended notably two

conferences organized in 1927 and 1930 in north India which

had described the Depressed Classes Adi-Hindus (ibid:122).

The Dalit striving in south India was also witnessed in

Kerala where Pulayas-the untoucables had organized, since

the beginning of this century their social-cultural revolts

under the able leadership of Ayyankali and Vellikkara Choti.

The aim of such revolts initially was not for economic gain

but for entry into educational institutions and other public

places (Mathew 1986:102). Consequently, the Pulayas won the

freedom to walk along public roads and entry of their

children to school by 1900. But that was not fully accepted

by caste Hindus and others. Therefore, Ayyankkali and

Vellikkara Chot had organized again another movement in 1914

for school entry of Pulaya children with considerable amount

of resistance by caste Hindus. Another leader Gopala das

fought against the custom of wearing bead necklaces by the

Pulaya women. Thus the social revolts of the Pulayas

brought a new awakening to them which also coincided with a

widespread political development in the State with the

42

representation of the Dalit leaders in the Assembly and

Legislative Council in 1911 and 1926 respectively.

Consequently the voice of the Pulayas was heard first time

in the political space of the state.

There was some limited independent Dalit organizing in

western India before the 1920s. For instance Gopal Baba

Walangkar a retired army officer led the Ratnagiri based

group and sent a petition to the government as early as in

1890. This was the beginning of articulating the protest of

Mahars against the socio-religious disabilities and

powerlessness. Walanhkar highlighted the grievances of the

Dalits by writing the ‘Dinbandhu’ and ‘Sudharak’-Marathi

newspapers in which he argued that casteism and

untouchability had no religious bas and were monsters

created by the Hindus. To prove his thesis, he published a

booklet titled, ‘Vital Vidwansak”. In 1918 he formed the

‘Anarya Doshpariharak Mandali’ (non Aryan group for removal

of wrongs) at Dapoli in the localities of Ratangiri district

where untouchable castes such as Chmabhar and Mahar army

pensioners lived.

Earlier, the Mahars, Mangas and Chmabhars were

recruited in the army of the East India Company but around

1890-91 their recruitment ceased. Those already in service

were also asked to leave. Enraged over this, Walangkar

43

filed a petition in July 1890 requesting re-acceptance of

them in the Army.

In this mission, Walangkar secured little support from

his followers. Thus, with his effort a new era had emerged

in the Dalits’ struggle for securing their rights and social

justice. He then may be termed as the first social thinker,

the first revolutionary, and the first initiator of the

Dalit Movement in Maharashtra (Jogdand 1991:46).

The pre-Ambedkar era saw the emergence of Shivram Janab

Kamble, another Dalit leader in Maharashtra who had formed

the Oppressed India Association in Nagpur.

Kamble formed a Mahar caste association and published

the ‘somvansh Mitra’ a Marathi newspaper (Jogdand 1991:47).

He was the leading figure in the ‘Parvati Temple satyagraha’

organized by the Dalits and few caste Hindu in 1929 (Jogdand

1991:46). He also fought against the customary practices of

the Devidasi system prevalent among the Mahars and Margs.

When Ambedkar appeared on the public scene in the 1920s,

Kamble welcomed him as a leader of the Dalits. Both often

met and discussed on the different issues. They had,

however differences with regard to the 1937 election

procedures which ultimately led Kamble’s dissociation from

Ambedkar.

44

Kisan Fogji Bansole was another Dalit leader from

Nagpur who founded in 1903 the ‘Sanmarg Bodhak Nirashrit

Samaj’ (Deprssed Class Society showing right path). The

Samaj existed for showing the principals of Right ‘Panth’ to

Mahars. Besides founding many educational institutions

including a school for girts in 1907, he started several

newspapers like the Nirikshak Hindu Nagrik (1910), Vithal

Vidhvansak (1913), Mazur Patrika (1918) and Chokha Mela

(1931).

The most significant role in Dalit movements is played

by Dr. Babasahab Bhim Rav Ambedkar. He ignited the new

socio-political awareness among Dalit. Ambedkar programs

were intended to integrate the untouchables from a state of

dehumanization and slavery into one the equality through the

use of modern methods based on education and exercise legal

and political rights.

Bhimrao Ambedkar, the fourteenth child of Ramji and

Bhimabai Sakpal Ambavedkar, was born in Mhow, in western

Madhya Pradesh, on April 14, 1891 into the "untouchable"

Mahar caste. His father, and grandfather Maloji, were in the

British Army. The Government of the day required all Army

personnel and their families to be educated, and ran schools

for this purpose. Thus the Sakpal family was fortunate to

45

see their children receive a good education, which otherwise

would have been denied to them.

When Bhim was six years old, his mother died, and he

was brought up by his father's sister Meerabai until Ramji

remarried. His father was a strict, pious man, and avoided

meat and drink. Along with his children, he often sang

devotional songs composed by Namdev, Tukaram, Moropant and

Mukteshwar, and read stories from the Ramayana and the

Mahabharata. When he retired from the army as a Subedar-

Major of the Second Grenadiers after 14 years of service,

the family moved to Dapoli in Konkan and then to Satara.

Bhim and his older brother Anand were enrolled in the

contonment school, Government High School.

Despite the opportunity that education permitted, Bhim

began to taste the bitter reality of his birth. He had to

sit on the floor in one corner in the classroom. Teachers

would not touch his notebooks. If Bhim felt thirsty, he

could only drink water if someone else poured water into his

mouth. Once provoked by an uncontrollable fit of thirst,

Bhim drank from the public reservoir. He was found out and

beaten by the higher caste Hindus. These experiences were

permanently etched onto his mind. He realized that this was

the plight of anyone born "untouchable."

46

When many of his classmates left for good jobs in

Bombay, he too longed to be independent. He realized that if

he ever were to be successful, he would have to concentrate

more on his studies. He became interested in reading, and

read not just the prescribed books in school but much more.

His father wasn't pleased when he digressed from school

books but he never said "no" when Bhim wanted a book.

Bhim enrolled in the Elphinstone High School in Bombay.

Even there, one of his teachers constantly mocked him,

saying that of what use was an educated Mahar. Bhim

swallowed these insults and controlled his anger. He passed

his matriculation examination in 1907. The Mahars

felicitated him on his achievement. Bhim joined the

Elphinstone College for further education. After completing

his Intermediate course, Bhim received a scholarship from

the Maharaja of Baroda, Sayaji Rao, and attained a Bachelors

in Arts in 1912. The February of next year, Ramji died;

Bhimrao had lost his father and mentor.

Sayaji Rao selected Bhim to be sent to America on a

scholarship for higher studies. In return, Bhim Rao would

have to serve the State of Baroda for ten years. Bhim Rao

reached New York in July 1913. For the first time in his

life, Bhim Rao was not demeaned for being a Mahar. He put

his heart into his studies and received a degree in Master

47

of Arts and a Doctorate in Philosophy from Columbia

University in 1916 for his thesis "National Dividend for

India: A Historical and Analytical Study." From America,

Dr.Ambedkar proceeded to London to study economics and

political science. He Government of Baroda terminated his

scholarship and recalled him to Baroda. Bhim Rao vowed to

return to London to complete his studies.

The Maharaja appointed him Military Secretary but no

one would take orders from an "untouchable" Mahar. He could

not even get lodging and not even the Prime Minister

appointed by the Maharaja could help him find a place to

live; Ambedkar returned to Bombay in November 1917. With the

help of Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur, a sympathizer of the

cause for the upliftment of the depressed classes, he

started a fortnightly newspaper, the Mooknayak (Leader of

the Dumb) on January 31, 1920. The Maharaja also convened

many meetings and conferences of the "untouchables" which

Bhimrao addressed. Impressed by Ambedkar, the Maharaja

declared at one meeting, "You have found your saviour in

Ambedkar. I am confident he will break your shackles."

In September 1920, after accumulating sufficient funds,

Ambedkar returned to London to complete his studies. He

became a barrister and got a Doctorate in Science. He now

considered himself fully equipped to fight the evil of

48

"untouchability." In July 1924, Ambedkar founded the

Bahishkrut Hitkaraini Sabha, aimed at scrapping the caste system

from the Hindu religion. The Sabha started free school for

the young and the old and ran reading rooms and libraries.

Dr. Ambedkar took the grievances of the "untouchables" to

court, seeking justice and equality. Soon he became a

father-figure to the poor and downtrodden and was

respectfully called "Babasaheb."

In March 1927, attendees at a conference of the

depressed classes held at Mahad, decided to implement the

resolution passed 4 years earlier to open public places to

all regardless of religion, caste or creed by drinking from

the Chavdar Taley (Sweet-water Tank). They walked to the

tank and drank from its water. Higher caste Hindus attacked

them; pulling down the conference pulpit, they threw away

all the cooked food and broke all the vessels. Ambedkar told

his people to stay calm and not retaliate. Later the higher-

caste Hindus performed rituals to "purify" the "defiled"

water. Ambedkar vowed to offer a satyagraha and re-establish

his people's right to use the water tank.

On December 25 of the same year, thousands responded to

Ambedkar's call. Speaker after speaker spoke, passions rose

and the vast gathering waited for the satyagraha to begin

with intense anticipation. The satyagraha was deferred when

49

the matter was referred to the court. At the end of

conference, a copy of the Manusmruti, the age-old code of

the Hindus that gave rise to the caste system, was

ceremoniously burnt. In a thundering voice, Ambedkar

demanded in its place a new smruti, devoid of all social

stratification. This act sent shockwaves through the nation.

In 1929, Ambedkar made the controversial decision to

co- operate with the all-British Simon Commission which was

to look into setting up a responsible Indian Government in

India. The Congress decided to boycott the Commission and

drafted its own version of a constitution for free India.

The Congress version made no provisions for the depressed

classes. Ambedkar became more skeptical of the Congress's

commitment to safeguard the rights of the depressed classes.

He pressed for a separate electorate for the depressed

classes.

When a separate electorate was announced for the

depressed classes, Gandhiji went on a fast unto death

against this decision. Leaders rushed to Dr. Ambedkar to

drop his demand. Ambedkar held fast and did not buckle under

the immense pressure. Finally on September 24, 1932,

Ambedkar and Gandhiji signed the Poona Pact. According to

the pact the separate electorate demand was replaced with

50

special concessions like reserved seats in the regional

legislative assemblies and Central Council of States.

On October 13, 1935, at a conference at Nasik, Dr.

Ambedkar reviewed the progress made on the condition of the

"untouchables" in the decade since Ambedkar started his

agitation. Ambedkar declared that their efforts had not

borne the kind of results he had expected. He then made his

dramatic appeal to the "untouchables.", encouraging them to

forsake the Hindu religion and convert to a religion where

they would be treated with equality. The nation was shocked.

The British Government agreed to hold elections on the

provincial level in 1937. The Congress, Muslim League and

Hindu Mahasabha started gearing up for the elections. Dr.

Ambedkar set up the Independent Labor Party in August 1936

to contest the elections in the Bombay province. On February

17, 1937, Ambedkar and many of his candidates won this a

thumping majority. Around the same time, the Chavdar Taley

water dispute which was referred to the Bombay High Court in

1927 finally handed down its verdict in favor of the

depressed classes. Dr. Ambedkar also introduced Bills in

1937 to abolish the "khoti" system of land tenure in the

Konkan region, the serfdom of agricultural tenants and the

Mahar "watan" system of working for the Government as

slaves.

51

The Constituent Assembly of Independent India appointed

a Drafting Committee with Dr. Ambedkar as its Chairman to

draft the Constitution of India. In February 1948, Dr.

Ambedkar presented the Draft Constitution before the people

of India; it adopted Article 11, abolished untouchability in

all forms on November 26, 1949 with all its 356 Articles and

8 Schedules.. In May 1956, shortly before his death, Dr.

Ambedkar announced that he was embracing Buddhism. With him

his wife and some three lakh followers also converted to the

faith. When asked why, Dr. Ambedkar replied, "Why can't you

ask this question to yourself and... your forefathers...?"

Ambedkar as Ideologue of Dalit Movements

It is irrefutable that the Dalit liberation

movements especially in the last three decades or so

have been centered on Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. This

allegiance became all the more essential for the Dalits

because the life and the struggles of Dr. Ambedkar

unleashed a new awareness among the Dalits. This

awareness led to the search for a culture of freedom, a

political agenda for emancipation, a social order

devoid of exclusion, and non-dependent economic

engagement. Hence, the writings and speeches of Dr.

Ambedkar became the ideological underpinnings of Dalit

liberation movement.

52

Eleanor Zelliot based on the study of Dalit

movements, documents the symbolic relevance that the

statue of Dr. Ambedkar represents; education, success,

contribution to the political world of India, courage,

empowerment through reservations, protection through a

relationship to government, 'one of 'us' who was not

only important personally but was important to India.

This overpowering image of Dr. Ambedkar does not

obliterate other 'roots of Dalit consciousness'. Rather

it encourages Dalits to look for the abilities, the

talents, the triumphs, both of the historic past and at

the folklore of the village as well.

In a special way, the writings and speeches of Dr.

Ambedkar has become the rallying point of Dalit

emancipation. Valerian Rodrigues writing about Dr.

Ambedkar portrays him as 'Scholar, politician,

constitutionalist, teacher, lawyer, parliamentarian,

administrator, journalist, negotiator, agitationist and

leader'. Dr. Ambedkar privileged the written word. The

written world enabled him to reach out to a larger

world, conferring some degree of permanence or

immortality and allowing him to usurp some of the

Brahminical authority. In his writings Dr. Ambedkar

resorted to various modes of expression-dissertations,

53

records, papers, documents, outlines, notes early

drafts, statements, briefs, memoranda, disputations and

investigations. There are also speeches delivered by

Dr. Ambedkar for various occasions and different forum,

from the Constituent Assembly to mobilization

gatherings. Born an 'untouchable', Dr. Ambedkar became

India's foremost opponent of the evil of untouchability

and formulated the basis of affirmative action through

his advocacy of fair and equal terms of social

association.

Dr. Anand Teltumbde in his study of Ambedkar and

Post-Ambedkar Dalit Movements emphatically states that

Dr. Ambedkar has undoubtedly been the central figure in

the epistemology of the Dalit universe. It is difficult

to imagine anything serious or important in their

collective life that is totally untouched by Dr.

Ambedkar. For the Dalit masses, he is everything

together, a scholar par excellence in the realm of

scholarship, a Moses or messiah who led his people out

o bondage and ignominy on to the path of pride, and a

Bodhisattva in the pantheon of Buddhism. He is always

bedecked with superlatives, quite like God, whatever

may be the context in Dalit circles.Dr. Ambedkar

heavily influenced most of the contemporary Dalit leaders

54

of India. He created a political language for Dalit as well

as countered hierarchy based caste system with Buddhism.

]

An overview of Dalit movement in North India after

1960

As earlier literature reflects north India was far

behind compared to other parts of in India in terms of Dalit

movements. Two prominent movements before Ambedkar came on

55

the Dalit liberation horizon were Jatav Movement of Agra and

Adi Hindu Movement in some parts of Utter Pradesh like

Kanpur, Allahabad, Varanasi and Lucknow. Though, initially

religious in nature, both these movements had later raised

important socio-political issues related to the Dalits.

Initial phase of Dalit mobilization was of gathering on the

occasion of birthdays of Dalit saint especially guru

Ravidas. Which is the biggest icon of Chamars caste, the

most numerous caste of Uttar Pradesh.

At the outset in Uttar Pradesh the foundation of

independent Dalit leadership was laid primarily by two

interrelated factors. First, the relaxation of caste

subordination in occupational relations, as Dalit migrants

from countryside were incorporated in urban work force,

while, at the same time, the labor market was segmented

along the lines of caste. Secondly, the emergence of new

theories about the nature and origin of the caste system

according to which caste was perceived as man made and was

beneficial to those at the top in the caste-hierarchy. In

other words, caste was not accepted universally functional

but exploitative in nature.

With the conversion of Ambedkar to Buddhism in 1956 the

Dalit of Utter Pradesh especially of Agra region also took

the path of religious conversion. Hence, with the passage

56

time new problems related to conversion emerged.

“Therefore, one who openly professes to be Buddhist is (was)

not eligible for the special help given by the Government to

the Scheduled Caste under its “Protective Discrimination”

Policy. A Buddhist in Utter Pradesh cannot stand for

reserved seats in an election, nor can he apply for

government jobs reserved for Scheduled Castes1. His

children cannot claim eligibility or remission of fees,

grants and scholarship given to the Scheduled Castes for

educational purposes”. The Dalit leadership took up these

along with the persistently pursued issues during 1956-1969.

But during this period Dalit leadership lost the colossal

personality of Babasahab Dr. Ambedkar on 6th December 1956.

Hence, a new epoch of Dalit leadership began after the sad

demise of Ambedkar; we have called this epoch as the Dalit

leadership after Ambedkar.

The Dalit movement of Uttar Pradesh during this period

was taken over by the Republican Party of India Agra Branch,

which was established in the year 1958 as the successor of

SCF. The RPI, which was in contact with RPI working in

Maharashtra, emphasized the economic, political and social

plight of the Dalits in the State. The general policies of

the party at the national level are set cut in its Election

Manifesto that gives a clear indication of the issues

11.In 1990 Dalit Buddhist also got reservation under scheduled caste category

57

pursued by its leaders during this period. A charter of ten

demands was presented to the then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur

Shastri. These demands were:

1. The portrait of Babasahab Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, “The

Father of the Indian Constitution” must be given a

place in the Central Hall of the Parliament.

2. Let the land of the nation go to the actual tiller

of the land.

3. Idle and wasteland must go to the land-less

laborers.

4. Adequate distribution of food grains and control

over the rising prices.

5. Lot of slum dwellers to be improved.

6. Full implementation of the Minimum Wages Act, 1948.

7. Extension of all privileges guaranteed by the

Constitution to those Scheduled Castes who have

embraced Buddhism.

8. Harassment of the depressed classes should cease

forthwith.

9. Full justice be done to them under the

Untouchability (Offenses) Act.

10. Reservation in the services to Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes be completed as soon as possible,

not later than 1970.

58

In addition, the Agra branch of the party included in

demand that taxes on shoe-markets should be remitted. This

demand reflects the concern of the party with Chamar group

of castes, particularly those of Agra and Kanpur, as they

were involved in this business.

By 1962, the Republication Party of India, Agra

realized that Dalits could be electorally successful if they

organized themselves well. In Aligarh city, B.P. Maurya, a

firebrand leader from the Jatav community, who was later

imprisoned under the Defense of Indian Rule (DIR) at the

time of Chinese intrusion into India, won the Parliamentary

elections from a general constituency. Along with him an

RPI candidate also won the MLA seat. This means that the

Dalits’ independent organizing was taking its root at least

in the western part of Uttar Pradesh.

But the independent organizing of RPI was short-lived

and in the 1967 general elections for the State Assembly,

the party could not gain any success. In fact, the Congress

Party during this period created factionalism in the state

unit of the RPI on the one hand and formulated certain

policies to directly influence the Dalits at the national

level on the other hand. But the immediate effect of

factionalism was that the RPI became leaderless in Uttar

59

Pradesh, “In a way Congress snatched agenda and leaders

both, of RPI during the 1969-70 as revealed by Gulab

sehra ,one time deputy speaker of Uttar Pradesh Legislative

Assembly and Social Welfare Minister of the state during

1984-1989 in the Congress Party regime. “By 1971, Maurya

and his major opponent within the party, Ramji Ram, were

both returned to the Lok Sabha under the banner of Indira

Gandhi’s ostensibly left-oriented branch of the Congress.

This was the effective end of the Republican Party as a

force in Uttar Pradesh” (Mendelsohn and vicziany1998:213) as

well as the end of this epoch. Today, the RPI exists in

Uttar Pradesh mainly into two factions one of Prakash

Ambedkar’s Bhartiya Republican Party and other of Ram Das

Athawales – Republican Party. Thus, we may see that this

was one of the longest epochs of the Dalit leadership

starting from 1947 to the demise of Republican Party of

India in 1969.

In effect, with the demise of the Republican Party of

India in the 1970s a new epoch of the Dalit leadership

emerged, which was dominated by the Dalit leaders of the

Congress Party. Esepecially in the eastern Uttar Pradesh,

the Congress leadership gave prominence to the Chamar caste

and leaders like Ram Dhan, Ganpat Ram, Jai Prasad, Ram Pyare

suman, Baddal Ram, Mata Prashad, Dharamveer and Mahasay

Masuriya Din emerged on the scene. Similarly, in the

60

central Uttar Pradesh, Kanhyalal Sonkar, Ram Kinkar, Gaya

Prasad Prashant, Tilak Chand Kuree, Chaudhary Budda Dev,

Bhagvati Pradad, Kureel and Mewalal Sonkar were leading the

Dalit movement under the banner of the Congress Party.

Finally, in western Uttar Pradesh, Jatav leaders like S.P.

Gautam, Ram Lal Rahi, H.L. Azad, Kamal Dariyabadi, B.P.

Maurya and Chaudhary Dharam Singh with the exception of

Rameshwar Dayal Valmiki were leading the Dalit politics.

But the Congress politics of patronage to Dalits could not

make any significant improvement in the socio-economic

status of the Dalits. Once Gulab Sehra revealed, “what have

the Dalits actually got in lieu of sending Congress to power

time and again.” Many Dalit leaders argue that during 197-

80s there was a spurt of atrocities on Dalits. This socio-

political reality of the state gave rise to yet another

movement in the state.

On 5th Dec, 1980, the Dalit Panthers movement was born

in Lucknow besides in Kanpur. Shymlal of Jaunpur was its

President and D.K. Anand was its General Secretary. Anand

further revealed that a presidium was setup with Bharat

Singh of Agra, Rahulan Rao Ambedkar originally from Azamgarh

but settled in Kanpur and Satya Priya Manav from Itawa as

its members. The Dalit Panthers in Uttar Pradesh were

militant and especially after the 1980s when the Congress

Government came to power again after a gap of two and half

61

years of the Janta Party Government. The main demands of

Panthers were that ‘ in case of a death of the Dalit due to

atrocity, he should be paid Rs. 5 lakh as compensation along

with 5 bighas of land, (kumar2000:108)one weapon and service

to one person in the family.” There is no evidence to prove

at this stage whether they had succeeded in forcing the

government to pay such compensation. But one thing is clear

that the demand itself looked impractical and the Panthers

were not in great numbers to exert the required pressure on

the government for getting their demands realized. Also,

some of their demands were already raised by the RPI in the

statem which though promised were not fulfilled by the

Congress government, particularly the demand of land to

tiller. Later on, the General Secretary of the Panthers

were booked under the National Security Act (NSA) because of

his provocative speeches and violent demonstration organized

at the district head-quarter in 1986. Thus, with his

arrest, the Panthers movement faded out paving the way to

the gradual emergence of the BAMCEF in 1979 in Lucknow, the

capital of the state.(ibid., 108).

In the remnants of the Dalit consciousness created by

the different Dalit movements at different intervals rose

the Bhaujan Samaj Party. Now, with its development the

militant self-assertion of Dalits in the State has become a

socio-political reality at the present time. Unlike in the

62

past when the Dalit assertion used to emerge from western

part of the country, the contemporary Dalit assertion of

north India specially in U.P. has shown the way to the Dalit

located in different parts of the country. It is in this

context of socio-political reality of the state that we have

evaluated the Bhaujan Samaj Party’s movement.

Origin and Development of BAMCEF [The All India Backward

(SC/ST/OBC) and Minority Communities Employees’ Federation]

Bahujan Samaj Party is the culmination of an

evolutionary socio-political process, which started way back

in 1971. In 1971 Kanshi Ram and his colleagues established

the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward

Classes and Minorities Employees Welfare Association, which

was duly registered under the Poona Charity Commissioner

(Vicziany and Mendelshon 1998: 220). The primary objective

of this organization was, to subject (the) problems of close

scrutiny and find out quick and equitable solutions to the

problems of injustice and harassment of the Dalit employees

63

in general and the educated employees in particular (Ibid.,

220). The next step in this evolutionary process was

creation of BAMCEF. As early as 1973 Kanshi Ram and other

leaders established the All India Backward and Minority

Communities Employees Federation (BAMCEF) and a functioning

office was established in Delhi in 1976. BAMCEF was re-

launched with greater fanfare on 6th December 1978, the

anniversary of Ambedkar’s death, with claims of two

thousands delegates joining a procession to the Boat Club

Lawns in New Delhi. Although the stated objects of the new

organization was essentially the same as those of the

earlier body, the rhetoric had grown bolder. Now the leaders

of BAMCEF started criticizing not merely the upper castes,

but also the members of Scheduled Castes who had benefited

from the reservation policy (Ibid., 221). BAMCEF’s first

unit in Uttar Pradesh started in the same year in Agra. A

year later it was launched in Lucknow with Raj Bahadur, an

employee of central telephone office, as the founder

convenor.(kumar2000:118)

Through BAMCEF Kanshi Ram established a net work of the

Dalit educated employees1, first in Maharashtra and

adjoining areas i.e., Nagpur, Poona, Jabalpur, Bhopal etc.

Later on once he moved to Delhi he extended the network in

Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh etc. One of

1 http://www.bamcef.org/3.html

64

the most important programmes organized by BAMCEF during

this period was ‘Ambedkar Mela on Wheels’. This was an oral

and pictorial account of Ambedkar’s life and views, together

with contemporary material on oppression, atrocities and

poverty of the Dalits. Between April and June 1980 the show

was taken to thirty-four destinations of nine states of the

north. Dalit and Backwards were moved by watching and

listening to the extent of exploitation and oppression of

the Dalits throughout the country. This programme helped

BAMCEF to mobilize other sections of the Dalit society

different from the employees. In terms of mobilization, at

the outset the leaders of BAMCEF started mobilizing the

Dalit employees. It was done with the aim to ask the Dalit

employees o ‘pay back’ the community as they have benefited

by the policy of protective discrimination, because of their

community. The other reason to mobilize the employees

first, was that they were educated and had secured monetary

status. They could also work in a disciplined manner because

of their training in bureaucratic set-up.

Together, all these aforesaid factors created a

disciplined cadre, which helped the organization in, what is

called in BAMCEF’s terminology, creation of ‘Man, Money and

Mind Power.’ This was revealed by the founder convenor of

the Lucknow BAMCEF unit Raj Bahadur and many other BAMCEF

members past and present in interviews with them. Kanshi Ram

65

utilized this very power of Man, Money and Mind in future

for the mass movement. The significant feature of this

mobilization is that it was for the first time in the

history of Dalit movement that the Dalits who benefited from

the policy of protective discrimination contributed in the

development of a Dalit movement in such a big way. We can

very well record this as a significant contribution made by

the emerging Dalit middle class towards the Dalit movement.

The members of BAMCEF being government employees were

governed by Civil Services Conduct Rule and hence could not

enter in political activities. The leaders of BAMCEF were

handicapped of a political forum, which could mobilize the

other sections of society for other issues of the Dalits and

could take direct actions such as sit-ups, demonstration,

close ups of offices etc.(ibid.,119)

Kanshi Ram knew very well that as the influence of

BAMCEF will grow the government of the day will not spare

its members and can penalize by transferring them to remote

places or by suspending them from the service. Therefore, he

along with the other members decided not to get the

organization formally registered and kept the organization

without any formal structure. In the background of a

hostile socio-political context where every independent

Dalit movement was either co-opted or decimated, it was a

very political and strategic move on the part of BAMCEF

66

leadership not to declare the shape and size of the

organization openly or formally. Not only that BAMCEF

leadership also kept all its moves under the cover and

hidden. The leadership conducted their meetings in the night

and in unknown destination informing to close associates

only. Government holidays of Saturday and Sunday or any

other public holiday was utilized to the hilt for

mobilization of the Dalits. In a way, we can attach these

moves to the success of BAMCEF. Otherwise it could have been

decimated even before its development.(ibid.,119)

BAMCEF was supposed to be organized as a broad base

organization because of the nature and intensity of the

problems of the Dalits. Therefore, the leadership wanted to

establish the organization and have its roots at least in

each of six lakhs of villages of India. But it was to be

done in different phases. In the first phase BAMCEF office

was to be established in all the states of the country. In

the second phase every district was supposed to be covered

by the BAMCEF office and then in the third phase every

Tehsil or Taluka was to be covered. But BAMCEF got

fragmented within the six years of its established when

Kanshi Ram launched BSP in the year 1984 though its formal

division can be ascertained with the format registration of

another faction in the year 1987 with the Registrar of

Societies, Delhi under registration no.17809. Since then one

67

group of BAMCEF which was associated with Kanshi Ram was

converted into a shadow organization helping BSP in

electoral mobilization for the party. On the other hand the

group of employees which had parted ways from Kanshi Ram got

itself registered and started mobilizing Dalits

independently without the help of any political clout.

(ibid., 120) Also the charisma and aura associated with the

Dalit officers associated with BAMCEF used to help BSP to

attract illiterate masses to its meetings. Therefore, he

could not dismantle the organization completely rather

converted it into a shadow organization without any

hierarchy or division of duties for its members. Since then

BSP related BAMCEF is a very thin organization associated

with BSP, which helps them to organize the Dalit masses and

also funds the movement from their monthly salaries. As the

time pass by BAMCEF unit were formed at every Legislative

Assembly Constituency with a convenor. But it is certain

that virtually BAMCEF lead by Kanshi Ram has no formal or

informal relationship with BAMCEF led by Khaparde. Today the

biggest BAMCEF group outside the BSP is led by B.D. Borkar.

The group has recently tired to unite all the splinter

group, except Kanshi Ram faction, during its 21st National

Convention held at Ahmedabad, Gujrat during 26th December

2004 (BAMCEF booklet issue by its Central Office). BAMCEF

organization has celebrated its silver jubilee and all along

core of its ideology has remained the formulation of Indian

68

society on the basis of Bahujans who constitute 85 per cent

of the Indian population and who were subordinated by the 15

per cent ‘Manuwadis’ the Aryans. But now propagating

‘Moolnivasi’ (original inhabitant of the land) ideology .

(ibid.,121)

Establishment of DS4 (Dalit Shosit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti)

The need of a broad base socio-political platform,

which can easily include and mobilize other sections of

society besides employees gave birth to another

organization, ‘Dalit Shosit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti’ i.e.

DS4. The main aim of the organization was to highlight the

grievances of the Dalits and Bahujans. It was established on

6th December 1981. Under this banner DS4 leaders organized

by significant programmes to conscintize the Dalit masses

about their plight. ‘Poona Pact Denunciation Programme’,

69

‘Social Action for Euqlity andSelf-respect’, ‘Bareilley

march against the liquor sellers’ were some of the important

programmes organized by DS4. R.K. Chaudhary a Former DS4

member and currently General secretary of the party, who has

been Cabinet Minister four times explained, ‘All these

programmes were of different nature, concerning the problems

of the Dalits, and covered length and breadth of the

country.’

Kanshi Ram under the banner of DS4 launched a programme

‘Miracle of Two Feet and Two Wheels’ and started a ‘Cycle

March’ on 15th March, 1983 with 100 members and covered a

distance of 3000 km. within a period of 40 days. During this

period the members of the march passed through 53 important

centers of the country is seven states telling the masses

about their programmes and listening to their grievances.

After covering 3000 km. by cycle the rally covered 300 km.

on foot around Delhi. The objective of their programme was

to educate masses. In the words of Kanshi Ram, ’85 per cent

of the oppressed and exploited people that Dr. B.R. Ambedkar

nourished for years and built up their movement have today

become the tools in the hands of the ruling class. Their

habits have been so spoiled that they never feel shame when

others use them. Whenever rallies are organized by political

parties to show their strength, there poor SC/ST,OBC and

minorities people rush to ride their vehicles and are paid

70

for this. They are happy to go and strengthen the hands of

their oppressor and exploiters. They neither feel shame for

it nor do they think what harm they are doing to their own.’

He narrated the aforesaid facts throughout his tour, so that

Dalits could become conscious of their exploitation by the

so-called upper castes.

Kanshi Ram, President of DS4, wanted to change this

habit of the exploited Dalits through organizing an

independent movement of his own. Therefore, he emphasized

the need of an independent Dalit movement and building of a

strong organization of the Dalits. He argued that nothing

could be achieved without struggle, and all struggle need

timely organization and agitation. DS4, to some extent,

fulfilled his desire. However, his modus operandi for the

Dalit mobilization was not appreciated by many. For

instance, the programme ‘Two Feet and Two Wheels’ though was

successful in terms of Dalit mobilization, attracted lot of

criticism for using outdated conveyance for mobilizing the

Dalits. Kanshi Ram replied to his critiques who questioned

the use of bicycles, to mobilize, organize and educate the

masses. He opined, ‘Trucks, tractors, buses, cars, and rail,

all are in the hands of capitalists and those who are

holding power. They can use them conveniently as and when

they need them for their own benefit. They very same

facilities cannot be available to the oppressed and the

71

exploited people. They cannot organize their agitation

around these machines. Bicycles is the best weapon from them

in their agitation. If their two feet are all right they can

reach any place to make their presence felt’. Soon the

Bicycle became one of the important modes of conveyance for

the DS4 leaders.

Another significant programme of DS4, ‘Peoples

Parliament’ was envisaged to make Dalits politically

conscious. The leaders argued that as their (Dalit) true

representatives were/are not present in parliament their

voice and problems are neither raised effectively nor heard.

Therefore, it was an opportunity for Dalits, who cannot

enter in the parliament to raise their problems and

sufferings through this program. On 14th October 1982, at

the lawns of Boat club in New Delhi the formation of

people’s Parliament’ entitled as ‘The experimental session’

was organized on 25th Dec. 1982, at the constitutional Club

Lawns. According to Kanshi Ram, ‘people’s parliament will

provide them the opportunity for debate and discussion on

their burning problems which are side tracked in the

National Parliament. Such a debate and discussion if

conducted on a large scale over the length and breadth of

the vast country, can definitely influence the National

Parliament. Besides such a debate by People’s Parliament

without any power will be a constant reminder for the

72

oppressed and exploited masses to make the National

Parliament a truly representative one as early as possible’.

All these programmes helped the Dalit masses to know their

exploitation and made them politically conscious about their

‘right to vote’ and ‘value of their vote’ as revealed by the

convener of the BAMCEF Lucknow unit. He further told that it

was through DS4 that Kanshi Ram gave the popular slogan:

“Thakur, Brahmin, Baniya Chhod Baki Sab Hai DS4”

(Except Kshtriya, Brahmin, Vaishya, all are exploited

members of the society. Together the constitute Dalit-

exploited society struggle committee).

The slogan speaks about the exploitation of the Dalits

by a nexus of the three twice born castes. It asks the

exploited Dalit masses to wage a united struggle against

their exploiters. In a way the slogan tried to forge the

unity among all the exploited of the society, without

including the twice born castes and women, which were

present in the definition of Dalits propounded by Dalit

Panthers in 1970s.

73

An Historical Examination of Subaltern Movement Led

By Bahujan Samaj Party in Its Struggling Phase

The Bahujan Samaj Party was founded by Kanshi Ram in

1984; 37 years after India secured its independence from

British rule. Emergence of Bahujan samaj party as a major

political force created a new history. In 1992 a congress MP

said "It is either Rajiv Gandhi who can dethrone them

from office or Kanshi Ram who can defect them in

electoral battle."1

It was unprecedented in Indian political history that a

caste-based party achieved a national party status. It shows

the political reflection of Indian society which is itself

fragmented along caste lines. Some political scientists have

argued that BSP emerged in the state because of the breaking

of one party rule of Congress. Even if we accept this logic

then why has BSP not emerged in Tamilnadu, Orissa, West

Bengal, Bihar etc. though Congress had lost its power in

1 7 Jan 1992, Times Of India, N Delhi.

74

these States as well. Therefore, a moot point here to be

discussed is that had Congress been performing well and had

it fulfilled minimum aspirations of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh

then would BSP have emerged? Further social scientists have

argued that Dalits have deserted Congress even though it did

so much for their welfare. But the reality is that socio-

economic status of the Dalits in general was pathetic before

the emergence of BSP in UP. It is worth mentioning here that

though everyone argues that Congress has done a lot for the

Dalits, no one is bothered to asses the contribution made by

the Dalits in the development and maintenance of Congress in

power in different states and at the center. One can ask how

Dalits have contributed in the development and maintenance

of Congress in the position of power. They have done so by

voting for Congress en-mass. But nobody has tried to

quantify this contribution of Dalits to Congress. If at all

we can quantify this contribution of Dalits then it will be

easier for us to compare the contribution made by Congress

to Dalits and contribution of Dalits to Congress. Even in

the absence of any scientific study it can be safely

assessed that the balanced-sheet is tilted towards the

Dalits. Dalits have really helped congress to be in power

for so many years and as soon as they left Congress it was

decimated in U.P. Therefore, it is not true to argue that

BSP has emerged because of breaking of one party rule in UP

75

rather it emerged because congress excluded Dalits from the

fruits of development. It took Dalits for granted and did

not understand the aspiration of the Dalits because of the

optronize attitude of its leader who believed only in lip-

sympathy and ‘Mai-Baap’ culture (Kumar: 2006, 111).

On the other hand, some scholars may give the reason of

the numerical strength of the Dalits in the state as the

cause for its emergence because numerical strength is

important in parliamentary democracy. But this is just one

interpretation of parliamentary democracy because if we take

percentage of Dalit population as the cause of rise of BSP

in UP then Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and West Bengal have

more percentage of Dalit population than UP. If this alone

is the explanation, then why has not BSP succeeded in these

states? To begin with, the economic status of the Dalits in

the state is very dubious. Though almost 60 per cent of the

population of Dalits live below poverty line yet only 6.15

per cent of Dalit households are landless in U.P. Further UP

has the highest percentage of Dalit households having land

between half to one acre in India which is a big size of

land between half to one acre in India which is a big size

when we look at the numerical strength of Scheduled Castes

76

in U.P. which is close to approximately 2.9 crores. The

second cause of rise of BSP in UP is that it has a enormous

presence of Dalit government employees, both in central and

state governments. If we compare the size of bureaucracies

in different states UP has the biggest net of bureaucracy

amongst the states, having 20 per cent or more Dalit

population, which is about 8 lakhs. Moreover, if we compare

the percentage of prescribed and filled reservation of

different states then it is a fact that UP has fairly good

record than the other state governments which is more than

eleven percent. And if we calculate 11 per cent of 8 lakhs

than it comes out to be approximately 88 thousand Dalit

employees, which constitutes a substantial number to make an

influence in the state bureaucracy. Further Uttar Pradesh

also has a very large number of central service employees

especially in Railways and Post and Telegraph .These two

departments are historically the biggest department of India

also and therefore the number of Dalits in these departments

is obviously the largest compared to any other department of

the country. In this context, a point should be made that

BSP during its formative stage and launched BAMCEF—an

employee’s organization for mobilization of the Dalits, OBCs

and Minorities with the help of the employees employed in

these departments only. We have to recognize the

contribution made by these employees in the development of

77

BSP. This organization supplied the human and financial

resource essential to launch any movement. But it had also

played the more significance part as it was a proletariat

party and no business-house or rich persons were ready to

fund for the development of a proletariat movement.

Here, it is interesting to note that Kanshi Ram not

only used the numbers of the Dalit employees but the

facilities of their offices as well to organic BSP’s

movement. Kanshi Ram took the help of employees of Railways

and Telegraph in establishing contacts with the members of

Dalit community as it was not easy to reach out to far of

areas without any conveyance or communication links. He used

their presence in the department in getting the lawns,

auditoriums and guest houses booked whenever a meeting or

rally was organized. The employees of Central Telephone

Office helped contact and fixed programmes on time. One can

very well imagine that30 years back the importance of

Telephone when there was no way to establish contact in the

far flung areas accept with the help of physical mail.

Hence, it is pertinent to reorganize the important role of

Dalit employees in development of BSP movement.

Table

Depicting Different Indicators of SC in States with Morethan 20 per cent Population

78

States Population

RuralPopu.

Literacy

Poverty %prescribed / %illedreservation

% ofLandLessHouseholds

Landbet. ½& 1acre

Punjab

Himacha

l

Pradesh

West

Bengal

Uttar

Pradesh

28.31

25.34

23.62

21.04

80.21

93.67

84.61

88.21

41.09

53.2

42.21

26.85

25.02

27.07

41.51

58.50

25/11.37

22/11.07

15/9.08

21/11.43

6.07

7.09

12.02

6.15

1.43

5.37

11.64

16.08

Sources: Population, literacy, poverty, from: Sixth Report ofNational Commission for Scheduled Castes and ScheduledTribes, 1999-2000 and 2000-2001, New Delhi, pp.40, 41, 172-74, 177.For percentage of reservation: Report of the commissionerfor the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, 28th Report1986-87, pp.520-521For land Report on Prevention of Atrocities against

Scheduled Castes, National Human Right Commission 2004,

p.152.

Depicting the Status of Reservation of the Different FourStates where SC Population is More than 20 per cent of the

Total PopulationStates % of prescribed and filled reservation in the states

Prescribed % ofreservation

A B C D Averagefilled %reservation

PunjabHimachal

2522

9.235.40

12.394.70

9.568.00

14.3026.20

11.3711.07

79

PradeshWestBengalUttarPradesh

15

21

4.63

7.40

6.01

7.11

9.50

13.66

16.21

17.58

9.08

11.43

Source: Report of the commissioner for the Scheduled Castes andScheduled Tribes, 28th Report 1988-87, pp.520-521

Finally, we can add also the point that Dalits have a

long history of assertion in Uttar Pradesh, as discussed

earlier in the emergence and development of BSP. Starting

with the assertion of fourteenth century Saint poet Ravidas

or Raidas to the assertion of Dalits through BSP in Uttar

Pradesh has been different types of movements with different

nature and scope. The nineteenth century Adi-Hindu, Jatav

movement to Madhopur and Khalapur Dalit assertion to the

establishment of political parties like Scheduled Caste

Federation, Republican Party of India and Dalit Panthers,

there has never been a vacuum in U.P. and Dalit assertion

continued without a break. It is on this social capital

Kanshi Ram first launched BAMCEF in1978 then DS4 in 1981 and

finally BSP in 1984. Hence, the emergence of BSP should be

evaluated in the aforesaid evolutionary perspective and not

only in the right of Congress demise in U.P.

Apart from the above mentioned factors, there is

another factor which has been ignored by most of the

scholars and which must be mentioned at this juncture. This

80

is that Chamars have been the single largest caste of all

Dalits in UP constituting as much as 14% of the whole

population of UP and more notably Chamars also have been the

greatest beneficiaries of affirmative policies not only in

UP but in the whole India. it is worth mentioning here that

even the founding members of BSP like Kanshi Ram and

Mayawati also come from the same caste. Above all these

upwardly mobile and educated government employees amongst

Chamars were the backbone of Dalit-Bahujan movement in

1980s.

Further, the impediments in the path of Dalit assertion

in UP should also be evaluated. Especially the impediments

which have come from the much boasted political democracy

itself. Here the role played by Congress as an organization

and its leaders particularly by Jagjivan Ram are very

significant for not allowing an independent Dalit movement

to emerge just in the name of political democracy. It

happened so easily. After the demise of Ambedkar in December

1956 Jagjivan Ram became the undisputed leader of the

Dalits at the national level. It is through him that

Congress always co-opted the emerging and young Dalit

leaders and did not allow any independent Dalit leadership

to emerge till he was there in Congress. Except for B.P.

Maurya and Sangh Priya Gautam nobody could represent the

independent Dalit leadership during this period and they

81

were also co-opted by Indira Gandhi in 1969. Similarly

Congress also created division by extending political

reservation for the Dalits every ten years after the

commencement of the constitution though Dalits never

demanded it. Hence, we can say that the Indian democracy and

Congress though helped Dalits in their assertion at one

level but at the other same forces have erected impediments

for the Dalits and their movements as well.

It is worth mentioning here that each slogan above

depicts deep faith in the democratic values of the

constitution. That also means, Kanshi Ram as a leader has

showed strict adherence to the constitution and

parliamentary democracy through out his struggle, that is

why he gave such type of slogans. This trait of Kanshi Ram

brings him close to Ambedkar in the realm of political

thought. Ambedkar also had full faith in parliamentary

democracy. W.N. Kuber (1991: 300) explains, “He had full

faith in parliamentary democracy and urged the cultivation

of political democracy into social and economic democracy.

To cultivate democratic trends, he urged the creation of

public conscience. He explained public conscience as

conscience which became agitated at every wrong, no matter

who was the sufferer and remarked that non-scheduled castes

in villages did not fight for the scheduled castes.”

82

Further, to make the political power of the Dalits

effective Kanshi Ram criticized the political reservation

(Article 330 and Article 332) of the Dalits. Discussing

about the disadvantages of the political reservation, which

Dalits got after ‘Poona Pact’, he opined that this is only a

means to produce stooges. These stooges serve the end of the

upper castes and speak the language of their political

party. In this book ‘The Chamcha Age’ (An Era of the

Stooges, first published on 24th Sept. 1982 on 50th

Anniversary of Poona pact) he argued that ‘combined

electorate gives only symbolic representation to Dalits not

in reality. The means provided to Dalits to achieve self-

respect, identity and pride were taken away by Gandhi via

his shrewd plans. Only those leaders win from reserved

constituencies who are either supported by Congress or caste

Hindus and in this manner stooges are produced. Therefore,

to give Dalits their real representations we do not need any

political reservations” (Ram, Kanshi 1998: 79-123). Here, we

can observe that Kanshi Ram though started with the

construction and criticism of ‘A Other’ for the development

of a common identity and unity among Dalits, yet he did not

stop there. He went ahead and criticized the individuals of

the Dalit communities as well, which can be termed as ‘self-

criticism.’ Hence from criticism of ‘A Other’ to ‘Self-

Criticism’ Kanshi Ram clearly marked out the ‘social-groups’

83

which can be possible allies and threat to his movement

respectively.

Table1

State-wise performance of Bahujan Samaj Party in 1986, 1998and 1999 Lok Sabha Elections

States

% of

SC

Popu.

In

State

1996 1998 1999

Seat

s

Cont

.

Seat

s

Won

% of

Vote

s

Seat

s

Cont

.

Seat

s

Won

% of

Vote

s

Seat

s

Cont

.

Seat

s

Won

% of

Vote

s

Arunachal

Pradesh - - - - - - - - - -Assam 7.4 - - - - - - - - 0.1Bihar 14.56 - - - 3 - 0.53 30 0.95Goa 2.08 - - - - - - - - -Gujrat 7.41 - - - - 1 - 4 - 0.07Haryana 19.75 - - - 3 - 7.68 3 - 1.96Himachal

Pradesh 25.34 - - - - - - 1 - 0.31Jammu &

Kashmir - - - 4 - 4.97 2 - 4.84Karnataka 16.38 - - - 6 - 0.08 6 - 0.65

1 Kumar (2006)

84

Kerala 9.92 - - - 7 - 0.13 5 - 0.09Madhya

Pradesh 14.54 28 2 6.73 35 - 8.7 27 - 5.23Maharasht

ra 11.1 - - - 27 - 0.75 16 - 0.32Orisa 16.2 - - - 0.8 - 0.32 4 - 0.33

Punjab 28.31 4 3 8.96 4 -

12.6

5 3 - 3.84Rajasthan 17.29 - - - 22 - 2.12 16 - 2.76Uttar

Pradesh 21.04 85 6

21.1

6 85 4 20.9 85 14

22.0

8West

Bengal 23.62 - - - 14 - 0.24 19 - 0.24Chandigar

h - - - - - - 1 - 2.75Delhi 19.05 - - - 6 - 2.34 3 2.75Pondicher

ry 1 0.63

till 1987 Mayawati and Bahujan samaj party was not so

famous1. Today Bahujan Samaj Party has attained the stature

of national political party. It stands at number 3 in the

country in terms of percentage of votes polled by an party.

Only Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress (I) are ahead

of it. Its presence can be seen in every state’s of country

1

An unknown woman advocate from Delhi Miss Mayawati of the BSP lost tothe congress I candidate. (Hindustan Times, New Delhi, 31 March 1987)

85

with a total 6.22 percentage of votes at the all India

level.

Development of BSP with Politics of Alliance

Kanshi Ram’s strategy and his larger understanding of

social change and electoral politics have crystallized by

now. As an organizer and political strategist he believed in

primacy of capturing the political power than the social

reform. Kanshi Ram also benefited from the earlier electoral

experience of Ambedkar. Therefore, he directly went into

alliance with other social forces in the electoral politics

to broaden the political base. He argued that with these

alliances. “I want to stop the loot of the Dalit votes. The

force, which captures the booth themselves, will become the

protector of the Dalit Votes, as they have become our

alliance partners. The backward caste will take our men to

make them cast their votes.” Many other Dalit leaders of BSP

confirmed this fact.

Socio-Political Mobilization and Bahujan Samaj Party

Social mobilization refers to a process of change

affecting substantial chunk of population in the society,

showing sign of shift from traditional to modern views. It

86

brackets together a number of specific processes of change,

including the need for new patterns of group affiliation and

new images of personal identity (Deutch 1966: 25-26). Karl

Deutch argues that by this process, major cluster of old

social, economic and psychological commitments are eroded or

broken and people become available for new patterns of

socialization and behaviour (Deutch 1970: 453-514). But

according to Weiner (1962), social mobilization in India is

not likely to lead to homogeneity but it already seems to

have aggregated some small groups into somewhat greater

size. Social mobilization, therefore, does not necessarily

freeze the traditional system at the pre-existing level of

social cleavage. It may reinvigorate a social cleavage at a

high level of interest aggregation. Further, Rudolph and

Rudolph (1987: 24-28) have conceptualized the process of

socio-political mobilization of the people in India through

the basic institution of caste. They also explain that the

process of mobilization is found in the three forms:

vertical, horizontal and differential. To show that BSP is

the party only for Dalits ,in BSP,s public meetings

KanshiRam used to ask "all the upper caste listeners to

leave the peace "I don't want your votes. You will

never get convinced about my argument because of your

birth. Please go away."1

1 Tribune, Chandigarh, 10 Nov. 1989.

87

Rudolph and Rudolph’s (1987-144-145) analysis of

political mobilization of the Dalits reveal quite

interesting facts. They visualize the use of horizontal and

differential process of mobilization by the Dalits in

politics. According to them, “The Scheduled Castes

Federation, founded by Ambedkar in 1942, contested the

general elections in 1952 and 1957. It expressed in its name

and politics a sense of communal separateness, and it

pursued, for the most part, a strategy of horizontal rather

than differential mobilization by appealing to and

organizing Mahars (in Maharashtra). The more radical and

ideological Republican Party of India, which Ambedkar

established after the second general election of 1957,

attempted to move toward differential mobilization by

combining appeals to the poor and dispossessed with efforts

to broaden the party’s community base.”

Besides, Lelah Dushkin (1998) has also analysed the

functioning of these processes of mobilization in the realm

of Dalit politics. She explains, “If we apply these types or

forms of mobilization to the scheduled caste politics, the

first would require the untouchable leaders to play the part

of the loyal ‘Harijan’, analogous to the ‘Uncle Tom’ of

American parlance. Under this arrangement, locally powerfull

upper-caste notables mobilize the voters – both Dalits and

non-Dalits to fill the manipulate and control in regard to

88

performing the political roles by the latter. These men and

women are bound to the upper caste man through the

traditional ties. But contrary to this, the legal model of

the protective discrimination policy seems, in fact, to call

for the second and third forms of political mobilization of

the voters.” According to Dushkin, it suggests more or less

a stage theory, as follows:

Stage 1: The British created a category of the

Scheduled Castes, which, through the horizontal

mobilization of its component groups, presses it for upward

mobility en-bloc. The leadership skills called for here are

those needed to turn the legal category into an organized

bloc, no small task. The tactics would presumably include

emphasis on the Scheduled Castes’ communal loyalties,

symbols and objectives overriding those of locality, party

and birth in a particular caste.

Stage 2: as the member move into new fields of

endeavour and gain differentially economic prosperity,

education including the higher one, and more favourable

links with a larger society. Thus, develops an ‘elongated’

structure, and with it a tendency to mobilize on the basis

of economic, ideological and personal interests through

political parties and factions that cut across caste

affiliation (Dushkin 1998: 209).

89

Pai (2000: 122) puts the mobilization of Dalits

differently and argues about the mobilization pattern of the

Bahujan Samaj Party, especially in Uttar Pradesh. In her

words, “During an early phase between 1985 to 1989, the BSP

attempted to be both a radical movement and party using all

its three mobilization strategies: socio-cultural,

agitational and electoral. It was a phase of militant

vertical mobilization of the poor and exploited,

ideologisation of caste as a tool to break the existing

social order and strident criticism of mainstream parties.”

It is, thus, clear that all the processes of

mobilization have been operating simultaneously in the

Indian polity particularly at the time of general elections.

But a fact may be mentioned here that the different

processes of mobilization have been used to mobilize the

various socio-political groups in different geographical

setting with several permutations and combinations. Yet, it

is a fact that if one process of mobilization is operative

in a particular region, the other process or processes of

mobilization are also present though these may not be as

effective as the first one. In the case of Dalits, for

example, their mobilization in rural areas has seen all the

three processes of mobilization at work – somewhere

differential, somewhere horizontal and still somewhere

vertical. Still, Dalits are often terrorized and patronized

90

by the upper castes to cast their votes in their favour or

in the favour of candidates sponsored by them who contest

elections especially from the reserved constituencies. But

in urban areas differential mobilization is the dominant

trend (Kumar, 2006, 141).

Secondly, the process of political mobilization of

Dalit specially during the voting period wherein they are

lured or intimidated by the upper castes their votes in

their favour or in the favour of candidate sponsored by them

has not been put in any specific type of mobilization. There

is need of either stretching three to four types of

mobilization or to find a new nomenclature for this process.

I would prefer to call it ‘contemptuous mobilization’

because it snatches the democratic rights of a citizen to

exercise his/her will to choose a representative.

Thirdly, Pai’s explanation that the BSP has used vertical

mobilization for the mobilization of Dalit masses does not

fit in basic definition of vertical mobilization analysed by

Rudolph and Rudolph, as stated above. They have defined it

as a process of ‘marshalling of political support by

traditional notables in local societies that are organized

by rank, mutual dependence and the legitimacy of traditional

authority (Rudolph & Rudolph 1987: 24). If we go by this

logic then the BSP’s mobilization cannot be described as

vertical mobilization because the BSP leaders who were/are

91

neither notables nor had they have legitimacy of traditional

authority playing dominant role in mobilizing the masses.

Moreover, they also mobilize the so-called superior castes

to which they cannot provide any protection or patronage,

which is also an essential part of vertical mobilization

(Ibid., 142).

Some authors may call the BSP’s mobilization as

differential mobilization because the BSP is a political

party with an ideology of the economic and social

emancipation of the ‘Bahujans’. But that is only partially

correct as at its core, the BSP has had organized all the

Dalit castes horizontally. It is true that at the initial

stage, the Chamars and a few other Dalit castes came to its

fold though there are sixty six castes registered in

Scheduled Caste List of Uttar Pradesh. But today, it intends

to distribute power according to the population percentage

of each and every caste especially of the Dalits and the

Most Backward Castes in the state as well as in the country

as stated in the previous chapter. Hence, it has propagated

the slongan: Jiski Jitni Sankhya Bhari, Uski Utni Bhagedari

(each caste has to share power according to its numbers).

Therefore, we may put the BSP’s mobilization in both the

categories of differential and horizontal mobilizations.

92

The other part of the ‘New History’ constructed by BSP

in the state was that for the first time an independent

Dalit leadership could form a government. This was the fruit

of “Democratic Institution” which Babasaheb Ambedkar gave

Dalits, with the right to vote and one vote one value. There

have been many Dalit Ministers and Chief Ministers in

different governments and different political parties, but

the Dalit ministers in this government were with a

difference. The Dalits themselves were leading the

government. Till now some others, especially the upper

castes/classes, were leading them. The whole process of

assuming the power by the Dalits, not once but thrice, can

be described as a significant contribution of any Dalit

movement in the country. The impact of the first Dalit

government on the administration was enormous. The

government so formed, on the one hand, exposed the lip-

sympathy of the upper castes dominated administration for

the upliftment of Dalits. And highlighted ineffective

implementation of welfare programmes for the Dalits. On the

other hand the government kept the interests of the most

subordinated Indians at the center of its governance. This

tilt towards the cause of Dalits and other exploited people

gave the administration a new look and commitment. As stated

by Mendelshon and Vicizany, “But this is by no means to say

that this was not a significant or a distinctive

administration. Part of its significance resides in the

93

instusion of a different culture into the machinery of

government of the state. Mayavati demonstrated that the

Bahujan Samaj’s antipathy to ‘Brahminwadi’ culture was not

more abstraction but was to serve as a guide to the identity

of the actual bureaucrats who could be trusted to direct the

‘administrators’ (Vickziany and Mendelsohn 1998: 228).

The whole Bureaucratic set up was stirred up with the

Dalits being elevated to the highest post of the state

bureaucracy as Chief Secretary, Director General of Police,

Principle secretaries etc. Power of investigation in the

cases of atrocities was delegated to police station in-

charge sub inspectors, with posting of scheduled caste/Tribe

candidates on 25 per cent of Thana in-charge post (Police

Station in-charge post). All this brought a significant and

qualitative change in the style of governance, at the grass-

root and the highest echelson, in the state. And credit goes

to Mayavati, a Dalit, as the head of the government.

Negation of a Homogenized Hindu Majority

With a different identity, for construction of cultural

and political symbols and evolution of pantheon of leaders

from Dalit and backward castes, a spurt in Dalit literature

BSP created a distinct socio-political grouping.

94

Thus all the three mediums - oral, print and visual -

are used transmit narratives among the people and

arouse their collective memory.

These new histories of the Dalit culture of

dissent that are being written and transmitted by the

BSP help to demarginalize the Dalits, allowing them, in

the process, to acquire to respectable position in

contemporary Indian society. In this process, the

Dalits also strengthen their own identities, thereby

acquiring self-confidence, improving their condition

and carving out a new future. The main objectives of

the BSP, visible in the language of political

mobilization, are to develop a homogeneous identity

among the fragmented Dalit castes, and to inject and

encourage necessary feelings of hatred for, and

suspicion and fear of the upper castes by condemning

the Manu Samhita and denouncing the upper castes as

being Manuvadis. In the recent past, however, as has

been mentioned in Chapter-5, under the compulsions of

parliamentary democracy in which all political parties

try to expand their vote banks by including more and

more people their fold, the BSP has been modifying its

earlier attitude by saying that it is not against all

95

upper castes but only against those who are influenced

by the Manu Samhita.

The construction of the past provides the

foundation for acquiring more democratic benefits and

for justifying policies of positive discrimination for

Dalits. It also helps in subverting the dominant

discourse while also providing a strong basis for an

alternative. In this process, the boundaries of history

are also being expanded beyond the empirical-analytical

to include the myths and heroes of Dalit communities.

New histories are being invented and myths and icons

are being developed for the assertion of the identities

of these historically marginalized castes. These new

histories, on the one hand, help to demarginalize the

Dalits by freeing them from the burden of the past, and

on the other, serve as a resource base for the BSP to

politically mobilize them in the language that will be

easily understood by the population at the grass-roots.

(Narayan:2006:172)

This is opposed to the ‘Homogenized Hindu Majority’ as

propagated by Hindutva forces. This has shattered the

efforts of the Hindutva forces to project the notion of an

undifferentiated Hindu society. The Dalit mobilization on

96

the basis discussed earlier has enfeebled Hindu unity

enforcing another set of social allegiance for the Dalit

masses. The ‘Sangh Parivar’, which stresses the primacy of

Hindutva ideology as a meaningful focus of social identity,

has thus failed in its endeavour to mobilize the Dalits.

This may be proved by its stagnant vote percentage to

successive assembly elections and growing BSP’s vote

percentage.

TableThe BSP’s Progress in the U.P. Assembly Election

S.No. Years No. of Seatscontested

No. of Seatswon

% of votespolled

1.2.3.4.5.6.

19891991199319962002`2007

3733861669299403403

1313676798206

9.839.211.220.0623.0030.4

Source: Chief Electoral Officer, U.P., Lucknow.

TableThe BSP’s Progress in U.P. Lok Sabha Elections

S.No. Years No. of seatswon

% of votespolled

1. 1985 - 2.6

97

2.3.4.5.6.7.8.

1989199119961998199920042009

2-64141920

9.511.020.620.9122.0824.1227%

Source: Chief Electoral Officer, U.P., Lucknow.The resultant socio-political grouping gave birth to

very significance process. At the outset it gave birth to an

independent Dalit leadership, which was in league with the

leadership provided by Ambedkar, RPI, and Dalit Panthers. It

did not align with dominant socio-political forces of its

time and developed a separate agenda and distinct status of

movement. Later on it started ad hoc arrangements with other

parties for its own expansion on its own condition. With

this independent Dalit leadership BSP’s expansion had

increased the tension between dominant castes and Dalits on

one hand and Dalits and state as institution on the other.

This can be proved by the increase in the society cases on

the Dalits by the upper castes and breaking of alliances

first with OBC (Samajwadi Party) and then with upper caste

dominated party B.J.P.

Another factor, which proves the point that BSP has

negated the ‘Homogenized Hindu Identity’, is the reaction of

98

BJP to the cultural symbols established by BSP during its

regime. BJP after severing the ties with BSP March 1997

unleashed reign of terror on each and every project

initiated by BSP. It targeted first the Physical symbol of

BSP i.e., it stopped the construction of ‘Ambedkar Udyan’

stopped the schemes. Moreover, it cut the supply of light

and water to ‘Parivartan Chowk’ and ‘Ambedkar names of the

new districts that were renamed by BSP after their leaders.

Further BJP adolpted a reactionary approach to pay back the

BSP in its own currency. BJP started its own policy and

programmes for revitalizing existing Hindu symbols i.e.,

they started the projects of ‘Laxman Park’, ‘Deen Dayal

Upaddhyaye Park’, Shyama Prasad Mukharjee Road Development

Scheme’, etc. This itself is testimony to the fact that the

cultural symbols created and popularized by BSP were

different and opposed to the symbol of BJP. It can also be

said that, the BSP’s symbols have had significant impact on

the psyche of the general masses. Otherwise BJP would have

never reacted in this manner as it has reacted now. The

whole process of creation and counter creation of cultural

symbols as pitched the Dalits and so-called upper castes

against each other. This has created further difference

between the two, as far as ‘Political Hinduism’ is concerned

and thereby has negated the idea of ‘Homogenized Hindu

Identity’ for the Dalits as propagated by Hindutva forces

(Kumar: 2006, 151).

99

Breaking the Political Hegemony of Upper Castes

The political monopoly of the upper caste to rule the

state has also been broken by BSP’s expansion, which once

looked impossible. The Congress has remained in power for

most of the time in UP. And its leadership mostly came from

the so-called upper caste. The Congress took Dalits into

account only to woo them as voters not as a social group

with distinct agenda and aspirations and hence suppressed

them. This domination of the upper caste has been stated by

Zoya Hasan, “Political change was difficult because the

congress leadership was so completely dominated by

Brahmanis, Baniya and Thakurs. It was much like the pre-

independence leadership, which came almost entirely from

upper caste. Socially the most striking feature, was the

strong domination of Brahmins in the Congress. At the time

of the first general elections in the year 1952, 28 per cent

of Congress MLAs were Brahmins and 13 per cent Thakurs. In

1962 the figures had risen to 30 and 19 respectively. More

than one –fifth of Congress MLAs were Brahmins and almost 50

per cent belonged to the upper caste. In 1971, 42 of the 70

Congress presidents were either Brahmin or Thakur. The six

UP cabinets formed between 1952 and 1974 were similarly

dominated by Brahmins, Thakurs and Vaishyas” (Hasan, 1998:

132-133).

100

The dominance of upper caste was authentically and

effectively challenged by BSP by weaning away the Dalits

from Congress fold as has been eloquently stated by Zoya

Hasan, 1“There was a concentrated move in 1988-89 to win

back Scheduled Caste voters who were increasingly being

alienated from Congress. But all this was largely to no

avail. The Congress Party faced a serious competition from

BSP, which was actively mobilizing Dalit, particularly

government employees, who more increasingly were captivated

by the BSP’s agenda. The rise of the BSP was a matter of

great political significance and one, which affected the

Congress most deeply. But the party failed to evolve a

tangible strategy to counter the BSP” (Hasan 1998: 1947). In

this manner, gradually Congress was thrown out of power with

the development of BSP. Hence, the political hegemony of the

upper castes was checked effectively by BSP in the state.

On the other hand BJP a party dominated by the upper

castes/ classes had to align with the Dalits (BSP) twice,

the come to the power. They also accepted a Dalit Chief

Minister and shared the state power on the equal footing,

itself speaks how enfeebled the upper castes have become in

the state. To counter the Dalit assertion under independent

Dalit leadership and to maintain their hegemony, the BJP

1 http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=43239

101

appointed Suraj Bhan, a Dalit as the Governor of the state

even though he hailed from Haryana. Even today BJP is unable

to project an upper caste Chief Minister. Despite all

shortcomings of Kalyan Singh, a Lodh and pressure from upper

castes BJP was unable to dispense him for very long period.

Even when he was replaced it was not with an upper caste in

terms of Brahmin or Kshatriya. This itself speaks the volume

of pressure of Dalit mobilization as a distinct category

from the Hindutva fold in the State. Further Uttar Pradesh

has seen a Chief Minister either from backward or Dalit

caste since last ten years i.e., 1989, that no Brahmin or

Kshatriya has occupied this coveted post, which used to be

their monopoly is the testimony to the fact that the

political hegemony of the upper castes has been broken. It

is difficult to predict that even in near future there can

be a Chief Minister from these castes in the state. Even

though BJP brought Ram Prakash Gupta and Rajnath Singh, they

did so through back door only. And not by going to

elections.

We may conclude that by having an overview of the

concise history of development of the Dalit movement (BSP)

in Uttar Pradesh the militant self-assertion of the Dalits

becomes evident. The total history of the BSP’s movement

since it came to the realm of polity is of 15 years as it

was established in the year 1984. if we add the years in

102

which the formation of BAMCEF and DS4 took place, then it

has a history of 27 years. Compared to the history of Indian

civilization of 5 thousand years, it shares a fraction of

the history of the Indian civilization. Compared to the

history of the Indian civilization. Compared to Indian

National Congress with a history of 122 years BSP is only 27

years old, yet it has developed by leaps and bounds. It

strategic moves in different realm of the society have given

special status in the Indian polity. That is why every

political party wants to have an alliance with it not only

in the state but at the national level as well.

At this point of time in terms of vote percentage BSP

is at 3rd position in the country. Indian National Congress,

Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) are at 1st and 2nd position

respectively. That means it has left many other prominent

and older parties way behind in terms of vote percentage. In

this small span of politics, it is not a mean achievement

for a party having a Dalit leader at its helm of affairs to

become one of the largest party of the nation. In fact it is

itself a history that a party with the Dalit leadership has

been successful to that extent.

In terms of its achievements also, BSP has been very

unique. At the outset it has aroused the Dalit sentiments

and has come to power four times in Uttar Pradesh albeit for

103

brief periods. It has instilled a feeling among Dalits that

they can also be the rulers, which in turn has made the

upper castes to be alert that baton of power can change hand

at anytime. The so-called upper castes in Uttar Pradesh, in

recent times, have organized many rallies and association

meetings to emphasise that their representation in various

realms of polity and administration is deteriorating in the

state. Brahmin Mahasabha, Kshatriya Mahasabha, Vaishy

Mahasabha, etc., meetings were the prominent caste

associations that started responding to the Dalit officers

and leaders as and when they ask for help. Earlier they took

them for granted and even genuine complaints were not

registered as they were convinced that Dalits couldn’t do

anything against the so-called upper castes because they

thought Dalits would never come to power in the highest

echelons of administration. Therefore, we can say that it is

the beginning of a new era in Uttar Pradesh with the

Development of BSP as far as administration and polity is

concerned. The repercussions of these two arenas would soon

be reflected in a big way in civil society. BSP’s movement

in Uttar Pradesh has achieved a lot in several realms of

society. Definitely the Dalits have gained psychological

strength, as their subject status has been broken to a great

extent. But even then lot is yet desired by its movement in

the realm of Dalit education, their economic status, their

abject poverty, in terms of acquisition of land, livestock

104

etc., reducing the number of atrocities committed on them,

etc. Unless all these issues are addressed the real

development of Dalits cannot be achieved. Let us see, how

BSP has addressed these issues.

It has been observed by the political sociologists

that in the Indian political scenario a new development

happened in form of the ascendance of the Backward Castes to

political power throughout India. Many sociologists have

called these middle castes as ‘neo-Kshatriyas’ or kulaks. In

UP Yadavas played this role and they were politically

represented by the Samajwadi Party. In this light, all the

efforts to make a natural alliance of Dalits and Backward

castes failed because of the conflicting interests of both

the Parties involved1. The intensity of the political

rivalry went so high that Mayawati narrowly escaped an

attempt on her life made allegedly by the SP workers in

1995.

In 2009 parliamentary election BSP could get only 20

seats in Uttar Pradesh. Around 22 parliamentary candidates

of BSP for 2009 election have a criminal background and

Mayavati projected them as if they were savior and Robin

hood of the people . Earlier these criminals were either1 Note: BSP and SP were electoral allies in 1994 UP Assembly elections and they jointly made a government but this alliance broke in 1995 and Mayawati became the Chief Minister of UP in alliance with BJP.

105

against BSP or were harasser of Dalits. It exposed the

opportunist side of the BSP. This gave wrong messages to the

masses of Uttar Pradesh. Indian national congress is ahead

of BSP in winning Parliamentary seats in 2009 Parliamentary

election.

Symbolic significance of power share by Bahujan

Samaj party

This chapter is based on interviews of selected Dalits

in Lucknow as well as in western Uttar Pradesh. To examine

the significance of Bahujan samaj party’s power sharing on

Dalit society, I have done a small survey in Lucknow as

well as in western Uttar Pradesh’s district Muzaffarnagar.

Three times power sharing by Bahujan samaj party and fourth

time grand success of 2007 election wrote a new history.

This was unprecedented event of Indian history when Bahujan

samaj party, which was always considered untouchable in

Indian politics got majority votes in the biggest state of

India. This change astonished many political analysts and

over the world social scientists were busy in introspection

106

of the formula of Bahujan samaj party’s success. This

occasion was very important for the Dalit subalterns of

India, who has never seen such success in their thousand

year old history. They were overwhelmed by joy with tears in

their eyes. It was a rare occasion of pride and self

confidence for Dalits who were always been subjects. This

time they felt like a ruler in the formation of government

led by Mayawati. Within 23 years of formation Bahujan samaj

party , the party of lowest class of society was in power

with absolute majority. How this historical success of

Bahujan samaj party influenced the life of a common Dalit,

economically, socially and last but not the least,

psychologically.

BSP has generally been projected, especially by

intellectuals and media, as a party without any ideology and

principle clamoring for power yet what is the mechanism by

which it has succeeded in holding its support base. Why

upper caste dominated media most of the time have been

critic of Mayawati? In fact this is located in the

structural change which is the result of Dalit assertion.

Therefore, let us analyze this Dalit assertion through BSP.

BSP has initiated structural changes in the most

populous and caste-wise most fragmented state of the

country with its different stints in power. However, it is

107

difficult to evolve definite signs for such changes. Social

structure is often analyzed on the basis of pattern of

inter-related roles and statuses, which the actors of a

specific order enact and occupy in terms of their rights and

obligations. Obviously the so-called upper caste were

cumulatively dominant in socio-economic sphere rendered

Dalit cumulatively deprived with almost no voice of decent.

But gradually after the formation of BSP, which acted as a

catalyst in the change, the established social structure has

started changing in Uttar Pradesh .To start with if we take

the qualitative change in the role and status of the Dalits

and the so-called upper castes we can see the difference.

Today no ‘upper caste’ can take Dalits for granted in UP.

Dalits retaliate in whatever manner they can. Take the case

of Mau district (Village Tejopur). Here, the Dalit raised

their arms against the Thakurs1 of the area. One news paper2

observed, “Never before Dalits have been seen to be so

aggressive like this in the state but now they have

confronted with the forwards in number of places. In “Mati

ka Majra” village in Barabanki district (UP). Three years

ago, Thakurs from Haldoi village across the road had thrown

acid on six Dalits for fishing in a local stream. But this

proved to be unwise in an age of Dalits empowerment. The

entire village votes for the BSP. Social dynamics of this

small cluster of villages has undergone a rapid

1 Thakur is synonym for upper caste rajput2 Jansatta, 18th August 2003, New Delhi

108

transformation in the last 15 years. The Dalit now know

their rights. They say that no one should dare push them

back. Aggression against a recently wakened community would

not be wise politics, they warn.”

Similarly in Gopal Khera village of Mohanlal Ganj in

District Lucknow, “the Dalit raised their arms against the

Thakurs and in fact one Thakur was killed by the Dalits in

the feud” (Kumar & Sinha 2001:102). Further Lerch (1999),

narrates how Dalits have forced the land lords to increase

their wages with the help of state police in Jaunpur. He has

also argued (Lerch 2003:181) that from 1993 to 1997 the

rural UP has witnessed social protests and high profile

clashes between SCs (Dalits) and dominant land-owing caste

groups. Moreover, “The assertiveness of SCs has increased

dramatically” (ibid.). The way Brahmins are seeking refuge

in BSP and are projecting BSP’s leader Mayavati as their

savior also falls in the same category. Similarly, the

Vaishyas and Rajputs are also coming forward to join the

hands with BSP. No body could have even imagined these

changes in roles of the Dalits before the formation of BSP’s

government in 1993 and this process is on the rise.

The roles and statuses of Dalits did not change only at

the social level but also at the level of the institution of

governance as well. The manner, in which the Dalits have

109

become the part of the highest echelons of the decision-

making institutions like legislature and bureaucracy it has

led the role reversals in the social structure of UP. It is

not that the Dalits were not present in these echelons but

every time when BSP assumed power it was qualitatively

different because they came with an independent status,

agenda and leader. Before BSP came to power the Dalit used

to work under the ‘upper castes.’ But with BSP in power, Ms.

Mayawati-a Dalit became the head of the state. Similarly, so

many Dalits became the ministers, Secretaries, District

Magistrate, Superintendent of Police etc.

These functionaries took the decision and shared power

under the supervision of a Dalit boss and were also

accountable to her. Rather in many instances the ‘upper

castes’ were forced to take orders from their Dalit bosses.

A process of role reversal that has led to a structural

change. Today Dalits do not stand out side the police

station rather they directly enter in it and get their

complaints lodged. Similarly a Dalit village headman, a

Member of Legislative Assembly or Member of Parliament who

have won from BSP are no more accountable to the ‘upper

castes’ of their constituency. The way Mayavati treated the

civil servants can also be seen in terms of role reversal as

stated by many IAS officers. According to them, Mayawati has

administered a powerful and long overdue lesson to

110

bureaucrats that their place was a servant, not master of

people” (Mendelsohn) & Vicziany 1998:229). Hence, we can

observe Dalits giving orders and so called upper castes

readily following it. Is this not a case of structural

change?

Structural Changes at the Grassroots-Institutions

In this context it is interesting to note that BSP’s

presence had made qualitative difference for the Dalits in

the grassroots institutions as well. The institutions like

rural and urban local bodies, Police Stations & Chowkis

etc., were almost out of bound for the Dalits. They never

dared to enter these institutions as people’s

representatives. They were always at the mercy of the ‘upper

castes’ to raise and negotiate their issue at these forums.

They used to stand meters away from the police station while

the ‘upper castes’ manipulated the law and rules.

The Constables and Police Inspector never bothered to

listen the Dalits. With the emergence of BSP at the

grassroots the aforesaid realities have changed to a certain

extent. Why it has happened. The local BSP leader’s role has

made the difference. With the coming to power four times

these grassroots functionaries have become more powerful

with their approach directly in the highest echelons of

administration. If any government official did not respond,

111

the local BSP leader directly approached the state party

headquarters and lodged its complains. And it was very

surprising that immediate action was taken on these

complaints which kept the government officials on their

toes.

Secondly the passage of 73rd and 74rth constitutional

amendment bills which reserved seats for the Dalits in rural

and urban local bodies were passed and BSP contested these

elections seriously for the first time and on their symbols

in the year 1995. The party gained substantially in these

elections and further improved its performance in the

elections held in the year 2000 for these bodies (Kumar &

Sinha 2001:128). The whole process made BSP members

represent themselves and direct the programmes, policies and

funds for their own own Bustees(colony)and villages. They

were not begging and pursuing their case from an ‘upper

caste’. In the same vein at the Thana (Police Station) level

BSP regime, in 1997, passed an order thereby reserving 25

per cent of Station Officer (Thana Adhyaksha) post for the

scheduled caste and Scheduled Tribe Officers. This order in

confluence with the emergence of local Dalit leadership made

a qualitative difference. Now Dalit felt empowered as they

thought they can get justice and even if they do not get

justice at least they will not be inflicted with injustice

for having courage to file a complain against an ‘upper

112

caste’ or any other powerful person of the area. Today

Dalits have started directly entering erstwhile out of bound

territory of Thanas either because of fear or high-

handedness of the police. Is it not a case of structural

change, especially in the grassroots institutions, which

once served only the upper strata of the society. Though

there are several officers of scheduled caste in these

departments but they were always afraid of upper caste

officers hegemony and rarely dared to do some work for their

caste brethren . One of the major program that gained

support for BSP regime among Dalits was to Ambedkar Village

Scheme.

About 80 per cent Of the Dalits live in villages in UP.

It is a fact that no government has given appropriate

attention for their development. Though the green revolution

did touch the UP village, but it was too limited to effect

the Dalits in any way. In 1995 when Mayavati came to power

for the first time she initiated already existing village

development programme better known as Ambedkar Village

Scheme. Since 1995to 2004 BSP has come to power thrice and

total it ruled for 22 and half months in its three stints

but through out of this period it has perused its agenda of

development of these villages which were chosen on the basis

of concentration of Dalit population. Though 36

developmental programmes were initially listed for each of

113

such villages but to start with BSP led government took up

six or seven programmes of providing-drinking water,

electricity, housing, school, primary health center, toilet

and link roads.

Eight years after this prograame was initiated it has

brought changes in the lives of the Dalits. Today Dalits do

not need schools, hospitals, sources of water, roads used by

‘upper castes’, which has broken the traditional shackles of

caste relations. The whole process has saved the Dalits from

facing the perpetual humiliation inflicted by the ‘upper

castes’ when ever they became angry and put restrictions on

the use of these facilities by the Dalits. In this regard

Chatarjee (2003) agues, “In Lucknow and Delhi politicians

may scoff at Mayavati’s “Dalit Ki Beti” histrionics, but

spend a day of these Ambedkar Village-settlements with more

than 50 per cent Dalit populace were declared as such and

promised special development schemes. The most visible

sign of change enthusiasm for education. In the cluster of

four villages in this area—Abbasganj, Hasanpur, Kaneri,

Chatauni (on Rai Barelli-Lucknow border) there are four

primary schools, two junior schools and one high school.

Almost every Dalit parents send their sons and daughters to

schools.”

Land Reform

114

Another aspect of BSP led structural change is the

steps taken by the government for the distribution,

regularization and possession of land in the name of Dalits

and Most Backward Castes. Usually, BSP government is blamed

for not initiating land reform in the state. But the

available data shows that BSP led government has been

leading a silent land reform process. For instance, as Chief

Minister Mayavati, herself issued a letter dated 20th

September 1997, in which she gave details of distribution of

land during her tenure as chief minister. According to her

81 thousand and 500 Dalits were distributed 52 thousand 379

acres of land in a special drive. Further about one lakh 52

thousand got possession of land in which one lakh 20

thousand acres of land was distributed. About twenty

thousand more Dalits benefited when 15 thousand irregular-

land nominations were regularized in their name. In the same

vein the letter shows that ten lakh 37 thousand Patta1

owners benefited when they got temporary rights of their

land (Akhtar 1999:88, UP Information department, Lucknow,

2003). It is difficult to narrate the changes emanating form

the distribution of land by BSP led government at this

juncture but one can very well imagine changes related to

role and status relationship of a landless laborer becoming

a petty land-lord. And also imagine the breaking of

1 Strip of agriculture land

115

traditional caste shackled base on land relations in the

country side1.

Confrontation with Aristocracy

In the beginning The BSP led government has always

been against Mafias and Goondas, which can be proved by huge

number of criminals put behind the bars during its different

regimes. For instance, during her first tenure of four and a

half months Mayavati put one-lakh forty five thousand

rowdies, criminals, goondas behind bars (Kanshi Ram: 1999).

But to bring about the structural change the BSP government

went a step further and antagonized even. Probably for the

first time in the Indian democracy that an aristocrat was

put behind the bars on criminal charges. The arrest of

Raghuraj Pratap Singh alias Raja Bhaiya the self proclaimed

king of Kunda in PratapGadh district who ran his parallel

government undermining democratic constitution of India even

after 53 year of its commencement fall in this category.

The king along with his 45 supporters was arrested

under POTA and other charges in January 2003. Such was the

dominance and terror of the aristocrat that in spite of 51

cases registered against his father and 29 against himself

and 17 more against their identified associates the police

1 Booklet issued by Uttar Pradesh government ,s information and public relation department 2008

116

and civil administration never dared to touch them1. One

Dalit of Kunda argued “now we will vote freely according to

our will, all these years we could not even see the ballot

box or paper.”

Politics is another institution, which has seen the

role reversal in Uttar Pradesh because of Dalit assertion

through BSP. Since the inception of elections in the Indian

politics the Brahmins and other twice born castes occupied

the Chief Minister’s post except for brief stints of

intermediate caste persons like Chaudhary Charan Singh or

Ram Naresh Yadav in the state. The twice born castes also

dominated the Cabinet and the party structure as well. Zoya

Hasan has highlighted this domination of the twice born

castes, especially of Brahmins, Political change was

difficult because the Congress leadership was so completely

dominated by Brahmins, Baniya and Thakurs2. It was much like

the pre-independence leadership, which came almost entirely

from ‘upper caste’. Socially the most striking feature was

the strong domination of Brahmins in the Congress. At the

1 The Sunday Express, February 9, 20032Congress Dalit MLA Parsad said that there are 75 Harijan Congress (I)

M.L.A. But there is only one cabinet Minister and only 3 minister of

states in 27 member ministry. (Hindustan Times, New Delhi, 31 March

1987)

117

time of the first general elections in the year 1952, 28 per

cent of Congress MLAs were Brahmins and 13 per cent Thakurs.

In 1962 the figure has risen to 30 and 19 respectively. More

than one fifth of Congress MLAs were Brahmins and almost 50

per cent belonged to the upper castes. In 1971, 42 of the 70

Congress presidents were either Brahmin or Thakur. The six

UP cabinets formed between 1952 and 1974 were similarly

dominated by Brahmins, Thakurs and Vaishyas” (Hasan

1998:132-133). This monopolization of political institutions

made the UP politics a unipolar endeavor keeping the other

forces at periphery. As time went by with the emergence of

OBCs as a political block the UP polity became bipolar where

twice born castes dominated. But there was no sign of Dalit

as separate category. Despite their good performance in

politics dalits were always given election ticket from

reserved constituencies.

It is a fact the Congress took Dalits into account only

to woo them as voters not as a social group with distinct

agenda and aspiration and hence suppressed them giving them

no representation whatsoever. Dalit leader Jagjivan Ram who

was from Chamar caste was also an obstacle in the emergence

of independent Dalit leadership. He always used to hold key

position in congress government. The dominance and monopoly

of twice born castes and deprivation of the Dalits in

Political structures was felt by BSP and soon it effectively

118

challenged it by wearing away questioned and written because

the contributions of the Dalits have grossly been undermined

by the historians. There has to be proper evaluation of the

Dalit labour which produces food grains, industrial

products, construct roads, rails, houses for others. The

whole literature, which is literature of upper castes and

classes, does not devote required space for the Dalits.

Therefore, the respondents suggest that the Dalit literature

should be produced which can narrate the suffering of the

Dalits and expose the true nature of the exploitative social

order. This, in turn, would make the Dalits conscious of

their exploitation also. It can have the same effect as in

Maharashtra where the leaders of the Dalit panther wrote

Dalit literature and instigated the militant Dalit

struggle. For this, the Dalit scholars should be awarded

special scholarship, grants and awards to motivate them for

more creative writing of the Dalits as well as for others.

The school curriculum which propagates superstition among

the message in general and Dalits in particular should be

changed. More progressive curriculum has to be regulated in

the schools.

Retrospectively, the Dalit leadership also mobilized

Dalit message in the state by distributing the literature

related to the Dalit movements, their ideology and strategy.

This is done with the view that the local level people like

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to know what is happening at the national level and how do

their leaders react to that. This literature answers their

queries and easily educates them in absence of their direct

interaction with the higher level of their leadership. The

literature of this type is all the more important because

the media is dominated by the upper castes and classes,

which mainly caters to their needs. The Dalit perspective

seldom appears in the print media. The television is another

strong electronic medium of putting across the views of

Dalit leaders, but somehow very few Dalit leaders are seen

on the television. Their absence is more astonishing when

the television channels are multiplying.

The concept of empowerment in this current usage is

very new as it does not find place in the Encyclopedia, a

number of dictionaries and glossaries of sociology text

books. According to Beteille (1999:589), empowerment is

related to certain context in Indian society. In his own

words, in a nutshell, that context is the contradiction

between a hierarchical social order and a democratic

political system”. He opines further, “the idea of

empowerment may be invoked in virtually any context: in

speaking about human rights, about basic needs, about

economic security, about capacity building, about skill

formation or about the conditions of dignified social

existence” (ibid:590). It is also seen as a way of

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addressing the problems of rights that remains un-enforced.

In economic context, it is invoked in capacity building

particularly of marginalized, unorganized and other

disadvantaged groups, classes and categories. Beteille

elaborates by saying that, “Implicit in the idea of

empowerment is certain theory of social change in particular

of change from a hierarchical to an egalitarian type of

society The main point behind empowerment is that it seeks

to change through a rearrangement of power” (Beteille

1999:591). Beteille gives a concrete proposal of empowerment

by suggesting a radical change in social composition of the

strategic institutions of society, in particulars the

various organs of the state. He opines that the institution

of society with diverse social groups will be more open and

more sensitive in its approach to the larger problems of

society (ibid: 596). For achieving empowerment in the

society, he suggests two paths: one, there is a laborious

and unexciting process through expansion of the civic,

political and social rights of citizenship. Second is by

providing as extensively as possible quota to the

underpowered on the basis community, caste and gender. But

in this case, we have to compromise with the ideal of our

constitution which assigns the rights and capacities to the

citizens as individuals, and not to castes and communities

or men or women separately (ibid: 597).

121

It was reported in the media that, “The Emancipatory

campaigns and fierce of anti-upper caste rhetoric gain

credibility and substance through BSP’s attempt to change

the staffing of state by unprecedented transfers of

government officials, placing Dalit cadres in key post with

the public administration1. The reaction of common dalit

was “for the first time in the history of the state, the

Chief Secretary is a Dalit and the Director General of

Police is also a Dalit. Whether they do anything for us

positively or not but they will not do anything negatively

for us. Moreover, the entire upper caste bureaucracy in the

state was afraid of the fact that a Dalit was their boss;

and if anything went wrong, there would be no one to save

them. Half of our problems were solved by there mere

presence”.

The implementation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 is another

testimony of the fact that how things change where Dalits

themselves become the custodian of law. Anyway, under this

Act, a person committing atrocities on the SCs/STs can be

sent to jail, while cases are investigated. Similarly, the

victim is awarded Rs. 6,000 to enable him/her to fight the

case in a court of law. During Mayawati’s Chief

Ministership, these provisions of the Act were implemented

1 India Today, September 1997:46-8; Frontline, 1 December, 1995:30-31;18April 1997:18

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with seriousness. Not only was that but the power of

investigation in the case of atrocities delegated to police

in-charge/sub-inspector, with posting of the SC/ST

candidates as an in-charge at 25 percent of the Thanas in

all the districts in the state. Besides the BSP government

also facilitated the Dalits to take possession of land

already allotted to them, and, on its own, initiated only

limited number of minor new allotments of government land to

the Dalits1. Further, it provided tangible improvement to

some Dalit groups through channeling of government funds to

the programmes benefiting primarily to the Dalits. The focus

of such programmes was the implementation of Ambedkar

Village Development Scheme in the villages, with major

concentration of the Dalit population. Under the scheme, in

all 37 programmes were to be implemented so that the Dalit

with their economic development could be brought above the

poverty line. The most important programmes under this

scheme included construction of link roads, rural

electrification, construction of brick-paved roads, drain

rural sanitation programme, opening of primary

schools/building construction, and free boring integrated

Rural development Programme, Indira Housing scheme, making

clean drinking water available, Kisan Pension Scheme, Widow

Pension Scheme, etc. There is a long list which can prove

that the process of empowerment of Dalits in the state was

1 source-Booklet published by Department of Information and Public Relations, UP

123

initiated when the BSP leadership had ruled the state and

the Dalits occupied key positions in the different

institutions In a nutshell, the empowerment of Dalits as

reported by Lerche (1999:213) in this study in eastern UP.

Brings the point. According to him, “where as generation

before Thakurs could be summon their Chamar workers for duty

by yelling at them from the outskirts of the Thakur hamlet

(a distance of 500 meters), this changed during the 1970s

and 1980s when it became common for Thakurs to go to their

laborers’ homesteads in the Chamar hamlet to call them when

needed. However, since 1995-96 they have even stopped doing

this as they might now suffer the humiliation that Chamar

workers would not stand up straight away when they arrived;

the workers might ask the Thakur to sit down on the same

charpoy (string-bed) as them, or even offer tea, thereby

emphasizing the egalitarian relationship between them. They

might also claim not to be available for work, so that the

landowners would have to go to several laborer’s households

to procure workers. To avoid such humiliations, Thakurs send

their children to call the Chamars instead.

The conventional forms of political mobilization of the

people in the state in particular and in the country in

general have undergone change in recent decades. Instead,

the money and muscle power plays more significant role in

mobilizing the people especially at the time of general

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elections. The Dalits also have been governed by such

process of mobilization. The repeated threats from the

Election Commissions to counter-manned election through such

practices and reprimand the persons violating the election

norms and considerable degree of assertion of the Dalits

have, however, changed the political scenario during the

recent years. I have already stated in this as well as in

the earlier chapters that in spite of playing electoral

politics, the BSP, in the opinion of its leadership, is an

ongoing moment for the amelioration of Dalits in the state

as well as in the country. It is true also as, apart from

playing the electoral politics as mentioned above, it

address the wider issues of empowering the Dalits in terms

of bringing qualitative changes in their socio-economic

status, educational level, power position, in their

attitudes, behavior, consciousness.. It is clear by now that

it has been successful, to some extent, in its endeavor. But

after turning Bahujan Samaj party into a Sarvjan ideology

BSP is losing grounds .there is nothing wrong with Sarvjan

ideology but the main problem is internal discrimination

felt by Dalits of Uttar Pradesh in administration as well as

in appointments of government jobs. In the month of April

2009 Uttar Pradesh government appointed around 75 principals

in degree colleges and not a single candidate is Dalit, who

constitute around 21% of total population.. This is a

shocking sign for the BSP. Monuments built by BSP to

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highlight the Dalit heroes are under heavy criticism by

other political parties as well as media. More than three

thousand crore rupees are being spent on these monuments

like Ambedkar park and Parivartan Chowk. When I took

interviews of some Dalits in Lucknow they were not as

happy with this incumbent BSP regime as they were before.

They harshly criticized Mayawati for being too much generous

to Brahmin party members who are holding key posts and

having powerful position.

Conclusion

In the third world societies the origins and subsequent

change patterns of the state and society have been

different. Political life in Third World countries is shaped

by influences to some of which attention has been paid low

levels of income and of industrial development, the colonial

heritage, tribalism or communalism and the plural society,

language, schooling, the educated elite, and the mass media

of communication. Political life as here understood is

126

concerned with making the major decisions about the life of

a country, or other group. Politics is not the

implementation of the rules that regulate group life: that

is administration. Politics is concerned with making and

changing the rules, It involves competition, rivalry, and

maneuver among individuals and groups for the control of

resources: above all, power. In most societies the most

important power resource is the state, that unique

institution which according to Weber's classic definition

successfully asserts a monopoly of legitimate force over a

defined geographical area. Politics in the narrow sense is

generally thought of as being 'about' who controls the state

and for what purposes it is used. It is of great importance,

however, to consider politics in a wider perspective. In

most poor countries the state is unequivocally an

institution - indeed the most important and powerful

institution - of the modern sector. In other sectors,

however, unofficial ways of exercising power and making

decisions operate to a large extent, often in direct

continuity with pre-existing traditional political systems:

and these articulate only to a limited extent and at

particular points with the politics of the state. The study

of that very process of articulation between the two systems

is an important and fruitful field for social science

research. In studying the politics of Third World countries

it is therefore specially necessary to keep in mind the

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politics of local communities such as the village, province,

or tribal area, even though - or rather, precisely because -

such communities are explicitly deprived of, and often at

odds with, the formal central power of the state.

The overriding aim of the political 'parties' which

were the immediate successors of the colonial regimes was

self-government, or the end of colonial rule by white

foreigners. Slogans rather than detailed policies - Free-

Dom! Sufficed to embody the universal aim of ending foreign

rule. Tiresome questions like 'who is the self who is to

govern?' were brushed aside, The state an embodiment of the

force has undergone a change during the course of

civilization development. In the course of time it acquired

more functions and new source of legitimization. In first

world, by and large, its role and legitimacy was closely

linked to the material advancement. It played a significant

role in pushing the material forces to a higher level; and

the advancing material forces did not influence the form

and, to a considerable extent. In most of the third world

country not the material condition but the emotion based

ideas and theological discourses paved a path for social

development .The social development based on religiosity and

on metaphysical discourse.

128

Subaltern identity politics in third world country is

not a new phenomenon, since the independence of various

third world nations, existing groups in third world

countries are struggling to gain power. All forms of

globalization, liberalization deeply affected these post

colonial societies. Rapid economy building process, pressure

of world economy to open market is also affecting societies

in third world countries

Subaltern is a well define category whoever is out of

agency is subaltern. There are various forms too of

subaltern struggle. To identify all the subalterns in third

world country is not an easy task. From Latin America to Far

East Asia subaltern groups are everywhere struggling for

their identity and existence. Third world countries are debt

ridden, exploited, underdeveloped and struggling to ensure

social security for the people. Lack of resources and

multicultural, multiethnic, and multi religious mosaic has

put third world countries in a very complex situation. The

fight for survival is very intense even among the elite

groups of third world countries. For the subalterns this

situation is leaving them for no option to survive.

Especially in areas where subalterns are political conscious

and struggling to gain rights. Complexity of third world

societies and lack of resources are creating conflicts

within the respective subaltern groups of particular area.

129

Inter-ethnic conflicts in Africa present example of this

type of conflicts. Ethnic identity is a major player in

identity politics field. Kurds, Baloch, Naga all are

fighting to preserve for their identity. Though there are

also intra community conflicts. In respective nations where

indigenous or subaltern groups are fighting for their

rights, Governments are applying all tactics to intact their

boundaries. Sometimes they are given some autonomy, as in

case of Tibet, china has made Tibet an autonomous region as

well as Xinjiang.

Dalit subalterns of India have a long history of

subjugation and exploitation. For thousands of years they

have been subject of discrimination Indian society and

polity have been experiencing deepening of decolonization

and the constitutional dynamics of democracy has created new

path of liberation for Dalit subalterns of India. From

social isolation to political assimilation of sarvajan samaj

a new history is written faith in democracy and constitution

paved a path to this assertion in India. Class based

identity is still an alien in Indian society. India as

world's largest democracy and home of world's two

biggest religion and multitude of castes presents a

challenging task to study the pattern of socio-political

understanding. Dalit assertion has a long history from

Ravidas to Chokhamela and Phule to KanshiRam ,all have paved

130

path to emancipation of Dalits. Yet the power sharing by

Bahujan samaj party is just the beginning of Dalit

emancipation and political assertion. Dalit society and its

movement always been underestimated by most of the modern

historians. it has been captive the process of reductionism.

Dalit society in general projected as mindless, cultureless

and devoid of any merit collectively professing an agenda of

selfish demands. Dalits in India have many identities. One

identity projects them less educated, non meritorious people

working for government due to reservation. Some sensible

citizens come to know about them when their conscience is

pricked by radio or television news item of mass killing of

the members of Dalit community or rape of the women of this

collectivity.

The beginning of Dalit assertion movement lies in the

base of socio religious movement. Religion and cultures as

strong binding force did most for the uniting Dalit

subalterns.

In Maurya period most of the shudra and Ati-shudra were

united under the banner of Buddhism. Though Buddhism was

much against Brahminical social structure that is based on

hierarchy and advocates caste discrimination, but the lack

of organized parallel social structure and other ritualistic

introduction and dilution of Buddha's ideas failed this

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movement. Brahmin king Pushymitr Shung once almost

annihilated Buddhism from India. Though there are many

historical debates about how Buddhism vanished from India?

But spirit of Buddhism always gave an inspiration to Dalit

Bahujan society. Buddhism was the biggest social movement

against the hierarchical and discrimination based Hindu

Santana Dharma .indigenous identity has always been core of

Dalit Bahujan movements. Aryan people were considered

foreign invaders who plundered and destroyed civilization of

Indian aborigines (ancestors of Dalits and OBC). BAMCEF has

also lunched a movement to reclaim rights of Indian

aborigines. BAMCEF propagated aborigine concept as

"MOOLNIWASI" (indigenous). Although Santana Hindu too

accepted the fact that they are basically from Europe.

Hardcore Hindu nationalist BalGangadhar Tilak himself wrote

in book "Geeta-Rahsay" (Mystery of Geeta) that Aryan people

are basically came from North Pole. Hindu upper caste

nationalist during British period used this theory to prove

their superiority over other races and castes, now they are

retracting from this theory and trying to claim "they are

indigenous people of India". Rastriy svayam sevak Sangh

(R.S.S.) launched a project of history to condemn the theory

of Aryan invasion. With the excavation of Indus valley sites

it is clearly evident that Santana culture was foreign to

India, Hindu nationalist historians trying everything thing

to prove that Indus people were forefathers of Upper caste

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Santana Hindu. Around the world indigenous people are

fighting to reclaim their land and rights.

Dalit-Bahujan thought in modern India is often

perceived as an adjunct to a mainstream thought-current, be

it the universal political discourse of rights, liberties

and democracy or that of class and emancipation. In

politics, the parallel is to see Dalit-Bahujan as a

constituency to be absorbed by those who have a larger

design of politics : nationalist, secular or radical. They

are seen as overtly concerned with preferential treatment,

fair value and positive freedom alongside rights and

liberties on one hand and caste alongside class on the

other, thereby making social and political agency fuzzy and

complex. Dalit Bahujan thought, particularly Dalit thought,

is frequently characterized as a veering between

assimilation and segregation in relation to mainstream

nationalism. Dalit Bahujan thought, in spite of its

ambivalences and internal disagreements on certain issues

and concerns, advanced a coherent and wholesome body of

political ideas which while engaging centrally with the

nature and purpose of public life, markedly differed from

mainstream political discourse. Despite the discontinuities

in their political expression, these ideas have been

revisited and reasserted over and over again by the votaries

of this view point. Further, these ideas are not necessarily

133

bounded by the nationalist framework, although their

votaries considered the idea of the nation and its

insinuations seriously, but strove to advance a universal

design of what the good life could be, stamping such a

design with marking of its own.

Self-respect becomes the central concern of Dalit

Bahujan thought in the context of caste-based society where

it sees the greatest injury done to the self-respect of vast

masses of people particularly to those lower down the

hierarchy. In fact, they were deprived of all those

resources essential to the constitution of their selves and

pursuit of their ends, respectful of themselves and

eliciting respect from other in turn. The worst afflicted in

this regard were untouchables who were denied any resources

through which they could build a positive estimation of

themselves.

Self-respect is a virtue closely bound with community,

and therefore, is a public virtue or the virtue of the

public place. Dalit-Bahujan movement is deeply critical of

exhortations where the socially deprived are egged on to

pursue their self-respect without considering the resistance

of social relations, mores and social institutions towards

such a pursuit. Pursuit of self-respect necessarily requires

transformation of beliefs and practices which have hitherto

134

treated people with contempt and humiliation. At the same

time, self-respect cannot be engendered through the

generosity of others. It cannot but be the outcome of the

collective striving of those dispossessed of their respect.

This was one of the fundamental differences between Gandhi

and Ambedkar on their approach to Untouchability, a social

condition, which both of them recognized as of utter

contempt and degradation. Gandhi argued that Untouchability

has no sanction in the Hindu scriptures. If the upper casts

put an end to being disrespectful towards untouchables and

made reparation for their past indignities, the requisite

milieu for the pursuit of self-respect would be made

available to untouchables. Ambedkar insisted on self-effort,

destruction of situations and values that heaped abuse on

backward classes in general, and untouchables in particular,

demanding that social life be based on principles conducive

to the appreciation of self-respect. He sometimes ascribed

these principles to the spirit of modernity, but

increasingly in his later life, to the teaching of the

Buddha, and on their basis, sought to revamp the whole gamut

of social and political institutions, their policies and

practices.

Restricting ourselves to the political field if we

evaluate this revolution it starts in the second half of the

nineteenth century. From 1850 onward there has been an

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independent assertion of the Dalits. I have tried to probe

the history of Dalit assertion and found that it has come

out of the shadow of atrocities. Dalits were victim of Hindu

social tradition and were reduced to appendage of Hindu

society. Any way this Dalit assertion which started with

certain conscious individuals for their own emancipation

soon took a communitarian turn. Hence we found Ravidasis,

Kabirpanthees, etc. in the medieval period, revering their

gurus and asserting their theological thoughts and rights.

Similarly we see in 19th century number of socio-political

organizations emerging in every nook and corner for the then

Indian society, which was much larger than what it is now.

These organizations demanded their legitimate human rights-

economic, religious, educational and even political, which

we prerequisite for their dignified survival.

Nevertheless, the Dalit assertion exclusively through

political demands came only in the year 1930s when Ambedkar

demanded equal political rights for Dalits and even

participated in Round Table Conference in 1932. These

demands reached new horizon when Ambedkar on 15 August 1936

established the Independent Labour Political party. It was

first ever political party established by Dalits. Since then

almost 70 years have passed, the number of political parties

established, lead and dominated by Dalits have increased

numbers and size. Since 1936, Scheduled Caste Federation

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(1942), Republican Party of India (1957), Dalit Panthers

(1972), Bahujan Samaj Party (1984), Lok Janshakti Party

(2000), Dalit Panthers of India (1990s), Putia Tamizgam

(1990s) etc., almost half a dozen parties have been

established by the Dalits. All these parties have made some

impression in Indian politics, but among these, Bahujan

Samaj Party has been the most successful of all. BSP

represents the new horizon of Dalit assertion. It became the

first national political party established by Dalit. No

other political party established by Dalits has attained

such status as has been attained by BSP in Indian politics.

Today it stands at third position after Congress and

Bhartiya Janta Party in terms of percentage of votes polled

in 15 Loksabha election.

Not only that has captured political power four times

in the most populous state of the country, of course in

coalition and alliance with other political parties.

Accordingly the Dalit assertion has reached to new horizons

that the Dalits can also come to power and in fact rule by

forming their own political party. They can also represent

themselves independently, which is qualitatively different

from being in a party led and dominated by the so-called

upper strata and then represented by them for their socio-

political rights. It is true that before the advent of BSP,

Dalits have never thought of contesting elections

137

independently even for panchayat. They were always ordered

and dominated by the so-called upper castes. But now the

Dalits not only contest elections from panchayat to

parliament on their own but they are nursing the aspiration

of becoming ministers, chief-ministers and even prime-

minister of the country through a political party led and

dominated by the Dalits.

The significant aspect of this assertion to new horizon

is that it is democratic in nature. It is a fact that Dalit

movement has been a democratic movement since its inception.

But this nature has been more visible since the commencement

of the Indian Constitution. Dalits have taken help of the

Constitution at every stage for demanding their legitimate

rights. Though there are certain groups who have tried to

drag them in violence and armed revolution. communist party

of India(Maoist) and some other radical leftist group also

claim to be champions for the Dalit cause though there is

clearly structural change in those areas where these

groups are operating but violence has left some side effects

too, and the worst suffers are Dalits but we should be

thankful to the Dalit political movement which has kept the

majority of Dalit masses within their fold and not allowed

Dalit masses to drift in the robes of violence. Also it has

channeled the revolutionary feelings of the Dalits towards

the democratic construction of their movement. This itself

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is a commendable contribution of Dalits in the process of

nation building and its development. Meanwhile, we should

not forget that the whole Dalit movement has lost tract

towards the end of 1950s after the sad demise of Baba Saheb

Ambedkar. It is obvious that the contemporary Dalit

leadership was in no way any match for Ambedkar vision and

ability. selfishness and personal ego of Dalit leaders

resulted in fragmentation of Dalit movement after Baba

Saheb Ambedkar demise. Further Congress used Dalit leader

Jagjivan Ram to get Dalit votes. The cumulative result was

that the independent Dalit movement during 1960s became

dormant with sporadic organizing here and there. But by now

the social consciousness among Dalits had reached to a level

where it refused to go back to the womb. Therefore, though

the independent movement receded in the background because

of limitations of democracy, in which party power was used

to lure the Dalits and there leader towards the congress

Party, the Dalit consciousness took a new turn and the tide

of Dalit literature shook the so-called upper caste

intellectuals. The Dalits produced ocean of literature which

emerged out of their felt pain, agony, miseries,

exploitation and exclusion. The whole gamut of Dalit

literature written by Dalits questioned the very basis and

authenticity of main stream literature written by so-called

upper-castes. This Dalit literature in combination with the

consciousness created by the earlier Dalit movements

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energized the Dalit youths who in turn established a very

violent movement which came to be known as Dalit Panthers

movement. But as we all know that the Dalit Panther which

was established taking inspiration from Black Panthers

movement of USA could not bear the weight of the ideological

contradictions of Ambedkarism and Marxism. Also the

leadership fell pray to personal aggrandizement.

1990s saw a new phenomenon in the Indian politics both

at the state and national level because of emergence of BSP

- a political party led and dominated by the Dalits which

went un-noticed by the mainstream academia, intelligentsia

and media. It is a fact that this whole phenomenon was

facilitated by the political parties led and dominated by

the so-called upper castes like BJP, Congress, etc. It is a

fact that by 1990s BSP had consolidated itself politically

in Uttar Pradesh and it weaned out Dalits from other

political parties. Soon it became a political force which

can influence state and national politics. Therefore the

BSP’s emergence in the UP had to major impacts in the

structures of power during this period. The first impact was

that the so-called mainstream political parties led and

dominated by the so-called upper castes which kept Dalits as

an appendage in their political parties and used them as

their bonded labourers for putting up tents and spreading

Daries (Mats) or used them for escalating the numbers at

140

their rallies or only as their vote banks started giving

Dalit members a favoured space in the party. They acquired

the center stage not only in the party structure but also in

the government structure as well. The second impact of this

phenomenon was the BSP - a party led and dominated by the

Dalits was considered worthy enough for alliance and having

enough political clout to provide sure success in the power

politics.

To prove the first point, let us take the list of the

members of the Dalit community who were elevated to

different posts in the institutions of power and governance.

At the out set during 1990s first K.R. Narayanan was

elevated to the post of Vice President of the country by

Congress. Later on the same Congress elevated him to the

post of president of India. Needless to say that it happened

for the first time in the country when a Dalit occupied the

highest constitutional position of the land. Similarly

congress during the same time nominated Mahavir Prasad and

Mata Prasad as the Governors of Haryana and Arunachal

Pradesh respectively. It is interesting to note here that

both congressmen hail from Uttar Pradesh. A moot question

here is that why at all Congress picked these Dalit leaders

and that too from UP, an act which it never did in forty-

five years of its history in the state after the

commencement of the Constitution. Couple of years later, for

141

the first time in the history of Indian parliament G.M.C.

Balyogi, a Dalit was elected as the speaker of the lower

house of the Indian Parliament. It is interesting to note

here that though his candidature was mooted by Telgu Desham

Party but it was readily supported by the National

Democratic Alliance (NDA) of approximately 24 parties. NDA

led by BJP on the other hand elevated Suraj Bhan as the

Governor of Uttar Pradesh though he hails from Haryana.

Further BJP crossed all the limits when admits lots of

opposition of its national executive elected Bangaru Laxman,

a Dalit from Andhra Pradesh as its national president. In

the same vein it is difficult to give a list of ministers in

the Central and State Governments without a significant

department and responsibility who were appointed by Congress

and BJP respectively in their governments. The lists of the

nomination of number of Dalits by these parties include

Vice-Chancellors of central and state universities as well.

To prove the other impact of the phenomenon we must

look at the eagerness of the mainstream political to have an

alliance with the BSP. It is in this context we have to

record the fact that in 1991 Samajwadi Party (SP) a party

led and dominated by the OBCs was forced to align with BSP.

Such was the impact of the alliance that it straight away

captured the political power in the state. No doubt, this

created a new epoch in the Dalit and Backward politics in

142

Uttar Pradesh. But it is also true that political

compulsions had brought BSP-SP together as against an

established notion that it was a natural alliance of OBC and

Dalits. The fact that BSP,s and SP's alliance was short

lived itself proves the point that it was an artificial

alliance. Though the Backward Class dominated political

parties and politics was not a new phenomenon in the country

and the state, the Dalit dominated political party and

politics in the state was indeed a new one.In 1996 Congress

(I) under lots of compulsion and political decimation

contested UP assembly elections in alliance with BSP. Not

only had that it entered in alliance with BSP by accepting

BSP to play a big brother's role. Congress did benefit from

the alliance because it could win 25 out of 125 assembly

seats for which it contested. Similarly, in 1995 BJP tried

to align with BSP but only succeeded in forming a coalition

government under its policy of 'Social Engineering." BJP

after supporting BSP government from out side in UP in 1995

entered in coalition with BSP to form a government in 1997

to 2001.

Now, if one analyses this political phenomenon in 1990s

we can conclude two very important elements. One of the so-

called mainstream political parties realized the potential

of BSP and that is why they want to stop the exodus of the

Dalits from their own parties. But as they again indulged a

143

symbolic representation of the Dalits without delineating

and structural reform in their party and society they

miserably failed in their endeavor. Secondly on the part of

BSP, it could see through the opposition's design and

therefore it treated political power as a means to achieve

an end rather end it. Everyone called it as a party without

an ideology cramming for power. Nobody criticized the

opposition's onslaught on a party which was not supported by

any business house and had majority of its followers from

illiterate poor masses. Every political party through its

money power tried to poach the BSP members, as an when

needed, and then blamed BSP members that they were there for

sale. It is here that BSP as a political phenomenon has

forced us to probe the limits of Indian democracy and the

role of Indian judiciary.

With the out come to 15th Loksabha election in 2009

BSP which got 6.22% vote at national level and 27.42% vote

in Uttar Pradesh . BSP Could manage to get only 20 seats.

Though on the basis of parties performance in2007 assembly

election political analyst were expecting around 40-45 seats

for BSP. This a great shock for BSP. After analysis of 15th

Loksabaha election result Mayawati is coming back to Dalit

agenda. It seems there were news that Dalits are not happy

with sarvajan theory and still they feel un represented and

may go back to Indian national congress. Though sarvajan

144

formula was a very glamorous in first glance, but thousand

years old caste system and social barriers as well as

opportunism could not bring as much social change. Upper

caste only came to Bahujan samaj party to fulfill their

political aspiration. They did not change their view about

Dalit society and Dalit Bahujan movement. Their luxury cars

and sports utility vehicles with BSP flag mounted on bonnet

just gave a somehow false impression of changing social

dynamics .most of the time these upper caste candidates

deserted party after winning election on BSP ticket. Keeping

in mind that thousand year old riddles and cant be solved in

some years. But compared to fifty years ago position Dalit

Bahujan samaj in Indian society the rule of Bahujan samaj

party is a great leap for the development of Dalit Bahujan

of India.

145

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Abbreviations

LTTE –Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam

154

BAMCEF-Backward and Minority Communities Employees' Federation

BSP-Bahujan samaj party

OBC- OTHER BACKWARD CLASSES

USSR-Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

PUK-Patriotic Union of Kurdistan

KDP-Kurdistan Democratic Party

RTI-Right to information

DS4-Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti

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