From Michail Dmitriev, Marek Derwich (Ed.) Fonctions sociales et politiques du culte des saints dans les sociétés de rite grecet latin au Moyen Âge et à l’époque moderne. Approche comparative. Sous la dir. de M. Derwich et M. Dmitriev. Wroclaw:LARHCOR, 1999, 401-418

Dmitry I. Polyviannyi (Ivanovo University, Russia)

THE CULTS OF SAINTS IN THE POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF THE BULGARIAN EMPIRE

The presence of the cults of saints in the official practices wascharacteristic for the political culture in the whole of medievalEurope. The sacred protection over the monarchs and the rulingdynasties, over the states and their capitals was reflected inspecial celebrations of the traditional Christian holidays and inthe establishment of new ones, in the worshipping of the holyrelics and icons of the selected saints, in the construction ofchurches, dedicated to them, in the creation of specialhagiographic, hymnographic and liturgical texts, Miracula andTranslatio Reliquarum, and in mentioning such saints in officialsecular acts and images.Medieval Bulgaria was no exception, but the almost twocenturies, which had passed between the establishment of theBulgarian State in the Balkan Peninsula and the adoption ofChristianity in Bulgaria in 864 had their consequences for thespecific development of the Bulgarian pantheon of saints. Strongand rational political will directed both the very act ofconversion and the following choice of the confessionalorientation between Rome and Constantinople. It continued to affectthe formation and development of the Bulgarian cults of saints andof the whole annual cycle of holidays in the Bulgarian church.Existing in close proximity to the Byzantine Empire, the Bulgarianstate, from the very beginning used to take much from its richpolitical and ideological arsenal. The Byzantines identified aspecial feature of the Bulgarians as being “to take another’sproperty and not to give it back”1. In this manner the firstChristian ruler of Bulgaria, Prince Boris-Michael between 886 and889 organised the transfer of the relics of martyrs from the

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Byzantine town Tiberiupolis (later Strumitsa) to Bregalnitsa(exact location not clear), the seat of the newly appointedBulgarian bishop in Macedonia (in those times - the South-westernprovince of the Bulgarian state). The relics of three of the 15martyrs - SS. Eusebius, Comasius and Timotheus were taken fromTiberiupolis despite the protests of the town inhabitants and putin an especially constructed church by the ruler of Bregalnitsacomes Taridin by “special order of our God-loving Emperor”- Boris-Michael. The newly established holiday (August 28, or, accordingto the tenth-century Evangeliarium Assemani - August 29) replaced theformer one (November 28), and new church services in Slavonic werecomposed. The special clergy prepared by St. Clement, the discipleof SS. Cyril and Methody, “was learned in the Bulgarian languagein divine services so as to serve in this church and to sing thesacred hymns”2. The last passage from the “Vita of the Fifteen Martyrs fromTiberiupolis” written by the Byzantine archbishop of AchridaTheophylact (1089-1126?) around two centuries later may beconsidered the first information about Slavonic text on thetranslation of the holy relics to the Bulgarian confessional andpolitical centre, the seat of the bishop and local ruler - comes.At the end of the ninth century comes Drustur by the command ofBoris’ son and successor Symeon (893-927) translated toBregalnitsa the relics of another two martyrs from Tiberiupolis -St. Socrates and St. Theodore.3 The aforementioned EvangeliarumAssemani lists in its calendar the names of St. Theodore togetherwith SS. Timotheus and Eusebius on August 29 4.Theophylact’s passage on the translation of the holy relics toBregalnitsa, with its detailed description of official proceduresand matter-of-fact story of the whole action, is supposed to bebased upon some missing ancient Bulgarian works5. In any case itshows the great official importance of the translation of thesacred relics and of the creation of the appropriate cult in earlyChristian Bulgaria. Beginning with this example, we can followsome specific tradition with clear political accents - theofficially directed transfer of the relics of Byzantine saints andtheir cults to Bulgaria. It appears, that the very act oftranslation of the holy relics had been treated by the Bulgariansas a sign of the transfer of power over certain territories or,

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in some special circumstances, even of the whole imperial dignity(Translatio Imperii) from Byzantium to Bulgaria6.This kind of practice was certainly not specifically Bulgarian.Preslav - the new Christian capital of Bulgaria was designed bySymeon as the “new Constantinople”and together with many otherfeatures of the Imperial City adopted the Byzantine metropolitancult of St. Virgin - Protector of the City. The miracle-makingicon of St.Mary - the most sacred object of the Bulgarian capital -was taken to Constantinople by Emperor John Tsimiscius in 971 andwas displayed as the main trophy during his triumph in the imperialcapital7. An archaeological evidence shows the presence of someother holy relics in Preslav. Remnants of clay reliquaries werefound, with Slavonic inscriptions containing the names of SS. Mary

1* The author owes special thanks to Dr. Michael Dmitriev ofMoscow for representing this paper at the Wroclaw Colloquium andto Pamela van Driel of The Hague for careful revision of theEnglish text.? See letter of Roman Lecapenus (actually written by TheodoreDaphnopates) to the Bulgarian ruler Symeon from 925-926 in: FontesGraeci Historiae Bulgaricae, v.IV. Sofia, 1961, p. 302 and its differentinterpretations in: E.Aleksandrov. “Diplomaticheskaja perepiskacarja Simeona s imperatorom Romanon Lakapinom” (The DiplomaticCorrespondance between Tsar Symeon and Emperor Roman Lecapenus),Palaeobulgarica, n.2, 1990, pp. 20-21 2 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgaricae. v.IX, part 2. Sofia, 1994, p. 72 3 Ibidem, p.754 Sergij, archiepiskop Vladimirskij. Polnyj mesjaceslov Vostoka (TheComplete Menologium of the East), t.I Vostochnaja agiologija.Vladimir, 1901, pp.115sq; Grozdanov C. “Mesecoslov AsemanovogEvandzhelja i starije zidno slikarstvo u Makedoniji” (The Calendarof the Assemany Gospel and the Ancient Wall Paintings inMacedonia), Zbornik za likovne umetnosti, n.21, 1985, pp. 13-275 See N.Dragova. “Starobulgarkite izvori na Zhitieto za 15-teTiveriupolskite muchenici ot Teophylact Ochridski” (The OldBulgarian Sources of the Vita of the 15 Martyrs of Tiveriupolis byTheophylact of Achrida), Studia Balcanica, v.2, 1970, pp. 105-131 6 See G.Danchev. “Razkazite za sudbata na moshtite na svetci vstarite slavjanski literaturi” (The Tales About the Fate of theHoly Relics in Old Slavonic Literatures), Slavjanska filologija, v.XII ,1973, pp.26-47

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of Antiochia, Jonah, Symeon Stylites, Barbara, Polycarp,Eustratius, Cyprian, Kyros and John 8 However, these reliquarieswere discovered in one of the small Preslav churches and seem tooplain to be connected to some official cult. The Preslav tradition of using the cults of saints for the divineprotection of the ruler’s residency continued on in WesternBulgaria after the fall of the Bulgarian capital in 971. TheBulgarian ruler, then Tsar Samuel (976-1014) in 980s transferred tohis capital Prespa in Macedonia the relics of St. Achilles fromByzantine Larissa and the relics of SS. Oecumenius and Diodorfrom Trikka (according to another source also St. Regin fromSkopje)9. The last sovereign of Bulgaria before it fell underByzantine domination - Tsar John Vladislav in 1015-1016 dedicatedhis stronghold Bitolya (in Bulgarian - Monastery) to “St. Mary andtwo supreme Apostles”- SS. Peter and Paul, as he mentioned in hisinscription in the said fortress10. It is worth mentioning, thataround two centuries later the same sacred figures - the HolyVirgin and the two supreme Apostles provided the divineprotection of the new Bulgarian capital Turnovo.The original Bulgarian traditions can be traced with much moredifficulties, than the evident tendency to appropriate Byzantinecults and to adapt them for Bulgarian needs. Some scholars suppose,that in the first years after the adoption of Christianity inBulgaria there was an attempt to establish in Bulgarian capitalPliska the state cult of St. Enravota-Voin (the Christian name is

7 See the miniature in the Madrid illuminated MS of JohnScylitses’ Synopsis Historiarum , f. 172Va published in: BozhkovA. Miniatjurite ot madridskija rukopis na Joan Skilitsa (The Miniatures of theMadrid Manuscript of John Scylitses). Sofia, 1972 , p. 113 8 S.Stanchev, V.Ivanova, M.Balan, P.Boev. Nadpisut na churgubilja Mostich(The Inscription of the Domestic Lord Mostich). Sofia, 1955, pp.50-51, 89-979 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgaricae. v.VI. Sofia, 1965, pp.7, 276; v.IX,part 2. Sofia, 1994, pp. 112,171; Gjuzelev V. Izvori za srednovekovnataistorija na Bulgaria (VII-XV v.) v avstrijskite rukopisni sbirki i arxivi. (Sources for theMedieval History of Bulgaria in Austrian Collections ofManuscripts and Archives) v.I, Sofia, 1994, pp.45, 51-52. 10 J.Zaimov, V. Tapkova-Zaimova. Bulgarin rodom. Bitolskijat nadpis na IvanVladislav samodurzhec bulgarski. (Born Bulgarian. The Bitolya Inscriptionof John Vladislav , the Bulgarian Autokrator). Sofia, 1981, pp.7-9

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not known), son of Khan Omurtag (814-831)11. The pagan prince hadbeen secretly baptised and then executed by his father in thebeginning of the 830s. The only information on this case iscontained in the above-quoted work of Theophylact and is absent inmedieval Bulgarian texts. There is reliable evidence that Boris-Michael was worshipped as a saint in Bulgaria and in Byzantiumafter his death in 907, but although canonised both in Western andEastern Churches, he did not become an important figure in thenational pantheon of saints12. This very fact may be also beinterpreted to prove, that the rulers of the First Bulgarian Empirepreferred the traditional appropriation of the Byzantine spiritualvalues and their adaptation for new purposes.Some modern authors state, that in the second half of the tenthcentury two parallel official cults - those of St. John of Rila andof St. Peter the Bulgarian Tsar were established 13. But the firstreliable evidence of those cults appears only in the époque of theByzantine domination of Bulgaria (1018-1186). It is worth while tonote that the locally worshipped West-Bulgarian hermit, John ofRila began to grow up into an official cult figure exactly in thistime due to the Byzantine policies in the subjugated Bulgarianlands14. At the same time, the last Preslav ruler was honoured bythe authentic Bulgarian tradition kept in apocryphal and evenfolklore form in some remote monasteries in the Sredets Region -the native place of St.John15. The true peak in the development ofthe two cults and their close connection to Bulgarian political

11 P.Georgiev. Martiriumut v Pliska i nachalo na xristianstvoto v Bulgaria (TheMartyrium in Pliska and the Beginning of the Christianity inBulgaria). Sofia, 1993 12 See V.Gjuzelev. Knyaz Boris I. (Prince Boris I). Sofia, 1969,pp.497-508: also E.Gergova. “Boris-Mixail, Mixail Kagan i MixailVoin - literaturno-prosopografski nabljudenija” (Boris-Michael,Michael the Kagan and Michael the Warrior - Literary andProsopographic Observations), Palaeobulgarica, n.3, 1987, pp. 92-9713 See V.Jankova. “Sv.Car Petur i sv.Ivan Rilski. Istorija na edinmotiv” (St. Tsar Peter and St.John of Rila. History of One Theme),Bog i Car v bulgarskata istorija. Plovdiv, 1996, pp.159-166 14 See I.Dujcev. Rilskijat svetec, Sofia, 1990 (reproduction of 1947 edition), pp.202-230 15 M.Kajmakamova . Bulgarskata srednovekovna istoriopis (The BulgarianMedieval Historiography). Sofia, 1990, pp.129-130

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ideology was reached only in the Second Bulgarian Empire (1186-1396).When the Bulgarian state was restored in 1186 after two centuriesof Byzantine domination, the traditional practice ofappropriation of Byzantine cultural values was applied again withthe transfer of the icon of St. Demetrios from Thessaloniki. Somemonths before the Bulgarian uprising the city of St. Demetrios wascaptured by the Sicilian Normans. This icon was not the famousmiracle-making image, which had already been taken toConstantinople in 1143 16, but the Bulgarian leaders - brothersTheodore and Assen used it to demonstrate that their rebellionwas supported by this saint, who was worshipped in the OrthodoxSlav world (the first Slavonic eulogy for St.Demetrios was createdby St.Methodius, whose residence as archbishop was probablyanother Balkan centre of the Demetrian cult - Sirmium17). Thetranslation of the icon, in Bulgarian eyes, meant, that thesaint had abandoned the second kosmopanpothetos city afterConstantinople, and had adopted their new capital Turnovo. Itappears, that together with the icon (which was in fact returnedto Byzantium as a result of a successful campaign by Isaac AngelII soon after the described events 18) some parts of the relics ofSt. Demetrios were transferred to Turnovo. From the beginningof the thirteenth to the end of the fourteenth century theBulgarian church, which considered itself to be canonicallyindependent from Constantinople, prepared its myrrh using the powerof these relics19. This detail deserves more comment.

16 See V.Tapkova-Zaimova. “Le culte de St.Demetrius à Byzance etaux Balkans”, Das Christentum in Bulgarien und auf der ubrigen Balkan halbinsel inder spatantike und im frucher Mittelalter (Miscellanea Bulgarica, v.V), Wien,1987, pp.139-14817 See D. Obolensky. “The Cult of St. Demetrius of Thessaloniki inthe History of Byzantine-Slav Relations”, Balkan Studies, v.15, 1974,pp.3-20; 18 V.Tapkova-Zaimova. “Quelques representations iconografiques deSaint Demetrius et l’insurrection des Assenides - premiere scissiondans son culte “oecumenique”, Byzantinobulgarica, v.V, 1978, pp.261-26719 See the message of Patriarch of Constantinople Kallist to themonks of Turnovo (1361) in:V.Gjuzelev. Izvori za srednovekovnata istorija naBulgaria, v.1, pp.179,183

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The preparation of myrrh in the Christian East was a prerogative ofan independent church. The latter, in its turn was an integral partof state sovereignty. During the celebration of the miraculoustranslation of the image of St. Demetrios to Turnovo and thesanctification of the appropriate church two important acts tookplace. Firstly, the elder of the brothers - Theodore (Peter) wasproclaimed Bulgarian Emperor (Tsar’ Bulgarom, basileus tonBoulgaronSecondly, the brothers’ protégé, monk Vassily, wasconsecrated as Archbishop of Turnovo and as the head of therenewed Bulgarian church by three Greek bishops, who were forced tocommit this non-canonical act20. Around twenty years later Vassily’sdignity was confirmed by Pope Innocent III , and the BulgarianPrimas asked him whether the Bulgarian church had the right toprepare its own myrrh: ”We have no Holy Myrrh, for we had beenobtaining it from the Greeks. Now they hate us the same way theyhate you, so may Your Holiness teach us about Holy Myrrh...”21. This letter is the first evidence of myrrh-making in Turnovo,which could have begun after the fall of Constantinople in 1204 andwas to continue to the very end of the fourteenth century, havingbeen based upon the power of the “myrrh-flowing” relics of St.Demetrios in the Bulgarian capital. This did not mean, that Turnovoobtained the saint’s whole body or any substantial part of it. Thesource of the myroblusiawhich was part of the cult of St.Demetrios in Thessaloniki from the eleventh century, was connectedto the invisible sarcophagus of the saint hidden under the floor ofhis church. Numerous small models of this sarcophagus were used asmiraculous reliquaries containing parts of the saint’s relics allover medieval Orthodox Europe22. Some parts of the relics could

20 V.Zlatarski. Istorija na bulgarskata durzhava prez srednite vekove (History of the Bulgarian State in the Middle Ages). v.II. Sofia, 1934, pp.473-47621 I.Dujcev. Iz starata bulgarska knizhnina. (Extracts From Old BulgarianLitterature). v.II. Sofia, 1943, p. 14; .See K.Petkov. “Unijatamezhdu bulgarskata curkva i Rim v nachaloto na XIII vek - njakoiprenebregvani aspekti” (The Union between the Bulgarian Church andRome in the Beginning of the Thirteenth Century - Some NeglectedAspects), Duxovna Kultura, n.9, 1992, pp.25-3222 See

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have been transferred to the Bulgarian capital from Thessalonikitogether with the icon in 1186.The cult of St. Demetrios in the Second Bulgarian Empire hadanother aspect, beyond myroblusiawhich concerned the politicalideology and practice even more. Recollecting the Bulgariantradition of appropriating the political dignity through theByzantine cults in important imperial centres, we may find itstraces in the thirteenth-century military actions of the Bulgarianrulers against the City of St. Demetrios - Thessaloniki. The struggle between Thessaloniki and Turnovo for St.Demetriosand, respectively, for the status of the second city in theOrthodox world after Constantinople, which began with the transferof the saint’s icon to Bulgaria in 1185 or 1186 continued in thereigns of Kalojan (1197-1207) and John Assen II (1218-1241). Thefirst of them was mysteriously killed during one of his attemptsto capture Thessaloniki in 1207, and the Greeks hurried to ascribeKalojan’s death to the interference of the patron saint of thecity. This episode was described in several Byzantine and Latinworks, contemporary to the events and was later adopted byBulgarian literary and iconographic tradition. 23. According toJohn Staurakios, Dean of the church of St. Demetrios inThessaloniki in the second half of the thirteenth century, Kalojanhad prayed to the saint for victory during his siege of the city,promising to build a great monastery dedicated to St. Demetrios inTurnovo, if Thessaloniki should fall24. These words could mean, thatthe Bulgarian ruler intended to lend to the cult of St. Demetrioseven more importance in his own capital, transferring there theglory of the Byzantine city. However, the saint, enraged withKalojan’s ambitions, the same night came to his tent and stroke himwith a lance right in his heart, which caused the Tsar’s immediatedeath. John Assen II was more successful and captured the city afterdefeating the ruler of Epyrus Theodore Comnene on March 9, 1230.He ordered the minting of special golden and copper coins inThessaloniki with the image of St. Demetrios laying the imperialcrown upon the Bulgarian Emperor’s head. He also set the same23 V.Tapkova-Zaimova. “Les legendes de Saint Demetrius dans lestextes byzantins et slaves”, Slavyanskie kul’tury i Balkany, v.I (IX-XVIIvv.) Sofia, 1978, pp. 161-16924 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgaricae, v.X. Sofia, 1980, p.130

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image on the Bulgarian state seal25. Thus the cult of St.Demetrius- protector of the three Bulgarian brothers and the sacred sourceof their imperial power - was finally turned by the son of theelder Assen into the official state cult of the Second BulgarianEmpire.It appears, however, that after John Assen II this cult graduallylost its priority. Archaeological excavations show, that theoriginal church of St. Demetrios in the Bulgarian capital existedfrom the end of the twelfth to the middle of the thirteenthcentury. The urban development of the Bulgarian capital left theinitial church and the assosiated monastery beside the main centresof the city - the hills Tsarevets and Trapezitsa, then it wasdestroyed by an earthquake and never reconstructed26. It seems,that after 1235, when the Bulgarian patriarchate was restored bythe Orthodox council in Lampsak, the relics of St. Demetrios couldhave been transferred to the Cathedral of the Ascension onTsarevets. There the myrrh could be prepared annually on GreatThursday, as was accepted in the Orthodox autocephalous churches.However, the place of the official divine protector of the renewedBulgarian Empire did not become vacant. Between 1230 and 1235 therelics of another Byzantine saint - this time the tenth-centuryGreek nun Parasceve from the Thracian town of Epivat - weretransferred to Turnovo27. St.Parasceve, named in Bulgaria Petka(Friday), became the supreme sacred protector of Bulgaria. Hername was included in the imperial oath, which formed part ofBulgarian treaties with foreign states and also of other importantofficial acts. Turnovo itself in the fourteenth century wasconsidered to be “the city of St.Parasceve” by native and foreigncontemporaries28. This exclusive worshipping of the little-knownGreek saint (often confused with St. Parasceve of Rome) may beexplained only from political viewpoint - the very act of

25 V.Pentcev. “Where have the Coins of the Bulgarian Czar Ivan AssenII Been Struck?”, Macedonian Numismatic Journal, n.2, 1996, pp.105-11226 J.Aleksiev. “Belezhki za ranna istorija na turnovskitemanastiri” (Notes on the Early History of the Turnovo Monasteries),Studia protobulgarica et medievalia europensia. V chest na Profesor VesselinBeshevliev. Sofia, 1993, pp. 189-196

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translation was considered evidence of the Translatio Imperii fromConstantinople to Turnovo. As was said in the special textincorporated into the new Bulgarian Vita brevis of St. Parasceve:“By those times the Franks owned the Imperial City paying tributeto John Assen. But he did not want either silver, or gold...and transferred the holy body to his glorious Imperial City”29

Later the new “Story of the Translation of St. Parasceve’s relics”(known in the fourteenth-century copy) was compiled, where the ideaof the saint woman’s divine protection over Bulgaria was stressedeven more:“ God put into the heart of our faithful, pious and devout TsarJohn, new Assen, the son of the latter old Assen, the idea ofasking the Latins, who were at that time, for the relics of thereverend St. Petka. Though they possessed the Imperial City, theyfeared him greatly and respected him and obeyed every word comingfrom Tsar Assen’s mouth, for they held their power thanks tohim... And he got the best - honour and praise, joy and delight,invincible aid, strengthening his Empire for this age and for thefuture one“.30 The prayer at the end of this text underlines the role of St.Parasceve as the patroness of Bulgaria once again: “Grant peace to our life, prosperity to our churches, force andmight to our Tsar, saving and protecting the noblemen and warriors- the people, whom God has subjected to his power”.31 During the reigns of Kalojan and John Assen II the relics ofthree other Greek saints were transferred to the Bulgariancapital. They were St. John of Polivot and St. Hillarion of Muglen- Byzantine bishops of the eighth and eleventh centuries from27 See S. Kozhucharov. “Neizvesten letopisen pazkaz ot vremeto natsar Ivan Asen II”. (The Unknown Chronical Story from the Time ofTsar John Assen II), Literaturna misul, n.2, 1972, pp.123-135 28 See A.Rogov. “Petka Turnovskaja v vostochoslavyanskojpis’mennosti I iskusstve” (St. Petka of Turnovo in the Eastern SlavLiterature and Art), Russko-balkanskie svjazi v epoxu srednevekov’ja. Sofia,1982, pp.161-164 29 Bulgarskata literatura i knizhnina prez XIII vek (The Bulgarian Works andBooks in the Thirteenth c.). Sofia, 1987, p.5430 Bulgarskata literatura i knizhnina prez XIII vek, pp.112-113 31 Ibid, p.113

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small towns in Thracia and Macedonia - territories, both of whichthe Bulgarian rulers considered to be their legitimate heritageafter the fall of the Byzantine Empire in 120432. The third wasSt. Philotee - the twelfth-century Greek nun, whose relics weretransferred to Turnovo by Kalojan after one of his successfulThracian campaigns.33 Possibly at the same time Turnovo receivedthe relics of another female saint - St. Theophano, the wife ofLeo VI the Philosopher (+ 892)34 The worshipping of the twoByzantine clergymen developed a new dimension with thetranslation of their relics to the Bulgarian capital. The memoryof St. John of Polivot, whose relics were transferred to Turnovo byKalojan after his defeat of the Latin Emperor of ConstantinopleBaudoin, in 1205, was closely associated with this victory, sothat long and detailed historical text (even including calendardates, which is not at all characteristic of medieval Orthodoxhagiography) was incorporated into his Eulogy:“Many years later the Bulgarian people rose under the pious TsarKalojan, and all the Greek land was harnessed by his hand. Then theFrankish people took the Imperial City and all the Greek power so,that they chose an Emperor from their own kin. When the BulgarianTsar Kalojan came to know that the said Frankish Emperor hadarrived to Adrianopolis (Odrin), he reached the City of Philippquickly and took it with great skill. After that he sent hishorsemen to devastate the surroundings of Adrianopolis andconcealed the greater part of his troops in a secret place. TheEmperor, appointed by the Franks Baudoin, didn’t know about the

32 B.Nikolova. “Upravlenieto na purvite Asenevci, otrazeno vagiografskite pametnici na Turnovskata knizhovna shkola (The Reignsof the First Assens As Reflected in the Hagiographic Works of theTurnovo Literary School), Turnovska knizhovna shkola. T.IV. Kulturno razvitie naBulgarskata durzhava v krajat na XII - nachaloto na XIV vek. Sofia, 1985, pp.271-272 33 E. Kaluzhniacki (Hrzg). Werke des Patriarchen von Bulgarien Euthymius (1375-1395), Wien, 1901, pp.78sq34 See K.Ivanova. Srubska redakcija na sluzhbata za imperatricaTeofana (The Serb Redaction of the Service for Empress Theophano),Arxeografski prilozi, v.10-11, 1988-1989, pp.83-106. It seems likely,that St. Theophano was often confused with other persons bearingthe same name. See E.Turdeanu. Le dit de l’empereur Nicephore II Phocas et deson epouse Theophano. Thessalonique, 1976

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hidden ambush and he immediately began to pursue the horsemen withthe warriors he had around him. The Bulgarians retreated to leadhim into the ambush. Then they surrounded him, captured and tookhim to Turnovo, where he was executed. Thereafter gloriousKalojan , the Bulgarian Emperor, bravely fought against the Greekpower, devastated and subdued all their cities and all their landseven as far as Dirrachium (Drach). And so by the year 6712 (1204)he possessed not only the land, which had once been ruled by hisown brother, old Assen, but much more.. At the same time he foundthere the saint’s relics and honourably transferred them from thetown of Messina to his glorious city Turnovo”.35

. This connection ensured St. John’s of Polivot honoured placeamong the Turnovo saints, underlined in the Eulogy:“Come, Christian people and celebrate your glorious holiday! Askthe holy father to pray together with his comrades, who are equalto him in their pious lives... I mean St. Hillarion... and St.John, the Pastor of Rila Desert (about him see below - D.P.),Honourable Parasceve, Theophano, who had reigned in this world andwill reign in the future one, Philothee the desert inhabitant andall the saints with them”.36

The idea of the “Turnovo multitude of saints”, expressed here bythe Bulgarian Patriarch Euthymius (1371-1395), was repeated by himin his Service for St.Theophano:“Rejoiced is at you today glorious Turnovo and calls the city,which reigns over the cities (Constantinople - D.P.) saying:“Delight with me, oh Mother of the Cities, for today I rejoice atthose born by you and call them to be my protectors and defenders.Blessed am I, really blessed among the cities, for I havecollected good treasure - venerable relics of the saints”37.The relics of St. Hillarion, taken to Turnovo by Kalojan, in thereign of John Assen II were laid into a new church named for theForty Martyrs and thus connected to the memory of the gloriousvictory in 1230, which happened on the Forty Martyrs’ Holiday- the 9th of March.38 The relics of the female saints - St.Phylothee and St. Theophano were preserved in the Monastery of theSt. Virgin of Tamnitsa (“of prison” in Bulgarian)39. Together with

35 E.Kaluzniacki. (Hrzg) Werke des Patriarchen von Bulgarien Euthimius, p.19736 Ibid, p.20137 Ibid, p.274

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St. Parasceve they composed a special ‘multitude’ of the femalesaints - protectors of the Bulgarian capital, led by St. Mary.However, together with the practice of using the Byzantine cults ofsaints for their own political aims, we can note the originalBulgarian cults with specifically political overtones. The firstamong them to appear was the cult of St. Peter, the holy Emperorof the Bulgarians, first mentioned in the texts created duringthe Byzantine domination of Bulgaria. In 1186 the younger Assen -Theodore changed his name to Peter and laid upon himself theimperial signs - the crown and the red boots40. This act connectedhim to the holy Bulgarian ruler, whose époque was considered, bythe Bulgarian Apocryphal Chronicle from eleventh century, to be atime of plenty:“Symeon... gave birth to Saint Peter, the Bulgarian Tsar, a holyand very righteous man...After his death Peter inherited theBulgarian Empire and was Tsar not only of the Bulgarians, but ofthe Greeks too. And he ruled in the Bulgarian land for 12 years,having neither sin, nor wife, and blessed was his reign. In thedays and times of Saint Peter the Bulgarian Tsar there was aplenty in everything - in wheat and oil, in honey, milk and wine,and the Divine gifts fulfilled everything, and there was no lack ofanything, but there were satiety and plenty...”.41

The legacy of Tsar Peter in medieval Bulgaria also had associationswith Rome. There was a legend included in the same Chronicle, that“Peter the Bulgarian Tsar, righteous man, left his empire and wentto Rome, where ended his life”42.

38 Ibid, p.5639 The name of this monastery might be connected to its use as aprison for noble ladies. The first wife of Tsar John Alexander(1331-1371) Theodora was put there after an enforced divorce andas a nun took the name Theophano, but the idea, that she wasworshipped in Turnovo as a saint after her death looks impossible.See P.Stefanov. “Istorija na Vidinskata eparxija” (History of theVidin Diocese), Duxovna kultura, n.8, 1991, p.6 40 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgaricae, v.XI. Sofia, 1983, p.2741 J.Ivanov. Bogomilski knigi i legendi (The Bogomil Books and Legends). Sofia, 1925, p.283-284 42 Ibid, p.284-285

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Well-founded opinion suggests, that Peter became monk afterabdicating power and left behind some sermons and moralistic worksascribed to “Peter the Monk”. The memory of St. Peter was honouredon January 30 together with the two Roman Popes - St. Clement andSt. Hyppolite43. In general, the cult of St. Peter in Bulgaria wasconfused with the cult of the saint patron of Rome. The BulgarianTsar’s “Roman connection” was used as an argument by Theodore-Peter’s brother Kalojan in his correspondence with Pope InnocentIII concerning recognition of his title as Emperor (ImperatorBulgarorum).44 Soon after the beginning of their uprising the Assenbrothers tried to capture Preslav - the ancient capital of Peter.45

This failed, but the attempt itself aimed to underline thecontinuity between the First Bulgarian Empire and the renewed stateand to use the cult of St. Peter for ideological proof of itslegitimacy. Later Theodore-Peter was replaced in the secondposition by his brother John Assen I and lost his politicaldominance, but retaining Preslav as the centre of his appanage, hecontinued to honour his divine patron in the ancient Bulgariancapital. After his death in 1197 the cult seemed to lose itspolitical significance, though the saint’s holiday continued to becelebrated by the Bulgarian church . Peter is mentioned as a saintin the Synodicon of the Bulgarian church, adopted in 121146. Theservice to St.Peter, probably composed in Preslav at the end ofthe twelfth century, was included in the first collection ofagiographical and liturgical texts compiled in the newly re-established Bulgarian patriarchate after 1235.47 Later evidence forthe worship of St. Peter, the Bulgarian Tsar, is limited to thenotes in the calendars of Bulgarian Gospel manuscripts of thethirteenth-fourteenth centuries.48

43 J. Ivanov . Bulgarski starini iz Makedonija (The Bulgarian Antiquitiesfrom Macedonia). Sofia, 1931, p.383-394. It had now been proved,that the two services published here actually are parts of one workcomposed in Preslav. See the work by R.Pavlova below, note 48. 44 I.Dujcev. Iz starata bulgarska knizhnina, t.II, pp.3,10,17 45 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgaricae, v.XI, p. 27-2846 M.Popruzhenko. Sinodik na Tsar Boril (The Synodicon of Tsar Boril). Sofia, 1928, p.7747 See Bulgarskata literatura i knizhnina prez XIII vek, pp.29-31 48 R.Pavlova. Petur Chernorizec. Starobulgarski pisatel ot X vek (Peter the Monk- Old Bulgarian Writer of the Tenth Century). (Kirillo-Metodievskistudii, IX), Sofia, 1994, p.25-26

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Another cult of Bulgarian origin was used for political purposesby the second brother - Assen (named in some sources Belgun). Inthe mid-1190s Belgun Assen transferred the relics of Bulgarianhermit St.John of Rila from Sredets (now Sofia) to Turnovo andchose the saint’s name (Ivan in Bulgarian) as his officialcoronation name49. The “Rila Father” was contemporary to Tsar Peterand was worshipped after his death (according to rather lateRussian sources - 946) in the monastery, founded by him in RilaMountains. In the eleventh-twelfth centuries a Vita was written, whichcontained an episode, describing a meeting between the hermit andTsar Peter50. This earliest Bulgarian Vita is far from ascribing anyofficial features to the cult of St. John of Rila. According tothis source, the hermit refused to meet personally with the Tsarand returned to him his gift of money accompanied by an oralmessage:“Go and say to the Tsar the following: ...Oh Brother, a man livesnot only by bread, but by the God’s word... I am not going eitherto arm troops, or to buy goods, so take your gold, for your need isgreater”.51 The saint was worshipped in Western Bulgaria together with histhree successors - St. Gabriel of Lesnovo (according to his VitaBrevis, his relics were also translated to Turnovo and laid in thechurch of SS. Peter and Paul52), St. Joachim of Ossogovo and St.Prochor of Pshinja53. It seems, that his cult somehow went againstthe worship of Peter the Tsar (maybe reflecting some realpolitical events, such as the rivalry between Peter and his brotherJohn for the Bulgarian throne, as a result of which the latterwas forced to become a monk54). In the twelfth century the cult of

49 He is named John (Ivan) only in Bulgarian texts, the earliest ofwhich are the Service of St.John of Rila and the Synodikon of theBulgarian church. See I.Bozhilov. Familijata na Asenovci (1186-1460).Genealogija i prosopografija.(The Assen Family (1186-1460). Genealogy andProsopography ). Sofia, 1985, p.35, n.150 This work is traditionally called “the folk Vita”, but now itis considered to originate from the Rila Monastery. See V.Jankova .Prostrannite zhitija na purvite bulgarski otshelnici (The Long Vitae of the firstBulgarian Hermits). Dissertation. Sofia, 199051 J.Ivanov. “Zhitija na sv.Ivan Rilski” (Vitae of St.John ofRila), Godishnik na Sofijski universitet, Istoriko-filologicheski fakultet, v.XXXII,kn.13, (1936):35-36

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St.John was used by the Byzantines to strengthen their power overthe Bulgarian lands. Emperor Manuel II (1143-1180), having beendefeated (perhaps even captured ) by the rebellious Bulgarians in116655, succeeded in escaping and then cured his wounds anddiseases with the water from St. John’s relics in Sredets56. Therelics had been transferred here either in Peter’s reign, or,which is more likely, in Byzantine times, when a special churchdedicated to the saint had been built.57 By Manuel’s order theGreek ruler of Sredets, George Scylitses, wrote Vita and “Servicewith Hymn” for the Bulgarian saint, known mostly in their Slavversions58.In any event, by the end of the twelfth century Sredets was thecentre of the developed cult of St. John of Rila, whose memory washonoured on August 18, the day of the transfer of his relics fromRila to Sredets. The political significance of the relics was sogreat, that King Bela III of Hungary, who captured Sredets in1183, took them to Esztergom as a special trophy59. They were givenback in 1187, when the Bulgarian uprising forced the Byzantines tostrengthen their positions in Western Bulgaria. The rebels’influence at the beginning of the revolt did not seem so greathere, and returning the Bulgarian saint’s relics to the imperialadministrative centre enabled the Byzantine authorities to try tooppose its growth. However, after Sredets was reconqurered by the Bulgarians, BelgunAssen took St. John’s relics to Turnovo. This act (October 19,1195) demonstrated not only the transfer of power from the formerByzantine administrative centre to the new Bulgarian capital, butalso St. John’s special protection of Assen himself. The firstBulgarian Vita Brevis of St.John of Rila, probably created by the endof the twelfth century ascribes the first translation of thesaint’s relics to Tsar Peter and shows Assen as his successor:“When the righteous (not “saint” ! - D.P.) Tsar Peter heard aboutthe saint’s passing, he took his venerable relics and brought themto the city of Sredets, And he made a church in the saint’s nameand laid there his relics with great honour. When 300 years hadpassed, the righteous Tsar Assen rose, came to Sredets, took thesaint’s relics and transferred them to Zagorje, laid them in thefortress of Trapezitsa and erected a church named after him. Andstaying here, they continue to provide cures for people up to thepresent time.”60

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This text marks the beginning of a very rich literary tradition ofworshipping the saint as the divine patron of the Assen dynasty.But this tradition was formed finally some years later - in thereign of John Assen II (1218-1241). In the above-quoted text we donot meet either Assen’s new coronation name - John, or the officialname of the new Bulgarian capital. Not before 1230 was written anew version of the St. John’s of Rila Vita brevis incorporating thewidened and detailed description of the translation:“Because God willed the re-erection of the fallen Tent of theBulgarian Empire, a new shoot has appeared - the Christ-loving

52 Bulgarskata literatura i knizhnina prez XIII vek, p.61. It seems, that thiscult was somehow neglected by Turnovo official circles. The VitaBrevis does not mention the name of the ruler, who translated St.Gabriel’s relics to the Bulgarian capital, and Euthimius did notinclude St.Gabriel in his “Turnovo multitude of saints”.53 See E.Gergova. Zapadnobulgarskite anaxoreti v starobulgarskata literatura.Funkcionalni aspekti i filologicheski problemi na agiologijata. (The West-BulgarianAnachorets in Ancient Bulgarian Literature. Functional Aspects andPhilological Problems of Agiology). Dissertation . Sofia, 199654 See G.Nikolov. “Prabulgarskata tradicija v xristijanskija dvorna srednovekovna Bulgarija (IX-XI v.) Vladetel i prestolonaslednik”(The Pagan Bulgarian Tradition at the Christian Court of theMedieval Bulgaria. The Ruler and His Heir), Bog i Car v bulgarskataistorija, pp.126-127 55 V.Gjuzelev . “Vizantijskata imperija i Bulgarskoto carstvo vbran i mir” (Byzantium and the Bulgarian Empire in War and Peace),Arxiv za srednovekovna filosofija i kultura. v.2, 1995, pp.6756 See J.Ivanov .” Zhitija na sv. Ivan Rilski”, pp.8-1057 The information, that Tsar Peter translated the relics ofSt.John of Rila to Sredets, is considered a late emendation to the“folk” Vita (see V.Jankova. Sv.Car Petur i Sv.Ivan Rilski, p.162-163). The matter-of-fact story by George Scylitses persuades, thatthe translation took place in the reign of Roman IV Diogenes (1067-1071), who, as his Vita shows, was somehow connected to one ofSt.John’s successors - St.Prochor of Pshinja. 58 See Jeromonk P.Stefanov. “Neizvesten prepis ot 1604 g. naSredeckata sluzhba na Ivan Rilski” (The Unknown Copy Dated 1604 ofthe Sredets Service of St.John of Rila), Turnovska knizhovna shkola. v.V.Pametnici, poetika, istoriografija. Veliko Turnovo, 1994, pp.203-217,especially 212-213.

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Tsar, John Assen, the one, who renewed the Bulgarian Horn. And hecame to Sredets and found here St. John the great hermit, andbecame jealous of the ancient Emperors - Emperor Constantine andTsar Peter. So he took the honourable body and transferred it tothe City of Turnovo. And his body was laid in Monastery, erectedby the Tsar in Trapezitsa, where it stays till nowadays andeternally creates miracles for those, who come to his coffin withfaith61”An even more detailed version of the Translatio appeared after therenovation of the Bulgarian patriarchate in 1235. Here we meet forthe first time “the sacred Patriarch Vassily” as one of the centralfigures in the transfer of relics. It is especially emphasised,that the restoration of the “Bulgarian power, which had beendevastated by the violence of the Greeks” took place under “theChrist-loving Tsar Assen, whose name in sacred Baptism was John”,who captured Sredets and transferred the relics “to his ImperialCity Turnovo”.62 The official position of St. John of Rila asBulgaria’s divine protector is especially stressed in the prayer,which is included into the text of the third redaction of the VitaBrevis:

“Pray to our merciful Lord to save your relatives, the kindred ofthe Bulgarian people, to help our mighty Tsar and throw all , whooppose him, under his feet! Keep our faith untouched! Fortify ourcities! Protect us from the invasion of strangers!63”.After 1371 the last Patriarch of the Bulgarian Church Euthymiuscreated a new collection of the whole cycle of the agiographicaland liturgical texts used in Turnovo, incorporating there his ownversion of St. John’s Vita. In this version the role of St. Johnas Bulgaria’s divine protector is transferred to the époque of Tsar59 I.Dujcev. Rilskijat svetec, pp.226-227. Though this event had neverbeen reported in medieval Hungarian sources, taking of holy relicsas booty was common practice for the Hungarian kings of that time(C.Dimitrov. Ungarija i bulgarskite zemi pod vizantijska vlast prezXI-XIv. (Hungary and the Bulgarian Lands under the ByzantineDominaton in the Eleventh-Twelfth Centuries), Istoricheski pregled, n.3(1994-1995):760Bulgarskata literatura i knizhnina prez XIII vek, p.50 61 Ibid62 Ibid, p.5263 Ibid, p.53

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Peter. The latter in contrast to previous versions received notonly the saint’s blessing, but also St. John’s special messagewith the following words:“Lie under the legs of your Mother - the Church, worship itzealously and bow your head before It’s Protothrones!64”. New emphases were inserted into the episode of the translation ofthe relics by John II:“Full of great joy and spiritual gaiety, he planned to translatethe relics of the reverend Father to his most glorious cityTurnovo for the greater honour and stability of his Empire. Heimmediately sent a message to his Patriarch Kyros Vassily, who wasthen in the great city of Turnovo: ”Let your Holiness come herewith all the church clergymen and transfer the holy relics to ourglorious Imperial City to praise all our church community and toconsolidate our righteous Empire65”. In this way St.John of Rila was represented as the divine protectorof the ruling dynasty and of the whole Bulgarian people. Besidesnumerous texts, especially hymnographical, this circumstanceinfluenced the repertoire of names used by the Assen dynasty.More than one quarter of all the males and around half of those,who ruled in Bulgaria, were named after St.John of Rila66. At thesame time it is worth mentioning once more, that even this cult,which initially had Bulgarian roots, was first used for politicalends by the Byzantines and only then found its place dynasticallyand and througout Bulgaria.So by the middle of the thirteenth century a complex of cults hadbeen formed, which was connected directly to the politicaldevelopment of the Bulgarian state renewed by the Assen dynasty.Some specific details, mentioned below, may be considered astraits of the whole system of texts, rites and holidays, which wasan integral part of the official political ideology and practice inthe Second Bulgarian Empire. Patriarch Euthymius in the last thirdof the fourteenth century clearly formulated the idea of the“Turnovo multitude of saints” (in his “list” containing in theabove-quoted eulogy for St.John of Polivot one other Bulgariansaint is omitted - the warrior and snake-fighter St. Michael of

64 E.Kaluzhniacki (Hrzg). Werke des Patriarchen von Bulgarien Euthymius, p.2065 Ibid, p.23-2566 See I.Bozhilov. Familijata na Asenevci, p.496 passim, table 1.

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Potuka, whose relics were transferred to the Bulgarian capital byKalojan around 1200 and to whom Euthymius dedicated a specialeulogy)67. The Vitae, hymns and services of those saints formed thenucleus of the so-called “Turnovo hagiographic and liturgicalcycle”, different stages in the formation of which are reflected innumerous Bulgarian manuscripts of the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies68. As the above-mentioned example with the redactions ofSt. John’s Vita shows, these stages can be traced from the époqueof the first Assen rulers to the times of Euthymius, whocompleted it with his monumental “edition” in ten volumes. Itembraced the whole annual circle of Christian feasts andincorporated the texts, dedicated to all Turnovo saints69. Most ofthese texts included rather detailed historical fragments devotedto the transfer of the relics in the Bulgarian capital, whichcontained definite political overtones.The cults of the Turnovo saints were connected to the mainChristian cults of Christ and St. Mary. The main church of theBulgarian capital - the Cathedral of the Ascension on the hill ofTsarevets accepted the relics of St. John of Rila, St. Michael theWarrior, St. Demetrios and St. Barbar of Pelagonia (the last cultwas specifically Bulgarian, and its central figure - former pirateprobably of Gypsy origin in the fourteenth century shared the roleof themyrobleptossaint in the Turnovo patriarchate with the holypatron of Thessaloniki70}. The Monastery of St. Mary “Temnishka”was connected to the other Turnovo cult - the one of St. Virgin -Protector of the City. St. Phylotee and St. Theophano, whose relics

67 See V.Grudkov. “Mixail Voin v agiografijata na XIII i XIV vek”(Michael the Warrior in the Hagiography of the Thirteenth andFourteenth Centuries), Turnovska knizhovna shkola, v.V, pp. 179-184 68 Stara bulgarska literatura (Old Bulgarian Literature) . v.IV. Zhitiepisni tvorbi, Sofia, 1986, pp. 17-2069 J.Jufu. “Za desettomnata kolekcija Studion” (Iz arxiva narumunskija izsledvach J.Jufu (On the Ten-volume Collection Studionfrom the Archive of the Romanian Scholar J.Jufu), Prouchvanija posluchaj II Kongres po balkanistika. (Studia Balcanica, 1), Sofia, 1970, pp.299-34370 On S.Barbar’s cult see P.Syrku. K istorii ispravlenija knig v Bolgarii v XIVveke. (On the History of the Correction of the Books in Bulgaria).T.I, v.1. Vremja i zhizn’ patriarcha Evfimija Tyrnovskogo. St.Petersburg, 1898,p.281, 350-351

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were laid there with St.Parasceve together formed a special“multitude” of female saints, who protected Turnovo, headed by St.Mary71.Often the very connection between the saint and the main figures ofthe Christian pantheon also had clearly political meaning. Afterthe victory of John Assen I over the Byzantine Emperor Isaac IIAngel (1190) the Bulgarians captured, together with other booty,the Imperial Cross, which, according to George Acropolite: “wasmade of gold and had in its middle a part of the Holy Wood, whichhad been used for the Crucifix of Our Lord Christ and many otherparts of the relics of the glorious saints, the St. Virgin’s milkand part of Her belt”72.Another Byzantine author of the thirteenth century, TheodoreScutariote, added: “There was a rumour, that [this cross] was madeby the first Christian Emperor, equal to the Apostle Constantine,and that he, as all the pious Emperors after him, used it as asign against their enemies”73. Constantine’s cross is shown on thecoins minted by Constantine Assen (1257-1277), the last Bulgarianowner of the Byzantine imperial labarum, which after his death wasreturned to Constantinople74. Up to the end of the 1270s this crosswas kept in the treasury in the Cathedral of the Ascension andannually was shown to the people during the great church processionat Epiphany75. The connection between this holiday and the cult ofSt.John of Rila could be made through St.John the Baptist, whosememory was honoured at Epiphany. The Vitae , church services andhymns of the Bulgarian saint contain numerous parallels between theRila Hermit and John the Baptist76. On the other hand, thistradition could connect the Bulgarian Tsar to the first legendary

71 See D.Polyviannyi. Mjastoto na Devin Grad i negovata rolja (ThePlace of the City of Virgin and its Role), Istoricheski pregled, n.2,1984, pp. 81-85 72 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgaricae, v.VIII, p.153-154

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Christian Emperor. John Assen I, owner of the Imperial labarum,with his discovery of St. John’s relics in some way repeated themain Constantine’s act - the discovery of the Cross. Intransferring the relics to Turnovo from Sredets he also called tomind the founder of the new Imperial capital. In the middle of thethirteenth and fourteenth centuries the comparison of theBulgarian Tsars to Constantine the Great, together with the idea ofTurnovo as “the third Rome”, were integral parts of the politicaldoctrine of the Second Bulgarian Empire77.The role of the Turnovo cults of saints in the Bulgarian politicalideology was reflected in the connections made between thehonouring of certain saints and of the anniversaries of the mostsuccessful battles for the Bulgarian rulers. As we have justmentioned, the cult of St. John of Rila was connected with JohnAssen’s victory over Isaac Angel II in 1190, the relics of anotherSt. John - the one of Polivot were transferred to Turnovo afterKalojan’s victory over Baudoin of Flandres in 1205, St.Parasceve’s relics were taken to the Bulgarian Capital after JohnAssen II defeated the ruler of Epyrus Theodore Comnene in 1230. St.Hillarion of Muglen’s relics were laid in the Church of the Forty

73 Ibid, p. 251-25274 Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgariae, v. X, p.18075 See I.Lazarov. “Praznikut Bogojavlenie (Jordanovden) vpoliticheskata ideologija na Vtoroto Bulgarsko Carstvo” (TheHoliday of Epiphany in the Poltical Ideology of the SecondBulgarian Empire), Paleobalkanistika i starobulgaristika. Purvi esenninacionalni chetenija “Profesor Ivan Gulubov”. Veliko Turnovo, 1995,pp.351-35776 See Jeromonk P.Stefanov. “Neizvesten prepis ot 1604 g.”, p.204,205-205,207,211 77 See F.Badalanova. “Osnovanie carstva” v bolgarskixsrednevekovyx predstavlenijax (“The Foundation of the Empire” inthe Medieval Bulgarian Representations), Mexanizmy cultury. Moscow,1990, pp. 137-151; V.Tapkova-Zaimova. “Constantine le Grand etles idees etatiques en Bulgarie”,’pp; D.Polyviannyi. “Turnovgrad glazami srednevekovogo sovremennika”(The City of Turnovo As Seen by Medieval Contemporaries), Turnovskaknizhovna shkola, T.IV. Kulturno razvitie na Bulgarskata durzhava v krajat na XII-XIV vek ,Sofia, 1985, pp.262-269

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Martyrs, and this act was also dedicated to the victory overEpyrus, which led to great territorial expansion of the Bulgarianstate. As was mentioned in special text on the translation of St.Hillarion’s relics:“When many years had passed [after Hillarion’s death], the newTsar, John Assen, son of the old Tsar Assen, took the imperialsceptre. And he reigned and ruled over the Bulgarians, the Greeksand the Franks, and over the Serbs and the Albanians too, and overall the cities from one sea to the other. And this Tsar John Assenwith his good will erected church named after the saint martyrs andgood victors. When the church was constructed and well decorated,the reliquary with the relics of the divine St.Hillarion wastransferred there78”.The general outline of the whole system of specific Turnovo cultsand feasts, as we assume it to be, is reflected not only inEuthymius’ collection, but in the so-called “Book of GregoryTsamblack” - the miscellany of sermons by the Metropolitan ofKiev Gregory Tsamblack - Euthymius’ disciple and great patriot ofhis native city. It contains works dedicated to the Ascension andTransfiguration, the Nativity of John the Baptist and hisDecapitation, the Nativity and Assumption of St.Mary, theExaltation of the Holy Cross, to SS. Demetrios, Peter and Paul,the Forty Martyrs etc.79. All these cults and feasts were part ofwhole sacred “political mythology” of the Second Bulgarian Empire,but the condition of the written sources does not allow us toreconstruct its whole image, as has recently been done forMuscovite Russia80. After the fall of the Bulgarian Empire in1393-1396 the relics of the Turnovo saints were taken from thedevastated capital or burnt down Contemporaries perceived this asa sign of the “de-coronation” of Turnovo, its deprivation of thedivine protection and the end of the Bulgarian Empire. The Moscow“Trinity Chronicle” written around 1408 with the participation of

78 Bulgarskata literatura i kniznina prez XIII vek, p.5579 N.Doncheva-Panajotova. “Sbornicite “Kniga Grigorija Camblaka” -vuznikvane, sudurzhanie, razprostranenie” (The Miscellanies “TheBook of Gregory Tsamblack” - Origin, Contents, Circulation),Turnovska knizhovna shkola. T.3. Grigorij Tsamblak - zhivot i tvorchestvo. Sofia,1984, pp.29-5680 See M.Pljuxanova. Sjuzhety i simvoly Moskovskogo Carstva (Themes and Symbols of the Muscovite Empire). St.Petersburg, 1995

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another native of Turnovo - the Metropolitan of the whole RussiaCyprian - mentioned under the year 1393:“This year Murad’s son Cheleby... went with his troops against theBulgarian Tsar and took his capital Turnovo, made the Tsar and thePatriarch prisoners, and burned down with fire the holy relics,and turned the cathedral, where the Patriarchate was, into amosque, and so subjugated to himself all the people and conqueredthis land81”. The relics of SS. Parasceve, Phylothee and Theophano together withthe miracle-making image of St.Mary from Turnovo monastery weretransferred to the last Bulgarian capital Bdin, and after itscapture in 1396 - to Serbia. The St.John’s relics were returned tothe Rila monastery in 146982. So Turnovo was finally deprived ofits sacred grace, but the recollections of the divine protection ofthe Bulgarian capital survived in the Slav Orthodox manuscripttradition for a long time. Serbian and Russian scribes copiedBulgarian texts, often keeping safe the whole miscellaniescontaining the works dedicated to the Turnovo saints and thuscontinuing the cultural tradition, the political significance ofwhich had gone together with the Bulgarian Empire.Compared to the other medieval Orthodox Slav states, Bulgariaseemed to follow in the closest way the Byzantine symphoniabetweenthe sacred and secular consituents of the state system andideology. By this it differs from neigbouring Serbia, wheredynastic legends were the sole base both for church and statedoctrines. At the same time, the appropriate Bulgarian ideas andpractices resemble the Old Rus’ with its outstanding attention tomobile sacred objects - from icons and relics to whole churches -adding new dignity to the state and its rulers.

81 M.Priselkov. Troitskaja letopis’ (rekonstrukcija teksta). (The Trinity Chronicle. The Reconstruction of the Text). Moscow, 1950, p.44282 See Z.Zhdrakov. “Prenasjaneto na moshtite na sv. Ivan Rilskiprez 1469 g. v svetlinata na istoricheckite subitija” (TheTranslation of the Relics of St.John of Rila in 1469 in the Lightof the Historical Events), in: Bulgarskijat petnadeseti vek. Sbornik sdokladi za bulgarskata obshta i kulturna istorija prez 15 vek.Sofia, 1993, pp.86-88.

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