CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD-SENATE. - Govinfo.gov

1324 CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31,

Also, papers to accompany bill for the relief of Stephen Camplin-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, paper to accompany House bill for the relief of W. T. and C. W. Cook-to the Committee on War Claims. -

By Mr. SPERRY: Petition of Hon. O. Vincent Coffin and other citizens of Middletown, Conn., in favor of House bill No. 5499, to promote the efficiency of the Revenue-Cutter Service-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. . Also, resolution of the Chamber of Commerce of New Haven, Conn., favoring the passage of Honse bill No. 887, to promote the export trade of the United States-to the Committee on Interstate and 1',oreign Commerce.

Also, resolution of the Chamber of Commerce of New Haven, Conn., favoring reciprocity with Canada-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

Also, resolution of the Fire Underwriters' Association of New Haven, Conn., favoring the amendment to the war-revenue act relating to insurance companies-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

Also, resolutions adopted at the annual meeting of the secretaries and officers from each regimental battery and naval association of the civil-war veterans of Connecticut, favoring a service-pension bill-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. STARK: Paper to accompany House bill No. 3962, for the relief of Alanson C. Eberhart, of York, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, paper in support of House bill No.3966, f_or the relief ?f David Talmon, of Wymore, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invahd Pensions.

Also, paper to accompany Honse bill No. 3960, granting a pension to John Fisher, of Wilber, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pem:ions.

Also, paper to accompany House bill No. 3965, for the relief of George C. Maxfield, of Fairmont, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, paper to accompany House bill No. 2380, for the relief of Alonzo Lewis, of Aurora, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, paper to accompany House bill No. 3956, to increase the pension of George W. Plants, of Geneva, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, paper to accompany House bill No. 3958, for the relief of Rolin Tyler, of Odell, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, paper to accompany House bill No. 3967, to increase the pension of Griffith Evans, of Beatrice, Nebr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By :Mr. WHITE: Petition of William Mullevy to accompany House bill for an increase of his pension-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, paper to accompany House bill for the relief of John D. Thomas-to the Committee on War Claims.

SENATE. WEDNESDAY, January 31, 1900.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. W. H. MILBURN, D. D. The Secretary proceeded to read the Journal of yesterday's pro

ceedings, when, on motion of Mr. GALLINGER, and by unanimous consent, the further reading was dispensed with.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Journal will stand approved, if there be no objection.

THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES,

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair Jays before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of the Interior, stating that on February 23, 1899, there was transmitted from the Interior Department a copy of the agreement between the United States commissioners to negotiate with the Five Civilized Tribes and the commissioners on the part of the Creek (or Muscogee) Nation, concluded at Muscogee, Ind. T., February 1, 1899, for such action as Congress might deem proper in the premises, and requesting that, in accordance with the desire of the chairman of the commission and the principal chief of the Creek Nation, the agreement be returned to the Department for further consideration and such modification as may be deemed necessary and proper. The communication was sent to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and this request that it be returned should go to the same committee.

Mr. HALE. Returned bv whom? The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It is now in the possession of

the Committee on Indian Affairs, and it is the request of the Secretary of the Interior that it be returned in order that some amend-ments may be made to it. -. Mr. HALE. Why not refer it to the same committee and then let them report as to returning it?

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. That is proposed as the proper

course. The communication will be ref erred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

EAST WASHINGTON HEIGHTS TRACTION COMP.A.NY.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the annual report of the East Wa£hington Heights Traction Railroad Company for the fiscal year ended December 31, 1899; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, and ordered to be printed •

URGENT DEFICIENCY APPROPRIATION BILL.

Mr. HALE submitted the following report: The committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses

on the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H. R. 6237) making appropriations to supply urgent deficiencies in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30,.1900, and for prior years, and for other purposes, having met, after full and free conference have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That the Senate recede from its amendments numbered 23, 24, 25, 31, and 37. That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendments of the

Senate numberedl,2,31.4, 7,81J, 10, ll, 12, 13,14,15, 16,17, 18,, 19,20,21,22J27,28,~,30, 32,33,34,35,38,38,39,40,u,42,4i5,44,45,46,47,48,and 49, ana agree to tne same.

That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate numbered 6, and agree to the same with an amendment as follows: In lieu of the matter inserted by said Senate amendment insert the following:

"Public building at Helena, Mont.: The limit of cost of site for public building at Helena, Mont., is hereby fixed at $33,502.35, in lieu of the sum named in · the sundry civil appropriation act approved June 4, 1897, but the aggregate cost of the site and building shall not be increased."

And the Senate agree to the same. On amendments numbered 5 and 26 the committee of conference have been

unable to ~gree.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. the report.

EUGENE HALE, W. B. ALLISON, H. M. TELLER,

Manager3 on the part of the Senate. J. G. CANNON, 8. S. BARNEY, L. F. LIVINGSTON,

Manage1-s on the part of the House. The question is on agreeing to

The report was agreed to. Mr. HALE. There are two items left open, not agreed to. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator desire that it

shall go back into conference? Mr. HALE. Yes; I move that the Senate further insist on its

amendments still in disagreement and ask for a further conference. The motion was agreed to. By unanimous consent, the President pro tempore was author

ized to appoint the conferees on the part of the Senate at the further conference; and Mr. HALE, Mr. ALLISON, and Mr. TELLER were appointed.

MESS.A.GE FROM THE HOUSE. A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. W. J.

BROWNING, its Chief Clerk, announced that the House had passed the following bills; in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate:

A bill (H. R. 99) to establish amilitarypostat or near Des Moines, Iowa;

A bill (H. R. 2956) to extend the time for the completion of the incline railway on West Mountain, Hot Springs Reservation; and

A bill (H. R. 5491) to amend section 4843 of the Revised Statutes. ENROLLED BILL SIGNED.

The message also announced that the Speaker of the House had signed the enrolled joint resolution (S. R. 3) granting permission" for the erection of a monument in Washington, D. C.~ fortbeorna mentation of the national capital and in honor of Samuel Hahnemann; and it was thereupon signed by the President pro tempore.

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS.

Mr. GALLINGER. Mr. President, I desire to present a petition of the Farmers' National Congress, in the form of a resolution that was adopted at the nineteenth annual session of that Congress, held at Boston October 3 to 10, 1899. The resolution is as follows:

Whereas the ·interests of the whole country, the reenforcement of our Navy, the enlargement of foreign markets for our su11?lus products, the increased employment of our workingmen in the mine, foundry, factory, and shipyard, and the training of able seamen would all be promoted by the restorat ion of our merchant marine to its former position on the seas of the world: Therefore\

Resolved, That m our opinion it is the duty of Congress, at the earliest day possible, to enact legislation to secure such restoration- by the extension of such aid to American-built mail carriers and freighters as will enable them to successfully compete with the subsidized and bountied merchant ships of foreign countries in the carrying of our imports and exports.

I move that this petition in the form of a resolution be referred to the Committee on Commerce.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. GALLINGER p1·esented a petition of the Board of Trade

of New Hampshire, praying that an appropriation be made for the establishment of a permanent exposition of American products at Shanghai, China; which was refe1Ted to the Committee on Commerce.

Mr. PLATT of New York presented a petition of the Abbey Effervescent Salt Company, of New York, praying for the repeal

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1325 of the stamp tax on proprietary medicines, perfumeries, and cosmetics; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

He also presented a petition of sundry railway mail clerks of Watertown, N. Y., pr.aying for the enactment of legislation providing for the classification of clerks in first and second class postoffices; which was referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

He also presented a petition of sundry citizens of Danville, N. Y., praying that an appropriation be made for the extension of the free rural mail delivery system; which was referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

He also presented a petition of Bronx Borough District Council, United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America, of New York City, praying that all the remaining public lands of the United States be held for the benefit of the whole people, and that no grant of title be made to any but actual settlers and home builders; which was referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. DEBOE presented a petition of sundry brewers of Louisville, Ky., prayfog for the adoption of an amendment to the internalrevenue law discontinuing the issuance of revenue stamps of lower denominations than those used for quarter barrels; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

He also presented the petition of Laura Clay, president, and Mary C. Roark, secretary, on behalf of the Equal Rights' Association of Kentucky, praying for the adoption of a sixteenth amendment to the Constitution prohibiting the disfranchisement of citizens of the United States on account of sex; which was referred to the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage.

He also presented a petition of the Robinson-Pettet Company, of Louisville, Ky., praying for the repeal of the stamp tax upon proprietary medicines, perfumeries, and cosmetics; which was refe1Ted to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. TURLEY presented the petition of A. T. Goodloe and 34 other citizens of Robertson County, Tenn., praying for the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution to prohibit polygamy; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

He also presented the petition of Butler Boyd and 5 other citizens of Clarksville, Tenn., praying for the repeal of the stamp tax upon proprietary medicines, perfumeries, and cosmetics; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

He also presented a petition of the board of directors of the Cotton Exchange of Memphis, Tenn., praying for the passage of a river and harbor appropriation bill at the present session of Congress; which was referred to the Committee on Commerce.

Mr. RAWLINS presented a memorial of the members of the bar of Salt Lake City, Utah, remonstrating against the creation of an additional circuit court of appeals; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. BEVERIDGE presented the petition of C. F. Robinson & Son and sundry other druggists of Attica, Ind., praying for the repeal of the stamp ta.x upon proprietary medicines, perfumeries, and cosmetics; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. TILLMAN presented petitions of the Merchants' Exchange, the Chamber of Commerce, and the Young Men's Business League, all of Charleston, in the State of South Carolina, praying for the adoption of certain amendments to the interstate-commerce law to enlarge the powers of the Insterstate Commerce Commission; which were referred to the Committee on Interstate Commerce.

Mr. PENROSE presented a petition of sundry citizens of Penn· sylvania, praying for the repeal of the 15 per cent duty on hides; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

He also presented a petition of the congregation of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Wilkinsburg, Pa., praying for the enactment of a divorce law for the District of Columbia and the Territories; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

He also presented a petition of the congregation of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Wilkinsburg, Pa., praying for the enactment of a Sabbath law for the District of Columbia; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. ·

He also presented a petition of the congregation of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Wilkinsburg, Pa., and a petition of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Smethport, Pa., praying for the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution to prohibit polygamy; which were referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

He also presented the petition of J, D. Berg and sundry other druggists of Philadelphia, Pa., praying for the repeal of the stamp tax upon proprietary medicines, perfumeries, and cosmetics; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

He also presented sundry petitions of railway mail clerks of York, Erie, Pittsburg, and Allegheny, all in the State of Pennsylvania, praying for .the enactment of legislation providing for the classification of clerks in first and second class post-offices; which were referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

l\Ir. LODGE presented a petition of sundry railway mail clerks of Springfield, Mass., praying for the enactment of legislation to provide for the classification of clerks in first and second class

post-offices; which was referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

Mr. CHILTON presented the peUtion of J. W. Fuller and sundry other railway mail clerks of San Antonio, Tex., praying for the enactment of legislation to provide fer the classification of clerks in first and second class post-offices; which was referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

Mr. HAWLEY presented the petition of Isabella Beecher Hooker, president, and Frances Ellen Burr, secretary, on behalf of the Woman Suffrage Association of Connecticut, praying for the adoption of a sixteenth amendment to the Constitution, pro· hibiting the disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex; which was referred to the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage.

Mr. McMILLAN presented a petition of Local Union No. 100, United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America, praying that all the remaining public lands of the United States be held for the benefit of the whole people, and that no grants of title to any of these lands should ever hereafter be made to any but actual settlers and home builders on the lands; which was referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES.

Mr. HALE, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom were referred the followin~ bills, reported them severally without amendment, and submitted reports thereon:

A bill (S. 2727) authorizing payment of commutation of ration to the petty officers of the Navy who served on detached duty between March 1, 1898, and November 4, 1899; and

A bill (8. 2035) providing for the use by the United States of devices invented by its naval officers while engaged in its service and covered by letters· patent.

Mr. LODGE, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom were ref erred the following bills, asked to be discharged from their further consideration and that they be ref erred to the Committee on Commerce; which was agreed to:

A bill (S. 1021) authorizing the President of the United States to appoint a commission to investigate the commercial and industrial condition of the Empire of China, and for other purposes;

A bill (S. 1022) authorizing the President of the United States to appoint a commission to investigate the commercial and industrial condition of the Empire of Japan, and for other purposes;

A bill (S. 1948) authorizing the appointment by the President of the United States of a commission of not less than five members to investigate the question of trade relations of the United States in the Orient, and for other purposes; and

A bill (S. 2004) authorizing an investigation into the economic resources and other cognate questions in the Chinese Empire and adjacent countries of eastern Asia, with special reference to the trade of the United States in such parts of the world and the possibility of its enlargement.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2354) authorizing railroad lines in Indian Territory to lease 01· consolidate continuous lines under certain circumstances, reported it with an amendment.

Mr. Mc LAURIN, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2311) for the relief of Mrs. Ella M. Shell, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

Mr. ALLEN, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was re· ferred the bill (S. 227) for the relief of the Continental Fire Insur• ance Company and others, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

He also, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom were referred the following bills, reported them severally with amendments, and submitted reports thereon:

A bill (S. 1309) granting an increase of pension to Herman Piel; and

A bill (S. 1298) granting a pension to Capt. Oscar Taylor. Mr. DA VIS, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom

the subject was referred, reported a bill (S. 2799) to carry into effect the stipulations of Article VII of the treaty between the United States and Spain concluded on the 10th day of December, 1898; which was read twice by its title.

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill (S. 944) to carry into effect the stipulations of Article VII of the treaty between the United States and Spain concluded on the 10th day of . December, 1898, reported adversely thereon; and the bill was postponed indefinitely.

Mr. STEW ART, from the Committee on Claims, to whom were referred the following bills, reported them severally without amendment, and submitted reports thereon:

A bill (S. 3'73) for the relief of Avery D. Babcock and wife, of Oregon;

A bill (S. 2384) to reimburse certain persons who expended moneys and furnished services and supplies in repelling invasions and suppressing Indian hostilities within the Territorial limits of the present State of Nevada; and

1326 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY ~1,

A bill (S. 1231) for the relief of Virginia I. Mullan, of Annapolis, Md.

Mr. WARREN, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was referred the bill (S. 1759) for the relief of William A. Richards, late surveyor-general of Wyoming, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

Mr. QUARLES, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2209) granting an increase of pension to Frederick Higgins, reported it with an amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

Mr. KENNEY, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (S. 994) granting an increase of pension to Casper Miller, jr., reported it with amendments, and submitted a report thereon.

EULOGIES ON GARRET A, HOBART. Mr. PLATT of New York. I am directed by the Committee on

Printing, to whom was referred the joint resolution (S. R. 75) to print 31,000 copies of the eulogies on Garret A. Hobai·t, late VicePresident of the United States, to report it without amendment, and I ask unanimous consent for its present consideration.

There being no objection, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the joint resolution. It provides that there shall be printed of the eulogies delivered in Congress on Garret A. Hobart, late Vice-President of the United States, 31,000 copies, of which 10,000 copies shall be for the use of the Senate, 20,000 for the use of the House of Representatives, 500 copies for the use of the Depai·tment of State, and 500 copies for the use of the family of the late Vice-President, and directs the Secretary of the Treasury to have printed a portrait of Garret A. Hobart, to accompany the eulogies; and for the purpose of engraving and printing the portrait $500 is appropriated.

The joint resolution was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

REAR-ADMIRAL DEWEY'S REPORT. Mr. PLATT of New York, from the Committee on Printing,

to whom was referred the following resolution, submitted by Mr. PETTIGREW on the 15th instant, reported it without amendment; and it was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to:

Resolved, That there be printed for the use of the Senate 1,000 copies of Rear-Admiral Dewey's report of the naval operations on the Asiatic station, ~~n~inla~a~a.val battle of Manila. Ba.y, May 1, 1898, a.nd the investment a.nd

A bill (S. 2807) granting an increase of pension to Hugh F. Ames (with accompanying papers).

Mr. EL.KINS introduced a bill (S. 2808) for the increase of the salaries of the justices of the courts of the District of Columbia; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2809) authorizing the sale of a part of the Potomac Park; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2810) granting a -pension to Esther Dyer Hammond; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2811) granting an increase of pension to Wesley C. Pryor; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

1\Ir. DA VIS introduced a bill (S. 2812) to amend an act entitled ''An act for the relief of telegraph operators who served in the war of the rebellion," approved January 26, 1897, and for other purposes; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. LODGE introduced a bill (S. 2813) for the relief of Arthur R. Henderson; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

He also introduced a bill {S. 2814) to increase the pay of letter carriers; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

He also introduced a bill (8. 2815) for the relief of the heirs of Louisa E. McLean; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. BERRY introduced a bill (S. 2816) for the relief of the estate of R. E. Bonds, deceased; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. RAWLINS introduced a bill (S. 2817) granting to the University of Utah additional lands adjacent to its site; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2818) granting to Manti City, in the State of Utah, certain lands to enable it to control the watershed which affords to said city its water supply, to prevent its denudation and resulting disastrous floods; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. KEAN introduced a bill (S. 2819) granting an increase of pension to Henry Van Gelder; which was read twice by its title,

REPORTS OF SECRETARIES OF THE SEN~TE. I and referred to t~e Committee on Pens~ons. . . Mr. PLATT of New York, from the Committee on Printing, Mr. TURL~Y mtrod1?-ce~ the followmg bills; which w~re sev-

reported the following order; which was considered by unanimous eraJ}.y read twice by therr titles, and refe1·red to the Committee on consent, and agreed to: Claun.s:

9 • • ••

Ordered, That there be printed the usual number of the index to an the re- A bill (S, 28 ... 0) for therehef of Thomas B. Smith, admmistrator ports of the Secretaries of the Senate, prepared in pursuance of Senate reso- of Thomas S. Hardaway; lution No. 54:7, Fifty-fifth Congress, third session. A bill (S. 2821) for the relief of the estate of Joseph Alstott,

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF NA VlGATION. I decea.sed (with accompanying papers); Mr. PLATT of New York, from the Committee on Printing, to A bill (S. 2822) for the relief of F. M. Fitzger~ld, administra~or

whom was referred the resolution submitted by Mr. CULLOM on of the estate of John Chandler, deceased (with accompanymg the 15th instant, reported it without amendment; and it was con- paper~) i . sidered by unanimous consent, and agreed to, as follows: A bill (S. 2823) for the relief of the estate .of Samuel J. Hays,

Resolved by the Senate, That there be printed 1.000 additional copies of the deceas_ed; . report of Mr. Elmer L. Corthell, United States delegate to the Seventh Inter- A bill (S. 2824) for the relief of the board of trustees of the ~ational Con~ of ~avigation. Brussels, Belyium, July 28, 1898, to be bound Memphis Conference Female Institute, of Jackson, Tenn.; m cloth, for distribution by the Department 0 State. . A bill (S. 2825) for the relief of H. S. Simmons's estate; and

STENOGRAPHER FOR COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. A bill (S. 2826) for the relief of the estate of Elizabeth Toof Mr. GALLINGER, from the Committee to Audit and ·Control decea.sed. '

the Contingent Expenses of the Senate, to whom was referred Mr. SHOUP introduced a bill (S. 2827) granting an increase of the resolution submitted by Mr. DAVIS on the 29th instant, re- pension to Corneilus Shroder; which was read twice by its title, porteditwithoutamendment; anditwasconsideredbyunanimous and referred to the Committee on Pensions. consent, and agreed to, as follows: He also intrnduced a bill (S. 2828) granting an increase of pen-

Resolved, That the stenographer employed to report the statements made sion to Hippolyte Perrault; which was read twice by its title, and before the Committee on Foreign Relations in regard to the effect of the referred to the Committee on Pensions. reciprocity treaties made between ~e Unit~d States and.the s~veral fore~ Mr DEBOE introduced the following bills· which were sev-¥overnments on the revenues and mdustr1es of the United Sta.tes be paid • d . . . ' . out of the contingent fund of the Senate, and that the said committee be, a.nd erally rea twice by therr titles, and referred to the Committee on the same is hereby, authorized to employ a stenographer from time to time Pensions: ' ns may b~ necessa:ry, to report such hearings oi: proceedings as may be bad A bill (S. 2829) grantinO' a pension to John C Wilson. before sa.id committee, and to have the sa.me printed for the use of the com- . 8 . 0 • • ' ' • mittee, and that such stenographer be paid out of the contingent fund. of the A bill (S .. 2 30) granting a pension to Asls1e Bennett (with an Sena.ta. accompanymg paper);

BILLS INTRODUCED. A bill (8. 2831) granting an increase of pension to Adolph Cab-Mr. BAKER introduced the following bills; which were sever- bell (with accompanying papers); . ·

ally read twice by their titles, and referred to the Committee on A bill (S. 2832) granting a pension to Ferdinand Petsch (with Pensions: . accompanying papers);

A bill (S. 2800) granting an increase of pension to James H. A bill (8. 2833-) granting a pension to Elizabeth Morris; Beddow; A bill (S. 283!) granting a pension to Anne M. Cluke; and

A bill (S. 2801) granting an increase of pension to William A. A bill (S. 2835) granting a pension to Benjamin H. Simpson. Carnahan; Mr. DEBOE introduced the following bills; which were sever-. A bill (S. 2802) granting an increase of pension to William H. ally read twice by their titles, and referred to the Committee on

Carte; Military Affairs: A bill (S. 2803) granting an increase of pension t.o Henry Clay; A bill (S. 2836) for the relief of George Bradshaw; . A bill (S. 2804) granting an increase of pension to C. Disbrow; A bill (S. 2837) for the relief of J.B. Satterfield (with an ac-A bill (S. 2805) granting an increase of pension to William Hoag; companymg paver); and A bill (S. 2806) granting an increa.se of pension to William G. A bill (S. 2838) for the relief of D. M. Payne.

Stout (with an accompanying paper); and Mr. PLATT of Connecticut introduced a bill (S. 2839) for the

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1327 relief of Hyland 0. Kirk an_d othe~'S, ~ssignees of Addison 0. Fletcher; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Patents.

Mr. SIMON introduced a bill (S. 2840) for enlarg!-ng the pub).ic building at Portland, Oreg., situ~ted bet~een Morrison,""'! am~ll, Fifth and Sixth streets in said city; which was read twice by its title, 'and referred to fue Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. .

Mr. DEPEW introduced a bill (S. 2841) for the .relief of the legal representatives of John Roach, dece~ed; which _was read twice by its title and referred to the Committee on Clarms.

Mr. BEVERIDGE introduced a bill (S. 2842) corr0?ting t~e military record of James A. Scull; which was read twice by ~ts title, and, with the accompanying paper, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2843) granting an increase of pension to John Johnson; which .was read twice by its ti~le, and, with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Pensions. "'

He also introduced a bill (S. 2844) granting a pension to Samantha M. Hallowell; which was read twice by i~ title, and, ~th the accompanying paper, referred to the Comrruttee on Pens_ions.

Mr. MARTIN introduced a bill (S. 2845) for the relief of P. F. Eagan; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Olaims.

Mr. DANIEL introduced a bill (S. 2846) for the relief of George W. Oraig; which wa-s read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Olaims.

Mr PENROSE introduced a bill (S. 2847) granting a pension to E~anuel F. Ditzler; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2848) for the relief of the legal representatives of Tomlinson & Hartupee &_Co.; whic~ was read twice by its title, and referred to the Comrrutt_ee on Clau;r1s. . .

He also introduced a bill (S. 2849) for the relief of Anme ~1te; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Claims.

He also introduced the following bills; which were severally read twice by their titles, and referred to the Committee on Mili-tary Affairs: .

A bill (S. 2850) to correct the military record of Lewis Camplain (with accompanying papers);

A bill (S. 2851) to correct the military record of James A. Orr (with accompanying papers);

A bill (S. 2852) to correct the military record of John E. Mc-Collough; .

A bill (S. 2853) to correct the military record of Henry F. Miller- and

A bill (S. 2854) to restore Edward L. Keyes to the Army, and to transfer him to the retired list.

Mr. PENROSE introduced a bill (S. 2855) to correct the naval record of John Lindsay; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Naval Affair8.

He also introduced a bill (8. 2856) making the proceedings of the Grand Army of the Republic a part of the public records of the United States; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Printing.

Mr. FRYE introduced a bill (S. 2857) granting a pension to James L. Holden; which was read twice by its title, and, with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Pensions.

AMENDMENTS TO BILLS. Mr. WARREN submitted an amendment intended to be pro

posed by him to the bill (S. 222) to provide government for the Territory of Hawaii; which was ordered to lie on the table and be printed.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas (by request) submitted an amendment directing the payment of $216,679.48 to the members of the Chickasaw Indian tribes out of money heretofore appropriated and belonging to what is known as the "incompetent fund," intended to be proposed by him to the Indian appropriation bill; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. ELKINS submitted an amendment proposing an appropriation of $15,000 for paving Fourteenth street to Lydecker avenue, and Lydecker avenue to east side of !I'hirteenth street, intended to be proposed by him to the District appropriation bill; which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to be printed.

RULES ADOPTED BY COMMITTEE ON PENSIONS. Mr. GALLINGER. I ask unanimous consent that the code of

rules adopted by the Committee on Pensions be printed in the RECORD. The rules are brief, they will not occupy much space, and will give information to a class of people· outside of the two Housesof Congress which may prevent to some extent the flood of private pension bills that are coming to the committee.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore,, The Senator from New Hamp-

shire asks unanimous consent that the code of rules adopted by the Committee on Pensions touching pension claims be printed in the RECORD. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

The code of rules referred to is as follows:

COMMITTEE ON PENSIONS, UNITED STATES SENATE.

Rules adopted by the committee December 18, 1898. Revised Jan-. uary 9, 1900. 1. No bill will be considered by this committee unless applica

tion for pension or increase.of pensi~n ~as first. bee? made to the Bureau of Pensions, nor while the clarm IS pending m the Bureau, except in cases where conclusive proof _is presented that .the claimant has no pensionable status under existing laws. Claims passed upon by the Bureau, whether allowed or rejected, will not be given consideration until a period of at least one year has elapsed: Provided, however, That incaseof personsover70 years of a~e, or claims which have been rejected because they do not !echmcally come within the provisions of existing law, the requirement as to time may be waived.

2. Where original pension o~ !ncrease of. ~ension h~s bee_n allowed by special act, no proposition for additional pension will be entertained.

3. In no case will the allowance of arrears be recommended in a special pension bill. . .

4. Bills proposing to pension sons or daughters of soldiers will not be entertained except in cases where the beneficiary has been idiotic, deformed, or othenyise mentally or physi~ally incapacitated from birth or early childhood, and then only m cases of destitution. In such cases the rate allowed shall not exceed 512 per month.

5. Bills for increasing pensions which have been granted by tJ;ie Bureau at the maximum rate under the act of June 27, 1890, will not be given consideration except in cases of actual destitution or extreme physical disability: Provided, howeve1·, That where pension has been allowed under the act of June 27, 1890, and a rejected claim exists under the general law, the equities in the latter claim may be considered in connection with the bill.

6. Where pension has been allowed at the rate of $8 per month under the law of 1887, granting service pensions to soldiers and widows of soldiers of the Mexican war, no proposition for increase will be entertained until after application has been made to the Pension Bureau and action taken thereon under the amended Mexican pension law granting 812 per month to such as are wholly disabled for manual labor and in destitute circumstances: Provided, howe'Ver, That if application for increase has been pending in the Bureau for the period of one year the provisions of this rule may be waived. .

7. Bills proposing to pension men who were not mustered mto the military service, except in cases where in emergencies they performed military duty and were wounded, or unless some special or extraordinary service was rendered in connection with the Army, are not admissible.

8. No widow's pension will be recommended in excess of the maximum rate allowed by law except in cases of destitution or extreme physical disability, to be substantiated by sworn testimony, including the claimant's affidavit; and in no case will pension be recommended for a widow at a higher rate than $50 per month.

9. Consideration will not be given to any bill which proposes t<l restore to the roll the name of a widow whose pension was forfeited by remarriage unless she was the wife of the soldier during the period of his military service, and is now a widow in actual need. ·

10. Bills proposing t-0 pension brothers or sisters of solc1iers are not admissible.

11. Bills for original pension will ordinarily be considered by this committee in preference to those for increase.

12. Upon request of a Senator any bill will be promptly referred to a subcommittee, but the bill must be reported back to the full committee for consideration and action.

13. An authorized statement by a member of the committee, or by the Senator introducing a bill, as to the circumstances of the claimant, will be required when satisfactory evidence does not appear among the papers accompanying the bill. .

JACOB H. GALLINGER, Chairman. JOHN H. WALKER, Clerk,

STENOGRAPHER FOR INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMITTEE.

Mr. CULLOM submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee to Audit and Control the Coatingent Expenses of the Senate:

Resol-ved, That the stenographer employed to report the hea.~ingi; held and to be held by the Committee on Interstate Commerce on the hill (S. 1439) to amend an act entitled "An act to regulate commerce," approved Fe brua.ry 4-. 1887, and all acts amendatory thereof, be paid from the contingent fund o! the Senate.

1328 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31,

TRANS.ACTIONS WITH NEW YORK CITY BAN.KS. Mr. ALLEN. I submit a resolution and ask for its present

consideration. The resolution was read, as follows: Resolved, That the Committee on Finance be, and they are hereby, dis

charged from the further consideration of Senate resolutions of inquiry dated January 4 and 23, 1900, concerning certain tr&nsactions between the Treasury Department of the United States and the National City Bank and the Hanover National Bank, of the city of New York.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there objection to the pres-ent consideration of the resolution?

Mr. SPOONER. I object. Mr. ALDRICH. Let it go over. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution goes over under

the rule. MARY J. MORROW,

Mr. COCKRELL submitted the following resolution; which wa,<; referred to the Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses of the Senate:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate be, and he hereby is, authorized and directed to pay to Mary J. Morrow, widow of Christopher C. Morrow, deceased late a clerk in the office of the Secretary of the Senate, a sum equal to twelve months' salary at the rate paid to the said clerk per annum, said sum to be considered as including funeral expenses and a.11 other allowances.

HOUSE BILLS REFERRED, The bill (H. R. 2956) to extend the time for the completion of

the incline railway on West Mountain, Hot Springs Reservation, was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

The following bills were severally read twice by their titles, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs:

A bill (H. R. 99) to establish a military post at or near Des Moines, Iowa; and

A bill (H. R. 5491) to amend section 4843 of the Revised Statutes. HISTORY OF FJLIPINO REVOLT.

Mr. PETTIGREW. I submit the resolution which I send to the Jesk.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read. The Secretary proceeded to read the resolution, and read as

follows: Resolved, That the Authentic Review of the Philippine Revolution, which

is as follows-Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator

from South Dakota if that is the article or the pamphlet which he asked to have printed yesterday? · Mr. PETTIGREW. I suppose the reading of the resolution will develop what the Senator wishes to ascertain.

Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, there is a motion now pending to print that article, which I take to be the same, and before it makes a part of the RECORD-before it is printed as a public document-I wish to enter my protest against its being printed as a part of the RECORD and becoming a document of the United States in any form.

I have never made any protest against printing that has been ordered here, of all sorts of articles and speeches on all kinds of subjects, although I think that it is a privilege which is greatly abused; but in this case I do desire to enter a protest, and the reason why I do so is because, in this publication or pamphlet, a number of statements are attributed to Admiral Dewey which I have'his authority to say are absolutely false.

Mr. President, that the Anti-Imperialist League and its one newspaper organ should print and circulate anything of any sort without regard to its character is to be expected. It is their trade, and I have nothing to say against it. They are such careful guardians of other people's virtue that they can do things which persons of less virtue than themselves would shrink from performing. But I do think that for the United States to send out under its imprint a series of statements attributing remarks and conversation to the Admiral of its Navy which he states to be absolutely false is something in which the Senate should not engage.

I will read the statement of Admiral Dewey, in a note I received from him this morning:

DE.AR SENATOR LODGE: The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, as recently published in the Springfield Republican, so far as it velates to me, is a. tissue of falsehoods.

* * • • • Sincerely, yours,

GEORGE DEWEY. Now, I do not think that on that statement we ought in any

way to put a pamphlet containing that tissue of falsehoods into the RECORD or print it as a public document. It does not seem to me that it is the proper thing to do. The document would go out and be circulated under a frank, free of cost; no denial could go with it of those lies which have been denounced by the Admiral of the Navy as such, which are attributed directly to him and which, in the!amphlet I saw, were all printed in italics. The pamphlet I rea purported to be written by Aguinaldo, and to have been printed, I balieve, at Tarlac. in Luzon.

It seems to me to bear the marks of publication and preparation

at some place nearer the United States than Luzon or Hongkong. But be that as it may, all these emphasized statements of conversations which~ on their face, were reported eighteen months after they :were .supposed to h.ave taken place, are stigmatized by the AdmU"al himself as a "tissue of falsehoods." I do not think it is just to him; I do not think it is proper for the United States to ~low S1;1Ch statements as t'l?-at to go out under its imprint and in its official record, and that is why I enter my protest at this point.

Mr. ALDRICH. Mr. President, I raise the question of order upon the consideration of the resolution. It seems to me that to put a resolution in this form is a clear and palpable evasion of the Senate rules. As I understand, the Senator from South Dakota undertakes by this method to have inserted in the RECORD a long paper which he asked the Senate yesterday to have print.ed and which he has a resolution before the Senate to have printed. That resolution, under the rules, must go to the Committee on Printing. The Senator will succeed in this form, if he is allowed, to have this paper printed, which a large proportion of Senators certainly have made strenuous objections to having printed, and he will succeed in having it printed in the RECORD by what seems. to me to be a clear evasion of the rules.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair sustains the point of order.

Mr. HAWLEY. That it is out of order? The PRESIDENT pro tempore. That it is out of order. Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, this paper is a translation

from a Spanish pamphlet written by Aguinaldo and translated in Boston. It was furnished to the Springfield Republican, and they sent it to their reporter in this city, requesting him to call the attention of Admiral Dewey to the allusions to himself in the document. The reporter did so, and Admiral Dewey, after examining it, replied through his secretary that he would say nothing; that he would adhere to his decision and say nothing upon the subject until the commission made its report.

It now appears that Admiral Dewey has concluded to say something upon the subject, and a letter turns up in the hands of the Senator from Massachusetts in which he says that the statements with regard to himself are a tissue of falsehoods. Now, a statement of that sort could be made simply if Mr. Dewey and Mr. Aguinaldo, in a very immaterial way, almost, misunderstood each other, one construction being put upon the language by one, they not speaking a common tongue, and another construction by the other upon the language used between them. That there was a recognition of Aguinaldo and his government by us and by our Navy there can be no possible question. Admiral Dewey recognized the flag of the, Phi1ippine republic and the vessels of that republic in Manila Bay.

Mr. SPOONER. How? Mr. PETTIGREW. By saluting the flag and by convoying one

of the vessels of the Filipino republic to Subig Bay and receiving the surrender of Spanish garrisons, and then turning the prisoners over to Aguinaldo after their surrender.

Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I ask the Senator's permission at that point- '

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from South Dakota yield to the Senator from Massachusetts?

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will not yield. The Senator can speak when I am through.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The debate is proceeding by unanimous consent.

Mr. LODGE. I will read-the rest of the letter subsequently. Mr. PETTIGREW. Now, what is more, Mr. President, afte1

Manila surrendered, while we were negotiating a treaty of peace with Spain, Admiral Dewey captured and confiscated these vessels belonging to Aguinaldo's government and took the flag of that republic from off the sea, a direct act of war against our allies, who to the number of 30,000 were camped around the town of Manila, who had helped capture Manila, who entered Manila with our forces and took possession of a large portion of the suburbs of that city, and who retired after entering Manila with our forces from the inner city and the larger part of the city, which is outside of the old city of Manila.

Mr. GALLINGER. Mr. President, I rise to a point of order. If this debate is to be engaged in some of the rest of us will want a little time, and I think some agreement ought to be made about it. I take it the Senator from South Dakota is proceeding out of order in discussing the question that has been ruled upon by the Chair.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from South Dakota is proceeding by unanimous consent.

Mr. GALLINGER. Now, Mr. President, I have no objection to his going on if it be understood that it is an open debate; but I should be unwilling that the Senator from South Dakota, who has occupied the attention of the Senate for hours and hours in defense of this distinguished citizen of the Philippines, should be permitted to make a lengthy speech and then the rest of us should be shut off from answenng. That is the only point I wish to make.

1900. OONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1329 Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, in the face of these facts,

in the face of the evidence in Document No. 62, sent by the President of the United States, that our genera.ls at Paris told our commissioners that we were under great obligations to those people, to Aguinaldo and his army, for the capture of several thousand Spanish prisoners, for driving in to the city of Manila and surrounding them with earthworks what was left of the Spanish forces in that country, it seems to me that it is pertinent and proper that the statement of Aguinaldo with regard to the facts connected with this transaction should be laid before the American people. If they can not be laid before the American people otherwise, if this ~resolution is not to be adopted, if yon will not permit the ·statement to be printed as a document, then we will read it and put it in the RECORD.

Mr. HAWLEY. I shall object to it as treason and giving aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States, which is what the Senator has been doing constantly.

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, it is interesting to listen to the excitement of these people--

Mr. HAWLEY. Who are "these people?" Mr. PETTIGREW. The Senator from Connecticut is one of

them-who are afraid to lay before the American people the facts with regard to a transaction in which this Administration is wrong. If telling the truth, if disclosing what has occurred, is treason, then you can make the most of it. We will tell the truth. We will expose the things which have been done by this Administration, no matter what may be the result. The threat of treason, the talk about encouraging the enemy will not deter us from laying before the American people these glaring facts. If in struggling to J?revent the destruction of this Republic, if upholding the Declaration of Independence, if resisting the treason of the President in violating the Constitution, which he has sworn to support, is treason, I am guilty; try me for treason.

Why, Mr. President, when this session opened a simple resolution asking for information was tabled by the majority in this body. and the purpose, evidently planned, was that nothing should be laid before the people of the United States. The policy of suppression in that way became too irksome, and, finally, the effort now is made to refer such resolutions to a committee, and thus smother investigation in that way.

Is this a Republic? Do the people rule? Are they no longer entitled to a knowledge of the history which we have made? Mr. President, locked up in the secrets of the State Department are the reports of our consuls in Cuba previous to the outbreak of the Spanish war. They have never been laid before this body; they have never been made public to the American people. The same course has been pursued through all this wretched business. It accords well with the idea that we shall establish in the place and upon the ruins of the RtJpublic an empire, a government ruled without the knowl~dge or consent of the people. · If protesting against this is treason, if denouncing this thing is

treason, then I am guilty, let the consequences be what they may. Mr. President-- . Mr. CHANDLER. I object to further debate. Mr. PETTIGREW. I do not care to discuss the question

further this morning. Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, it seems to me rather harsh that,

after the charges which have been made here under unanimous consent, those of us who take the opposite view should be suddenly cut off from all reply. There should surely be some fairness in such a matter. It has been charged here--

Mr. COCKRELL. We have not objected on this side. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. I hope the Senator from New Hamp

shire will withdraw his objection. Mr. CHANDLER. I withdraw my objection. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Massachu-

setts [Mr. LODGEl is recognized. . -Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, my.objection to this pamphlet is

not that it contains the truth, but that it is a mass of falsehoods. I want all the truth published, aml I for one resent this continual heaping of slanders upon the men charged with our Departments and with our executive affairs, that they are holding back information from the American people. It is their one desire to lay everything before the American people; and when that mass of papers we have called for is put upon that desk and printed, the persons who will regret their appearance are not those who are supporting the Administration and its policy, but those who have slandered it here and elsewhere.

Mr. President, it has been stated here in so many words this morning that Admiral Dewey saluted the Filipino flag, that he recognized the independence of the Filipinos. These assertions are added to the charges in that lying pamphlet, translated and printed in Springfield, although the copy I saw purported to come from Luzon. I wish now and on this account to read the whole of Admiral Dewey's letter. I had no desire to bring Admiral Dewey into this any more than was absolutely necessary. I thought the few sentences that I had read were enough to show to

XXXIII-84

the Senate, without any distinction of party"or of difference of opinion on this case, that it was neither becoming nor proper to give the imprint of the United States to such material as this. Let us circulate the truth by all means, but do not let us circulate under the imprint of the United States branded slanders, which are attributed-whether rightly or wrongly I know not-to the authorship of a man who has been fighting the United States, or at least employing others to do so. I will read the whole letter:

The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo recently published in the Springfield Republican as far as it relates to me is a tissue of falsehood. I never promised him, directly or. indirectly, indopendenoo for the Filipinos. I never treated him as an ally, except so far a.s to make nse of him and his natives to assist me in my operations against the Spaniards. He never uttered the word "independence " in any conver sation with me or my officers. The statement that I received him with military honors or saluted the Filipino flag is absolutely false. ·

Sincerely, yours, GEORGE DEWEY. Mr. President, we all know that the insurgent troops were used

in the operations about Manila. This charge about saluting the Filipino flag and receiving Aguinaldo with military honors has been repeated and reiterated here day after day before the Departments have had, time to send in the official facts; and now, in the presence of that denial from themostdistinguishednavalofficerand Admiral of the United States, we are asked to send out, with the imprint of the United States, the slanders and the falsehoods contained in that pamphlet. I do not know what others may think, but as for the word of that pamphlet against the word of George Dewey, I take the word of George Dewey, as the people of the United States will take it, as final; and I do not think that the Senate of the United States ought to lend itself to any such busi-ness as this. · , · ·

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, no one, I think, in the Senate or in the. country would countenance any attempt anywhere to diminish the exercise of what is precious to all of us-liberty of speech; but I believe the people of the United States-and the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. PETTIGREW] asks whether they rule or not-must, in the· circumstances of ·to-day, grow wea,ry some time, if they have not already grown weary of the daily trial in the Senate Chamber, upon motions of inquiry, of the suit of Aguinaldo against the United States.

There ought to be a line drawn somewhere, Mr. President, in this matter. It may not perhaps be drawn in debate, but it may be drawn as to the placing upon the permanent records of this Senate of such communications as the Senator from South Dakota seeks by this rather evasive means to place upon them.

When before has it ever been proposed-and I do not intend to discuss the question as to what we shall do or what we ought to do in the Philippines, the question which the Senator from South Dakota daily seeks to discuss here-but when before has it been proposed in the Senate to place upon the records of this body a justification, or attempted justification, of his cause by a man in arms against the flag and against the Government of the United States? It is not simply a question whether the statements contained in that paper are true or false. So far as the American. people are concerned, they will believe the statement of Admiral Dewey; and when the Senator from South Dakota aRserts as a fact that Admiral Dewey saluted the flag of the so-called Philippine .republic and Admiral Dewey says he did not, there will be no longer in the public mind, I think, if there ever has been, any question about it.

But here is a proposition to place upon the RECORD, coupled with a proposition yesterday to circulate it as a document printed by the Senate, a statement by a man in arms against oar flag, spending his days and his nights in concerting measures by which he can kill the. soldiers who rally around that flag-a statement intended to show that his cause is a just one and that our cause is not a just one.

Mr. RAWLINS. Will the Senator permit a question? Mr. SPOONER. In one moment. Mr. President, my objection to that is not that it sends the truth

over the country; 1t is the effect it will have upon Aguinaldo and his forces, for it will be taken to be an adoption by the Senate of the United States of his statement as a true statement, worthy under the public imprint to be sent throughout the country. Does it need any argument to show that the effect of such action by the Senate can not be otherwise than detrimental over there? Can it be otherwise than a direct encouragement to those in what I call insurrection against this Government and against our flag? Whatever the people may say after a while about this question when the war is ended. !think they stand by the Army of the United States, Mr. President, and that they will have no sympathy with any· utterance, here or elsewhere, which endangers the life of one man wearing the uniform of: the Federal Army and fighting 7,000 miles away under orders and under the flag. ·

Mr. RAWLINS. Will the Senator now yield? Mr. SPOONER. In one moment. Mr. RAWLINS. The question I desire to ask the Senator is

directly in the line of what he is saying. · The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Wisconsin

declines to yield.

1330 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE~ JANUARY 31,

Mr. SPOONER. I decline for one moment. Mr. President, there has just reached San Francisco an Ameri

can ship bearing t.o his last rest the body of General Lawton, killed on the firing line under our flag in the Philippines-as chivalrous a. soldier as ever led a column into battle. He is dead. His broken-hearted widow and children are bringing him back to his own land and to a people who love him and admire him, not only for his long life of splendid military service, but for his gallantry and fidelity over there in the struggle against Aguinaldo and to carry forward our flag and the authority of the United States. Dead he is; but, Mr. President, he still speaks; &nd I want to rea~ here on this ·occasion his opinion as to the effect of such propositions as this and some of the_ debate we listen to here upon the safety of the Federal Army: - I would to God that the whole truth of this whole Philippine situation could be known by every one in America as I know it. If the so-<Jalled a.ntiimperialists. could honestly ascertain the truth on the ground and not in distant America, they, who I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be convinced of the error of their statements and conclusions and of the unfortunate ejf ect of their publication here-

Tha tis the point of his letter-I/ I am shot lYrJ a Jfli1ipino bullet, i t might as well come from one of my own

meJi, because I 1.."n-Ow from observation , confirmed by captured prisoners, tha.t the continuance of fighting is chiefly due to reports that are sent out here from .Anierica. ·

Mr. President, the debate will go on; these resolutions of inquiry and propositions like this will go on without doubt, but I venture to hope that there may be a truce-I ask only for a. short one-until General Lawton's body may be brought from San Francisco and laid away in the spot which is to be his last home on earth.

.Mr. GALLINGER obtained the floor. Mr. RAWLINS. I wanted to ask the Senator fyom Wisconsin

a question. 'l'he PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator yield? Mr. SPOONER. Of course. Mr. RAWLINS. Mr. President, the objection which I under

stand the Senator from Wisconsin to make in this case is to the placing of anything upon the RECORD which emanates from Aguinaldo, the leader of the armed insurgents against the United States. Is the Senator not aware of the fact that the Administration itself, in repeated documents sent to us, has made public many things emanating from that same source? And is it any more a violation of the obligation of patriotism for a membe1· of this Senate to present a statement also from the same source bearing upon the condition of those distant islands than it is for a friend of the Administration or the Administration itself to do so; or are we to be content with precisely and only such facts as may come to us after the scrutiny of censorship; and are the American people to be kept in the dark as to the real situation, if only it is deemed necessary by those who are standing upon the threshold of a political campaign?

I would not and I do not think there is any member of this Sen· ate who would desire to lend encouragement to any man in arms against the autho1ity of the United States.

Mr. GALL"INGER. Mr. President-.Mr. RAWLINS. But when a. letter is read here emanating

from a distinguished general, who, with true patiiotism and with sublime courage, has fought the battles of the Republic, and it is read here only for one purpose-to create a sentiment in support of a political propaganda; and when we know that that officer and other officers in those far-away islands have by rigid censorship been cut off from spurces of information which are open to us, and which are open to the Administration, but not open to them-when a statement like that comes from General Lawton, we have in charity the right to say that he, like other officers in those distant islands, is not cognizant of all the facts relating to this situation. -

Mr. President--Mr. GALLINGER. I am interested in listening to the Sena

tor, but I was recognized and simply yielded for a question. Mr. SPOONER. The Senator from New Hampshire must re

member that the Senator from Utah is asking me a question. Mr. GALLINGER. Yes; certainly. Mr. RAWLINS. I am answering it as the Senator originally

did my question, and I will give him an opportunity to respond. Mr. CHANDLER. I rise to a question of order, Mr. President. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator will state his

point of order. Mr. CHANDLER. The Senator from Utah is not on the floor

in his own right. My colleague (Mr. GALLINGER] is on the floor and yielded to the Senator from Utah~· RAWLINS] t.o put a question to the Senator from Wisconsin . SPOONERJ.

Mr. GALLINGER. That is precisely he situation. Mr. RAWLINS. I yield, and I regret that I intruded upon the

time of the Senator from New Hampshire. Mr. GALLINGER. Mr. President, I have remained silent dur

ing this session of Congress and remained silent during the third session of the Fifty-fifth Congress when these questions were dis-

cussed. It has been a matter of extreme pain to me to listen to utterances in this Chamber that, in my judgment, have been calculated to give aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States. I am not going to use the wo-rd n treason." I am not going to utter a single sentence that can possibly be contorted into questioning the right of free speech as it is understood in the United States; but, Mr. President, I do want to say that, in my opinion, it is time that the kind of talk we have been listenin~ to from the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. PETTIGREW] shoula. cease in the Senate Chamber. It is an utter abuse of free speech.

A few days ago the Senator from South Dakota openly sneered at the American soldiers, charging that they had looted churches in the Philippines and had committed acts that were unworthy of soldiers of the United States. He went furthe1·, Mr. President. and charged that the President of the United States had used brutal language in a proclamation that he had issued to the Philippine people. When I courteously interrupted the Senator from South Dakota to ask him to quote the brutal language that he said the President had used, he very discourteously made reply, uttering words that he very properly, with my consent, left out of the RECORD in its printed form. - .

The contention to-day, it seems to me, is very simple. It is a question whether we shall believe a man who is in open rebellion against the authority of the United States or whether we shall believe the hero-0f Manila Bay. Aguinaldo makes certain charges; Admiral Dewey denies that those charges are true, pronouncing them "a tissue of falsehoods;" and it seems to me that the loyalty of the American people will come to the rescue of Admiral Dewey and that his words will be believed in preference to the words of a man who is to-day engaged in shooting down the soldiers of this Republic .

What does the Sena.tor from South Dakota propose to put into the RECORD? What does he propose to print as a document that will be circulated free of postage over the United States? I want to 1·ead just a few words from the document that we are asked to print and circulate at the public expense.

When finally they turned their attention to the treaty of Paris

Says Aguinaldo-the ratification of which, as far as the same re~a.rded the annexation of the Philipp~s, was hailed with cries of joy and satisfaction by t he imperialistic party, whose leader Mr. McKinley was, then they opened their eyes to the light of the truth, perceiving with clearness the low policy, selfishness, and want of humanity which Mr. McKinley had pursued a.nd Shown toward the Filipinos, mercilessly sacrificing the honor of Admiral Dewey.

This man goes on further to narrate in detail, as he says, the cruelties that the soldiers of theRepublic have perpetrated in the island of Luzon, and it is proposed seriously and soberly by a Senator of the United States that language such as that, emanating from a man in open revolt against the authority of the United States Government, shall be put in the RECORD, and shall be circulated over this country under the franking privilege of a Senator of the United States. ·

M.r. President, I am opposed to doing that thing, and I hope that some method will be found that will prevent documents of this kind being put in the RECORD, and that will stamp with disapproval the efforts which are being made to cast reproach upon our Army, upon our President, and upon the policy which the · Government is pursuing in this contest with the Filipinos.

I have but a single word more to say, Mr. President. A few weeks ago I received from Manila a little newspapei·, which it was said .was being printed by the soldiers of the United States Army in the island of Luzon. I want to read an editorial utterance from that paper. Here it is: -·

The wa.r in Luzon must go on; it wa.s brought on by the overbearing natives, and there is only one course under heaven to pursue. The sovereign ty of the United States must be acknowledged in the a.rchipel~Ko before the next step can be taken. Any other course would be folly. Why not cease this chatter a.bout the independence of the Filipinos? People of America, if you have a flag, honor it; if you have a Government, support itj if you ha.-e an Administration, sti·engthen it; if you have troops at the rr011t , uphold them.

Mr. President, that is the ntterance of the soldiers who are fighting under the flag of our country seven or eight thousand miles away from this Capitol, and I commend it to the careful and prayerful consideration of all the Senators who are upbraiding the Administration, denonncing our soldiers, and doing all they can to bring into disrepute the efforts of our Government to subdue the rebellion. Let us honor our flag, support our Government, strengthen the Adminis~ation, and uphold our brave soldiers and sailors in their efforts to restore peace and good government in the Philippine Archipelago. That is oar duty, and the Aµierican people will hold to a severe accountability any and every man who does otherwise.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. Mr. President1 the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. SPOONERl a few moments ago read what I understood to be a letter from General Lawton. I do not know where the letter came from, when it was written, or to whom; I do not know whether to the Senator or not. Mr~ SPOONER. It was not written to me. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. I take it the letter was writton by •

1900 . . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1331 General Lawton, and I very heartily_concur in the wish expressed by him in the beginning of that letter, when he said, as I remember it now," Would to God that the whole truth there could be known."

The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. LODGE] stated that the greatest desire of the public officers in this country was to have the facts understood. Mr. President, I submit, without any temper and without any feeling, that we can not fail to have faith in the intelligence of the people of this country. I believe that the wish expressed by General Lawton is a wise one, and the desire expressed by the Senator from Massachusetts for the circulation of the truth here is just what ought to be our rule of conduct. I believe the whole truth ought to be known.

I think the most unfortunate thing in connection with this whole difficulty was when the first resolutions of inquirywere offered here that without any moment of consideration, withou~ solitary syllable of time for thought, motions were made to lay them on the table, thus manifesting an intention to cut off debate, to suppress facts, to keep information away from Senators and from the people of the United States.

It has been the practice here for a great many years when eminent men give expression to sentiments touching public affairs that, on the request of a Senator, a document shall be printed giving what they may have said or written an'd that it shall appear in the RECORD.

Mr. ALDRICH. It is a very recent practice. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. It has been done again, again, and

'again, and without protest, ever since! have beenin this body. I can name instances which I think will show the printing of such papers by the hundreds, if not by the thousands.

Mr. ALLISON. Only within very recent years. It is a custom that has grown up here within the last two or three years.

Mr. TELLER. Longer than that. :Mr. ALLISON. I ask the Senator to cite the printing of docu

ments prior to three or four years ago. Mr. TELLER. It commenced longer ago than that. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. I can not undertake now to cite the

documents that have been printed. I have no doubt the records will bear me out in what I say. When a few days ago I proposed to have printed a speech made in this city by an eminent Republican who has been a go~ernor of his State, the State of Massachusetts, a temperate, reasonable, sensible, straightforward speech as I think-I heard the speech and I read it-the printing of it as a documentwas objected to by the Senator from Rhode Island; and why? Is it because the Senator from Rhode Island is unwilling to have the people of this country understand what a man of Governor Boutwell's experience and ability thinks upon these great public questions?

Mr. ALDRICH. Mr. President-· Mr. JONES of Arkansas. If so, it seemstomeitisunfortunate

that he is defending a position in public affairs which requires that sort of tactics. ·

Mr. ALDRICH. Mr. President-Mr. JONES of Arkansas. One moment. I believe, with Gen

eral Lawton, that the whole truth ought to be told and the facts understood.

I do not know what is in the paper the Senator from South Dakota asked to have printed. If it is the truth, we ought not to be afraid of it. I have sufficient faith in the intelligence of the American people to believe that the printing of statements that are not true when they are confronted by the truth, as they can be and will be, will do no harm. On the contrary, the printing of a statement that is not the truth, coming from Aguinaldo, would recoil upon him and hurt him more than the refusal here to print a statement he has made.

Now, whatthefactsa1·e I donotknow, but I do believe we ought to have faith enough in the intelligence of the American people to believe that when they understand the whole case, when they have heard both sides of it, without any attempt to suppress a full statement on both sides, there will be no shadow of a doubt that they will arrive at a correct conclusion. I am astonished to find gentlemen on the other side who see_m to be moved by a different conviction. Now I will listen to what the Senator from Rhode Island has to say.

Mr.ALDRICH. IsimplyintendedtointerjectintotheSenator's speech the statement that I did not object to Governor Boutwell making a speech or circulating it at his own expense wherever he pleased; I do not object to the national Democratic committee or its chairman printing that speech and circulating it as their own wherever they please; but I do object to the custom of printing political speeches by the Government of the United States and at its expense for circulation as political documents.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The small number of four or five hundred documents which would be printed by order of the Senate is a matter of too small moment to excite theSenatorfromRhode Island to this extent.

Mr. ALDRICH. That is quite tfue; but the Senator does not want to stop there. He wants to send that speech by the thou-

sands and hundreds of thousand.S throughout the United States as a political document at the expense of the United States and save the money of the national Democratic committee.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. Whatever printing of that document would have to be done beyond the few hundred printed for tha use of the Senate would have to be done at the expense of the men who wanted to circulate it. ·

Mr. ALDRICH. But there is the postage. There would be thousands and tens of thousands of dollars expended by the United States Government in circulating the political speeches of an ex-governor. ·

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The Post-Office Department was intended to be a public-convenience.

Mr. ALDRICH. Not in that way. Mr. TILLMAN. Your party does it. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. We understand by newspaper- re

ports that there has been the most rigid censorship of the news allowed to come from Manila. If things can be found out which affect the public interest, and if you gentlemen believe you are right, you should have no fear of the public knowing it all. You can only fear the truth. It is not falsehood you fear, because you know perfectly well that the intelligence of the American people can be relied on not to be misled or duped or wheedled by misrepresentation. You have the opportunity. The officers are all on your side. They know all the facts. They can search the records. You can bring out everything to expose the falsity of anything that may be printed.

It is not from any partisan sense that I speak, but I do believe that there has been manifested in the Senate a desire to prevent the full truth from being known. I believe it as honestly as I believe my soul is my own, and believing that, I have no doubt there are thousands of other American people who believe the same thing.

Now, if yon want the truth told, a-s General Lawton suggested and as the Senator from Massachusetts says the public officers want, let it be-told. When a Senator comes here and desires to have printed a document which he believes will add to the sum of knowledge of the country on this subject, let it be printed; and if he chooses to go to the expense of having it printed for distribu· tion, he ought to be allowed to do it. It does seem to me, without any feeling or temper, that the reasonable course is to allow this practice to go on as it has gone on.

Only a day or two ago the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. LODGEl delivered a very able and eloquent speech outside of this Chamber. It was printed as a document by unanimous consent, because it is a matter of public in~rest. I never expect to object to anything of that kind.

Mr. LODGE. Will the Senator from Arkansas allow me to interrupt him?

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. Certainly. Mr.LODGE. TheWebsterstatuewasgiventotheUnitedStates

and accepted by a committee of Congress. That was an official proceeding.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. It was not a part of the proceedings of the Senate.

Mr. LODGE. Not -at all. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The speech was made away from here. Mr. LODGK It was an official proceeding of Congress, which

bas been repeated over and over about all the statues that have been presented to the nation.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. Certainly; I have no doubt of that, and that is only an illustration of what I was saying a while ago, that printing of this sort ha-s been done time and time again.

Now, I would be very much better satisfied with the present situation if I felt sure that this spirit of censorship which has been exercised so rigidly in Manila was not, in my opinion, exercised with equal rigor in the Navy Department and the War De· partment in this city. If the Senate of the United States will make np its mind and say to the public," You are entitled to know the whole truth in this matter and yon can judge what is true and what is false," and will allow any Senator to come here on his motion bringing a paper that he believes to be worthy of consideration and present it to the Senate for printing, and let it be done in a reasonable way, I believe it will be much more satisfactory to the country and much more creditable to the management of this war.

Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, we do want the truth, and I can not too often reiterate it. My objection to this pamphlet is that it puts into Admiral Dewey's mouth words that he never uttered. It purports to be a. report of things which he never said. We are not asked in this paper to circulate the truth. We are asked to circulate, as I have already stated, a branded lie.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. Let the two statements be printed side by side and submitted to the intelligence of the American people. '

Mr. I~ODGE. Let it be printed at the expense of the people who like such literature.

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, the ship which brou~ht

1332 OONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31,

General Lawton's body to this country brought also the body of press discontent in Ireland.and whenitissuppressed then we will one. of my dearest friends, the adjutant of the First South Dakota try and do right," never doing right when Ireland was pacified by Regiment, killed after the treaty of peace was signed, killed in a power. Outbreaks again occurred. and then the same plea was service in which he did not enlist, killed in a service which he be- made to the English people; and so it has been around the world. lieved was wrong. Yet, brave boy that he was, he led his forces The South African Chartered Company have killed in South to victory many a time and finally fell in that distant land. Africa in the la...,t twelve years 4,000 men and themselves have lost

Mr. President, I want a truce. I wanted it before my friend I but five or six men, with the same old plea, ad<,ling territory after was killed. I wanted a truce before the sixty South Dakota boys territory to their possessions; and now it is argued in the English were killed. Aroused by a just indignation andagrandpatriotism Parliament, now it is insisted by the Queen of England, that the and a splendid enthusiasm, they enrolled their names to drive fighting must go on in South Africa until the two Republics in from this continent the despotic power of Spain. But they are South Africa are destroyed. The same argument is heard here. gone, drafted into an unwilling service an~ killed in an unwilling Fighting must go on to the grim end, until these men struggling service, after they bad a right to go home-after their term of for freedom are all killed or lay down their arms and surrender, enlistment had expired. With unparalleled bravery and courage and then we will determine, without their being consulted, what

. they obeyed the commands of their President and went to their shall be done with what is left. death. -Against this, Mr. President, I protest. I believe that it is an

The day after fighting began at Manila, Aguinaldo asked for a attack upon our institutions, a reversal of the history of this Govtruce. He said," Fix the limits of a zone which we shall occupy, ernment, and an abandonment of those doctrines which we have and let us try, without bloodshed, to settle this difficulty;" and held so dear through all the years of our existence as a nation. the answer was, "Fighting having once begun, it must go on to Mr. SEWELL. Mr. President, I do not know anything practithe grim end." But if the request had been granted, if the truce cally about the Boer situation, and I do not wish to take part in had been given, General Lawton would be living to-day and the its discussion, but I do know something about our own relations South Dakota boys would be in the bosoms of their families in- to the Philippines. I was not in favor of the Philippine acquisistead of moldering in the soil of Luzon. Day by day, constantly tion. I stated emphatically that the islands had a population of from that time to this, the Filipinos fighting for freedom have from eight to ten million people, a third of whom were civilized, sent their envoys asking for peace, begging a truce. The Presi- the balance savages and pirates, and that as it took over a hundred dent at Fargo says Aguinaldo offered peace for independence. years to control the remnant of the American Indians, it was a Peace for independence! problem as to how long it would take us to civilize the population

He said he had another price for peace a short time ago, but of the Philippines. Those were my own opinions; but my duty the United States never gave gold for peace. Aguinaldo did not as a citizen of the United States is above my personal opinions. ask gold for peace. He asked for that boon, dearer than life, As soon as the treaty of Paris was concluded and ratified in this which made our forefathers found this Government and which body, I sank all that I thought on this subject: I saw the flag has brought into being every . republic throughout the world. attacked. I, as an American citizen, would like to have been there. Fight until they surrennerl If that rule had been applied, the In that attack on our flag my own personal opinion vanished, and war of the Revolution would still be going on. No self-respecting with me it was the country and the flag, right or wrong. people would lay down their arms at such a challenge. I have followed the fortunes of that flag through all this con-

That the Filipinos have the capacity of self-government is dem- troversy in the Philippines. I have a gallant son who was on the onstrated by tliat fact. · All we have to do to stop b!oodshed in staff of Lawton and who went with him and received him with the Philippines is to say to those people they shall have that price- his death wound on the field, and I naturally have sympathy with less boon whlch is so dear to us and which they have shown is him and with the officersof our Army. I.deprecate beyondmeasdear enough to them that they are willing to lay down. their lives ure the a.ction of the Senator from South Dakota. I should say for it. Why shall we not do it? Why shall we continue this war that he is a traitor to his country under the circumstances. The of aggression? But a few provinces only in those islands have idea of bringing in here a paper by the arch-traitor of Manila, the been conquered. Our troops occupy less than one-quarter of the fellow who sold himself out to the Spaniards and now wants to area, and over the rest Aguinaldo's government still prevails. sell himself to us, and defending it and wanting it to be published That is the situation to-day. ·All the provinces of northern Lu- at the expense of the Congress of the United States, is to me outzon are untouched, and the peaceful government which Sargent rageous in the extreme, beyond measure. That a man clothed and Wilcox describe is still being carried on. Much of the south- with the dignity of a Senatorshlp of the United States, the repreern part of Luzon is still unoccupied by our troops. Almost no sentative of a sovereign State, should propose here that the man portion of the other islands of the archipelago have been occupied who is in opposition to us, who has carried on the war, should by us. We are on the shore and in but a few places: and this war, have this as a forum to advocate his own opinions, to be dissemiin my opinion, will go on and on tor years unless we say to those nated at large to the people of the United States at the expense of people that which we ought to say and say it at once, "You shall the Congress of the United States, is monstrous in the extreme. have your independence." Mr. President, the body of the distinguished Lawton, a personal

This talk about revolt, about fighting insurgents, it seems to friend of mine, as gallant a soldier as ever lived, arrived in San me, is absurd. How can we have title without possession? I Francisco yesterday. The remains will be buried here in a few think it is a fair proposition, well sustained in international law, days. That distinguished gentleman and fine soldier, who was that when a country is purchased, possession must come in order always at the front, stated to me that the war was continued by to give sovereignty. Spain could not give any possession, because the men who had not accepted the situation as I had, notably Mr. her power was ousted and another government existed in its PETTIGREW, from South Dakota. The life of Lawton is as much place. There is no revolt; if we stop fighting, the war will be chargeable to him to-day as it is to the bullet of the Filipino. over. Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I doubt very much whether

The other day the Queen of England, in her message to the there is much profit in continuing these debates, but I merely Parliament, made this statement: wish to say a few words. In the first place, I want to speak of

In resisting the in vasioh of my Sou th African colonies by the South African the custom that has grown up here of publishing documents. The Republic a~d Orange Free Sta.~ my people have responded with de~otion Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON] seems to think that it is of very and enthns1asm to the appeal which I have made to them, and the heroism of t I ·11 h th S t th t 1 b f h my soldiers in the field and my sailors and marines who were landed to co- recen occurrence. .Wl s ow e ena ~r a ong e ore e or operate with them has not fallen short of the noblest traditions of our mili· I came into the Senate the custom prevailed. I can recall some tary history. documents from outside people that were presented by ~enators

Here, then, is a charge that the Boers have attacked Great and published even before he came into the 8enate. It has been Britain. The same charge is made against the Filipinos, although intensified perhaps in later years, and I think occasionally abused, the facts do not bear it out any more than they do in the case of but it is a valuable privilege, and one that I think, under the the Boers. The excuse, then, is the cry of the flag, the appeal to proper discretion of the Senate, ought not to be interfered with. patriotism, the effort to rally our people to sustain an Administra- I do not think as a rule it will be very much abused. tion in doing the greatest wrong ever perpetrated by a govern- Mr. President, I agree with the Senator from Arkansas [:Mr. ment in the history of the world. It is the policy Great Britain JONES] that there has not been quite that promptness on the part has followed always, and she has become our teacher and our of those in power in responding to requests for information that director in our affairs. Great Britain in all her conquests for the there ought to have been, in my judgment. I believe I have voted last fifty years first got in where she had no business to be, and in the affirmative for every resolution of inquiry, when a vote bas has placed her armed forces in antagonism to the liberties of other been taken, because I believe that in all these affairs the way to people, and then when the flag was fired upon she has ralli~d her have the Government sustained is to have the people understand people to the defense of the flag. what has been done,.and I believe great harm is done by with-

She has said, "We can not talk peace. We can not listen tothe holding from the public information on those matters in which proposition of right or wrong, orquestionswhetherwehadaright they are interested. to be there or not, until the enemy surrenders." It was so in Ire- Mr. President, I do not agree with the Senator from New Jersey land from the earliest day. Trouble occurred in Ireland because rMr. SEWELL] who has just taken his seat. I believe that every of resistance to oppression and aggression and wrong, ~nd then Senator here, under the responsibility that rests upon him as a they said, " The strong arm of British power must be used to sup- Senator, has a right to stand on this floor, even in time of war,

.

1900. -CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1333 ai{d if he does not 'think the proceedings of the Government are correct, he has a right to say so. He has a right under the responsibility that is put on him. He has a right to offer to put into the RECORD such things as he thinks proper. It must be a question for each Senator to decide for himself. I have voted, as I have said, with great liberality for all these resolutions for information and for putting articles in the RECORD. In this particular case, if it came to a vote, which I under3tand it will not under the ruling of the Chair, I should vote against putting it in. I should so vote because there is a question of veracity between the author of this paper and the Admiral who is quot~d. If we send out this document, we do not send the Admiral's denial with it. If the poison goes out, the antidote does not accompany it. It seems to me, under the circumstances, that the Senator from South Dakota can safely and properly withdraw his proposition, although, perhaps, it has been ruled out by the Chair.

Mr. President, I wish to say a word or two more about the sensitiveness of some of our friends here as to criticisms of .the Ad-

. ministration. I have not criticised it as a rule except in what appeared to me to be veryplain cases. I do not know whether or not I am going to agree with the Administration when it comes to settle this question finally. If some Senators who have spoken on this floor have spoken for the Administration, which I do not believe they have, I should not agree with it, and I should be ready to criticise it freely. Our relatives across the water are having a very ugly war. They are divided as to the justice and righteousness of it. You will find, I think, without exception that the members of Parliament will stand up and express their opinions for and against the administration without interference, and I doubt very much whether any member will rise and call another a traitor because he sees fit to exercise what I think is the greatest right of a member of Parliament or a Senator-to criticise the administration of public affairs at any time when in his judgment it deserves it.

There is no reason, in my judgment, for these repeated charges on either side. · On one side it is said that we who voted for the treaty have brought all this misfortune on the country and we are to blame. On the other side it is said that those who opposed the treaty have brought all this misfortune on the country and they are to blame. Each Senator here exercised his best judgment. He did it from the same patriotic st.andpoint. I believe myself that the interest of the United States-and I was looking after

1 their interest and not that of the Filipinos-requires that we should ratify the treaty. I was anxious for its immediate ratification. I am impressed now with the belief that one of the mistakes was that we did not ratify it instanter. I will not charge that those who deferred the treaty brough:t; on the war, but I felt all the time that there was great danger thatwe would have a war if we did not soon dispose of the question as to what our power was there, which we could not do pending the treaty.

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President-The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Colo

rado yield to the Senator from South Carolina? Mr. TELLER. I yield. Mr. TILLMAN. I ask the Senator whether, in his opinion, if

the vote had been taken the day before it was taken, we would have ratified it at all?

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, that has nothing to do with the question. I will not be led off on that point. I repeat, my anxiety relative to the treaty was to prevent what did finally occur, and it is very possible that it would have occurred anyway. We are now engaged in a war. I can not myself but feel that I must stand up for the Government, for I do not believe there has been any intention on the part of this Administration in that respect to do anything wicked or bad. There may be errors of judgment; there may be mistakes; and yet we are in a war. I believe: Mr. President, that I know what the American feeling.is. I believe it is that you have got to conclude a peace in those islands, that you have got to have authority there.

Mr. President, I do not have the great admiration for this insurgent chief, as he is called, that some of our associates have. I have admiration for any man who stands up and fights for what he thinks are his rights, and I have no doubt but that this man thinks he is fighting for his rights; however, his history, so far as I have been able to learn it, does not indicate to me that he has such a great interest in the rights of the masses of the Filipinos as some of our friends think. The kind of a government that he organized there was not such as to make me rate him with George Washington or any of the great lovers of liberty and law or the great statemen of the world. He had a government such as we could not endure, and such as no people who have the aspiration for freedom would ever have endured for any considerable length of time.

But, Mr. President, why should there be recrimination? Everybody says, on both sides of this G""hamber, that we are going to stand by the Government until the war is over. That, I believe, the American people will exact of us; that I believe to be our duty; and when that has been done we will try and settle the other

questions. We were compelled by the condition of .affairs when the war with Spain was over to keep our Army therefor a time at least. Does anybody suppose that if we ha.d ·immediately withdrawn from Manila Aguinaldo would have been the chief of those islands to-day? Mr. President, there would have been a European flag flying there. Those islands would have been the prey of all Europe, and one nation or another, either with the consent of the other or without, would be dominating those islands at this hour.

Mr. President, they are the most valuable islands in the world. My interest in them is not that they are valuable, but that is the interest the rest of mankind have in them. That is the reason why three or four great European powers wanted to put up their flag there. Those islands are full of coal. Coal has become to-day as necessary in war between one nation and another as powder and guns. There are nations which have not much coal, and if they could have obtained control of those islands they would have been in a condition to dominate the Asiatic sea.

I do not think it is proper upon such an ·occasion to speak of the nationalities that might have raised their flag there. If we had withdrawn our troops in the condition that was there, no man can read the correspondence between Aguinaldo and General Otis but will believe that Aguinaldo himself intended to allow his troops to receive -their compensation by looting the town, and when he had done that there was not a European nation that had citizens there that would not have had a right of intervention and would not have exercised that right. The ships of European countries were kept in the Asiatic sea that they might do it.

I say, Mr. President, we owed it to the world, we owed it to the peace of mankind that we kept our ships there and our soldiers there and that we kept control of those islands until after the treaty had been ratified, at least. Unfortunately, before the treaty was ratffied we found ourselves engaged in a war. I am going to leave the consideration of the questfon whether it was · right or wrong to the future to determine. I can not settle that question now, and it is not the time for any of us to undertake to settle it. Let those who made a mistake there, if mistake they made, or who acted corruptly, if corruptly they acted, take the consequences of their act when the act is fully understood. When peace shall have prevailed, when we sh.all settle down, I believe we will say to those people, What kind of a government do you want? What kind of a government are you capable of maintaining?

And I want to keep in mind, not only with reference to those people in the Asiatic seas, but the people on our coast, that those people will never under any condition of life and at no time in the future, in my opinion, be able to maintain such a government as we maintain and as our race will always maintain wherever it is dominant. But they have a right, Mr. President, to self-government as one of the inalienable rights of man. They have a right to it because they have shown that they belong to the race that are willing to fight for that they believe to be theirs. I do not believe there was ever a race that was willing to go to war in defense of its interests and rights but that is fit for free government, and I believe wherever you find a race that is organized into civilized communities that will do that, it is fit for self-government.

Mr. President, I believe our interests and our duty go together when we say to those people, "We will give you all the self-government consistent with the peace of the world-that is to say, we will let you manage your own affairs; we will see to it that nobody attacks you." I do not know that that will be the Administration's policy. I repeat, if the utterances of some Senators here speak for it, it will not be its policy. When it is not, I will chal- .. lenge that policy as I have challenged every other that I know to be wrong. And until that is demonstrated it does seem to iµ.e that this question must be in abeyance; that it must be left; it must be determined by the conditions that exist when peace comes. ·

I said yesterday, and I repeat, that I feared the only peace which could be obtained there would be by the sword; and yet I repeat it is not beneath the dignity of this great nation of ours to say to those people, if they have an organization to which we can say it, "You were wrong in this matter; come and counsel with us;" and by diplomatic arrangements we can bring peace and order and submission for the moment to us, until we shall have an opportunity of establishing the government the Senator from Georgia [Mr. BACON] yesterday spoke about, and which his resolution declares. We shall-bring order by first establishing a government and then helping to support it until it shall get into proper form.

Mr. President, I have said this not because I have any particular admiration for the present Administration. I am not one of its admirers, and I am not an admirer of the policy of the Republican party in many ways. But I have always put above every party consideration the interests of my country. I believe that that is my duty first. I can see no other way out of this question with honor, and, Mr. President, I do not use the term in the sense that some men use it. I believe that we are under obligations to the world to maintain peace there, and, if it is necessary, to conquer a peace by war. I think we would deserve the contempt of man-

1334- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31, .;

kind if we withdrew our army before we had established order J Last year the President of the United St'a.tes in sending the and a condition that would protect not only the Filipinos, but the Spanish treaty to this body accompanied it with a. document which strangers who dwell at Manila and in other parts of that country. contained the reports of our consuls in the East and our officers

Mr. HAWLEY. Mr. President, I shall say what it seems to me in Luzon. It is presumed that he knew the contents of the it is my duty to say, and I shall say it as briefly as I can. document, that he was not ignorant of the records of his own de-

This man A~uinaldo has been exhibited before the world as an partment. Yet October 13, 1899, the President, at Fargo, in North embezzler ana a scoundrel. He is making a wholly unnecessary Dakota, said: . war, an unjustifiable war, against the people that delivered him The leader of the insurgent forces says to the American Government, and his people from Spanish control. He knows perfectly well "You can have peace if you give us independence." Peace for independence! that it is the intention and promise of the United States, practically, He had another price than that for peace once bet ore, but the United States as time shall justify it, after peace shall have been restored, to lead ~~as:~ -!~~~l':Jl.~ce. We never gave a bribe for peace in all our history, them in the path of self-government, beginningwith the humblest Wherever that standard is raised, it stands for Uberty, for civilization. beginnings, in establishing municipalities, in encouraging internal and humanity. improvementsandeducationandreligiousinstitutions. He knows The President thus charges that Aguinaldo sold out to Spain, all that well. He has only to stop .fighting in order to have his reiterating a charge that had been proven false by the repeated people come unde1· the gnanlianship and generous aid of a great statements of bis officer; repeating a charge that was conclusively nation of 75,000,000 people. proven untrue by the records of the Department of State.

Now, he publishes this document. The Senator from South The charge is now made by the chairman of the Committee on Dakota wants it published. It is published already. It is open Military Affairs of this body [Mr. HAWLEY], the Senator from to any of the gentlemen who like that sort of thing to subscribe a Connecticut, that Aguinaldo sold out to Spain. In Document few thousand dollars to circulate it everywhere. But suppose it No. 62, transmitted to us by the President, on pages 380 and 381, goes into Manila and is thought a good thing to spread among the General Merritt says: soldiers of the United States, what is the inevitable effect of it? There are a number of Filipinos whom I have met, among them Genera.I To discourage the soldiers, to encourage desertion; and every- Aguinaldo and a few of his leaders, whom I believe thoroughly trustworthy

h 1 -t th · evi"table effect is to discourage enlistment and fully eapable of self-government. * * * Aguinaldo, honest, sincere, W ere e se 1 goes e m •. and poor; not well educated, but a natural leader of men, with considerable Is not this to aid and comfort the enemies of the country? It is shrewdness and abili~y, highly respected by all. dorie deliberately, with a clear knowledge of what will be the result of the action; and the law says that a man shall be respon- In a memorandum which General Greene presented to the peace sible for that which is the inevitable effect of what his action is. conference at Paris he says: If he fires a loaded gun down a crowded street he is supposed by In August, 1800, an insurrection broke out in Cavite under the leadership

of Emilio Aguinaldo, and soon S})read to other provinces on both sides of the law to intend murder. Manila. It continued with varying successes on both sides and the trial and

I think the men who wish to circulate this document a.re to be execution of numerous insurgents, until December, 1897, when the governorresponsible for some of the blood that is shed, and that, I am sorry general, .Primo de Revera, entered into written:agreement with Aguinaldo,

the substance of the document; which is in the possession of Senor Felipe to say, will have to be shed, before peace has been established Agoncilla, who accompanied me to Washington. there. In brief, it required thatAgoncilla and the other insurgent leaders should

An th b ti d h I ·u "t leave the country, the Government agreeing to pay them $800,000 in silver o er o serva on' an per aps Wl qui · and promising to introduce numerous reforms, including representation fin The Senator from South Dakota does not, like a fair-minded the Spanish Cortes, freedom of the press, general amnesty for all insurgents,

man, propose to publish with the Aguinaldo statement the letter and the expulsion 01· secularization of the monastic orders. of Admiral Dewey, because that would stamp Aguinaldo as a liar, Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore. A por-as We know he 18. • Hi"s fr1·end IS. a li".r, an embezzler, a thoroue-h- tion of the money, sroo.ooo. was deposited in banks at Hongkong. ~nd a law

,. ~ suit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one of bis subordinate oniefs named going scoundrel. He stands by him, and Aguinaldo doubtless Artacho, which is interesting on account of the very honorable position taken considers the Senator his particular friend, and will take good by Aguinaldo. care to publish his remarks among all his so-called constituents, ''On account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo." among his troops. And yet the Senator from South Dakota poses Artacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents according a~ a friend of his country! to rank. Aguinaldo claimed that thEJ money was a trust fund, and was to re-

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President-- mainondeposituntilit was seen whether the Spaniards would carryout their promised. reforms, and if they failed to do so, it was to be used to defray the

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The hour of 2 o'clock having expenses of anew insurrection. The suit was settled out ol court by paying arrived,_ the Cbafr lays before the Senate the unfinished business, Artacho $5,000. · which will be stated. No steps have been taken to introduce the reforms, more than 2,000 insur-

The SECRET • ny. A bi"ll (H. R. 1) to define and fix the standard gents, who have been deported to Fernando Po and other places, a.re still in A.Do confinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on the operations

of value, to maintain the parity of all forms of money issued or of the present insurrection. coined by the United States, and for other purposes. This was written August 30, 1898. He took that money and

Mr. BERRY. Mr. President-- used it as our ally to ·fight Spain, to buy guns and ammunition to Mr. PETTIGREW. Will the Senator from Arkansas yield to cru.Ty on the contest against the common enemy; and yet he is

me for ten minutes? charged with being a bribe taker and a scoundrel. Mr. BERRY. Does the Senator wish to have the unfinished Oscar F. Williams, our consul at Manila, writes to Mr. Day;

busiriess set aside? the Secretary of State, May 25, 1898, on page 328 of Document 62: Mr. PETTIGREW. Not at all Mr. BERRY. I will yield for five minutes to the Senator, but

I will give way to no one else after that time. Mr. PETTIGREW. Five minutes is not long enough. Mr. BERRY. I want to go on with the financial bill, but I

will yield to the Senator. I wish to say, however, that I would . not have yielded to anyone but the Senator from South Dakota. He was, as I conceive, attacked personally, and I therefore yield him such time as he wants for the purpose of making a statement in regard to the matter which has been under consideration.

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, I do not care to reply to the personal attack upon me, nor to the charge that I am a traitor to my country. I yield to no man in my devotion to my country and my flag. I am jealous of her hono1·, and I believe that her honor can only be saved from stain by a reversal of the policy into which this Administration has led us. I believe that only by protesting against the violation of our pledges and against the overthrow of all the principles upon which this Government is founded, by insisting upon returning to the doctrines of the fathers, to the principles of the Declaration of Independence-that governments must derive their just powers only from the consent of the governed-can we save our flag from stain and country from dishonor.

That is as much of a reply as I care to make t') tbie insinuations of the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. HAWLEY] or the statement of the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. SEWELL].

· Now, with regard to Aguinaldo, they charge that I am defending a forger and a bribe taker and a scoundrel upon this :floor. I will simply read from the record sent to us by the President upon that subject. I will read from Document 62, from the official reports by our officers in Luzon, and we will see whether the statement is sustained by the facts.

'fo-day I executed a power of attorney whereby General Aguinaldo released to his attorneys in fact $400,000 now in bank in Hongkong, so that money therefrom can pay for 3,000 stand of arms bou~ht there, and expected here to-morrow.

Mr. Wildman, our consul at Hongkong, reports to Assistant Secretary Moore exactly the same story, on pages 336 and 337, in Document No. 62. I will not read it, because it is long, but I will insert it, if there is permission, in my remarks.

The matter referred to is as follows: I have lived among the Malays of the Straits Settlements and have been

an honored guest of the diiierent sultanates. I have watched their system of government and have a<lmired their intelligence, and I rank them high among the semicivilized nations of thG earth. '!'he natives of the Philippine Islands belong to the Malay .race, and while there are very few pure Malays among their leaders, I think their stock has rather been improved than debased by ad.mixture. I consider the forty or fifty Philippine leaders, with whose fortunes I have been very closely connected, both the superiors of the Malays and the Cubans. Aguinaldo,Agont::illa, and Sandico are all men who would all be leaders in their separate departments in any country, while among the wealthy Manila men who live in Hongkong and who are spending their money liberally for the overthrow of the Spaniards and the annexation to the United States, men like the Cortes family and the Basa family, would hold their own among bankers and lawyers anywhere. ·

• * • • • • • Therehas been a systematic attempt to blacken the name of Aguinaldo

and his cabinet on account of the questionable terms of their surrender to Spanish forces a year a~o this month. It has been said that they sold their country for gold\ but this has been conclusively disproved, not ouly by their own Etatements out by the speech of the !&to Governor-General Rivera in the Spanish Senate .Tune 11, 1898. He said that Aguinaldo undertook to submit if the Spanish Government would give a certain sum to the widows and orphans of the insurgents. He then admits that only a tenth part of this sum was ever given to Aguinaldo, and that the other promises maQ.e he did not find it exnedJent to keep.

I was in Hongkong September, 1897, wh(ln Aguinaldo and his laa.ders arrived under contract with the Spanish Government. They waited until the lat of November for the payment of the promised money and thefalfillmeut

1900., CONGRESSIONAL -RECORD-SENATE. 1335 of the promised reforms. Only S4CF~OOO, Mexican, was ever placed .to their credit in the banks, and on the oa of November Mr. F. Agoncilla, late m:iirister of foreign affairs in Aguinaldo's cabinet, ca.lled upon me and made a proposal, which I transmitted to the State Department in my dispatch No. 19, dated November 3, 1897. In r eply the State Department mstructed me "to cou:rteously decline to communicate wit h the Department further regarding the alleged mission. " I obeyed these instructions to the letter until the breaking out of the war, when, after consultation with Admiral Dewey, I received a delegation from the insurgent junta., and they bound themselves to obey all laws of civilized warfare aind to place themselves absolutely pnder the orders of Admiral Dewey if t h ey were permitted to return to Manila. At this time their president, Aguinaldo, was in Singapore negotiating through Consul-General Prat t with Admiral Dewev for his return.

On page 347 of Document No. 62 Mr. P1·att, our consul at Singapore, June 2, 1898, makes the following statement to Mr. Day:

No close observer of what had transpired in the Philippines during the past fewyearscould have failed to r ecognize that General Aguinaldo enjoyed

- above all others the confidence ot t he F ilipino insurgen ts and the respect alike of Spaniards and foreigners in the islands, all of whom vouch for his high sense of justice and honor.

Mr. Schurman, in his Chicago interview (and this is the only authoritv I will read which is not vouched for by official documents) August 20, 1899, said:

[President Echurma.n Chicago interview, August 20, 1899.] General Aguinaldo is belie>ed on the island to be honest, and I think that

he is acting honestly in money matters, but whether from moral or political reasons I would not say.-Oriental A merican, page 99.

The fact of the matter is that he tried to bribe the insurgents, as near as we can ascertain, and failed; they would not take gold for peace.

Now, I should like to ask thfl imperialists in this body what they think of a President who will go about the country saying that Aguinaldo had another price for peace, in the face of the official documents from his own officers in the State Department, where they declare that be acted with the highest sense of honor, that he took no bribe, but, on the contrary, deposited the money, and used it, when Spain failed to carry out her promises, to help us fight the Spanish forces?

What do you thinkof a Presidentthatwillstatethat the United States never did give gold for peace, and never will, and then approve of the treaty with the Sultan of Sulu, which provides that we shall pa.y to the Sultan $250 per month and to his subchiefs a sum which in all amounts to $9,200 per year? In view of all these facts, of what future value is any statement the President may make upon this subject? Mr. President, I can not contemplate the fact without great sorrow that a man can occupy so high a position as that of President of the United States and yet disgrace that great office by repeated falsehoods-falsehoods proven so by the record of his own officers sent to us.

THE FINANCIAL BILL,

The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (H. R. 1) to define and fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms of money issued or coined by the United States, and for other purposes.

Mr. BERRY. Mr. President, I realize how difficult it is to get the attention of the Senate on a subject different from that which has been discussed so long and ably this morning; but the measure known as the financial bill, which is the unfinished business of the Senate, is now the regular order of business to be debated, and it will be voted on upon the 15th day of February. This is a House bill. It has paRsed the House of Representatives, and it was reported here by the Committee on Finance of the Senate with an amendment in the nature of a substitute. However, the bill as it passed the House is before the Senate, and the remarks I shall make this afternoon will be directed to the House bill, for the reason that I am of the opinion that finally it is the House bill practically which will be passed by Congress and approved by the President.

I believe this, Mr. President, from the fact that it was the caucus bill of all the Republican members of the House. They held a caucus and agreed on this Bouse bill, and it commanded the vote of every Republican member of the lower House of Ctmgress. Therefore, I say it is the bill which the Republican Congress, as I presume, intend to pass and go to the country on at the election next fall. I have come to that conclusion from another reason, that the leading newspapers of the country which represent the national banks say that the House bill is preferable to the amendment reported by the Senator from Rhode Island rMr. ALDRICH], and that it is the House bill they desire; and I have never yet known the Republican party to fail to yield to the demands of the national banks on any important question, when that demand was made known.

I therefore take it for granted that the House bill will be the law, after the President has signed it, upon which the Republican party will stand. It may be true that the Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON] will succeed in getting on it some language that will tend to obscure the meaning of the bill or tend to confuse the situation somewhat. It is probably true that he will get language inserted in the bill which will enable the Republicans throughout the Western States to insist in the coming campaign that the bill means one thing, while the Republicans in the East will insist

that it means another, and finally the Secretary of the Treasury will decide that~ the construction put upon it by the Eastern Republicans is the proper construction. I say the Senator from Iowa may get that accomplished. Without meaning any disrespect to him, I will say that no man is better calculated to write an amendment which would tend to confuse the situation and obscure the meaning of words than the Senator from Iowa.

Now, Mr. President, before I refer to the provisions of the bill, I should like to ask that the Senators who support it will tell the Senate and tell the country what is the necessity for the passage of such a measure. Every Republican member who spoke on behalf of this finance measure in the House of Representatives said that universal prosperity prevails in the country, that trade had never been so good, that capital was seeking labor, and that this prosperity existed to an extent which it had not existed for years. If that be true under the present law, I would ask the Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON] to tell me why it is necessary at this time to so radically change the present law, particularly if no good is to be brought to the country by it?

When it is said that universal prosperity exists under the present law, those who make such a declaration are either not sincere in it or they are anxious by this legislation to change that situation for the worse. l want to say, so far as I believe, that the statementregarding prosperity all over this country is not true. It is true that the discovery of gold in Colorado, in Alaska, and in South Africa during the last few years has tended to increase prices and to make business better than it was before that time. It has been stated by one of the members of the other House that the production of gold in 1899 was equal_ to the production of both gold and silver in the year 1895. If that be true, and if that has increased prosperity, I would ask if those who favored the free coinage of silver were not correct when they said that an increase of the money of final redemption would tend to increase prices and to bring about prosperity?

If, in 1890, when t4e Sherman law was passed, you had passed a law for the free coinage of silver at the rati9 of 16 to 1, and thereby brought into circulation the same amount of money of final redemption which gold alone brings in to-day, that prosperity which you claim has now come would have come in 1891, and we should have been saved all the distress which has followed by reason of an insufficient amount of money and the consequent reduction of prices. Those prices began to go down during the latter years of Harrison's Adminfatration, and the decline continued during all the years of Cleveland's Administration. I say, if this increased production of gold has increased prices, then if both gold and silver had boon coined, the silver money would have increased the circulation to about the same amount which the gold has to-day, and prosperity would have come in 18i)1 instead of 1899. But if it be true that this increased production of gold has increased prosperity and somewhat improved business prospects, if we will also coin silver to-day at the l·atio provided by law, that prosp~rity will be increased many fold over that which now exists.

Then, Mr. President, as I said, if it be true that prosperity is general throughout the country, I wo~d ask the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. ALDRICH] why he brings this bill here to-day? You can not make it better, and do you not fear you will make it worse? If the House bill takes out of circulation 482,000,000 of silver dollars and $346,000,000 of United States Treasury notes, known as greenbacks, and ties them up in the Treasury, do you n.ot believe that it will tend to depress prices throughout the country and to destroy this additional prosperity which you say has come?

Now, let us for a short time examine the bill. The first section provides:

That the standard unit of value shall, as now, be the dollar, and shall consist of 25.8 gratns of gold, nine-tenths fine, or 23.22 grains of pure gold, being the one-tenth part of the eagle.

If that be the law to-day, I should like to ask the Senator from Rhode Island to tell the Senate what is the necessity for reenacting it? Is it because you are so anxious to do to-day what you said in 1893 you never intended to do? ls it because you want to show to the country that in 1892, when you made your Republican platform and declared in favor of bimetallism, both gold and silver, that you were insincere in that declaration and never intended to carry it out? Is it because in 1896 your platform declared that you were- in favor of international bimetallism, yet to-day so anxious are you to show the national bankers of the East that you are in favor of the single gold standard that you put it into this act, yet you claim that it is already the law?

In 1893, when the unconditional repeal of the Sherman Act was before Congress, every Senator upon the Republican side of this Chamber and every Senator in the Chamber save and except the Senato.r from Louisiana [Mr. CAFFERY] declared that he was unalterably opposed to the single gold standard and in favor of bimetallism-the coinage of both gold and silver-and to-day YOTJ. bring here a bill the first section of which says that we hereby establish the gold standard.

1336 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE. JANUARY 31,

Section 2 of the House bill provides: That all interest-bearing obligations of the United States for the payment

of money, now existing or hereafter to be entered into, and all United Stat es note!! and Treasury notes issued under the law of July 14, 1890, shall be deemed and held to be payable in the gold coin of the United States, as defined in section 1 of this act.

This section says that all existing bonds and those which may be hereafter issued shall be paid in gold. Will some one who advocates the bill tell me what benefit can come to the country at large by changing this contract? The existing bonds are now payable either in gold or silver at the option of the Government, and you now propose to make them payable in gold alone. What consideration comes to the United States? What do the people who are to be benefited agree to give in order to have their contract changed from one payable in coin to one payable in gold?

I assert, Mr. President, that every outstanding obligation of this Government to-day is payable either in gold or silver at the option of the Government. Those bonds upon their face show that they are payable in coin at the ratio which existed on the 14th of July, 1870, which was either gold or silver, not at the option of the holder, but at the option of the Government. That is in the law itself and it is on the face of the bonds. I have here a copy of one of the bonds payable in 1907, which shows specifically that the Government reserved the right to pay in either gold or silver. It reads: 1877. Four per cent consols of the United States.

Principal and interest payable in coin. {50)

At the Treasury of the United States. The United States of America areindebted to the bearer in the sum of

1907.

7115. fifty dollars. 7115. This bond is issued in accordance with the provisions of an act of Congress

entitled ".An act to authorize the refunding of the national debt. approved July 14, 1 70," a.mended by an act approved January 20, 1871, and is r edeemable at the pleasure of the United StateH after the 1st dar of July. A. D.1907, in coin of the standard value of the United States on said July 14, 1870, with interest in such coin from the day of the date hereof at the rate of 4 per cent per annum, payable quarterly, on the 1st day of October, January, April, and July in each year. The principal and interest are exempt from the payment of all taxes or duties of the United States as well as from taxation in any form by or under State, municipal, or local authority. · Washington, July 1, 1877.

S. J. MILLARD,

Act of July U, 1870. Register of the Treasury.

And yet, without any demand from the great body of the people of this country, you come here to-day and voluntarily change this contract into one which the holders of bonds think more desirable, without compensation being made to the Government, and you give to the bondholders a gold bond for one which the Government now has the right to redeem in silver.

When the last issue of bonds was made during the latter part of Mr. Cleveland's second Administration, the President sent a message to the Congress of the United States, in which he said if Congress would give him authority to issue bonds payable in gold coin, he could receive a much larger price for them than for bonds which were authorized under the existing law payable in coin; and a bill was brought into the Senate by the then Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. Vilas, the title of which was "A bill to save the Government $16,000,000."

It was alleged by him and by Republican Senators that the bankers who were going to purchase those bonds would give the Government $16,000,000 more for them if the Government would insert in the bonds a clause that they were to be payable in gold. That was specifically stated by the friends of the bill. Congress refused to give this authority, being unwilling to issue gold bonds, but bids were made for the bonds, and they were purchased for $16,000,000 less than would have been paid for them if it had been provided that the bonds should be payable in gold.

·Notwithstanding those bonds were purchased for $16,000,000 less, as I have said, it is now proposed, without the holders of the bonds paying one cent to the Government, to change them into gold bonds. What think you, Mr. President, of such a proposition? What kind of jcstice is this to the great body of the people of the United States? Who is to be benefited by this legislation? No one save and except the holders of those bonds, the men who purchased them for a smaller price because they were payable in either gold or silver; and now, without any reason, save and except that you want to gratify them, and they make this demand, the Republican members of the House of Representatives solidly have said, "We will change this contract and pay the holders of those bonds in gold."

I pass over section 3, which provides for the establishment in the Treasury Department of a division to be designated and known as the division of issue and redemption, etc., and come to the fourth section of the bill, which provides:

That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain the gold reserye fund, etc.

After some other provisions about the making of transfers, the section provides:

.And in addition thereto he is hereby authorized to isaue and sen, whenever in his judgment it is necessary to the maintenance of said reserve fund,

bonds of the United ~tates bea:ring interest at a rate not exceedina- 3 p~r cent :per a.nnUJ?1, payable I~ gold com at .the end of twenty years, but redeemable ID gold com at the option of the Umted States after one year.

Here is a power co~erred upon a single individual to issue the bonds of thlS Government to be payable in gold, and without any !imit save and except his own Judgment as to how many he shall issue. Whenever the Secretary of the Treasury thinks it necessa,ry to issue bonds, he may issue $1,000,000 worth, or $100,000,000 worth, or $1,000,000,000 worth, so far as the law goes, and there is no p_ow~r.to prevent him from d?ing it. You give this power to one.md1vidual who ~as shown himself the friend and ally of the national banks of this country and the special friend of particular banks in which he bas left the money of the United States so as to aid them to improve their credit; and you confer upon him this great power, which in olden times was never conferred upon any individual.

In the past the Congress of the United States kept the control of the issuance of bonds in time of peace within their own power and they alone bad the iight to determine how many and what bonds should be issued; yet this proposed law says that the Secretary of the Treasury may issue as many bonds as, in his judgment, he may deem proper in order to maintain the gold reserve.

Why should this great power be conferred upon any individual, I would ask, Mr. P1·esident? You JUay say that the power will not be abus~d. I answer that that the Secretary of the Treasury can abuse 1t. I answei: that you turn over to an individual a power which the Constitution left in Congress itself-to determine as to the amount of debt this Government should become involved in. Under this section, if the Secretary of the Treasury sees proper, he may issue bonds payable in gold which will be binding on the honor of the country and on the generations to come. Do you think it well to put such a provision in a bill of this character without any limit?

But that is not all of section 4. Further along it provides: And if a~ anr time the. Secretary of the Treasury deems it necessary in

order to mamtam the panty and equal value of all the money of the United States, he may, 11.t his discretion, exchange gold coin for any other money issued or coined by the United States. The notes and certificates so redeemed or exchanged shall be held in and constitute a part of said redemption fund and sha.11. not be withdrawn therefrom nor disbursed except in exchange for an equivalent amount of the coin in which said notes or certificates w~re redeemed or exchanged.

You confer by that section power on the Secretary of the Treasury to redeem every outstanding silver dollar in the United States of America in gold, to redeem every United States Treasury note, amounting to $34.6,000,000, ~ gold, and you provide that that money shall not be reissued or disbursed except for gold; and yet you say that you do not intend to tie up the greenbacks and the silver in the country. It may be that the Senate substitute does not do so, but the House bill, for which every Republican member of that body voted, specifically provides that the Secretary of the Treasury may do that thing and thereby take out $800,000,000 from the circulation of this country-$482,000,000, I think it is, in silver and $346,000,000 in greenbacks,

Mr. President, I ask the Republicans who live in the western portion of our country if they are willing to confer power upon the Secretary of the Treasury to take out of circulation all the silver dollars and all the greenbacks-because the bill says he may exchange them for any money issued or coined, which includes both-to be covered into the Treasury and not to be paid out except for gold coin? Are you willing to go to your constituents on a. record of that kind?

In 1896 my colleague in the House of Representatives [Mr. :McRAE] sent a letter to the then Secretary of the Treasury, Mr: Carlisle, inquiring whether or not silver dollars could be or were redeemed in gold at the Treasury. He was answered by the Assistant Secretary, who said that the silver dollars, being money of final redemption, were not redeemable in anything, and therefore the Treasury Department did not exchange gold for silver dollars. Later on., when Mr. Carlisle was pressed, in the latter part of the Presidential canvass, for information as to why silver dollars were as good as gold dollars, yet were not redeemable in gold, he was forced to say that if it became necessary he would redeem the silver dollars in gold.

It is true· there was no law to authorize such redemption; but with one exception no Secretary of the Treasury, I think, since the war has ever held himself bound by the letter of the law where the national banks demanded that he should do otherwise. That exception, I think, was Daniel Manning, who was Secretary of the Treasury in Mr. Cleveland's first Administration. I repeat, the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury stated-and he told the truth-that silver was not redeemable in gold; but under the stress of the canvass later on Secretary Ca1·Iisle said that, if necessary, he would redeem it in gold.

Now, we have a bill here which it is proposed to pass through this Congress, and which has already passed the House of Repre· sentatives, which provides that the silver doJla.rs may be redeemed in gold, and which provides also for the redemption in gold of the $346,000,000 of greenbacks, which you have asserted again and

1900. CONGRESSION·AL RECORD-SENATE. ·-· j337

again you never mtended to retjre, and when we claimed that you would eventually do so you said the statement was untrue and false, and yet your party in the House of Representatives voted solidly for a proposition to tie up $346,000,000 in the ·Treasury of the United States, providing that it can only be paid out by being exchanged for gold, thereby repealing the present law, which authorizes it to be used to meet the expenses of the Government.

Is that all, Mr. President? I think there are a few other provisions in this bill to which I shall allude which are very objectionable. Passing over several of the sections, I come to the provision which authorizes the national banks to receive the full face value or the par value of the bonds deposited in the Treasury of the United States that they may issue their notes, thus changing the law as it now stands, which is that they can only issue 90 per cent of the bonds deposited. Will any Senator tell me why the banks should have this additional advantage? What reason is there for it? It can not be said that it is in order to increase the circulation of money, because the same bill ties up $800,000,000 in the Treasury, thereby taking it out of circulation. That, then, is not the reason.

The only reason, Mr. President, why it is done is that the national banks have demanded this additional concession. They c.an make more money if they are allowed to issue their circulating notes to the extent of 100 per cent than they can at 90 per cent. They have asked Congress to do this for them, and the House of Representatives has already responded to that demand.

The next proposition to which I refer is one which reduces the taxes which the naticmal banks are now required to pay.

Section 10 provides that hereafter the national banks shall pay upon the amount of their capital stock two-tenths of 1 per cent annually in the way of taxation. Under the law to-day they pay 1 per cent, I think, upon their circulation. Whilst I have not calculated accurately the reduction, I will say that this bill, if it becomes a law, will reduce by at least one-half the amount in the way of taxes which the national banks are now required to pay.

I should like Senators from the West who intend to vote for this bill, when they go before their Western constituents, to tell them, when taxes are imposed npon every deed, mortgage, and every check that their people draw, upon many of the medicines they are compelled to buy, and upon various other things, why it is that this Republican Congress steps in and provides that the only tax that shall be removed or reduced in any way whatever is the tax on national banks. Why are they more entitled to onr consideration than other people in the land? Are they so poor that they can not pay the 1 per cent tax? Are they the people that the Congress of the United States, in endeavoring to relieve the distress of the country, should select, of all classes, reduce by one-half the taxes which they are to pay, and at tha same time absolutely refuse to reduce the taxes to which I have already referred? Do you think such a bill is in the interest of the people at large, or is it a bill in the interest of national banks? There can be no reason for enacting such a law save and except the desire to accommodate

-those banks. ·-What, then, can Senators say when they are asked why they

did not reduce the taxes on various necessities, why they did not take the tax off deeds and mortgages, why they do not remove it from patent medicines? You may answer that a war was in progress and· that it was necessary to have money to prosecute that war. If that be true, why do you propose to reduce by one-half the taxes on the national banks, which are more able to bear taxa~ion than any class of citizens in the country?

There is one other feature of the bill, Mr. President, to which I desire to allude, and then, after a few remarks on the bill generally, I shall conclude.

Under this bill the :finances of the country are to be turned over absolutely to the national banks, the greenbacks are to be retired, the silver dollars are no longer to be considered money, and the single gold standard is to be established. Then you leave it in the power of the nationa1 banks to expand or contract the currency at their will. It is, you say, an elastic currency. Yes, it is an elastic currency when the national banks hold both ends of the elastic string and can pull it out or contract it as may conduce to their interest; and at the same time you say that the bill is in the interest of the people of the United. States. What people, save !ind except the bondholders and the men who are running the national banks?

I have not gone into the details of the bill so minutely as did the Senator from Colorado fMr. TELLER], but I hopethepeople of the country will examine tbe bill, and see if, from the beginning to the end of it, every word is not so framed and int.ended as to benefit the two particular classes of our citizens to whom I have referred.

Take the bill altogether, and what does it provide? That gold, and gold alone, shall be the standard money; that all bonds of the Government; which by the law and on their face are payable in either gold or silver at the option of the Government, shall hereaft.er be payable in gold. Not only this: but it provides also

that all private contracts shall be payable in gold. It authorizes the national banks to issue bank notes to the full amount of bonds placed on deposit with the Treasury, and to expand or contract the currency of the country at their will; it reduces the tax to be paid by the national banks on their circulation by one-half; it authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury, at his own option, responsible to no man, with no appeal from his judgment, to issue interest-bearing. gold bonds, without any limit as to amount save and except such as in his judgment heshall think proper. It also authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to redeem all outstanding silver dollars and United States Treasury notes, commonly called "greenbacks," and the Sherman notes named in the law of 1890, in gold, and to tie them up and keep them in the Treasury, thereby reducing the circulation something over $800,000,000.

There is not one word or sentence in this bill for the benefit of the great body of our people who are engaged in agriculture. There is not one letter or one sentence in the bill which would tend to increase the price of labor or make the burdens of our laboring people less heavy than they now are. There is not one .. word or sentence in this bill which could be of any benefit to any ' class of citizens of the United States save and except the two classes I have named. The holders of United States bonds and the national banks are by the provisions of this bill to be the 59le beneficiaries. I repeat, that you c~ search the bill from the beginning to the end and it does the identical thing I have said. It gives those men everything they have asked and places the :finances of this country absolutely urider the control of the national banks.

It confers power upon the Secretary of the Treasury to issue unlimited bonds, and under the present law, which it leaves i~ force, the Secretary of the Treasury can take the money collected in the way of internal-revenue taxes from the people and place it in the keeping of any favorite bank that he may select t.~ywhere in the United States of America. No remedy for that is offered in this bill. .A).ready, by his own report made to the House of Representatives, the Secretary of the Treasury has admitted that, under the law which authorized the sale of a Government building in the city of New York, a bank in that city purchased the building for something more than $3,000,000, that they paid to the Sec- . retary of the Treasury or brought a check here to this city to pay it to him, for more than $3,000,000, leaving a small balance unpaid.

The law said that that should be turned into the Treasury of the United States, but the Secretary said to that bank, ''I have the right to deposit moneys in certain banks. You take back these $3,000,000 and keep it in your bank, loan it out to whom you see proper, at such interest as you can get, and in the meantime, I will pay you a large amount of rent upon behalf of the Government for that building;" and no deed was made because until a deed was made the bank was not responsible for taxes that were levied upon it. Yet this has been done and .the pending bill seeks not to remedy such wrongs, but confers upon the Secretary this power to issue bonds until he can get sufficient money not only to aid one of his national-bank friends, but many throughout the country. ·

Now, I submit to the Senator from Iowa whether he thinks that this bill conforms to the profession which has been so often made by him and the leaders of his party on the floor of the Senate. He having voted on this floor that the Government bonds were payable legally, morally, and equitably in silver, why does he come in to-day and voluntarily give the bondholders what thev ask and say to them, "We will change your contract and wiil pay you in gold?"

Mr. ALLISON. Where do I say that? Mr. BERRY. You said that in the Stanley Matthews resolu

tion, for which you voted. Mr. ALLISON. Where in the Senate amenclment, for which I

hold myself partially responsible, do we propose to change the contract?

Mr. BERRY. I will read it. You said in the Stanley Matthews resolution that the Government had a ri~ht legally, equitably, and morally to pay the United Statesbonas in silver. You do not deny that. You do not deny you voted for that resolution. You say, "Where have I sought tochange it?" !will read from the Honse bill which was passed, commanding the vote of every Republican in the House.

Mr. AIJLISON. · The Senator was standing me up here for inquiry and_ not the House. Now, the Finance Committee on the part of the Senate not only does not assent to the provisions of the House bill, but provides a substitute for every section of it; and if the Senator wishes to arraign me in any way as respects my former record or what I now propose, I trust'he will confine his debate to what is in the substjtut.e, for which I will be responsible in part and which, to the best of my ability, at the proper time I will defend.

Mr. BERRY. The Senator from Iowa was not in the Chamber when I began the remarks in which I stated that in my opinion the House bill would become the law and that I would confine my remarks to that bill.· He says he is not responsible for it. I tell

1338 CONGRES.SIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31,

him that tne Republican party, and every member belonging to it in the House of Representatives, in caucus and on the floor of the House, voted for the bill which I have read, and it says that the bonds shall hereafter be payable in gold.

It may be that he would rather confuse, as I said a while ago, and somewhat obscure the meaning of that measure before he goes before the people in the national election, but it is the bill demanded by the national bankers, and I said your party never yet bas failed to respond to every demand that they made; and if they still command it, it will be pa.ssed whether you agree to it or not. Therefore I refer1·ed to him because he had cast a vote. I "will name to him another distinguished citizen of this Republic who voted for the Stanley Matthews resolutions-William McKinley, a member of the· House of Representatives at that time. He said and voted that the bonds were morally, legally, and equitably payable in silver if the Government thought proper to pay silver.

Now, l say that the House has done tb.1.s, and so I can only take the House bill; and with all the Senator's ability and his high standing I want to say that all the members of the House of Representatives are better evidence of what the Republican party will do than even the Senator from Iowa, united with the other members of the Finance Committee.

Mr. ALLISON. I am not responsible, except in a ver3 small way, for what the Republicanfartymaydo. I was not speaking for the Republican party; but understood the Senator to say that the present bonds, being payable in coin, we propose now in this bill-that I proposed and I understood him to mean that the Senate amendment proposed--

Mr. BERRY. I never referred to that. Mr. ALLISON. Very well. I am glad the Senator did not. Mr. DERRY. I did not. Mr. ALLISON. Because it relieves him.of the responsibility of

failing to be familiar with the bill. The Senator says that a committee of conference in the future is

going to make some bill other than the one which the Committee on Finance, of which I happen to be a member, reported.

:Mr. JONES of Arkansas. If my colleague will permit me-Mr. BERRY. One minute; then I will yield. I ask the Senator

if the House bill is not before the Senate now-the bill I am discussing? Is there not before the Senate the bill that passed the House of Representatives? Answer once in your life direct, yes or no. [Laughter.]

Mr. ALLISON. The Senator has put a question to meMr. TELLER. Categorically. Mr. ALLISON. And I will answer it now, if he will allow me,

without interruption, in my own way. Mr. BERRY. All right. Mr. ALLISON. Of course the House bill is pending here. It

would be singular if it we1·e not pending. It does not require a Senatortoknowthat. Having passed the House, it must.be here; but it was referred to a committee of this body, of which I happen to be a member. That committee took up and considered the bill, and it then reported to the Senate as its judgment that there should be passed instead of the House bill a substitute which we propose.

If the Senator will be kind enough in his way, always effective, to discuss the Senate substitute and then criticise me for what is in that, I will endeavor to defend it if he will give me an opportunity, either now or at some other time; but I insist, the committee on the part of the Senate having charge of this matter having presented here a substitute for the conSideration of the Senate, that he must not at this stage charge us with favoring the House bHI. If in conference we shall make modifications, I shall be glad. for one, to have his views upon the conference report.

Mr. BERRY. I now yield to my colleague. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The suggestion made by my colleague

was that the Senator from Iowa now advocates a provision to pay the United States bonds in gold.

Mr. TELLER. To change the contract. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The Senator fromArkansas, mycol

league, charged, and I understood the Senator from Iowa to deny it--

Mr. BERRY. He denied it. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. That the Senator's action favored

the payment, and proposed by law to make United States bonds payable, in gold.

Mr. ALDRICH. The existing United States bonds. · Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The existing United States bonds.

That is what I say. Now, section 1 of the substitute brought in here by the Senator from Iowa and th~ majority of the Committee on Finance has a distinct provision, the first words of which are as follows:

That the dollar consisting of 25.8 grains of gold nine-tenths tine shall, as established by section 3o-U of the Revised Statutes of the United States, con· tinue to be the standard unit ot value.

It is made the unit, not one of the units. The section referred to, which was a~opted in 1873, made gold the single standard, and

it stood the single standard until the act of 1878 conferred the same power on silver. The silver dollars were at that time made a standard unit of value just as much as the gold dollar.

Mr. ALDRICH. Will the Senator allow me? Mr. JONES of_ Arkansas. Let me finish what I am saying.

Now, when you make one standard, a single standard, you necessarily make all the obligations of the Government payable in that standard. I admit that the words are not here provided as distinctly as in the House bill; you very adroitly undertake to avoid it, but you leave the effect precisely the same as in the House bill. All these obligations are payable in gold if the Senate substitute passes.

l\Ir. ALDRICH. Is it too much trouble for the Senator to point out the pr,ovision in the statute of 1878 or any other statute of the United States which makes the silver dollar the standard of value? It is not in the statute and never was.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. It makes it full legal tender. Mr, ALDRICH. That is a different proposition. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. It gives it unlimited coinage. I sub

mit that any reasonable man on earth knows that a full legal ten-der mu.st necessarily be a standard of value. ·

Mr. ALLI.SON. If the Senator will allow me a moment. Greenbacks are legal tender; Treasury notes are legal tender; national-bank notes are limited legal tender. The legal-tender quality has no more to do with the standard of value than the sunlight has to do with the moonlight. They are very different things. When you come to the question what is the standard of value, if I have time I will endeavor to show later in this debate that this first section of the bill is practically a reiteration or the act of 1873, which has been denounced over and over again in this Chamber as an act that created the single gold standard and which was objected to to such.a degree that it has been called the crime of 1873. We have had that rung in our ears in every debate upon the financial question from 1878 down to this time. Therefore, when we have reinserted in this bill in its first section the section which carried into the Revised Statutes the act of 1873 we have not changed the law as respects the standard of value.

Mr. BERRY. I .hope the Senator from Iowa will not take more of my time; that he will not speak longer than I am going to speak myself.

Mr. ALLISON. I will not take more of the Senator's time. I only wanted to conect the suggestion of the Senator from Ar· kansas.

Mr. BERRY. I do not want to give up the floor; I want to speak myself.

.Mr. JONES of Arkansas. I merely wish to say, in reply to the Senator, that the section to which he refers does not make a st.andard. It does not declare that gold is the standard. It says that the gold dollar shall be the unit of value. It does not say "standard." You bring that in for the first time; and this bill ia that much worse than the infamy of 1873.

Mr. ALLISON. Then the crime of 1873 is nothing if that statute did not make gold the stmidard of value. -

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. I say that it made it the standard of value by making it the unit of value.

Mr. TELLER. Will the Senator allow me to read what the Senator from Ohio, Mr. Sherman, said about the act of 1878, which will afford some information to the Senator from Iowa? In his report which he sent to us--

Mr. ALDRICH. Does the Senator from Colorado think that everybody is bound by the utterances of the late Senator from Ohio? Does he consider himself bound by them in any form or at any time?

Mr. TELLER. This is a contemporaneous exposition of the law, and it is very short.

The act approved February 28,1878, made a very important cb.n.nge in our coinage system.

It did change the system somewhat, and that change we do not w.ant to forget was urider the leadership of the Senator from Iowa, who was not then so much in love with the act of 1873 as he is to-day.

The silver dollar provided for was made a legal tender for all debts, pub· lie or private, ex cept where otherwise stipulated in the contract.

* * * . * * * * The law itself clearly shows that the silver dollar was not to supersede the

gold dollar, nor did Congress propose to adopt the single standard of silver.J but only to create a bimetallic standard of silver and gold, of equal value ana equal purchasing power.

Mr. ALLISON. Mr. President--Mr. BERRY. I decline to yield further. Mr. ALLISON. The Senator will allow me for one moment? Mr. BERRY. Very well; I will yield to the Senator. Mr. ALLISON. The statement just read by the Senator as to

what constitutes bimetallism would hardly stand the test. Mr. BERRY. Mr. President, this debate has accomplished. one

thing. The Senator from Iowa has repudiated the action of his own Republican friends in the House and has said he was not responsible for the Republican party. The Senator from Rhode

1"1900.) CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE .. 1339 Island now says that he is not responsible for the greatest leader on finance that the Republican party ever had-John Sherman.

The Senator from Iowa has repudiated all of the Republican members of the House, whom he admits voted to put in this bill, directly and specifically, that the bonds should be payable in gold. and whom he the other day admitted had passed a bill which tied up the greenbacks of this country in the Tre!LSury and could only be paid out for gold. I say that ·much has been . admitted. The Senator from Rhoda Island has, as I have said, said he is not responsible for what John Sherman said.

Now, the Senator from Iowa insists that I ought to have dis-cussed the Senate amendment and not the House bill.

Mr. ALLISON. Oh, no. Mr. BERRY. That is the way I certainly understood him. Mr. ALLISON. If the Senator from Arkansas intended to ad

dress his observations to me, then he ought to have discussed the Senate amendment and not the House bill. But of course he can discuss either measure by and large, if he chooses.

I hope he will not attribute to me the statement that I admit this, that, or the other as respects the House bill, because I make no admissioru; upon that subject.

Mr. BERRY. I stated the other day upon the floor of the Senatei and I stated to the Senator from Iowa. when he said he differed with the Senator from Colorado about it, the effect of the Senate amendment in tying up the greenbacks of the country. I said the Honse bill does that, and he said undoubtedly, but not the Senate amendment. I admit it is not in the RECORD in that way, but those are the facts.

Mr. ALLISON. IftheRECORDwaschanged,itwasnotchanged by my instructions.

.Mr. BERRY. That is. what occurred, to a certainty. _ Mr~ ALLISON. I remember very well what I stated. I stated

that I was not discussing the House bill. Mr. BERRY. You first stated it, undoubtedly; in the first re

mark you dropped. Mr. ALLISON. Very well. Of course if the Senator seeks. to

gather from that that I admitted that the House bill does withdraw the greenbacks and the silver, then I wish now to withdraw that statement. I understood that I did withdraw it at the moment.

But my understanding as respects the Senate amendment-Mr. BERRY. The House bill? Mr. ALLISON. My understanding in respect to the Senate

amendment is that it makes it impossible to do that. I shall be glad to say what I think can be done under the House bill, although it is not important to our debate, as we do not intend to support it.

Mr. BERRY. It seems to me it is important' to our debate. It. seems to me that the Senator from Iowa.assumes that his party here in the Senate and his committee alone are more powerful than all of his party in the Honse of Representatives. He therefore says it is not important what the Honse members have done in the passage of this bill, but it is all important as to what the Senate amendment does.

We have had experience enough in the Senate to know what will happen. When the Senate amendment, which will doubtless be adopted by the Republican Senators here, goes into conference, I assert my belief to-day that practically the House bill will become the law. As I said in the beginning of this speech, the Senator from Iowa may be able to get on an amendment something like the character of this first provision of the Senate substitute, which is susceptible of' two constructions and which mystifies the situation, to enable the Republicans in Iowa to say that it means one thing and the Republicans in Rhode Island to say that it means another, and yet which the Secretary of the Treasury will, as you lmow, construe to mean what the Senator from Rhode Island wants . it to mean. I say you may do that, but practically, in my opinion, the House bill will be passed.

At any rate, I want the country· to understand that a Republican majority, and therein is included everymemberof the Honse~has committed itself to this provision whichchangesthecontractfrom either gold or silver at the option of the Government and makes these bonds payable in gold. , You can not avoid it. It has gone to the country. When you bring your conference report herewe wm discuss that. But we have arighttodiscussto-daytheHo-use bill, which has passed that body, and to assume that the probabilities are that that will be the law rather than the report of a committee of the Senate.

Mr. President, I think I have said all I intended to say on th.is bill. I have said that there is not a provision in it except it is for the benefit of those who hold the bonds of the United States and the national banks. I defy any man to point to any provision in the bill which will benefit the laboring classes from one end of the country to the other, or that will bring any kin:d of relief to the great agricultural classes of the countl'y. You have gone to work to reduce the interest on national banks, to make these bonds,

which-are now by contract payable in gold or silver, payable in gold alone, to authorize by the House bill the redemption of the silver dollars and greenbacks in gold, and to confer upon your Secretary of the Treasury the power to issue bonds without limit• Those are the provisions of the bill to which you stand committed. It may be that a majority of the people of the United States will sustain you in it, but I do not believe it .

.Mr. President, the Republican party of to-day-and yoti can not escape it, the whole country is beginning to understand "it; sooner or later they will understand-has fallen under the influence and control of the combined wealth of the country. It no longer has any sympathy with the agricultural classes. It no longer has any feeling of sympathy for the laboring classes. It is dominated absolutely by the national banks and does the absolute bidding of the boards of trade of the great cities of this country. It is the protector, the defender, the friend. and ally of every corporation, trust, and combination of wealth throughout the country. The agents and representatives of this great wealth and of these manufacturing associations continue to grow bolder and bolder and more exorbitant in their demands as you yield to them.

They appear before committees of t.he Senate no longe1· asking, but demanding legislation for their special benefit. They not only demand the passa~e of this bill, which gives the national banks the control of the finances of the Government, but, under the false pretense of increasing commerce, they also demand that millions of dollars shall be taken annually from money belonging to all the people and given to the great corporations which control the transportation of products to and from foreign ports. They are not satisfied alone with this. financial legislation, but they come here-and your President has recommended that it be given to them-asking that millions of dollars be taken out of the Treasury, which belongs to all the people, and paid over to the men who are already immensely rich and have this great shipping business which carries a portion of our foreign trade. Not only this, bnt this Administration is gradually yielding to their demands, sometimes feebly protesting, it is true, but in the end doing what these classes and associations of wealth and the trusts have requested.

The Republican party has step by step and year by year advanced toward imperialism and absolute power. It bas now reached the point when itsleaders scarcelypretend any sympathy with a government of the people and by the people and for the people. Not only that, but many of its wealthyand leading advocates in the Eastern cities, men who furnish largely the money to run your campaign, are beginning boldly t-0 proclaim that the English system of government is superior to ours, and that the republican form is no longer suited to onr people; and every attempt that is made here to legislate or speak on behalf of the laboring classes and the agricultural classes is met with a sneer and the charge of demagogy; and yet when one of the representatives of these corporations comes to the committ.ee you yield to ms demand and pass such laws as he asks. I know this is strong language, but it is the trnth, and every man about the Senate sees it day by day as these great, wealthy, corporate representatives appear here before the committees of this body.

In addition, as I have said, many of them no longor pretend to regard our form of government, and the Administration itself has shown that it has become the follower and the imitator of English methods and the English Government, and to-day>Mr. President, while four-fifths of the people of this country are in sympathy with those who in southern Africa are struggling for liberty and for freedom, we have every reason to believe that this Republican Administ1-ation is in sympathy with a monarchy that attempts to crush these Republics. I say that that condition has come about because you have from time to time yielded to these wealthy classes and have forgotten those who have to struggle for themselves.

I do not know whether 01· not the American people who believe in bimetallism, who are opposed to government by trusts and corporations, who are opposed to imperialism, who believe in equality of citizens before the law, can unite to overthrow the party which threatens the destruction of the Republic. I know that if we could unite all the elements who are opposed to the present Administration, if we could rally them under one banner, success would be certain. I do not know, but I hope and believe that when this bill, so absolutely unjust to the great body of the people of this country, so clearly dictated by the national banks and by men who hold the wealth, goes forth it will arouse such a. storm of indignation throughout the Western States and disclose the evils under which the country is laboring from this Government as to enable us to send to Congress representatives who will remedy it and bring back, if possible, a government of the people, as those who wrote the Declaration of Independence and framed the Constitution intended.

Mr. MORGAN. Mr. President:, I understand the question before the Senate now is the amendment proposed by the Committee on Finance to strike out all after the enacting olause of the House bill which was sent here and insert an entire amendment proposed

. ,...-, -

1340 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31, ,

by the Senate Finance Committee. I propose an amendment to the amendment, accepting the proposition to strike out all after the enacting clause and insert the following:

First. That it is the fixed policy of the United States to pay and clear off the national debt as rapidly as just and equal taxation and the accumulation of other r evenues of the Government will permit, with constant regard to the capacity of the people to r espona to this national duty.

Second. 'rhat t he specie basis, consisting of gold or silver coin or. both, is the only true, just, and constitutional basis of the issue of bank bills to circulate as money.

Third. That it lS an unjust and unconstitutional burden on the taxpayers of the United Sta t es that Congress should agree to change the terms of the national obligations with the consent of t he bondholders, so as to deprive the people of the r ight and privilege of paying said obligations in coins of gold or silver according to thell' necessities or the requirements of the general we~ fare.

Fourth. Thnt it is contrary to the policy of the United States that the national deb t shall be made perpetual or that it should be maintained or increased for the benefit of the national banks or to regulate the commercial value of gold or silver bullion.

I offer that as an amendment to the amendment of the committee.

Mr. ALDRICH. I ask that the amendment may be read at the desk. I was not able to catch the first part of it.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. KEAN in the chair). The Senator from Rhode Island asks to have the amendment of the Senator from Alabama read at the desk. It will be read.

The Secretary read the amendment to the amendment. Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I do not desire to enter into any

extended discussion of the bill now before the Senate, but the Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON], a member of the Committee on Finance, the other day criticised my construction of this bill; and as I see he is now present, with other members of the committee, I wish to say just a few words, so that when the Senator makes the speech he has told us he is going to make he will give us the benefit of a few points in it that I want to 2uggest.

I want the Senator, when he makes bis next speech, to tell us, and I think we are entitled to know, why the Republicans of this body found fault with the House bill, the history of which, of course, I need not repeat, as I stated it the other day. Everybody knows that that is the bill prepared at Indianapolis, brought here, and submitted to a committee of Republicans elected by the Republican caucus of the last Congress, who were to consider this matter and present to the House a bill. The committee appointed by the caucus sat for some time, with the presentSpeakerattheir head, and they reported to the House this bill. They reported it first to a House caucus composed of the Republican members of the House, now in a large majority. While I can not say what occurred in that. caucns, while I am not acquainted with all that occurred, the public press said there was some division at first as to the propriety of the bill, but it was ultimately accepted as the measure of the party.

Now, this is the bill that the President gave his support to on the 24th of July, 1897, when he sent his message here and called our attention to the plan that the wise men at Indianapolis had suggested. That is the time he told us that patriotic people had met there and spent two days, out of which they had brought a scheme which he said he especially referred us for consideration, giving it at least his approval in that way. He did not say in so many words that he apnroved it, but if I call the attention of one of my colleagues to a proposition, and say that it is worthy of his attention, it at least indicates that I am somewhat in accord. This is the bill.

Now, where is the vice in that bill, which the Republicans of the Senate could not take? We are entitled to know that. The honorable Senator from Rhode Island never said a word about the House bill. There was absolute silence on his part about that · measure. Of course we had a right to assume that he did not approve of it, because he did not agree to it as a member.of th~ Finance Committee. The other members of the committee must havE.\ disagreed to it, because this substituiie for it is the action, I unde1·stand, of the Republican members of that committee.

Mr. ALLISON. It is the action of a majority. Mr. TELLER. Of a majority of the Republican members of

the committee? _ · Mr. ALLISON. No; of a. majority of the committee.

Mr. '.fELLER. Of a majority of the committee, certainly. Of course I did not mean to say that it ,was accepted by all the members of the committee, but it appears to have been accepted by all

. the Republicans, so far as I know. Now, Mr. President, it is a very great thing and a very serious

thing to change your financial system, and I suppose nobody will deny but that here is proposed a very radical and material change of the financial system.

Mr. ALLISON. May I interrupt the Senator? - Mr. TELLER. I will hear the Senator.

Mr. ALLISON. I merely wish to ask the Senator whether he is speaking now of the Senate amendment or the House bill?

Mr. TELLER. I am talking about both of them. Mr. ALLISON. The Senator seems to think we ought to give

the reasons why we prefer to the House bill the Senate amendment. He said this is a radical change in our financial system. Does he mean· that the Senate amendment is a radical change?

Mr. TELLER. I mean both of them. Either one that becomes a law will be a radical change. I have no doubt, as was stated by the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. BERRY], that neither of them will become a law in their absolute entirety as they were introduced or came from the House. There will be ~ome combination of provisions, I have no doubt. It can hardly be expected to be otherwise.

Now, Mr. President, I repeat, I think we are entitled to know why the Senate committee discarded the Honse bill. We assail that measure. We say it is a dangerous bill, a wicked bill.

Mr. ALDRICH. Of what bill is tbe Senator speaking as a wicked bill?

Mr. TELLER. I am talking about the House bill; and that bill is as much here as the Senate bill, and the Senators can not escape it. What is more, it comes here with the imprint of the Republican party as a party. It is their bill; it is their policy, Mr. President.

I was told the other day that there had been no caucus on this subject in the Senate and that therefore the Senate amendment is simply the idea of the Republican members of the committee. It is possible that they consulted their associates, but I have no reason to suppose they did from the celerity with which they brought it out of committee after it went from this body to the committee. ·

So, Mr. President, we are authorized to say that the House bill represents the policy of the Republican party. And I want to say here now that the Republican press of this country is for the House bill. The Post in this city said the other morning that the influential Republican press of the country is for the House bill. I say that the Republican press of the country is for the House bill. The Republican writers who are writing on the subject are writing in favor of the House bill. I have here a stat~ment made by Mr. M. L. Muhleman, the assistant treasurer in New York. who is authority on these questions. This appeared in Sound Money a day or two ago:

The outlook is for a. measure composed of parts of both bills, with some new matter evolved by a conference committee of the two Houses.

What iniquity they may fix up and put in with these other iniquities none of us can now tell. We shall have to wait until the conference report gets here to properly meet that.

Altogether the House bill contains more of the elements requisite to constitute a. wall-rounded law 1;o meet the present conditions; amendments are desirable, as has been indicated.

He wanted some few amendments. Upon four points tliere appears already an agreement: The enactment of

the gold etandard, the mamtenance of parity, the policy of not reissuing redeemed legal-tender notes except for gold-

N ow, mind, that is the interpretation of your amendment-the Senate amendment. That is one of the things the Senator from Iowa was criticising me for the other day, although he did not specify it-the policy of not reissuing redeemed legal-tender notl\s except for gold, and allowing national banks t o issue notes to the par of bonds deposited. This may therefore be regarded as the minimum legislation that we may expect; no doubt a considerable step forward.

While we may thus expect a solution of one branch of our monetary problem, there still remains the other-the paper-money branch-to be solved.

I said the other day that when this bill became a law, as it would, we would hear a call for proper legislation upon the bank question; and these folks can not wait. If the Senate provision should happen to become a law, they will immediately attack Congre2s for a wise provisipn, which I suppose will follow after the suggestion made perhaps by the Secretary of the Treasury that the proper system of issuing money is to issue it on your debts. Why, Mr. President, I could get rich if I could do that, and so could some of my constituents and many others of my a~quaintance. But what I want to call attention to is that these people are starting in early-the paper-money branch-to be solved; for no one will seriously claim that the proposed legislation on these lines is adequate to the country's needs.

I want the Senator from Iowa to tell me when he makes his speech whe'ther he agrees with that, and whether this is to be followed by a new national-bank law. If he can possibly do so, I wish him to outline what it is. It may be that it might somewhat mitigate my grief at seeing this bill pass \f he could suggest a good bank bill.

What may be regarded as secured is that the national banks may increase their circulation by 10 per cent, and they would also have an opportunity to expand further if there were not obstacles in the way-

Well, those obstacles will be removed by giving some privileges that they do not have under existing law-but so long as we have our $800,000,000 of Government notes-

N ow, this is what I want to call attention to, and I want the Senator from Iowa to address himself to this point-but so long as we have our $800,000.000of Government notes and silver certificates there is no room for a material increase in bank circulation. We must,

1900. ·CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1341 however, not look for more radical legislation this year. This must wait the hita whether, in his opinion, any increase in national-bank notes determination of the political struggle of 1900. . after the passage of this bill will drive out of circulation either

The article is signed by M. L. Muhleman, who is the assistant the United States notes or the silver certificates, when you take treasurer in New York. Mr. President, according to my inter- into consideration the provision which we propose in regard to pretation, that is a declaration from very high authority that we the denominations of the notes to be issued? are to have further legislation. Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I believe it will.

Mr. ALDRICH. It i':l-not official. Mr. ALDRICH. In what way? Mr. TELLER. I do not suppose he signed it as assistant treas- Mr. TELL.ER. I believe, in the first place, there will come a

urer, but then he is high in the councils of our gold·standard demand from these .banks that we take out of circulation national friends at least. The Senator from Iowa asks me what I want paper money-greenbacks, silver certificates, etc. him to explain. I should like to have him explain these particular Mr. ALDRICH. I supposed the Senator meant from natural points. causes and not from legislation. Of course we could reduce the

Mr. ALDRICH. As much as he can. amount by legislation. Mr. TELLER. Yes, as much as he can. Mr. TELLER. I will talk about that. I had not intended to I said the other day, and I say again, this gold standard is not do so, but I am willing to go into it if I do not take too much

to stop with this bill. time. However, I did not get up to make a speech in extenso. Mr; President, you can not maintain this gold standard under As I have shown here, there is an indication already that they

pi·esent conditions and present law, and in self-defense, if it is to are going to demand that we shall make a way for the banks to be maintained at all, you have got to make some changes. I do issue bills, claiming that that field belongs to the national banks. not know what they will be, nor do I know what they ought to be; The Senator's amendment provides for a refunding of the debt, but I am not concerned in that. I am not responsible forthegold an absolutely unnecessary thing at this time. Why, Mr. Presistandard. I said the other day it had been a curse to every nation dent, there is no need of our retiring bonds seven or eight years that had ever tried it, and so it has, Mr. President. If it had not before they are due, unless we receive some special benefit in rebeen fortheaccidentaldiscovery of gold in California and Australia tum (and that benefit can not be obtained by a slight reduction in 1848 the gold standard would have wrecked the Kingdom of of interest), and then putting upon the country a system of Great Britain, in my judgment. It has practically brought mis- finance by which the banks of this country shall determine when fortune and distress to every country in the world that has tried and how money shall issue, whether it shall be plenty, or whether it. And to-day there are no countries that have made it a success it shall be scarce. without a sacrifice, and the benefits are not. equal to the sacrifice :Mr. President, the prerogative to issue money- is the dearest they have made. Robert Giffen, the gold-standard advocate, as I prerogative that a nation ever owned. It bad been for hundreds said the other day, declared that it had been made a success no- of years, and, I believe, thousands of years, a prerogative of nation· , where in modern times. ality. When one king went off the throne and a new king came

Now, I wish the Senator to tell me, if he can, what is to follow on, all over the world for hundreds of years, he immediately this measure, if anything. Are we to have a banking system that coined some money and sent it out to show that he was the sovshall turn over to the banks the sole authority to issue paper ereign, because only a sovereign could coin money. money, as indicated by this writer where he speaks of the danger Mr. ALD"RICH. Will the Senator permit an interruption? to this system of $S00,000,000of paper money, Government money? Mr. TELLER. Yes. · I agree, Mr. Presidant, that $800,000,000 of pa.per money is a dan- Mr. ALDRICH. The Senator is discussing the prerogative of ger to a gold standard. You have more than $800,000,000, because the Government, and intimating that he believes the Government you have two hundred and some odd million dollars of bank paper ought to issue all money. I should like to ask him if he considers besides. Every government that has tried it has found itself com- that the present existing money in circulation is sufficient for expelled either to restrict its paper money or else to defer the gold isting demands and for prospective demands in the future, and if standai·d. Great Britain tried it in 1816. She did not get to the he believes there ought to be an increased amount of money in gold standard until 1823. From time to time she extended the circulation over that now used? time to put it in force. She curtailed her paper money in order Mr. TELLER. I do not know aboi:ft that, and that is a matter that she might get there. She brought more distress from 18V5 to which perhaps I shall not be able to fully determine just now. · 1823 upon that country than all the Napoleonic wars had brought Mr. ALDRICH. It seems to me it is directly pertinent to the upon it, and the great debt that had been put upon that country line of argument the Senator is pursuing. · by the tremendous struggle she made to down N apoieon and to Mr. TELLER. There has not been a sufficient amount of money maintain her supremacy was nothing compared to the shrinkages in circulation. of values, and the suffering of her people by hunger and poverty Mr. ALDRICH. If there has not been, is there now? And if was infinitely greater than it had been by the desolations of war. there is not now, how will the deficiency be taken care of or pro-

I want the Senators who are in favor of this to fell us what vided for? benefit we are to get from this gold standard and why the law of Mr. TELLER. I will tell you how it can be taken care of-compensation that has touched every nation that has tried it is open your mints. not likely to reach us. It can only be done, I say, by an entire Mr. ALDRICH. Well. change of the system of currency of this country, by an abandon- Mr. TELL.ER. Open your mints to silver and yon will get all ment of the function on the part of the Government of the United the money you want. States to make its money. If we are to tum over to the banks of Mr. ALDRICH. If there is no demand for increased circnla-this country that governmental function that was never until re- tion, there is no need of opening the mints. cent years intrusted to corporations or to individuals, I want them Mr. TELLER. If there is not any demand, nobody will go to to tell me how it is that the bankers of this country can do that· the mints with his bullion. which we can not do with all the great wealth and strength of Mr. ALDRICH. He will if he gets 100 cents for 50 cents' worth. 75,000,000 people back of us. Mr. TELLER. He does not get $1 for 50 cents.

·The proposition, on the one band, is that those bonds which are Mr. ALDRICH. He would be very likely to, I think. to be reissued, of which I want to speak m a few minutes, are to Mr. TELLER. I do not want to go into that question; for any be the basis of banking, and as they issue currency these national sensible man in the Senate of the United States or elsewhere must notes must disappear. The House plan is that they shall disap· know that it is nonsense to talk about a man obtainiD.g roo· cents pear to a large extent by being impounded in the Treasury, and for 50 cents' worth of bullion when the mints are open to coin it nobody can deny it. I believe the Senate bill does to a degree into American money. Do you suppose the American people are what the Honse bill does to a larger degree, and that is all the

1 fools?

difference. · Mr. ALDRICH. I think not. Mr. President, we have. had some experience with banks in this l\1r. TELLER. Do you suppose the American who has an

country. We had a bank once called a national bank, and it was ounce of silver is going to sell it for 50 cents an ounce when he not a bank with very big capital nor very big deposits compared can get it coined into American money at $1.29. It is so absurd with the present t ime, for, of course, it was a time when the Mr. President, that it is beneath, I think, the dignity of this Sen~ country was new and young. But, Mr. President, if it had not ate to consider such a proposition. been that there was a Jackson in the Presidential chair to take Mr. ALDRICH. I suppose the Senator will admit that that that bank by the throat and compel it to go into liquidation we would be the first result. would have had a condition that had never prevailed in this coun- Mr. TELLER. What would be the first result? try and could not have prevailed except by the domination of the Mr. ALDRICH. I mean the first result if the free coinage of money power aggregated in a great bank. silver should be adopted.

Mr .. ALDRIC~. Will the Senator from Colorado allow me to Mr. TELLER. If you should adopt the free coinage of silver, ask hun a quest10n? the man who now owns 50 cents' worth of silver would get the

Mr. TELLER. Certainly. benefit of the increased price. Nobody denies that. What would Mr. ALDRICH. - I kno~ h~ wants to treat the snbj~ct fairly, t~at amou~t to? There is not -in the world to-day $5,000,000 of

as he has always treated it m the Senate. I should like to ask silver bullion, and there would be, if free coinage should be

1342 .CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31,

adopted, a. rise from 50 cents to $1.29; but should a great financial system be determined on that little piddling notion that somebdtly is going to make money out of it? Why, Mr. President, I can say, as a Frenchman, speaking of the condition existing in France in 1858, said, when there were coming great quantities of gold, when gold was at a discount, and when it was being discredited by nearly all the world. He said France stood there, and said, "Bring your gold and we will put it into money-French money, good money; bring your silver and we will put it lli:to money-French money, gcod money-money good throughout the world."

Mr. President, the American dollar wherever it goes is an American dollar, and you can make it good in every part of the world as an American dollar. Do you suppose that men who own bullion will take it to a. bullion broker and sell it for 50 cents on the dollar when they can go to a mint and have it manufactured into money at twice that sum; and what harm will there be if that is the "trouble," as the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. SPOONER] said?

The objection the Senator makes to free coinage is that silver bullion is worth only 60 cents on the dollar. If it was worth $1.29, we would be willing to open our mints to it; and when we show you that if we would open the mints it would be worth the mint's price, then you say that is the" trouble;" somebody who ought not to have it will get some money out of this. With free coinage the silver miner of the world, who toils as few men toil, will get increased compensation for his labor and mankind will secure a blessing in the increased supply of the money metal. Discredit it, destroy it, for fear some bullion holder may make something on the rise of silver, if it rises.

The only metal that has done money duty through all times and through all climes is the white metal. It is to-day the money of more than two-thirds of the race. It has touched more blistered hands and has stimulated more progress in the world than all the gold from the day when gold was first mined to the present hour: and what will be the harm? I do not, however, intend to be led off from this bill. I want to speak of the practical result. of this legislation.

Mr. President, I know that prophecies are of little account; but I prophesied on this floor in 1893 that the time would not be far distant when Senators here who were then proclaiming themselves bimetallists would be lending themselves to the establishment of the gold standard, when a demand would come for the destruction of the paper money and the turning over to the banks of this country of that prerogative of sovereignty, the making of money. •

I want to say before I conclude what I intended to say when I was diverted by the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. ALDRICH], who has a faculty, when he thinks he is likely to be damaged by something somebody may say, to immediately intervene-not that I could say anything which would particularly damage anybody, but I can tell the truth, and that is what the Senator does · not want to have on this question. [Laughter.]

We saw in 1893 a panic in this country created by the banks, and so designated by our best people, gold men and silver men alike. It was the object lesson which the President of the United States declared the American people had to receive in order that he might secure the repeal of the purchasing clause of the SheTman Act. Thousands and tens of thousands of men went down from afilnence to poverty by reason of that wicked act.

The banks lent themselves to it and encouraged it, and when affairs reached such a condition that they could not meet their demands, in the great city of New York the banks surrendered and suspended payments for more than three months, during which time no man could go to his bank and draw more than the amount of money the bank thought he ought to have. The law required the banks to pay on demand or to go into liquidation. But they did not pay, nor did they go into liquidation, and their creditors had no remedy but to wait. We have had another panic. The Secretary of the Treasury says it was ''a threatened Eevere panic." Mr. President, it was not only a threatened, but it was a severe panic. A newspaper in the city of New York, and not a silver paper either, declared that the shrinkage of stock in a few days amounted to $700,000,000, and said that that was a loss to the public. I do not believe that. The stocks were in reality worth just as much as they had been before, but a change of conditions of that kind, which can be brought about by the influence of banks, is destructive of good government and also destructive of good commercial conditions.

I cut out of a Philadelphia newspaper a statement-I have not examined to see whether it is correct or not, but I have no doubt it is, for it has the air of being correct-what is reported to be a letter from a bank president. I find in the paper that the president of the National City Bank of New York, of which you have heard something, on the 8th day of April last addressed a letter to the Secretary of the Treasury with reference to the financial condition in the city of New York. I want to call the attention of the Senate to tWs most remarkable statement, and I want to

say that it is what is going on all the time, in my judgment, with these great banks;

I have been informed by those who know that 75 per cent of all the loans made in New York City by those banks are made to speculators and to operators, and that it is a very common thing for the banks themselves to engage in such operations. If they do not do so, their officers do. The letter to which I refer was written to Secretary Gage by Mr. Stillman, president of the bank, Mr. Hepburn being the vice-president. It reads:

As yon have doubtless noticed in the press. the money market here has been quite unsettled during the latter part of the week.

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. What is date of that letter? Mr. TELLER. April 8, 1899. . We ho.ve loaned very liberally-! think they could. I think at that time they had about $10,-

000,000 of United States money in that bank. They had had $20,000,000, and they had paid out, I think, $10,000,000 of it; but at that time I believe they had still $10,000,000, although I would not state that positively. That, however: is about the amount.

As you have doubtless noticed in the press, the money market here has been quite unsettled during the latter part of the week. We have loaned very liberally in order to allay apprehension, but at such rates as would tend to force a liquidation in highly speculative securities. I think this has been accomplished, and the declines which have taken place will have a wholesome effect.

Mr. President, when did it become the province of a bank, in any system of finance ever known amongst honest men, to deal with the market to make things high or to make things low? How can any man do business either in his store or in his manufactory if the banks can thus deal with the finances of the country? ~

We have loaned very liberally-

But all the time keeping in view that they wanted to do acertain thing-but at such rates as would tend to force a liquidation in hi~hly speculative securities. I think this has been accomplished, and the dechnes which have taken place will have a wholesome effect.

I have here a statement showing some of the declines in the prices of stocks. I am not saying that there is a loss when a stock goes from 105 to 75. The stock is worth just as much as it was before, but there are in fact a number of men who own these stocks who go to a bank and borrow money upon them, not perhaps to speculate with, but for other purposes. That is true not only in New York, but all over the United States. A man owning a share of Rock Island stock, or a number of shares, can go into the city of Chicago or into any Western city and borrow money on that stock, putting it up as security for the amount borrowed. Let us see what happened.

Sugar stock, common, was 176t , and it fell to 1493;, or $27.25 a share. Any man using that stock as security for a loan would be called upon to make his loan good, and if he was not able to do so, the stock would be sold at this reduced rate. Who would buy it? It was easy for those great banks to combine in this way, thus making money for the time being very dear, buy the stock at low rates, and then by making money plentiful again put upprices, and then sell the stock.

I shall give a few more of these quotations: Brooklyn Rapid Transit, a perfectly legitimate stock-I do not know whether the sugar stock is or not-dropped from 136 to 106t, a fall of $29.50 a. share; Consolidated Gas dropped from 205t to 190-that is, $14.50 a share; People's Gas from 129t to 111t-that is, $18 a share; Metropolitan Street Railway dropped from 267 to 234-that is, $33 a. share; Federal Steel, common, fell $17.50 a share; Federal Steel, preferred, fell $15.25 a. share; New York Central Railroad-a. class of securities which have been considered equal to Government bonds-fell $8.25 a share; and Chicago and Rock Island, one of the gilt-edged securities of the West, fell $5.12t a share.

There has been rarely at any time such a condition of the market as that. Here is the declaration of one of the great banks of the city of New York that they had been making liberal loans for the purpose of beating down the price of these stocks. I do not suppose they intended to beat down the price of New York Central nor of the Pennsylvania Central, but they beat down the whole line of stocks from the city of New York to the city of San Francisco; yet Senators want to put that great power-not for good, but for evil-in the control of the banks of this country, and to abdicate the power of the General Government to issue money of any kind.

I want to know when this bill finally passes whether it will have any such provisions in it as the House bill contains, which enable the banks to take possession of the money of the country. If it does not, I want to know whether it is to be followed, as the indications are from the letter which I have read, by further legislation next year, when you have succeeded, as you may possibly succeed, in getting once more into power. Have you deferred such action to this time because you did not dare to take the position plainly and boldly and honestly before the American people, did not dare to take the position which the Secretary of the

-""..

1900. CONGRESSIONAL - RECORD-SENATE. 1343 Treasury is contending fo?, did not dare to take the position which the great press of your party is contending for, that the Government must go out of the banking business, a.nd · that the banks must be left to furnish ns the currency that is to be circulated in this country?

Mr. President, if I could furnish the currency for 75,000,000 people, I would not care to accept as a gift all the great gold Illines of the world, for such a privilege would be better even than such a gift.

That is what this bill means. I want the two Senators who sit here [Mr. ALDRICH and Mr. ALLISON], who are so closely connected with this bill, to tell me, when they come to speak upon it, whether I have not made a fall- statement of the provisions, at least, of the Honse bill as it comes here.

Mr. President, something was said by the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. BERRY] about a change of the contract with the bondholders. The Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON] said there was no change of contract. He admitted there was such a change in the House bill, but said that there was not in the Senate substitute. However that may be, this is certainly a: Republican measure; but, leaving that, suppose Republican Senators have the power to upset and overturn the caucus determination and substitute something else, have you, too, not proposed a change in the contract? What do you propose? Your bill says that every man who has a bond dne in eight years from now may take it to the Treasury and exchange it for a bond due in thirty years from this time, with a. gold clause in it. The bond contains no gold clause now. ·

Mr. ALDRICH. "May." Mr. TELLER. "May;" but that practically means that he will

do so. There is no limit as to when it may be done. I will tell the Senator what will be done. Such of the bondholders as desire will make an immediate exchange. Those who do not do that will continue to hold their bonds until the time for their payment has nearly expired, and then they will make the exchange. They will not surrender the interest unless they think they can secure a greater profit in using the next bonds as the basis of national banks than they can see in holding on to the old bonds.

What authority has Congress to change this contract? In 1870 we provided by law what the bond should contain. There could be no bonds issued for which Congress did not provide, and Congress stipulated what the bonds should contain; that they should contain a provision that they were to be payable in coin, reserving to the United States the privilege, which has been found of inestimab-le value everywhere in the world, to have the l'ight to pay in the one metal or the other as should be most convenient. Has

•any bondholder suffered detriment by that provision? It is true the time may not have come when there is any necessity for the Government to exercise its option, but it does not follow that such a time may not come. The provision was put in the law ex industria; it was put there because it was thought to bevaluable tons; and we are now surrendering it without any equivalent whatever. · What crisis has come, what conditions exist which justify us in changing the contract?

Mr. President, who made these bonds? · Not Congress, not the Executive, but the American people. What has given them their value? It has been the fact that the American people were back of them. They would not be worth as much as Continental or Confederate money if the world did not know that the great American nation was back of them. The people are the makers of these bonds. They said to Congress, "You make a bond of that character." They may change it, though they have not indicated to this body or to the other that they wanted to change it. No emergency exists why it should be changed. Oh, Mr. President, it is thought if you will change it .now and make it attractive by the length of time the bond will have to run and give these people a chance to issue the money of the country on the bonds, that they will take them up, and you will get rid of this troublesome question of finance, which has vexed our people, I will admit, for some years.

The American people have a right to insist that those bonds shall remain until it is time to .exchange them for others; and then, if the party in power choose to take the responsibility, let it do it. You received no instructions at the last election to do this thing. You went before the American people with the pretense that you were for bimetallism. A distinguished man of your party, whom I quoted the other day, said in another place-and I have no objection to speaking of it, because it was in the last Congress-that a hundred members would sit in the present House who would owe their seats to that bimetallic provision. You have not received any demand from the American people to change the contract, but you are doing it at the bidding of men who have no right to demand of you·or of me anything at all

I want you, when you come to make those speeches that you are going to make, to meet these questions and tot.ell us whether your bill is intended to do the things which I say it is intended to do, or whether it is not, and if it is, why you propose to do it.

ln the Senate. amendment you impound the greenbacks and Treasury notes. You provide two or three ways in which the exchange shall be made; but for fea1· I may misquote I will read the language of the bill After providing for this fund it provides that it shall be maintained in the following manner:

First, by exchanging the notes so redeemed for any gold coin in the general fund of the Treasury; second, by accepting deposits of gold coin at the Treasury or at any subtreasury in exchange for the United Stat es notes so redeemed; third, by procuring gold coin by the use of said notes in accordance with the provisions of section 3700 of the Revised Statutes of the United States.

That is for buying gold. When that is done, if they have got the exchange, that is the end of it.

By the way, that section also authorizes the issue of bonds; and under that, as I said the other day, Mr. Cleveland issued his b~nds. I should like to ask the Senator from Rhode Island whetlier or not he and his colleagues intend, by the words used here, to give the same authority, under this proposed law, to issue bonds?

~Ir. ALDRICH. That only applies to gold received in exchange for notes.

Mr. TELLER. That is what I supposed. The provision for the issue of bonds is this:

If the Secretary of the Treasury is unable to restore and maintain the gold coin in the reserve fund by the foregomg methods.

And so forth. Having failed in all those, he having said he could not do it,

'then he may issue bonds. Mr. SPOONER. He could not say he could not do it until he

had tried by the methods indicated and failed. · Mr. TELLER. I do not know whether he could or not. There

is a. great deal of liberty given him. Mr. SPOONER. I mean he could not properly say it. Mr. TELLER. He could not properly say it; but suppose he

did, suppose he should say, ''I can not get gold in this way," and he should then issue bonds. I do not thirik the people could repudiate the bonds. So it is a matter left, after all, to the Secretary of the Treasury, and when he sees fit to issue bonds, as I said the other day, he may put them out, and they are to be a burden upon us.

Mr. SPOONER. Will the Senato1· permit me? Mr. TELL.ER. Certainly. :Mr. SPOONER. I say, under the law it would be the duty of

the Secretary of the Treasury to exhaust the other means before resorting to the issue of bonds. It is to be presumed that he will obey the plain requirements of law. ·

Mr. TELLER. That O"l,lght to be the presumption; that is the presumption, I will agree; but we saw a Secretary of the Treasury, with the approval of the President, undoubtedly, making contracts with private parties for the sale of bonds at a figure which everybody knew was ruinous, or would have been ruinous to the credit of any individual, though it was not ruinous to the national credit.

I heard on this floor a. statement which I remember, coming from a Senator who sat over here, that the Government of the United States in its dire extremity had been compelled to appeal to the bankers of New York City, and when I said, or when somebody here said, that the Secretary could have sold those bonds in Europe at a higher figure, it was said that the Government had kept the cable wires hot in its efforts to secure bidders for those bonds in Europe. I stated then, and I state now, that no such offer was made, and when the opportunity came for Europe to take those bonds they were taken at 12-f per cent above what the Government got for them.

Mr. COCKRELL. And more than that. Mr. TELLER. We do not want any discretion left with the

Secretary of the Treasury by which he may increase th,e national debt at will.

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator will permit me, there were no such provisions of law as those inserted in this bill. He had <liscretion then. Under this bill he is given none.

Mr. TELLER. The Secretary of the Treasury exercised his discretion in issuing the bonds. It was discretionary with him to say at what price he would issue them. That is what I am talking about. He abused his discretion when he sold for less than the value.

There is where he abused the discretion, Mr. President, and so it is not safe to leave matters to the discretion of an Executive Department of the Government. What you want to do is to tie up the Executive by law. I did not get up to say a tenth part of what I have said. ·

Mr. SPOONER, Will theSenatorfrom Colorado be kind enough to say what discretion is left to the Secretary of the Treasury under the language which he has just read?

Mr. TELLER. I will read it, if the Senator desires. Mr. SPOONER. I am onlyaskingtheSenator'sopinion about it. Mr. TELLER. I think there is large discretion left to him. I

can put some constructions upon this proposed law which I can not conceive that the committee could have desired, and therefore I

1344 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE. JANUARY 31,

am going to wait until I hear from them a little more fully upon the subject . .

There is a provision here that whenever this money runs down in amount, whenever it shall fall below $100,000,000, then this effort shall be made.

Mr. SPOONER. Shall be made? Mr. TELL.ER. ShalJ be made. He has no discretion about

that. Although he might be satisfied that there would be no trouble about it, there is a hundred million dollars always .dedicated to absolute nonmoney use.

Mr. SPOONER. We do that. Mr. ALDRICH. We do that now. Mr. TELLER. We do not do that, because there is no law au

thorizing it. We do not do it. Mr. SPOONER. Under the bill, I mean. Mr. TELLER. Yes, you do. We have a system of putting

aside a hundred million dollars for the redemption of greenbacks, but it went down to 42,000,000 once, under Mr. Cleveland's Administration, you will remember, and the country did not come to any considerable trouble by it that I know of.

Mr. SPOONER. I thought the country did. Mr. TELLER. No, it did not. The large demand upon the

Government for gold in exchange for greenbacks was made after the call was made for the bonds. That is a fact which the Senator can look up and find to be true. A large amount of the money came right out of the Treasury and went back into the Treasury again for those bonds.

Mr. President, I am somewhat afraid of bonds. I had hoped at one time in my life to see the Government out of debt. I know now, unless I should live to an age to which I have not any possible hope or expectation of living, or any other man now living, that we will not be out of debt. But can we not call a halt on it? Can we not stop where we a.re? Is tliere anything in the goldstandard system that will justify us in increasing the national debt in order to maintain it? If it can not be maintained without that, is it a desirable system for us? I wish the Senators would answer all those questions.

Those questions disturb me. I do not want to discuss them upon any political lines. I have great interest in the American people. I believe myself in their good sense and all that, but I see insidiously a system being imposed upon them which it seems to me will be very destructive of their best interests, and I feel it my duty to protest. I protested just as vigorously when I was a member of the Republican party against some of the policies of that party as I am doing to-day. · . . .

I do not believe you can ruin the entire nation; ;,ind I am pretty confident that some day the American common sense will reassert itself, and party prejudice and party passion and the influence of wealth will not be able to continue a system which seems to me to be detrimental tothe best interests of the people of this country. I have an abiding hope; but, as a distinguished economist in Europe said, "It is not a question whether silver will be rehabilitated; it is only a question how much suffering Europe will sustain before she does it." It is not a question but that some day the American people will establish a righteous and just system of finance; but it is a question how much suffering, how many people will be wiped out financially in doing tha.t which can help, at most, only a trifling percentage of the American people, and that will inflict injury on very many. -

That is the reason why I approach this question with some earnestness and with some anxiety. I agree that times have improved. I believe it is said that iron has gone up 37 per cent in a year and a half, or less than two years, and that many other articles have gone up; but I notice with extreme solicitude that the men who toil on the farm are getting less to-day for their crops than they got last year. I notice that the men who torm the basis of all good society-the agriculturists-are getting no benefit whatever out of this so-called boom.

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit me to say that all the iron goods used extensively by the farmers and everything else the farmer consumes have gone up from 35 to as high as 200 per cent, while the price of their crops has not increased? ·

Mr. TELLER. I was coming tothat point. A system of prosperity which touches only a few or even a considerable number of people and leaves out the great substratum of society, the class upon which the hopes of the Republic must always depend, the American farmers, is a vicious one and that prosperity is a delusion. As the Senator from Nebraska said, and as I was going to say, everything that the farmer buys has gone up anywhere from 15 to 37 per cent, and, as he says, on some t~ust articles even more. His expenses are greater and his income less. There is a fault in this prosperity of yours. It is not here.

Mr. President, the people of the United States are more interested in this bill than in any other. I believe I heard somebody say that the question of our relations with foreign countries is the great question. I do not believe it. I believe that the thing which touches the interest of 75,000,000 people as the money question

touches them is the great interest. Nobody ought to have more ' interest in the men who toil than the R.epublicans in this Chamber : or the Republican party. They have been the backbone and sup· : port of the Republican party since it carried its first banner, and . yet, as said by the Senator from Arkansas, there is not any hope for them in this bill.

I hope Senators will tell us when they get the floor how this is · to h, :p the American laborer, how it is to help the man who tills a few acres. Tell us whether it is to give him greater ability to take care of his family, to fit them for the great duties of Ameri· can citizenship. It will not do for you to say that it gives us more -stable money, which is one of the fallacies of your class of men -now. You have had stable money for the last twenty years. You have had it with silver, and the history of the world will bear me · out in the statement that the stability of money based upon the two metals has always been greater than when based upon one.

The other day I was looking over the Economic History of Athens, by Mr. Boechk, and he again and again states that silver was found to be the stable money in ancient times and that the . value of gold was determined by silver and not silver by gold. You discard one of the money metals, and yon make money dear, and you put up prices by combinations, and then you call it prosperity. '!'hat is infinitely worse than he who, having swept the land of yeople and property, created a solitude and called it peace. This bil brings no comfort and no hope to the student of tinance. It brings no hope to the men who know what the history of the world's money bas been; no hope to the men who have kept i.n touch with the affairs of the last twenty years and have seen great countries like Germany and Austria and Russia struggling with this question and practically faili.Ilg. ·

It brings no hope to the men who know that it took the great , power of England, with no other country struggling for gold, from 1816 to 1823 to make her gold standard a success; a condition which Lord Baring_ described when he declared before the com· mittee of 1832that silver had always been the stable money of the world and was then, and that gold was not, and when he said, ''We were compelled to ransack every corner to find gold to carry out this system." A Mr. O'Connell said fo· Parliamen·t, "I can con· ceive no purpose in the passage of this bill save and except an experiment to see how much human nature can endure. We have had the trial," he said, •'here since 1816," and he made that · speech in 1835. If any country has prospered, and all its people ha.ve prospered, under the gold standard, let the Senators tell us where and what country it is.

Mr. President, I am not going into ancient history, but the man who does not read these things and does not take the truth home to him is not fit to legislate in this Chamber. There is a great • purpose to be served by this bill, and the first object is to establish the gold standard, t-0 put the country upon one metal absolutely. With it will come a demand that the silver money shall disappear, and under this bill, if it becomes a law, no man can stand on this floor and give any reason why the Government should not sell the $500,000,000 in silver we have now. They are to be remitted .to · the category of representative money. Their influence is no longer to be felt in determining values. They are no longer to have the commercial influence that they have been having as primary money. You might as well supply their place with paper money as to leave them there as the simple representative of money to be exchanged for what under the propose¢! law you make the only money of this country.

Mr. President, there are some other matters in connection with this bill, but I will reserve them until after I have heard the Sen· ator from Iowa (Mr. ALLISON] and the Senator from Rhode Island fMr. ALDRICH] and, I trust, other Senators on the Committee on Finance. I do not ask in any sense that they shall do what is un· usual or improper, but I do say here that in the history of the world there has been but one exception like this, and that was in 1873, when we changed our financial system without the knowl· edge of any man who voted for the bill and certainly without the knowledge of the man who signed it. I undertake to say that in the long line of the history of financial transactions the friends of the measure proposed have always given it some defense, and here it has had practically none.

Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. PreSident, before this measure is voted upon I intend to state my objections to the first ten lines of the substitute establishing the gold standard, and · I only rise now to ascertain what is contained in the rest of the bill, as the commit· tee understand it. The senior Senator from Arkansa.s [Mr. JONES] I understood to say that the Senate substitute contained a declarration that all the bonds of the United States now payable in gold or silver coin at the option of the Government are made payable· in gold alone. If I am not mistaken, I heard him make that statement while the junior Senator from Arkansas [Mr. BERRY] 'was speaking. ·

Mr. President, I have carefully examined the ~W substitute, !'Lnd I do not find any such enactment therein contamed. It certainly was contained in the House bill, The junior Senator from

1900. CONGRESSIONAL -RECORD-SENATE. 1345 Arkansas was right in his statement as to the bill which came River, in the counties of Lincoln and St. Charles, in the State of from the House.. I wish to read the clause in order that it may be Missouri, is not a navigable stream, and shall be so treated by seen how broad it was. · the Secretary of War and all other authorities.

That all interes~-~earing obligations of the Unit~d States for the payment Mr. CHANDLER. I should like some little explanation of this of money1 now eXIStmg or hereafter to be entered mtoi,.and all United States bill by the Senator from Missouri. notes ana Treasury notes issued under the law of .mly 14, 1890, shall be M COCKRELL deemed and held to he payable in the gold coin of the United states .as r. . · I will have the reports of the Secretary of defined in section 1 of this act; and all other obligations- · War and the engmeer officers printed in the RECORD if the Sena-

:Mark how broad the language is- re J · tor desires. public and private, for the payment of money shall be performed in con- Mr. CHANDLER. I do not want those. I want the Senator's formity with the standard established in said section. voice to explain to me the bill-how you can make a river not

There was an absGlute declaration, Mr. President, in favor of navigable by declaring it not navigable? the gold standard and the payment in gold of obligations not only Mr. COCKRELL. It is clearly within the power of Congress of the United States. but of every private obligation throughout to do that. the length and breadth of the land. That, to my mind, as Sen- Mr, CHANDLER. To declare it nonnavigable? a tors well know, is a very objectionable enactment, and if it were · Mr. COCKRELL. This river having been once appropriated to be found in the Senate substitute it would be an additional for (I secured an appropriation some fifteen or eighteen years aO'o rea~on why I could not vote for it, besides the provisions of the to have the snags removed from it), it has become, in the estimba:first ten lines establishing the gold standard. But they are not tion of the W~r Department, a navigable highway. Now, railin the Senate amendment anywhere. roads are runnmg across there. They have to make their draw-

Mr. TELLER. Will the Senator from New Hampshire allow bridges .. Theyhave t?put in their piers. Theyobstructtheflow me to ask him a question? of. the r1yer. _There IS no pr.eten~e that t?ere is anything but 14

Mr. CHANDLER. Certainly. miles _of it wh1ch,.whe!1 ~he l'l"."er 1s very high, becomes navigable. Mr. TELLER. What is the difference between making the That IS the only time it IS naVIgable. We want this declared not

present bonds payable in gold and making them exchangeable a navigable river, that bridges mav be constructed over it with for bonds that are payable in gold? longer spans and without these piers; _and the people there-the

Mr. CHANDLER. That is the precise difference between the farmers and everybody living along the stream-want this done. House and Senate measures, and it is a very great difference. The They have sent a petition here for it, and there is no public interSenate amendment simply provides that all the existing interest- est that can be harmed by it. bearing obligations of the Government at a certain rate provided Mr. CHANDLER. Will the Senatm kindly inform me what has which shall not net more than 2} per cent to the holders of th~ become of the money we spent to take out the snags and stumps? present bonds, may be exchanged for a 2 per cent gold bond of ~r. COCKREL~. I suppose. it was spent by the officers of the the Government. The holders of the outstanding obligations may Umted States Engmeer Corps m the payment of services and in at their option make that exchange. payment for the time they spent there. I could get the Senator

Now, that may be objectionable to some Senators, but the re- the accounts if he desires them. markable fact that it is expected that we can fund the whole of Mr. CHANDLER. I do not want them. our interest-bearing national debt in 2percentbondsis something Mr. COCKRELL. Andif it would interest him or convince him wonderful to me. I suppose the committee really believe the ex- of the necessity for the passage of this bill. change can be effected? :M:r. CHANDLER. The Senator must not get out of patience

Mr. ALDRICH. We have no doubt about it. because I want to know the reason why this bill is to be passed. Mr. CHANDLER. Theybelieveit can be effected. Ihave'some Whenever he objects to any bill I ask to have passed I always

doubt whether it can be. If that was all there was in the meas- explain it courteously and kindly. ' ure, I shou!d vote for it, because if it so happens that a 2 per cent Mr. COCKRELL. I am not objecting. If vou want to object gold bond is worth so much more than a bond payable in gold or to the bill, object to it. • silver at the option of the Government that our whole debt can Mr. CHANDLER. I want the Senator from .Missouri to tell me be funded in it, it seems to me that it is a financial operation frankly whether or not it was not a mistake to make it naviO'able. which it would be very judicious for the United States to make. Mr. COCKRELL. I think it was, in one sense of the word.

Mr. President, I think the question is a much broader one than Mr. CHANDLER. And the expenditure of money upon it at that which is raised by the proposition to fund, with the consent that time was not wise? of the holders, the existing national debt in a 2 per cent bond. It Mr. COCKRELL. I do not think it was very wisely spent. is a question whether the United States shall adopt the single Mr. CHANDLER. The Senator from Missouri very frankly gold standard, shall adopt gold monometallism, as its financial tells me, and I have no further objection to action upon the bill. policy, or whether it shall continue its efforts to secure bimetal- Mr. COCKRELL. It gives me pleasure to tell anything that is lism-the use of both gold and silver as standard money. Upon the truth. that question I shall t~ke occasion. to speak to the Senat~ here- Mr. CHANDLER. If the Senator can tell me anything more after; but I thought it was well, masmucb as thA question bas about it, I will listen with pleasure. been raised, to have it settled to-day, if we can, so far as the in- Mr. COCKRELL. If theSenatorwantstoknow anything more

- terch:;i.n~e of views between Senators can settle it, whether or not I will tell him. ' there ism the Senate amendment any semblance of this fil·st pro- ~r: CHANDLER. The Senator has very graciously more than vision in the House bill. satisfied me. ,

Mr. ALDRICH. The Senator from New Hampshire is undoubt- The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordere<! edly right. There is nothing in the Senate substitute that in any to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed. ~ru;iner changes the status of existing bonds, either directly or Mr. COCKRELL. I a-sk that the reports I have referred to mduectly. may be printed in the RECORD, so as not to consume the time of

FRANCISCO v. DE COSTER. the Senate in reading them. Mr.NELSON. Ifthereisnointentiontodebatefurtherthefinan- The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, they will

. 1 bill th. ft 1 k . be printed in the RECORD. c~a 1s a ern~on, as unammous consent to call up the The papers referred to are as follows·. bill (S. 1293) granting pay and allowances to Francisco V. De Co~ter, late captain, First Battalion of Cavalry, Mississippi Marine Brigade.

There being no objection, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, -proceeded to consider the bill.

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

OUIVRE RIVER, MISSOURI. Mr. ALLEN obtained the floor. Mr. VEST. Mr. PresidentM:r. ALLEN. I yield to the Senator from Missouri. Mr. VEST. I am directed by the Committee on Commerce to

whom was referred the bill (S. 2279) declaring Cuivre River td be not a navigable stream, to report it favorably without amendment.

Mr. COCKRELL. The bill just reported is very short· it affects only a little place in Mis.souri; it is recomm~nded by the' Secretary of War, and I ask unammous consent that it may be now considered. It is only three or four lines long.

There being no objection, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the bill. It declares that Cuivre

.~_II-8~

COMMITTEE ON COMMERCE, UNITED STA.HS SEN.A.TE, Washington, D. 0., January 10, 1900.

SIR: I. am directed ?Y th~ Committee on Commerce to refer to you the incl?sed bill {S. 2279), F~fty-su:th Congress, first session, declaring the Cuivre R~ver to~ not a nav1ga~le stream, and to request you to furnish the committee W1th such suggestions as yon may deem proper touching the merits of the bill and the propriety of its passage.

I am, very respectfully, • WOODBURY PULSIFER, Clerk.

Hon. ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War.

WAR DEPARMNT, January 27, 1900. Respectfully returned to the chairman Committee on Commerce United

Sta~s Senate .. inviting attention to the accompanying report of the Chief of Engmeers, Umted StatesArmy,dated January26, 1900,andinclosnres therein referred to.

ELIHU ROOT, SecretanJ of War.

OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF ENGINEERS, UNITED STATES ARMY, Washington, January S6, 1900.

Sra: I have the honor to return h!.'rewith a letter, dated the 10th instant from the Senate Committee on Commerce, inclosing for -the views of th~ War Department thereon S. 2279, Fifty-sj.x:th Congress, :first session "A bill declarinit Cuivre Rive1· to be not a navigable stream." Cnivre River lies

1346 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 31,

wholly within the State of Missouri.· flowing into the Mississippi River a short distance north of the mouth of tbe Missouri River. The river was examined in 1871 up to Moscow Mills, 28 miles above its mouth. An examination and survey was also made in 1880, which showed that a point known as "Chain of Rocks," Hr miles above the mouth, might be properly considered the head of navigation.

The bill was referred to Capt. McD. Townsend, Corps of Engineers, and I beg to invite attention to his report thereon, a copy of which is inclosed. This rel)ort gives information regarding the present condition of the river, a.nd it appears therefrom that its capacity for commerce is very sma.11 and that the public interests would not suffer from closing the river to navigation. I see no objection to the passage of the bill by Congress.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN ::M. WILSON,

Brigadie1·-General, Chief of Engineers, U. 8. Arniy. Hon. ELIHU RooT, Secretary of War.

Brig. Gen. JOHN M. WILSON,

UNITED STATES ENGINEER OFFICE, Rodie Island, Ill., January ti, 1900.

Chief of Engineers, United States Anny, Washington, D. 0. GENERAL: I have the honor to return herewith S. 2279, ".A bill declaring

Cuivre River to be not a navigable stream." The Cuivre River empties into the l\Ussissippi River about 22 miles above

Grafton. It has a drainage area of about 1,600 square miles, and is susceptible of navigation at certain stages from its mouth to Chain of Rocks, a distance of Utmiles. The mouth of the river is obstructed bya sand bar, which prevents navigation during low water. When the Cuivre River is at a high stage and the Mississippi is low, the curi-ent is so swift that the navigation of the stream is difficult.

The only period the Cuivre River can be considered a navigable waterway ia when the Mississippi is at a high stage at the mouth of the Cuivre and the latter is at a low or medium tage. There bas been expended on the Cuivre River by the United States the sum of $7.000 in snagging and dredging. This work was completed in 1882. Since that date it is reported that no boats have ascended the river, with the exception of some ba1·ges belonging to a contractor at work on the improvement <)f the Mississippi River, who obtained material for his work from this locality. .A drawbridge at Old Monroe, built in 1883, has never been opened for boats. The people of the vicinity appear to be in favor of the proposed bill, as shown by the report of Inspector J . .A. Macfle, inclosed herewith.

No amendments to the bill are proposed. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

C. McD. TOWNSEND, Captain, Corps of Engineers.

UNITED STATES ENGI?<."EER 0Fli'ICE, Rock Island, lll., January 19, 1900.

CAPT.A.IN: .As per your order, I have the honor to submit the following re port on the navigation of the Cuivre River:

'fhere is no steamboat traffic on the river. During 1899 Contractor James Short cut some brush along the banks. In 1895 or 1898 Mr. Short cut several hundred cords of wood on the Cuivre bottom lands, going up about 4 miles from the Mississippi and taking out the wood on barges. The General Barnard was the last boat to go through to Cha.in of Rocks, according to Dr. McElwee, in 1881 (records of this office). The steamer Dora made a few trips up the Cuivre in 1881. Some dredging was done in 1881 and 1882. The drawbridge at Old Monroe, built in 1883, has never been opened for boats.

.At Old Monroe I found the farmers and merchants anxious to have the river closed to navi.g'ation. They hope, by arran~ement with the railway company, to build a. wagon bridge across the Cuivre alongside the track. There ia no wagon bridge below Chain of Rocks.. The ferry at Old Monroe can only be used during high water, and a. wagon bridge is needed at that

pof i·chain of Rocks I was informed that a petition had been forwarded to Congressman CLARK, signed byJ>ractically all the farmers, asking to have the river closed to navigation .

.At :present the cross section at Old Monroe is small. To protect the piers large ice breakers have been built. The farmers think the bridge holds the water back, flooding their lands. The railway company has promised to put in one long span and remove the· present obstruction.

I did not find any objection to the proposed Senate bill No. 2279, which has been mentioned in the local papers and seems to be understood by the people.

Copies of the bill were sent to Chain of Rocks. At Old Monroe Mr. Niemeyer, the oldest and most influential resident, and

at Cha.in of Rocks Dr. McElwee will furnish any information desired. Respectfully submitted.

Capt. C. McD. TOWNSEND, Corps of Engineers, U. 8. A., Rodie Island, lll.

J. A. M.A.CFIE, United States Inspector.

EXECUTIVE SESSION, '

Mr. CHANDLER. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business.

The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business. After thirteen minutes spent in executive session the doors were reopened, and (at 4 o'clock and 53 minutes p. m.) the Senate adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday,

. February 1, 1900, at 12 o'clock meridian.

NOMINATIONS. Executive nominati.ons received by the Senate January 91, 1900.

REGISTER OF LA.ND OFFICE.

Albert D. Chamberlin, of Inez, Wyo., to be register of the land office at Douglas, Wyo., to take effect January 13, 1900, at the expiration of his first term of office. (Reappointment.)

ASSISTANT SURGEON IN THE NA VY.

Karl Ohnesorg, a citizen of Connecticut, to be an assistant surgeon in the Navy, from the 27th day of January, 1900, to fill a vacancy existing in that grade.

CHIEF GUNNER IN THE NA. VY,

Gunner Frank H. Whitney, to be .a chief gunner in the Navy, from the 7th day of January, 1900, m accordance with the provisions of. the act approved March 3, 1899.

PRO:MOTIO~S IN THE A.RMY.

Infanfry arm. Lieut. Col. William S. Mccaskey, Twentieth Infantry to be

colonel, January 29, 1900, vice Coates, Seventh Infantry ~etired from active service. '

Maj. Charles R. Paul, Eighteenth Infantry, to be lieutenantcolonel, January 29, 1900, vice l\foCaskey, Twentieth Infantry, promoted.

Capt. George B. Walker, Eleventh Infantry, to be major January 29, 1900, vice Paul, Eighteenth Infantry, promoted. '

Corps of Enginee1·s. Maj. William H. Heuer, Corps of Engineers, to be lieutenant

colonel, January 29, 1900, vice Ludlow, who vacates by appointment as brigadier-general, United States Army.

Capt. Curtis McD. Townsend, Corps of Engineers, to be major, January 29, 1900, vice Heuer, promoted.

First Lieut. Edgar Jadwin, Corps of Engineera, to be captain, Janu..ttry 29, 1900, vice Townsend, promoted.

Second Lieut. Harley B. Ferguson, Corps of Engineers, to be first lieutenant, January 29, 1900, viceJadwin, promoted.

A.PPOINTMEZ.."'T CT THE vor .. UNTEER ARMY-TWENTY-SEVENTH INFANTRY.

Sergt. Maj. Clyde B. Crusa~ Twenty-seventh Infd.ntry, United States Volunteers, to be second lieutenant, January 29, 1900, vice Cassels, promoted.

COLLECTOR OF CUSTOMS.

Ezra B. Bailey, of Connecticut, to be collector of customs for the district of Hartford, in the State of Connecticut, to succeed John H. Brocklesby, whose term of office will expire by limitation on February 14, 1900.

POSTMASTERS,

Philip Spaugh, to be postmaster at Hope, in the county of Bar· tholomew and State of Indiana, the appointment of a postmaster for the said office having, by law, become vested in th~ President on and after January 1, 1900.

William C. Balee, to be postmaster at Guthrie, in the-county of Todd and State of Kentucky, the appointment of a postmasterfor the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after January 1, 1900.

Wilbur Sawyer, to be postmaster at Brewer, in the county of Penobscot and State of Maine, in the place of E. B. Burr, whose commission expired January 15, 1900.

Charles E. Townsend, to be postmaster at Brunswick, in the county of Cumberland and State of Maine, in the place of W. M. Pennell, removed.

William H. Coffey, to be postmaster at Tufts College, in the county of Middlesex and State of Massachusetts, tlw appointment of a p6stma.ster for the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after January 1, 1900.

Frank A. Peavey, to be postmaster at Upton Works, i~ the county of St. Clair and State of Michigan, the appointment of a postmaster for the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after January 1, 1900.

Fred Slocum, to be postmaster at Caro, in the county of Tuscola and State of Michigan, in the place of W. 0. Luce, whose commission expires February 18, 1900.

John H. Crowder, to be postmaster at Gordon, in the county of Sheridan and State of Nebraska, the appointment of a postmaster for the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after January 1, 1900.

John M. Brown, to be postmaster at Port Jefferson, in the county of Suffolk and State of New York, in the place of W. B. Dayton, whose commission expires February 26, 1900.

D. D. Cottrell, to be postmaster at North Cohocton, in the county of Steuben and State of New Yo1·k, the appointment of a postmaster for the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after January 1, 1900.

William S. McLaughlin, to be postmaster at Avon, in the county of Livingston and State of New York, in the place of J. S. Tighe, whose commission expires February 11, 1900.

Henry P. Wilcox, to be postmaster at Cohocton, in the county of Steub~n and State of New York, iu the place of James McLean, whose commission expires February 11, 1900.

Peter H. Zimmerman, to be postmaster at Wayland, in the county of Steuben and State of New York, in the place of John Kimmel, whose commission expired January 15, 1900.

Mary W. Chase, to be postmaster at Derby Line, in the county of Orleans and State of Vermont, in the place of Mary W. Chase, whose commission expires February 11, 1900. (Reappointed.)

1900 . . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1347 James Lane, to be postmaster at Roslyn, in the county of Kit

titas and State of Washington, the appointment of a postmaster for the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after January 1, 1900.

Albert J. Munson. to be postmaster at Shelton, in the county of Mason and State of Washington, the appointment of a postmaster for the said office having, by law, become vested in the President on and after Januarv 1, 1900.

Alfred H. Cole, to ·be po'l:ltmaster at St, Marys, in the county of Pleasants and State of West Virginia, in the place of C. N. Matheny, resigned.

WITHDRAWAL. Executive nomination withdrawn Janua1'Y 31, 1900.

George P. Schryver, to be postmaster at Port Jefferson, Suffolk County, in the State of New York.

CONFIRMATION. Executive nomination conji.1~med by the Senate Janiim-y 31, 1900.

POSTMASTER.

Samuel H. Hurst, to be postmaster at Chillicothe, in the county of Ross and State of Ohio.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, January 31, 1900.

The Honse met at 12 o'clock m. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. HENRY N. COUDEN' D. D.

The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved. MONUMENT TO SAMUEL HAHNEMANN.

Mr. DALZELL. l\fr. Speaker, yesterday the House passed a Senate joint resolution identical in terms with House resolution No. 50. I move that the latter lie on the table.

The SPEAKER. If there be no objection, the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania will be considered as agreed to. The Chair hears no objection.

ENROLLED JOINT RESOLUTION SIGNED.

The Speaker announced his signature to an enrolled joint resolution of the following title:

S. R. 3. Joint resolution granting permission for the erection of a monument in Washington, D. C., for the ornamentation of the national capital and in honor of Samuel Hahnemann.

EXPERIME...~AL AGRICULTURE ON ARLINGTON ESTATE.

Mr. RIXEY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent for the present consideration of the bill which I send to the desk.

The bill (H. R. 1092) to set apart a portion of the Arlington estate for experimental agricultural purposes, and to place said portion under the jnrisdiction of the Secretary of Agriculture and his successors in office, was read, as follows:

Whereas the United States Government is seized and possessed of a. large tract of land containing 1,.t.175 acres, situated ju.st across the Potomac River, oppC)Site Washington, D. v., known as the Arlington estate; and

Whereas only a portion of this large estate, to wit, about 400 acres, is used by the United States for a national cemetery, and for a military post, known as Fort Myer, leaving over 700 acres unusedbuncared for, and fast becoming an unsightly waste of land overgrown with n.shes and briers; and

Whereas the eastern portion of said large tract of land is not now used for any purpose and is susceptible of great improvement and well adapted for agricultural experimental purposes· and

Whereas it is desirous that the Agricultural Department of the Uni~d States should have land for experimental purposes and the practical illustration thereof: Therefore,

Be it enacted, etc., That Jurisdiction is here by transferred and given to the Secretary of Agriculture and his successors in office over eo much of the Government land in Alexandria. County, Va., known as the Arlington estate, as lies east of the public road leading from the Aqueduct Bridge to Alexandria, Va., and between said road and the Potomac River, containing about 500 acres.

SEC. 2. That the declared purpose of this act is to set apart said tract of land as a. general experimental farm in its broadest sense, where all thatperta.ins to agriculture in its several and different branches, including animal industry and horticulture, may_ be fostered and encouraged, and the practice and science of farming in the United States advanced, promoted, and practically illustrated.

SEC. 3. That the Secretary of A~iculture will take immediate and abso· lute control of said property described in section 1, and by clearing, underdraining, Jr:assing, la.yin~ out proper roads and driveways, constructing proper bridges and buildings, and m other ways as his judgment may dictate, bring said property as rapidly as possible into the proper condition to answer the puri;>oses for which it is set apart.

SEC. f. That m the development, improvement, and management of said property full discretion is hereby given the Secretary of Agriculture and bis successors in office to carry into effect the declared purposes of this act.

SEC. 5. That this act shall be in force from its passage.

Mr. RAY of New York. Before unanimous consent is granted, I would like to ask the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. RIXEY] a question. I notice this is a proposition to appropriate a part of the Arlington estate-lands, as I understand, adjoining the ceme-

tery-to agricultural purposes. Before we grant any such authority, I would like to know whether it is quite certain that this appropriation of land to agricultural purposes will never interfere with the use of the estate for the purpose of a national cemetery, for which it is now used.

Mr. RIXEY. In reply to the gentleman from New York [Mr. RA.Y], I will say that this estate, as is well known, contains about 1,175 acres, divided into two separate tracts by the Georgetown and Alexandria Railroad, which runs in a straight line through the property. To the west of this road a1·e all the highlands belonging to the property. This tract to the west contains about 700 acres, about 60 acres of which are now used as a military post and 200 acres for the Arlington Cemetery, leaving between 400 and 500 acres which at present are not used. This bill, however, deals only with the lands lying between the public road and the riverthe lands known as the low lands or flat lands of the Potomaclands absolutely unsuited for cemet,ery purposes.

Mr. McCLELLAN. Does the Secretary of War consent to this proposition?

Mr. RIXEY. He does. Mr. STEELE. I was about to ask the same question- whether

this measure has the approval of the War Department? Mr. RIXEY. In reply to the gentleman from Indiana, I will

say that this bill was introduced in the last Congress and was referred to the War Department for its recommendation. It was approved by that Department and also by the Secretary of Agriculture. During the present Congress the bill was reintroduced and again referred to the Secretary of War, whose letter I have here and \vill ask to have read.

The Clerk read as follows: WAR DEPARTMENT, Washington, January SO, 1900.

Sm: I beg to hand you herewith a copy of H. R. bill 1092, Fifty-sixth Congress, first session, entitled "A bill to set apart a portion of the Arlington estate for exverimental agricultural purposes, and to place said portion under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of Agriculture and his successors in office," with amendments and interlineations, left by you at this office on Saturday last, togethe1· with a typewritten, clean copy thereof, and to remark that the bill as it appears with the amendments suggested meets the approval of this Department. ·

Very respectfully, ELIHU ROOT,

Hon. JOBNF. RIXEY, Secretm11 of TVar.

Hou.~e of Representatives. Mr. RIXEY. Letmesaythattheamendmentssuggested by the

War Department have been accepted by the committee, and I propose to offer them for adoption at the proper time. -

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the present consideration of the bill?

Mr. PAYNE. I should like to ask whether this is a nnanimons report from any committee? ·

Mr. RIXEY. It is; the Committee on Military Affairs was unanimous in its report to the last Congress. The report at this Congress is also unanimous.

Mr. PAYNE. I see the bill providesthattheSecretaryof Agriculture may build roads and bridges over the estate. It gives him pretty general authorityin connection with this work of rais-ing vegetables, etc. ,

Mr. RIXEY. Mr. Speaker, in answer to the gentleman from New York, I will say that this property is overgrown with bushes and in its present condition is practically useless for any ordinary purposes. This bill simply gives the Secretary of Agriculture authority to improve it so as to make it available for the purpose contemplated by the bill. It was thought best that wide discretion and authority should be given the Secretary of Agriculture. The Government does not part with its title. It still retains the property, but places it under jurisdiction of the Agricultural Department, where it will be improved and used for experimental agricnltural purposes.

Mr. PAYNE. I thought perhaps it was for the improvement of the property rather than for the advantage of agriculture that the bill was introduced.

Mr. RIXEY. Well, Mr. Speaker, I hope it will improve both. The SPEAKER. If there be no objection, the amendments pro

posed by the gentleman from Virginia will be considered together by the House, and the Clerk will report the amendments.

There was no objection. The amendments were read, as follows: In line 9 o.f page 2, section 1 of the bill, after the word "a.bout," strike out

"five" and insert "four;" so that it will read" about 400 acres." In line 7 of page 2, after the word" Virginia," insert..,..otherwise called

the Georgetown a.nd Alexandria road." Amend by adding, after section 3, the following: , "Provided, That all improvements of or which may at any time be made

upon said premises, as herein contemplated, shall be so located, constructed, and maintained as not to interfere with or obstruct the natural waterways or the sewers or other means now established or which may hereaftet' be proyided, constructed, or maintained for. the pur~ose of affording proper dramage a.nd sewer~e to the other portions of said estate: .And provided further, That this act shall not impair or interfere with any of the rights heTetofore granted by act of Congress to the Washington, Alexandr in. and Mount Vernon Railway Company to construct, mainta.in, and operate its electric railroad a.cross the said portion of the estate lying east of said publio r oad."

,1348 . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 31,

At the end of section l, on page 2, insert: "With the exception. however, of a strip of land, as follows: Commencing

at the point where the Georgetown and Alexandria road enters the Arlington estate on the north side; thence along said road 525 yards; thence in a line perpendicular to said road with the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal; thence along said canal to the south side of the reservation; jurisdiction over which is retained by the Secretary of War."

The amendments were agreed to. The bill as amended was ordered to be engrossed and read a

third time. Mr. McRAE. Mr. Speaker, I move to strike out the preamble. The motion was agreed to. The bill being engrossed, it was read the third time, and passed. On motion of Mr. RIXEY, a motion to reconsider the last vote

was laid on the table. GALVESTON HARBOR, TEXAS.

Mr. BURTON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that Honse bill 4481, to amend "An act making appropriations for the construction, repair, and preservation of certain public works on rivers and harbors, and for other purposes," approved March 3, 1899, reported by the Committee on Rivers and Harbors, may be considered at this time. I ask that the reading of the original bill be dispensed with, in view of the fact that the committee has adopted a substitute which contains the provisions of the original bill, with some slight changes which are explained fully in the report of the committee.

Mr. RICHARDSON. But the gentleman will have the substitute bill read?

Mr. BURTON. Of com·se. I was only desirous of saving time. I think it would be well to have the reading of thesubstitut,e first, or rather the report of the committee, which explains fully what the substitute contains.

I therefore ask unanimous consent, Mr. Speaker, that the reading of the original bill be dispensed with, and the report, which describes the object of the bill and certain amendments in the nature of a substitute, be read, and then that the substitute bill be read and considered.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gen-tleman from Ohio?

There was no objection. The report was read, as follows: The Committee on Rivers and Harbors, to whom was referred the bill

H. R. 4481, having duly considered the same, beg leave to submit the following report, and recommend that said bill be amended by the adoption of the substitute filed herewith, and, when so a.mended, that the bill do ,Pass.

House bill 4481 had for its object the correction of three errors m the river and harbor act which was approved March 3, 1899.

The bill as it passed the House contained the following item: "Improving Galveston Ship Channel and Buffalo Ba~ou, Texas: For im

provement of the Galveston Ship Channel and Buffalo Bayou, by dredging or otherwise, from the jetties at Galveston, Tex., up through the present ship channel and Buffalo Bayou to the proposed harbOr site at Houston, Tex . .: to be provided by the citizens of Houston, $250,000: Provided, That out of saia sum a.suitable dredge may be constructed for said work."

A Senate amendment struck out the a.hove paragraph and inserted the paragraph which the bill under consideration proposes to repeal. The conference committees agreed that the House provision should stand, with an amendment increasing the appropriation to $300,000, and that the provisioh proposed by the Senate should not stand. In the hurry of the closing days of the session the conference report on this item was so worded as to mislead the enrolling clerk into so enrolling the act as to leave standing both the amended House provision and the Senate provision.

The other two errors consist in referring to sections of the act by wrong numbers.

'rhe act was scarcelyemiolled in season for signature by the President and not in season to allow the errors to be detected and corrected.

It is conceded that said repeal should be ma.de, and upon further consideration of the subject and in the light of more recent developments it has seen best also to substitute for the paragraph above mentioned the provision that the amount agreed upon in conference between the House and Senate, to wit, $300,000 together with any further amount for the impro'\'"ement of the channel named, be applied after pa~g "such sums as may be necessary for administration, surveys, and maintenance" in improving division 1 of said survey1 which extend.a from the mouth of the jetties of Galveston, through Galveswn Bay to the north end of Morgan Canal, so called.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the present consideration of the substitute?

Mr. PAYNE. It has not been read yet. The SPEAKER. The substitute will be read. The Clerk read as follows:

A bill (H. R. 7739) to amend "An act ma.king appropriations for the construction, repair, and preservation of certain_public works on rivers and harbors, and for other purposes," approved March 3, 1899. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United states

of America in Congress assembled, That section 1 of the act entitled "An act making a:ppropriations for the construction, repair, and preservation of certain public works on rivers and harbors, and for other purposes," approved March 3, 1800, be, and the same is hereby, amended by striking_ out and repealing the paragraphs in said act on pages 1l27a.nd1128 of the United States Statutes at Large, volume 30, which read as follows:

Improving Galveston Ship Channel and Buffalo Bayou, Texas: For improvement o! the Galveston Ship Channel and Buffalo Bayou by dredging or otherwise, from the jetties at Galveston, Tex., up through the present ship channel and Buffalo Ba1ou to the proposed harbor site at Houston, Tex., to be provided by the citizens of Houston, $300,000: Provided, That out of said sum a suitable dredge may be constructed for said work.

For commencing the improvement of the water route from the mouth of the jetties at Galveston, through the existing ship channel and up Buffalo Ba.you to Houston, '!'ex., including harbor at Houston, in accordance with

project submitted by the Board of Engineers in report of survey dated November 3, 1897, $250,000: Provided, That contracts may be entered into by the Secretary of War for the whole or any part of such materials and work as may be required for prosecuting said improvement, or the said materials may be purchased and the work done otherwise than by contract, to be paid for as appropriations may from time to time be ma.de bylaw, not; to exceed in the aggregate $2,000,000: Provided further, That out of said sum two dredges may be constructed for said work.

And amend said act so as to read, in place of said paragraphs repealed, as follows: ·

''Improving Galveston Ship Ch11.nnel and Buffalo Bayou, Texas: For improvement of the Galveston Ship Channel and Buffalo Bayou by dredging or otherwi<>e, in accordance with the project submitted by a boa.rd of engineers in the report of a survey dated November 3, 1897i'and submitted by tho Chief of Engineers in his report for 1898, in volume ; pages 288 and 289, $300,000: Provided, That all sums heretofore appropriated· and available for work on Galveston Ship Channel and Buffalo Bayou are hereby made available for said project: Provided further, That all of said sums of money not necessary for admmistra.tion, surveys, and maintenance be used in improving division 1 of said survey."

SEC. 2. That section 12 of the same act be, and the same is here by, amended by striking out the word "fourteen" after the word" section," and inserting in lieu thereof the word "eleven." ·

SEC. 3. That section 20 of the same act be, and the same is hereby amended by striking out the word "ten," after the word "sections," and inserting in lieu thereof the word·" nine."

Mr. McRAE. I should like to ask the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. BURTON] why this legislation can not be procured through the regular ;river and harbor bill, which, I trust, the committee will soon report to the House? ·

Mr. BURTON. Mr. Speaker, the error is one which is so palpable that it calls for prompt correction without postponement.

Again, it has been decided by the Committee on Rivers and Harbors that they will report no appropriation bill until the next session of this Congress.

Still further, the Engineer Department, noticing the ambiguity in the bill, have declined to take any action on either project until this was settled by Congress.

The third is, perhaps, the strongest reason of any, but it seems to me any one of the three is sufficient.

Mr. McRAE. I understand, then, that it is agreed that there will be no river and harbor bill at this session.

Mr. BURTON. The committee so decided yesterday. Mr: McRAE. I make no objection to the present consideration

of this bill. Mr. BURTON. I should like to have the gentleman from Texas

[Mr. BA.LL] heard on this bill for a few minutes. Mr~ BALL. Mr. Speaker, during the last session of Congress

there was an item of $250,000 proposed to be appropriated by the Rivers and Harbors Committee at this end of the Capitol. There was a Sena1ie amendment striking out the original provision and inserting an amendment providing for $2,000,000 to be expended on the same project, namely, a ship channel from the jetties at Galveston to Houston, Tex. The Senate and Honse conferees agreed to strike out the Senate provision and restore that of the House, with an increase of $50,000, thus making $300,000 intended to be appropriated by both bodies for the project mentioned in the substitute bill just read. ·

As the chairman of the committee has stated, by an error in engrossing the bill both provisions were incorporated, and as it now stands there is a provision in the existing law for the expenditure of both the $300,000 intended by the Congress and the $2,000,000 inserted by the Senate amendment. That is an error, and so far as the immediate Representative of the district and his constituents are concerned, there is no objection to the repeal of the provision in the Senate appropriating $2,000,000 for this project, for the reason that it was not the intention of Congress to do so, and it was not the intention of the conference committee. I wish to say, as the Representative most nearly interested in this project, that the bill now under consideration does not appropriate a dollar, that it takes away $2,000,000 that has been already erroneously appropriated, and does not increase the obligations of the Government one cent; and I ask that the measure be permitted to go through without objection.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the present consideration· of the bill? [After a pause.] The Chair hears none. The question is on the adoption of the substitute.

The substitute was agreed to. The substitute was ordered to be engrossed and read a thfrd

time; and being engrossed, was read the third time, and passed. The SPEAKER. Without objection the original bill will lie on

the table. There was no objection. On motion of Mr. BURTON, a motion to reconsider the vote

whereby the bill was passed w~ laid on the table. PAY FOR CERTAIN RETIRED OFFICERS OF THE MA.RINE· CORPS. Mr. BUTLER. Mr. Speaker, I now renew the request that I

made yesterday morning for unanimous consent for the present consideration of joint resolution No. 77, to provide pay to certain retired officers of the Marine Corps, and I surrender the floor to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. CANNON].

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Pennsylvania asks

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- HOUSE. 1349 unanimous consent for the present consideration of joint resolu- The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York asks unani-tion No. 77. Is there objection? mous consent to dispense with the first reading of the bill. Is

Mr. CANNON. Mr. Speaker, was unanimous consent given? there objection? [After a pause.] The Chair hears none, and it Mr. RICHARDSON. Before unanimous consent is given, Mr. is so ordered. ·

Speaker-- Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chairman, the bill the title of which The SPEAKER. The bill was read yesterday, but perhaps it has just been read carries appropriations aggregating, in round

had better be read again this morning. numbers, 87,328,000. The like bill for the last fiscal year appro-Mr. RICHARDSON. I do not insist on that, Mr. Speaker, as I priated $7,500,000, thia bill carrying $172,000 less than last year's

remember the bill. It can be read if desired •. I understood the appropriation bill. The amount of the original estimates, which gentleman from lliinois [Mr. CANNONl to object to the present reached us through the Treasury Department, was less by five consideration, and I want to ask him if he has since examined it? hundred thousand and some odd dollars than the amount which

Mr. CANNON. I will say that I have read the bill, and while we herein appropriate; but subsequent to the i·eceipt of the origiI have not given it as close an examination as I would if I had nal estimates supplemental estimates have been submitted through been reporting the bill, yet, from what the gentleman from Penn- the Treasury Department which aggregated $641,000, an amount sylvania says and as far as J can see, the bill is a proper one. in excess by $113,000 of the amount which the bill carries.

I want to say just one word further. I objected yesterday, not Perhaps, Mr. Chairman, it is well, in considering this appropri-on the grou.nd that the bill itself was objectionable, but for the ation bill, to have in mind a few facts with reference to these reason that the bill properly belonged, under the rules of the people for whom it provides. There are in the United States House, to the general deficiency bill. Now, I am quite sure the to-day, includingthoseofAlaska,about250,000Indians. Of these, gentleman from Pennsylvania and the members of the House 5,000 are in Alaska and about 65,000 in the Five Civilized Tribes, would acquit me of desiring to make any captious objection to so called, in the Indian Territory. Of theindiansoutside of those any matter that ought to be enacted, and yet, as chairman of the in the Indian Territory, 60,000 to 70,000 are ration Indians, IndiCommittee on Appropriations, I feel that I owe a duty to the ans receiving rations to a greater or less extent from the GovernHouse, as well as along the lines of good legislation, to insist on ment during each year. Ninety thousand of these Indians have the jurisdiction of the various committees being exercised. Other- discarded the blanket entirely and are clothed in the ordinary citwise you take a deficiency bill or a general appropriation bill, and izen's clothes, and 35,000 of them use the clothing of citizens in if a number of committees have jurisdiction of them you never part. Thirty-five thousand can read, and there are occupied by can tell" where we are at." Having said that much, and called the entire Indian race in the neighborhood of 25,000 dwellings, the attention of the House to it, the fact thatthe urgent deficiency leaving a comparatively small percentage of the Indians who now bill has passed the House, and there being no chance for this item dwell in anything other than houses. The Indians occupy reserto go. into that or into the general bill for two or three months, vation lands and allotments, the majority-a large majo1ityon further consideration, believing that the bill ought to pass, I being on reservation lands. do not feel at liberty to insist on my objection. These lands are comprised within about 150 reservations, and

Mr. FITZGERALD of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I think it they occupy about 130,000 square miles. Besides the money is bad practice to give unanimous consent without the bill being which we appropriate in this bill for the care of the Indians, they reported. I ask to have the bill read. · have their own funds in the Treasury of the United States, inter-

The SPEAKER. The Clerk will read the bill. est on which is paid to them and paid to them without any annual The Clerk read as follows: legislation. These funds all together amount to thirty-odd mil-Resoived, etc., That the aggregate of all so.ms apvro:priated in an act en- lions, about $32,000,000, yielding an annual income of $1,600,000.

titled "An act making appropriations for the naval serVJce for the fiscal year One tribe, the Osage tribe, alone has in the Treasury upward of ending June 30, 1900, and for other p_urposes," approved March 3, 1899, under $8,000,000 to-day, which draws interest at 5 per cent. There are the head "Pay, Marine Corps," shall be disbursed and accounted for in ac-cordance with existing law as pay of the Marine Corps, and for that pur- about 1,700 Osages, and this fund provides for the annual pay-i>ose shall constitute one fund; the provisions of this act to take effect from ment to them of a little short of $250 per capita. I understand June 30, 1899. that this makes this tribe the richest per capita people on the face

The SPEAKER . • Is there objection to the present considera- of the earth. tion of the bill? rAfter a pause.] The Chair hears none. Mr. DALZELL. Where are they?

The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and Mr. SHERMAN. In Oklahoma; on their own reservation in being engrossed, was read the third time, and passed. Oklahoma. There are certain changes in the current bill from

On motion of Mr. BUTLER, a motion to reconsider the last last year's bill. Some items are larger than last year and others vote was laid on the table. are smaller. Under two very large treaty obligations final pay-

INDIAN APPROPRIATION BILL. ments were due last year, and the appropriation therefor amounted Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House resolve to nearly$300,000, so that our treaty obligations are less than they

itself into Committee of the Whole House on the state of the were in the last fiscal year, and of necessity our gratuities for Union for the purpose of considering the Indian appropriation theindianshavesomewhatincreased, because it is impossible, Mr. bill; and pending that, I ask unanimous consent that general de- Chairman, to immediately cut off from these people help from the bate be limited to this day. Government, when theirownfnndsaregreatlyreduced or entirely

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York moves that expended. the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole House on Mr. TALBERT. Will the gentleman permit me to ask him a the state of the Union for the consideration of House bill 7433, question at that point? · the Indian appropriation bill, and pending that, asks unanimous Mr. SHERMAN. Certainly. consent that general debate be limited to this day. Mr. TALBERT. Is the gene1·al aggregate of the bill less than

Mr. COCHRAN of Missou~i. I object. it was last year? Mr. LITTLE. Mr. Speaker, I wish to say to the gentleman Mr. SHERMAN. Yes, sir; thegeneralaggregateis$175,000less

that, so far as I am advised, an agreement of that kind would be than last year, and the report sets out in detail every item of its satisfactory to this side of the House. I should like to ask, Mr. · increase and each item of decrease from last year's appropriation Speaker, who it was that objected? bill.

Mr. SHERMAN. I think no member objected under the rules, Mr. TALBERT. And summing up the whole, it is $175,000less as I saw no member rise. than last year?

The SPEAKER. Is there objection? Mr. SHERMAN. Yes; about $175,000 less than last year's ap-Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. I object. propriation. . The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Missouri objects. The There is no item in the bill as reported, Mr. C'hairman, for the

question is on the motion of the gentleman from New York, that continuance of the so-called contract schools. That is a question the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole House on which gentlemen here remember has caused considerable discusthe state of the Union to consider the Indian appropriation bill. sion and not a little friction upon the floor. That is not in the bill

The motion was agreed to. this year, and there is no school for which any appropriation is The House accordingly resolved itself into Committee of the made, other than Government schools, save only the Hampton In

Whole House on the state of the Union, with Mr. MOODY of Massa- stitute, in Virginia, for which an appropriation of $20,000 is carried chusetts in the chair, for the consideration of House bill 7433, the in the bill. Indian appropriation bill. There are a few items in the bill which are legislative, I expect;

The CHAIRMAN. The House is now in Committee of the some of them,.! am quite sure, are subject to a point of order; and Whole Honse on the state of the Union for the consideration of pe1·haps if I were not chairman of the committee, I would raise the bill (H. R. 7433) making appropriations for the current and the point of order, not on the theory that they are not properlegcontingent expenses of the Indian Department and for fulfilling islation, but that some of these matters might better be considered treaty stipulations with various Indian tribes for the fiscal year by a separate bill rather than as an item of the appropriation bill; ending June 30, 1901, and for other purposes. but with reference to each and every of those items we will have

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to further discussion, I suppose, when they are reached in the read-dispense with the first reading of the bill. ing of the bill by sections. I think, Mr. Chairman, the statement

1350 CON~RESSION AL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 31,

I have made covers briefly the salient points 9f the matters which will come up for consideration in the pending bill, and unless some member of the committee desires to ask me some specific question, I will reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ADAMS. I would like to ask the gentleman one question: If all the oth€r contract schools have been discontinued, as the gentleman Rtates, why has an exception been made with reference to the Hampton School? I merely ask this question for information.

Mr. SHERMAN. Because the committee believed that the Hampton School is doing a work far superior to that done by any other contract school, Hampton being a manual training school) and no other contract school being of that character, and also educates with the Indians another race.

Mr. COWHERD. If I have read the bill aright, the sum of $300,000 is appropriated for the Dawes Commission.

Mr. SHERMAN. The gentleman is correct. Mr. COWHERD. If I understand correctly, this commission

is charged with the responsibility of making appraisements and assessments of lands to the Indians under what is known as the Curtis bill.

Mr. SHERMAN. The gentleman is correct. 1\Ir, COWHERD. I also understand that pending the making

of these allotments business in the Territory is practically suspended, and that this condition reaches out to all the adjoining States, affecting business there also. Now, I should like to ask the gentleman whether any estimate has been made as to how much money will be needed in order to hasten the allotment of these lands-whether, if a liberal appropriation, such as has been estimated for by the Dawes Commission, were made, the work could not be done much more rapidly than is provided for in the bill?

Mr. SHERMAN. The original estimate made by the Dawes Commission was for an appropriation on $171,000. The question now propounded by the gentleman from Missom·i [Mr. COWHERD] was asked by the Secretary of the Interior of the commissionwhether or not with a larger appropriation they could not hasten their work; and there was a request from the Secretary that they should submit to him an estimate under which they believed they couldconclude the work in the Indian Territory within twelve months. Theydidsubmitsuchanestimate,amountingto$641,000. Then, after the members of the Dawes Commission-all four of them, I believe, certainly three; perhaps Mr. Needles was not present-were before the Committee on Indian Affairs, and we had a discussion of this whole question lasting an entire morning, the result of which was that the members of the commissfon then present expressed the opinion that with $300,000 they eould work with the greatest advantage during the coming year; that with this ~um they could do the work in a way which would be entirely satisfactory to everybody, but that with the larger appropriation-$641,000-there would be required greater haste and there could not be insured as much accuracy in the work as if less haste were adopted.

Mr. COWHERD. The gentl-enu:µ1 will excuse me for occupying histime-

:Mr. SHERMAN. Oh, that is what we are here for. Mr. COWHERD. But this is a very important matter, espe

cially to the commercW.1 commnnitie.s doing business in that part of the country.

I understand that a great many millions of acres of land are to be surveyed, appraised, and allotted. Now, if a liberal appropriation were made, would it not Simply mean the putting of more surveying parties in the field, whereas with a small appropriation this thing must drag on for several years, the work being done only by small surveying parties? -

Mr. SHERM.AN. There is force in the gentleman's suggestion; but we th.ought that an appropriation of $300,000 would be a liberal appropriation, and would admit of very rapid progress of this work. With this appropriation it seems likely that the entire work in the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations can be :finished within the fiscal year, the work already having been completed in the Seminole Nation, thus leaving only the work in the Creek and Cherokee nations to be concluded in future years.

This question was considered very carefnlly, discussed very thoroughly in the committee. Mr. Dawes himself was present, and also Mr. Bixby and Judge McKinnon, and they agreed in our conclusion that an appropriation of $300,000 would permit them to continue the work very advantageously.

Mr. COWHERD. How much of this appropriation of $300,000 will be available for the use of these surveying parties who are making the allotments?

Mr. SHERMAN. Thegreaterpartof it. If the gentleman will look at the appropriate page of the bill he will see that upward of $200,000 will be available for that purpose.

l\Ir. TALBERT. I see that here on the last page of the report there are named certain new matters embraced in this bill which do not involve appropriations, and the committee proceeds to name

five or six of these items. I wish to ask the chairman of the committee whether the members of the committee were unanimous in regard to the adoption of these five or six new items of business, in accordance with the provisions of the bill?

Mr. SHERMAN. My recollection is that they were not unanimous in reference to all of them.

Mr. TALBERT. But none of these items,as I understand, carries any appropriation.

¥r: SHERMAN. No, sir. None of those specified carry appropriations.

Mr. Chairman, I will reserve the balance of my time. Mr. LIT'l'LE. Mr. Chairman, I donotdeem itnecessaryatthis

time to enter into a general discussion of the policy of this bilL The fact is that it contains no change of the general policy of the Government in regard to it.s Indian wards. I shall reserve whatever discussion I wish to make upon the bill until we a.re proceeding under the five-minute rule, believing that in that way we can reach more intelligently the points under discussion.

Mr. Chairman, I desire now to yield thirty minutes to the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. CoONEY].

Mr. COONEY. Mr. Chairman, I have no objection to any special provision in this bill; but through the courtesy of the gentleman from Arkansas I desire to address the Committee on the Whole upon a subject which perhaps is not entirely foreign to the one which is now before the Bouse for consideration.

If certain forces which are at work in the country at the present time become paramount and triumphant, it will not be very long before we will be compelled annually to examine and discuss appropriation bills for the Philippine Islands~ and against that anticipated and possible appropriation I desire to submit to the committee a few remarks.

I favor the open-door policy for commerce; but I would close against the United States of America. the open doors to imperialism. everywhere. Forthatreasonl have been opposed to the taking and retention of the Philippines. The development of this .Republic from its foundation to the present time bas been along the lines of security. Its expansion has been one of necessity, but the effort of the President to reach out to the Philippines is an expansion by imitation only. The example of the great colonial powers of the world, which we have ever been taught to shun, has become the chief inducement to the Administration to stretch the nation's limits into the Orient.

In all history there is recorded but one other attempt at expansion by imitation alone that is worthy of consideration or comparison with this. That attempt is related in the fables of lEsop. That great hisrorian tells us in a few graphic lines the disastrous results of counterfeit expansion on the frog which tried to imitate the bull in size; and if this McKinley Administration keeps up its present process of expansion in swollen mimicry of John Bull, another lEsop will be needed to gather up its remains and record its sad fate after the next elections.

I do not believe the people of the United States willever~onsent to these islands being admitted into the Union as a State; nor will they, on the other hand, tolerate a connection with them by ligaments that have their growth in colonial despotism. If there is any middle policy to be pursued in the government of these islands, it is time to declare it. If the Republican party has not the wisdom to declare its policy through Congress now, a year hence it will not have the power. The greatest question that now confronts the American people is their present and future relations to these islands. Are they to be prepared for eventual independence? Are they to be given home rule under American government? Are they to be held as a vassal colony? These are interrogations with which the public now daily addresses this House.

This Congress has no question before it that so strongly presses for an immediate answer. It involves a repose from agitation at home, peace to the people of those f.ar-away islands, and a cessation from the useless sacrifice of human life. It involves the future structure and aims of our own Government, the amount to which our appropriation bills are to be swelled, and the burden of tax we are to place upon the backs of the American people now and hereafter. While anxiety and expectancy stand waiting on Congress to settle so vital a question, why should it longer delay an expression of its pm·pose? We have given the Administration a whole year to settle this question in its own way, and if, as now seems to be the purpose, it is given another year of its own way in the Philippines, when it turns those islands over to this House for legislation, their condition will be fit only for despotism.

We must not forget that when we first came in contact with the Philippines that the rapidly decaying power of Spain was each year bringing them nearer to the achievement of their own independence; that before we purchased the slippery and uncomfortable position of the Spaniard, their future was pregnant with a living freedom. But their liberties aud futnt'e well-being have received no consideration at our hands. What fortunes can be made, and what is the character of government that will best secure to us those fortunes, are now the chief subjects of

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1351 inquiry. Industries are ·to be monopolized, franchises are to be given away, and for the 1,200 islands there are 1,200 Sancho Panzas waiting on the promise of the chief knight errant of expansion to be made governors. The supposed wealth and fortune producing power of those islands is what now imperils their liberties. Their prospects have been pla~ed in the hands of expansion brokers, whose business it is to puff their value and in this struggle to enlist cupidity on the side of imperialism. _

A gentleman who traveled in the Philippines had occasion not long ago to address an audience of American citizens on this subject. He drew from his vest pocket a nugget of gold and said:

I liave a nugget.of pure gold picked up in its present form on the banks of a Philippine creek.

He drew from his other vest pocket a bag of gold dust and said: I bave gold dust washed out by careless natives from the sands or a Philip-

pine st ream. .. His whole argument was an exhibition of the wealth he had

brought back from those islands in his vest pockets. In its power, in its intended purpose, and in its spectacular delivery, if it did not imitate, it certainly equaled the famous argument of Cato when he drew the Carthagenian figs from the pocket of his toga and passed them around to the members of the Roman Senate with the declaration, "Delenda est Cartbago!" And hence, on account of the nugget and gold dust, the lib~rties of the Filipinos must be destroyed. Logic clothed in human language has never yet been found that could successfully answer such an argument. It is only where civilization is so strong and just as to render such an argument its own refutation that the human species can be rescued from the villainy of its intention.

But, in passing, it is well to remark that Cato was a cruel man; that upon retiring at night he was in the habit of calling his t1laves around him and administering to them severe punishment with his own ha.nd to dispose his mind and body to restful slumber. Cato was the most sordid and avaricious of Romans. He was a commercialist who pushed his ventures on sea and land with the ever-expanding limits of the Roman Republic. The poet Terence in his lifetime more than once declared that the figs produced in the Roman Senate never came from Carthage, but were plucked by Cato from his own trees that grew on his Sabine farm. He denominated the incident as "Cato's great political fig trick." Cato was in a certain sense a patriot, but the object of his patriotism was the commercial and militant expansion of the Roman Republic.

Under the forces which he had set in motion to accomplish that object he had the misfortune to live 'and see Roman virtue wither np, personal independence decay, the tooth of greed eat its way to the hearts of the Roman people. corruption and bribery made the chief pathways to eminence and glory, and the Republic tottering to its downfall under the cares with which it was burdened. In the short space of one generation after him Cato's kinsman and namesake saw the utter collapse of the Roman Republic and the rise of Cresar's empire on its ruins, and in remorse he slew himself. History is but getting ready to repeat itself in a country when to the minds of its most eminent citizens it begins t-0 suggest the revi V11.l of its old "fig tricks."

There are those who attempt to impress the public with the belief that the insurgents are encouraged in their resistance and that this war has been lengthened out by a few old fogies who still have the discourtesy and temerity to suggest the application of the principles of the Declaration of Independence and of free government as a solution of our difficulties in the Philippines. But there is no evidence that either the brain or the arm of the Administration has been paralyzed by such a suggestion, and it is improbable that it escaped beyond the blue-pencil lines of ourmilitarysatrapy at Manila. [Applause.]

Doubtless the President has had to defend his rest at night by thrusting his dagger through the ancient ghost of that once immortal Declaration, and in his dreams he may have again witnessed the pale and drowning features of the Monroe doctrine, to the neck of which he tied a millstone· and left it to sink in mid-ocean. But in his waking moments, to all such suggestions and airy figments of the sleeping brain his challenge of defiance has invariably been, an order for more transports to Manila. With a. triumphant Army on land and an invincible Navy on the sea, the President has had at his command for the past year a greater force than was ever placed at the disposal of any other President to conduct a foreign war or repel a foreign invasion, and it must be a mighty poor cause in which that force has been engaged if its efficiency in the Philippine Islands has been crippled by the reading of the Declaration of Independence in the United States.

There are only two reasons why this war has languished for a whole year; but two things that have given life and support to the insurrection. One is that Aguinaldo has refused to b1-ing his army into the open and give us battle; the other is that the President has refused to bring the purpose of his Administration or government into the open, that it might be seen and understood

by all men. TM President has said to Aguinaldo: "If you will stop your running and hiding in the brush. if you will cease your cowardly evasion of my troops and boldly give us battle, we will make short work of you and of this war." Aguinaldo, in reply, . has said: "Mr. President, if you will come out of the fog of 'manifest destiny,' out of your political schemes for power at home and . your dreams for a world-wide empire abroad, and boldly and without evasion declare that we shall have the same rights in our homes that Americans have in theirs, that we shall be given the right to manage our internal affairs, enjoy the wealth, products, and franchises of our own country, even though it be under the American flag and the just laws of Congress, then this war is already at an end." [Renewed applause.] ·

But, sir, it must have been perceived long ago by all intelligent people that the President's object in the Philippines was not to give them freedom, nor to give them the usual Territorial government which the United States has conferred on all its territory while unripe for statehood. To lay the foundations for the future rise of a republic in the heart of Britain's colonies, or, by the establishment of the usual Territorial government, to confer the proud distinction of free American citizenship on the inhabitants of the Philippines in the presence of Britain's base colonial subjects, is not to be thought of. It would be like setting fire to your neighbor's house. It would be but a poor retm·n to Great Britain for having conducted us safely and triumphantly through the Spanish war to set the lamp of American liberty burning where it might awaken the slumbering millions within her dark colonial empire. England would never pel"lnit it. It would be open violence to that unwritten treaty whose invisible and mysterious bonds hold the administrations of the two Governments in sympathy and unity of purpose.

The small matter of the American Constitution and the citizenship with which it clothes the humblest being within the reach of its power must not be permitted to stand in the way of such heaven-born friendship. That friendship, sometimes interpreted as "our obligations to other nations," as "the P.reservation of the world's peace," etc., has imposed upon the President the hard task of preserving in those islands the statu quo ante bellum, to suppress their ambition for liberty, and to maintain the equilibrium of colonial despotism that has heretofore prevailed in that part of the world. In line with that purpose, his object has been to make the Philippines a subservient colony of the United States; and the modern colony means slavery to its inhabitants, expense to the country that holds it, but privileges, power, profit, and robbery to the officials who govern it. It is the same old slavery that Aguinaldo and his dusky followers and their ancestors have been fighting against for three hundred years under Spa.nish rule.

Before peace was broken by force of arms between the Filipino and American, while they were yet on terms of friendship and alliance, they besought the President to inform them of the policy of his Administration and to consult them upon the future government of the islands. He refused to hear them. They sent a trusted agent across the seas and continents to the city of Washington to see the President, and to consult with him on those subjects which are to any people dearer than life and fortune-their liberty and their nationality. He refused to hear him. That agent was not even permitted to remain quietly in this city while the fate of his people and country stood trembling in the balance.

The President's displeasure at his presence here incited the Administration newspapers to hound him down as a miscreant and a vagabond, and when abuse failed to drive him from the city the police and secret detective forces were set upon his trail, who waylaid and browbeat him upon the streets and in the lobbies of his hotel, until, as a stranger in a strange city, hewas made conscious of impending personal violence, and he fled in fear in the nighttime from the city of Washington. I am not speaking of an event that occurred in one of the South American Republics, nor in the dominion of the Sultan of Turkey, nor in the Empire of the Ozar of Russia, but here in the capital of this great Republic, under the eye and apparent sanction of its Chief Executive, in the shadow of the figure of Freedom that stands erect on the Dome of this building, but 20 miles from Mount Vernon, with all its historic associations of freedom and liberty, and only 3 miles from Arlington, where through swellingwoods thousands of tombstones attest the veneration in which is held the memory of those who fought and died for the freedom of the black man.

There may have been diplomatic difficulties in the way of his recognition as an agent of the Philippines, but, sir, it is the first instance in the history of this Republic that any individual has approached its shores with a mission of liberty for his own or any other people that has been received as a public enemy and driven from it by fear of public violence. Thia incident is but one in the many that mark the unvarying disposition that the Administration and its satraps have exercised toward these people. From the surrender of the Spanish army in the Philippines, accomplished by their assistance, they have everywhere been treated with that contempt which drove them to their arms and their rice swamps,

1352 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-· HOUSE. JANUARY 31,

where, as they believed, since they could not live in dignity in their own homes, they could at least die in imitation of freemen.

Do we intend to hold the Philippines, and forever? Then is it not a good thing to stop this war? Is it not a good thing to conoiliate a people we aim to add to our own population, whose territory we aim to incorporate with our own? If so, then let us make an effort to accomplish such a desirable result by an honest declaration of our purpose. The idea that such a declaration will detract from the dignity of the American people is absurd; the idea that we must crush them by force before we open our lips is brutal. I warn you now that the conduct of this Administration bas placed the conciliation of these people absolutely beyond its power; the band that bas so mercilessly inflicted the wound upon them can never heal it; nor can another year of Administration rule and free trips to picnicking commissions to the woods of Luzon bring to this .Eiouse additional light on the Declaration of Independence or the principles of just government. [Applause on the Democratic side.] ·

Outside of Administration circles there is not one in the 75,000,000 American people that feels proud of this war. It does not meet their approbation. They do not desire to see this chapter of our history prolonged. It is now the darkest and most infamous chapter in all our history. The challenge lies at the feet of every defender of McKinley, and they are defied to produce from the annals of Roman aggression, or the wide range of history, another chapter that will surpass in perfidy and meanness to a weak and struggling people the one which this Administration bas been writing for us in the Philippine Islands during the past eighteen months. [Applause on the Democratic side.]

rHere the hammer fell. l Mr. COONEY. I should like to have a minute more. Mr. LITTLE. I yield the gentleman five minutes' additional

time. Mr. COONEY. Mr. Chairman, this is not a war for the main

tenance of any right or principle of this Government; but everywhere it is looked upon as a war that strikes a mortal blow at the principle of self-government, which is the very life of the Republic. 1 believe that principle is yet dear to the American heart; it is engraved upon it as a holy instinct, and he who has thus for a while presumed to violate and trample it beneath his feet, will by the blessing of God soon be hurled from power, and another placed therein-one who will smite the trusts, dissolve the gold standard, and clean the temple of our country of its money changers and public plunderers; one who will reanimate the drooping form of liberty, and dil'ect the course of the Republic to the bright pathway of freedom, where it will again decorate and cheer the elevated sphere in which its founders placed it; one who will tear from the bosom of modern plutocracy the budding hope that calls for" a McKinley and an empire," and inscribe in the hearts of the neople the nobler sentiment, "Bryan and the Republic." [Loud applause on the Democratic side.)

Mr. LlTTLE. Mr. Speaker, I suppose it is understood that we will complete the occupation of the hour on this side.

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York has yielded fifteen minutes to the gentleman from Michigan rMr. WEEKS].

Mr. LITTLE. Does he desire to be recognized now or at the completion of our hour?

The CHAIRMAN. According as the gentleman may desire. Mr. LITTLE. I would prefer that the hour on this side be com

pleted. 'l;he CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will proceed. Mr. LITTLE. I yield to my colleague on the committee, the

gentleman from Texas fMr. STEPHENS], thirty minutes. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has only twenty-eight min

utes remaining, which he yields to the gentleman from Texas. Mr. STEPHENS of Texas. Mr. Chairman, the bill under con

sideration carries appropriations amounting to $7,328,000, a less amount by $176,000 than was carried by this bill of last year. This money is appropriated for the civilization and education of 250,000 Indians. It might be appropriate to state here that if it requires more than $7,000,000 per annum to civilize and educate a quarter of a million of half-civilized Indians, it will require $48,000,000 per year to civilize and educate the Filipinos if we carry out the expansion policy that this Government bas entered upon and take under the folds of the Stars and Stripes the 12,000,000 similar semicivilized people living in the Philippine Islands.

But, sir, it is not my desire to speak upon the question of expansion to-day. My opposition to the annexation of the Philippines is well known. I desire to call the attention of the House to the fact that we have room for expansion upon our own continent and within the confines of our own country. I refer to that magnificent scopeof arid territory west of theone hundredth meridian. One-half of the area of the United States lies in the arid belt of our country. With the e.xceptfon of a small scope of country west of the Cascade Mountains in Washington and Oregon, the rest of the country from the one hundredth meridian to the Pacific is a.rid. The country demanding irrigation-one-

half of the territory of our own country-can be developed and expanded by irrigation. You have only to look, as I have before stated on this floor, to my own district in the State of Texas, comprising eighty counties, to find as much territory as you will have in the Philippine Islands. •

That territory has less than 3 inhabitants to the square mile, while the Philippine Islands have 60 inhabitants to the square mile. Hence, there is twenty times more room for expansion in my district than there is in the whole of the Philippine Islands. By a judicious expenditure of money in that arid country we can place there 60 inhabitants to the square mile, and these inhabitants will be of our own Anglo-Saxon race. We can. by building irrigation dams upon the heads of our rivers and stre.-Hns, impound the storm waters that now go to waste and overflow and destroy the crops in the valleys of the lower rivers, and utilize this water for irrigation purposes in this arid region and make it one of the best parts of our Union. Most of this arid belt lies on the head waters of the Mississippi River, and a system of large storage reservoirs would prevent the annual overflow of the lower valley of that great river.

What is true there is true of New Mexico and Arizona and that great scope of country stretching northward from Mexico to the British possessions, amounting to about 540,000,000 acres of land. Congress has by different acts provided funds for surveying these irrigable lands and locating reservoir cites.

The officer in charge of this work, Mr. Newell, of the Geological Survey, reports that about 74,000,000 acres of public land can be reclaimed by irrigation, and but only a part of the survey has been completed. It is estimated that at least 150,000,000 acres of these lands can be made productive and placed under irrigation ditches. This_ vast amount of land would sustain the present population of our country with easeand comfort. Themost rabid expansionist should be satisfied with reclaiming this, our own territory, and cease from violating one of the Ten Commandments by coveting our neighbors' (the Filipinos') lands. Nearly all of these lands belong now to our Government. I now present a very pertinent letter from the Chicago Federation of Labor on this question. It is as follows, viz: ·

CHIO.AGO FEDERATION OF L.A.llOR, Chicago, Jan:uariJ t2, 1900.

DE-AR Sm: The working people of this country feel that they have a great hope for the future in the immense area of public land which still belongs to the Government.

If this magnificent heritage of the people is preserved for them it will afford a.n outlet for our surplus labor and surplus population for many years to come.

We must have such an outlet. Various labor-saving devices and combinations are constantly lessening the opportunities for the wage-workers to get employment.

The reclamation of the arid public lands by the Government would give opportunities for millions of our people to get, first, employment, and then homes, where ther could live in comfort on the land.

When you constder that Arizona is larger than the Philippines, and that the Salt and Gila River valleys in that Territory would sustain as ~ea.t a population as the whole Kingdom of Belgium, you can form some idea of what it would mean to the laboring men of this country if these Government lands were reclaimed and made habitable by building Government reservoirs and irrigation works.

The Government would get back from the sale of the land a great deal more than it would spend to reclaim it. •

The Chica.go Federation of Labor has given much consideration to this subject, and has passed the following resolutions:

"That all the remaining public lauds of the United States should be sacredly held for the benefit of the whole people, and that no grants of the title to any of these lands should ever hereafter be made to any but actual settlers and home builders on the land;" and "That the Federal Government should build storage reservoirs to save the flood waters that are now wasted, and should, wherever necessary, build the irrigation works required for the reclamation and settlement of the arid public lands."

Several schemes for ceding the public lands to the States or Territories are now before Congress. We are convinced that if such donations are made it is certain to result in the lands being eventually gotten hold of by speculators, and that great land monopolies would close the door to the working· men who want the land for homes.

We earnestly ask that yon will use all your influence to prevent any of the public lands from being ceded to the Sta.tea or Territories.

Ho~~ng for a favorable reply, I remain, Yours, respectf\tl].y, .

[SEAL.] . W. CARMODY,

Hon. JNO. H. STEPHENS, Washington, D. 0.

Sectetarv Chicago Fede1·ation of Labor.

This letter shows that the laboring peQple of the country demand that Congress shall take up and soive the problem of the irrigation and development of our own arid territory.

I also call your attention to another body of citizens who demand of us prompt action on this great subject. I refer to the resolutions passed by the last meeting of the Irrigation Congress. They are as follows, viz: RESOLUTIONS OF THE NATIONAL IRRIGATION CONGRESS, EIGHTH SESSION.

Resolved1 That we advocate and reaffirm the policy and principles heretofore enunciated by this congress in its former session, as set forth in the following resolutions:

LEASING OF THE GRAZING LANDS.

We favor the leasing of the public grazing lands at a nominal rental in limited areas to settlers farming adjacent lands the revenue from rentals to go to the States and Territories wherein the lands are situated, for irrigation

1900. . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. · 1353 development, leases to be subject to right of reclamation by irri~tion and of settlement of lands actuaJly cultivated, title of land to remain m Federal Government until actual settlement, the leasing of said lands to be under the control of States where situated, and the revenues arising therefrom to be expended by the States under the direction of their State engineering bureaus: Provided, That in any State having no irrigation bureau the Federal Government may lease the lands and expend the revenues in the construction of irrigation works in that State.

FEDERAL STORAGE RESERVOIRS.

We favor the preservation and development of our national resources by the const ruction of storage reservoirs by the Federal Government for flood protection and to save for use in aid of navigation and irrigation the flood waters which now run to waste and ca.use overflow and destruction, as recommended in the report of Col. Hiram M. Chittenden, and we urge the adoption of the recommendations of this report as to the construction of st01·age reservoir_s in the arid regions as a part of the national policy of internal improvements.

.A.RID LAND RECLAMATION. We favor the construction by the Federal Government of storage reser

voirs and irrigation works wherever necessary to furnish water for the reclamation and actual settlement of the a.rid public lands.

UNITED OWNERSHIP OF LAND .A.ND WATER. The value of the irrigated farm and the security .of the home thereby cre

ated are alike dependent upon sufficient public control of the water supply and the prevention of water becoming a speculative commodity. We believe that the water of all streams should forever remain public property, and that the right to its use should inhere not in the individual or the ditch, but in the land reclaimed.

HARMONIOUS IRRIGATION LAWS. We urge the adovtion of a harmonious system of irri~ation laws in all of

the arid and semiarid States and Territories, under which the right to the use of water f"r irrigation shall vest in the user and become appurtenant to the land irrigated, and beneficial use be the measure of the right, and the irrigated home be protected from litigation by the establi<lhment of a State system for the equitable and final adjustment of the rights of irriga.tors to the distribution of the waters of the streams.

Th--rERST.A.TE RIVERS.

We favor the establishment of a national commission for the equitable adjustment of all differences arising from the appropriation and use of the waters of the interstate rivers.

We oppose the cession of the public lands of the nation to the respective States and Territories, except upon conditions so strict that they will insure the settlement of such fands by actual settlers in small tracts, and absolutely prevent their absorption in large bodies under private ownership.

GOVERNMEI\'T SURVEYS .A.ND INVESTIGATION. We commend the efforts of the various bureaus of the National Govern

~nt in the examination of the physical and le~al conditions relating to irrigation a.nd their work in promoting the adoption of more effective customs and methods of irrigation, and urge upon Congress the necessity of provid-ing liberal appropriations for this important work. .

Mr. Chairman, I had the honor of introducing in this House a bill, now before the Committee on Public Lands, for the purpose of leasing the arid public lands of the United States. We have probably 400,000,000 acres of these arid grazing lands. If they were leased (as they could be if we would pass the bill I have proposed) at 2 cents per acre, they would bring in $8,000,000 per year as an irrigation fund. The leasing of the public.domain is urged by the irrigation congress in one of the resolutions I have read. My bill contains many sections similar to the Texas lease law. The lease price is fixed at 3 cents per acre for watered and 2 cents for unwatered lands. Any person leasing one watered section must also lease three unwatered sections if found contiguous.

One man is permitted to lease only two sections of watered and six sections of unwatered land. Watered lands are to be leased for five years and unwatered lands for ten years. The lessee is to have prior right of leasing for ninety days after the expiration of his lease. The funds arising from the leases are to become a trust fund, to be used by Congress in the States and Territories where collected for irrigation purposes. The bill provides that this money shall be placed in the United States Treasury and there held as a trust fund for irrigating purposes.

Under existing conditions in that arid grazing Territory we find that but few men own the land that they are grazing their herds of cattle and sheep upon, and the country is all a common. A cow or sheep owner will drive his herd into the country and will take any unoccupied territory that he can find and call it his own, and forbi'tl anyone else to use the land. If he has a few thousand cattle, he employs men enough to keep other people off by force. Very often sheep men will force their herds upon these large cattle ranges. Sheep and cattle will not range together, and trouble at once arises between the owners of the herds, as every man who lives in the West can testify from actual experience, these feuds very often resulting in the destruction of property and sometimes in murder. ·

If you will pass a bill leasing these lands to the stockmen, in limited quantities, these troubles will not arise. The lessee can then fence the land, put up their windmills, build their houses, and use whatever appliances they may see proper for the purpose of improving their ranches and developing the country either for stock raising or for farming purposes. The settlers could and would then build permanent homes for themselves and their families. Their improvements would become taxable property and benefit the State or Territory where they live. These people would no longer be nomads, roaming wherever they see proper, but they would become settled and permanent citizens. They would have some place to call their own.

This bill provides that they can hold the land for ten years, and that then they shall have the preference right to re-lease it, it remaining all the while a part of the public land of the United States. This fund, $4,000,000 per year, would be sufficient to start irrigation plants all over that country, the money being expended in the district or in the State or Territory where it was raised. Mr. Chairman, I can not understand why it is that the Government should not take hold of this matter, individualize its lands; and build up these waste places in our own country. In my own State we have a great many arid grazing lands of similar character to the territory of the United States stretching from Mexico to the British possessions west of the one hundredth meridian. Arid grazing lands should be leased. I have a letter from the treasurer of the State of Texas showing what a magnificent fund the State is deriving from a lease law similar to the one that I have introduced in this Congress. I will send it to the Clerk's d·esk and ask that it be read in my time.

The Clerk read as follows: TREASURY DEPARTMENT, ST.A.TE OF TEXAS,

Austin, January 8, 1900. DEAR Sm .A.?."D FRIEND: Replying to your kind inquiry of the 4th instant

concerning the lease lands of Texas, beg to advise you as follows: The total number of acres leased is about 16,500,000, at the rate of 3 cents

per acre, making an income to the State therefrom of about $500,!JOO per year. The cost to the State of collecting this money is very little, and .l think $6,000 per year will fully cover it.

Prior to 1895 the State leased its lands at 4 cents per acre, but on account of the severe droughts of 1894: and 1895 the rate was decreased to 3 cents. Since that time the rise in the price of cattle, together with the good seasons, making ~rass good, has greatly increased the demand for grazing lands, and the public domain and free-school lands of the State are being leased now at a rate greatly in excess of all previous years, and the income to the State for 1900 will go beyond the figures given above. ·

These figures are approximated, but are very conservative. At any time I can furnish you any information, or aid you in any way in this or other matter~. command me, and I will cheerfully respond.

Wishing you much success in your efforts, and a Happy New Year, I am, Your friend,

JNO. W. ROBBINS. Hon. JNO. H. STEPHENS,

Washington, D. 0. . Mr. STEPHENS of Texas. Mr. Chairman, iftheStateofTexas

can raise a fund of $500,000 per year by leasing its arid lands, why is it that the United States cannot benefit herself in the same way?

When Texas became a State of this Union she reserved her public domain. We have a magnificent permanent school fund from this lease money and from the sale of our land. We are leasing not only our public-school lands, but our public domain.

Stepping across the line into New Mexico, where they have no lease law, we find an entirely different and worse state of affafrs. On the Texas side we have fenced pastures, splendid cattle, good ranch houses, our people living in permanent homes and doing well in every1·espect. Over in New Mexico, where the ranchmen have ilo lease laws, they have no permanent homes, and we find only contention, turmoil, and strife. In order to improve and utilize this public domain, it is necessary that we should have a lease law and lea.se our grazing lands and irrigate our irrigable lands.

Passing from that question to the Indian question, I wish to call the attention of the House to the fact that the Indians should have their lands allotted among them. Their tribal relations should be destroyed. The lands that they do not use should be sold under the United States land laws to actual settlers. The young Indian that we educate should have a home to go to that he could call hit own. As we now conduct Indian affairs, the young Indian on hia return home is turned loose in his tribe and drops back into barbarism, and is no better probablythan he was before we educated him at the expense of the Government.

The mining laws of the United States should be extended over all the Indian reservations. I know of no reason why a belt of country comprising often millions of acres of mineral lands should be locked out from the American prospector. We have a great many Indian reservations in the mountainous part of the West that are known to be rich in minerals. The United States laws will not permit the prospector to go on these lands and open up and develop the mines. ·

It would be much better for the Indians as well as the white ~en to allot their lands, to open them for settlement and for minmg purposes.

The Indian imitates the white man. The lower races have that characteristic generally, and if we place farmers on these Indian lands and let the Indians see that they are making a success of the cultivation of the land, they will imitate them.

If we permit the prospector to go into the mountains of their reservations and develop their mines, it will give employment to those Indians and will aid us in civilizing them. The time should soon come when we will stop spending millions of dollars yearly for the education and support of these people. We should make them self-supporting, and we can never do it until we brea~ up their tribal relations, until we give each Indian a separate piece of land, telling him that is his home and that he must live upon it

1354 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 31,

and w01·k like the white man, and that he can no longer draw rations and -clothes from the Government and lie around the army posts the idle vagabond he is to-day.

There are some civilized tribes of Indians, known as the Yumas, Pimas, and othei·s, living on the Colorado and the Gila rivers, in Arizona. In 1819 and several years aft.erwards, after gold had been discovered in California., many immigrant trains crossed the great plains through Arizona Territory. These Indians were then living there cultivating the soil, using the waters of the rivers for that purpose. They generously supplied these passing immigrants with the necessaries of life, and those of the survivors who are living to-day testify that had it not been for these friendly Indians they would have perished in that great desert. These Indians were thenandhavealways remained thefiiendsof thewhiteman.

The Gila and the Salt rivers have had so much of their water diverted from the lower streams, where the Yumas and Pimas live, that these Indians now have no water with which to raise their crops; they are in poverty, and many of them have died from starvation. They are in a very sad condition, because they do not have the water that should flow down these streams; it has been used by white men living near the heads of these streams. We should build reservoirs on these rivers to supply these Indians with water for irrigation pmJ>oses. Justice, humanity. and gratitude alike demand that we should thus aid these helpless and wronged people.

Mr. Chairman, a similar condition exists with reference to the Rio Grande River. That river rises in the Rocky Mountains in Colorado and flows throu~h New Mexico, and forms the bounda1-y between Texas and Mexico. Its waters have been used by the Mexicans and Texans living along its bank for hundreds of years, but in recent years its water has been diverted from its use for purposes of irrigation in Texas and Mexico by citizens of Colorado and New Mexico who have built dams and irrigation ditches, taking all of the water out of the river in the summer, and to-day tholl.'3ands of magnificent farms, orchards, vineyards, and gardens in Texas and Mexico have been destroyed entirely for want of water. This scene of desolation and consequent destruction extends from El Paso down to the mouth of the Conchos River, a distance of over 200 miles.

The people of Mexico and Texas are alike badly injured. Mexico is our near neighbor and friend. She claims that she is greatly damaged by the diverting of the water of the Rio Grande from her. She has filed claims for these damages against our Government for probably $20,000,000. The State of Texas is also injured by reason of the same fact and to the same effect. In June and July, when it is absolutely essential to have water for irrigation purposes, we find that Colorado and New Mexico have taken all the water from the river. By building a large reservofr across the river a few miles above El Paso, at a very convenient point, the storm waters of the spring can be impounded and a large lake formed; the water can pass through from the lake into the irrigation ditches/so that Texas and Mexico can be fully supplied with water in the future. If our Government will build this dam and give Mexico one-half of the water it impounds, Mexico will relinquish her claim for damages against us.

The Government should come to the aid of these suffering people. There should be a law passed by Congress equitably distributing the water of this river. It is the only river in the United States forming a water boundary, and there is no danger in Congress voting money to build this reservoir, for it can not be a precedent, as there never can be a similar case, for the reason that we ha-ve no other international river boundary. Instead of spending millions of money beyond the seas in subjugating alien races, we should use it in building an international dam at El Paso and in the irrigation and development of this our own country. The man that does not provide for his own household is Aaid to be an infidel; and we are told that charity should begin at home. Then let us first do justice to our friendly neighbor, Mexico, by replacing the water our people have taken from the Rio Grande River. We can do this by building the international dam at El Paso. Humanity demands that we furnish water for irrigation plII'poses to the Yumas and Pimas, the friendly Indians that kept our people from starving to death on the deserts

. ~f southern California.and Arizona in years gone bye. Mr. WEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I shall not have much to say

bout the pending bill, further than that I am satisfied the committee has brought in a bill which I can support, but I shall direct my remarks in answer to the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. COONEY]. In doing so I shall not undertake to follow that gentleman through his beautiful historical speech on the "Decline and fall of the Roman Empire " nor his story of Roman invasion and aggression. Nor shall I attempt to answer his philippic against "imperialism" generally. I shall not even stop to join with him in deploring the "decay of the Monroe aoctrine" nor join with him in comparing very favorably the "statesmanship" of Aguinaldo with that of President McKinley.

I will not join issue with the gentleman from Missouri on that

question, although it would be a pleasant oratorical exercise to take up the question he discusses a.bout the "fogs of manifest des-tiny and dreams of empire which are abroad in this land," but shall address my remarks to the proposition which is before this House, upon which every member ought to stand by the policy of the present Administration towa1·d our new possessions. It is to that subject I shall direct my remarks during the few brief moments which have been allotted to me.

Mr. Chairman, a great question is rising before this Congress, the Administration, and the American- people; bills and resolu· tions relating to it have been presented in the Senate and House, and a special committee has been raised in the House. Much time has been spent in hearings before that committee. The newspapers of the country are every day discussing the subject, and opinion is rapidly being crystallized, but as yet not a word has been heard in this Chamber on this subject. I allude to the ques· f tion of the status of the new possessions and people acquired by ) the United States under the treaty of Paris, at the close of the Spanish war, and the policy of Congress toward those possessions and those people. ·

I am impelled to bring this matter before the House because I know that the earliest possible action of Congress is necessary to relieve the people of Puerto Rico from a commercial and business situation most deplorable.

Delegations are coming. purporting to 1·epresent the Puerto R icans, and are presenting their views before the President and the Secretary of War and the Insular Committee. The special commissioner for the United States to Puerto Rico, under appointment of the President to investigate the civil, industrial, social, and financial conditions of the island, has made his report, which contains a large amount of valuable information and many recommendations as to the policy of creating a form of government for this island. This repo1·t recommends, among other things, that the Constitution and laws of the United States be extended to Puerto Rico, and that a territorial form of government similar to that established in Oklahoma be provided; that the legislative power shall be extended to all the rightful subjects of legislation, including regulations for the exercise of the elective franchise; that the legal voters of the islantl be permitted to elect a delegate to Congress; that a commission be appointed bythePresidenttorevisethe codes; that the jury system be adopted; that the patent and banking laws of the Unit.ed States be extended tothe{island, and among other regulations, that currency, education, etc., be legislated upon. .

In the remarks which I now submit to the House I desire to impress upon the House my opinion that most of these wholesome regulations are within the purview of the plan which I shall advocate.

I have waited many days for an opportunity, in Committee of the Whole, to submit my views to the House, but have not been able to do so up to the present time. In the meantime, to my knowledge, members of this House have been waiting for some expression upon this floor, from which at least a. start could be made in the discussion of this interesting subject; and on this occasion it is my purpose to state, with as great brevity as the subject admits, my own opinions, gathered from personal observation of affairs in Puerto Rico. In doing so, I do not speak by authority, nor as the exponent of the views or policy of any branch or officer of the Government, nor do I claim to speak for the political party towhichI belong. The question involved is not yet a party question. The views which a man may entertain are not therefore a test of his politics. My object is to serve tha best interests of the people of Puerto Rico according to my understanding, while at the same time endeavoring to keep in view the interests of the people of the United States. •

l'rlr. Chairman, I ammindfulofthatunwrittenruleoftheHouse which suggests that the new member maintain silence during debates over great questions as they proceed in his admiring presence, and I would not attempt to break over this sometimes wholesome rule were it not for the fact that the pending question of civil government for Puerto Rico is a comparatively new one in the field of Congressional legislation.

This measure is brought here by the suggestion of the President in his message to Congress. Among other things the President says:

When peace shall be restored it will be the duty of Congress to construct a plan of government which shall establish and maintain freedom and order and peace. There is no reason why steps should not be ta.ken from time to time t::> inaugurate governments essentially popular in their form, as fa.st as territory is held and controlled by our troops. To this end I am considering the adVISability of tbe r eturn of t his commissipn, or such of the members theroof as can be secured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this work throughout the islands. Unt il Congress shall have made known the formal expression of its will, I shall use the authority vested in me by the fi~=~~~ t!1~J:~~ ~ ~y?;g~ ;~::~6~;.e~tJig!t!~e United States in

Speaking especially of Puerto Rico, the President says: It is desirable that the government of the island under the law of bellig

erent risrot. now maintained through the executive depart ment, should be superseded by an administration entirely civil in its natm·e. For '()resent

1900. CONGRESSIONAli RECORD-HOUSE. 1355 purposes I recommend t~at Congre!'IS pass a law which ~hall provide for the. appointment by the PreSident, subJect to the confirmation by the Senate, of a governor and such other officers as the general administration of the island may require, and that for legislative purJ>oses upon subjects of local nature, not partaking of a Federal character, a legislative council, composed partly of Puerto Ricans and partly of citizens of the United States, shall be nominated and appointed by the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate, their acts to be subject to the approval of Congress or the President prior to going into effect.

In the municipalities and other local subdivisions I recommend that the principle of loca self-government be applied at once, so as to enable the intelligent citizens of ilie island to participate in their government and to learn by practical experience the duties and requirements of a self-contained and self-governing people. I have not thought it wise to commit the entire government of the island to officers selected by the people, because I doubt whether in habits, training, and experience they are sue~ ~ to ft~ them to exercise a.t once so large a de~ree of self-~vernment; ~ut 1t 18 my JU<lg;nent and expectation that they will soon arrive at an attainment of experience and wisdom and self-control that will justify conferring upon them a much larger participation in the choice of their inSular officers.

The fundamental requirement for these people, as for all people, is education In the introduction of modern educational methods, care, however, must be exercised that changes be not made too abruptly and that the history and radical peculiarities shall be given due weight. Systems of education in these new possessions founded upon common-sense methods,_ adapted to existing conditions and looking to the future moral and industrial advancement of the people, will commend to them in a peculiarly effective mann-er the blessings of free government.

Thus has the President remitted to Congress the pending problem of governing Puerto Rico, and the principal feature of his suggestions regarding this island seems to be that the pres~D:t military government should be superceded by a temporary civil government, under a governor to be appointed by the President, and such officers as the general administration of affairs may requi.I·e.

In view of these ~uggestions it seems to me to be the duty of any member who has knowledge of the situation in Puerto Rico to frankly state his views to the House and to give the sources of his knowledge. I make bold to say here- that no man can form an accurate or reliable opinion upon the political, moral, educational, or social conditions of the people of Puerto Rico solely from reading newspapers, magazines, and other contemporary Ii tera ture.

The well-written newspaper correspondence may give a little light to the earnest inquirer, but the beautifully illustrated articles in the magazines are very deceptive. The finest pictures which art can produce do not show the density of ignorance which prevails so universally among the people there. They do not show the fact that 85 to 90 per cent of these people can not read or write. I have been among these people. I have seen them in their humble houses and in the fields of their labor. I have seen them in their poor places of business and in their seatless churches, and believe that l know something more of them than can be learned at second hand from the best literature furnished by the cursory travelers in the island.

Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. Mr. Chairman, Iwouldliketoask the gentleman a question.

The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Michigan yield to the gentleman from Missouri?

Mr. WEEKS. Yes, sir. Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. !would liketoa.skthegentleman

whether upon the ratification of the treaty between this country and Snain terminating the Spanish war, it was not the constitutiona(prerogative of the President of the United States to issue a proclamation extending all the laws of the United ,States to the new territory of Puerto Rico?

Mr. WEEKS. There is no question in my mind about that. I have covered that fully in the remarks which I have prepared. The gentleman will get a full answer to that question as I go along.

Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. I would like to ask the gentleman another question. If the President of the United States had that power under the Constitution, why is any Congressional action necessary to bring them under the laws of the United States?

Mr. WEEKS. I will cover that fully in the remarks which I am a.bout to make.

I went to Puerto from a sense of duty to myself and the country, and after a careful .observation became thoroughly convinced that those people are not prepared for self-government. I am firmly of the opinion that they are not prepared to be vested with the franchise of American citizenship. Imagine, if you please, any State in the Union peopled with a mass of ignorance so dense and universal as exists in Puerto Rico. Reverse the situation in any of the great States of the Union and place there a population 85 or 90 per cent of whom are unable to read, and the picture would appall the most casual thinker in this House.

With all the illiteracy brought here by immigration, we have such a vast preponderance of intelligence among our people that self-government is safe and secure. But reverse the figures and anarchy and misgovernment would certainly follow.

The President has remitted to this Congress the task of fixing the status of the people and the form of the government in Puerto Rico. Instead of arrogating to hims.elf, as he might have done under the military authority residing in him as Commander in Chief of the Ai·my and Navy of the Republic-instead of accepting

the vast powers involved in such action, the President has, with the utmost frankness, said to the people through this House and the Senate that he is ready now to accept the directions and instructions of the people's representatives.

Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. I would like to ask the gentleman if he thinks the people of Puerto Rico are less prepared for self-gov13rnment than the people of the Spanish-American states were when the Monroe doctrine was promulgated?

Mr. WEEKS. I was not there at that time. [Laughter.] Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. I would like to ask the gentle

man if, from general information and the history of those times, he thinks that these people were less prepared?

Mr. WEEKS. I have the information, and will answer the gentleman if he will give me time to get to it in the regular course of my remarks.

I hope Congress will not too readily accept this action as their opportunity to go into general legislation for Puerto Rico in formulating by law a civil government for that island, but that it will with equal frankness recognize the situation and return to the President its commission to deal with the whole subject as he is now doing until the time for Congressional action arrives.

The status of Puerto Rico is not that of a Territory;· it is not that of a State. Its people are not citizens of the United States. At the same time it is not a foreign country nor are its people absolutely aliens. It is a piece of property or ten·itory captured in war and now in the possession and custody of the Army of the United States.

The Constitution, Article IV, section 3, gives Congress the power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States, and until Congress shall assume to legislate, this territory or property remains in the hands of the military arm of the Government, under the control of the President. • In this fashion it haa remained for over one year (since the 18th of October, 1898), and during that time a military government has discharged the functions of civil government in all its branches on the island.

The President, as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, had the power to and did establish a civil or provisional go\ernment, which was a military government so far as the force and power of sovereignty goes, but which was a civil government so far as all the functions of civil administration were concerned.

To show what kind of government has been furnished, I beg the privilege of quoting from my own letters, written while in the island last October:

On October 18, 1898, the Spanish flag was hauled down and the American flag raised over the official palace, and the sovereignty of Spain, which had been supreme in this island for four hundred years, ceased, and the sovereignty of the United States took its place.

I realize the effect of the change upon the people of Puerto Rico. In this city the change is too manifest to escape the roost casual observation. The streets of San Juan have undergone a marvelous change. Under Spanish rule they were filthy, the lack of proper street cleaning renderin~ the city foul beyond description. Now the streets are clean and the air fairly sweet and healthful. 'rhe American authorities have caused public ·and private buildings to be cleansed. A vast amount of plumbing and sewering has been done, and San Juan will to-day compare in this respect with the average city in the United States. The great hospitals, barracks, and other government buildings and places have been provided with bath tubs, closets, shower baths, lavatories, etc., with the utmost liberality, thereby rendering life in this hot city endurable and comfortable. The water supply is brought from about 6 mile.s away and is very abundant and pure. It is one of the most agreeable of the provisions introduced by the Americans for the health and comfort of the city, and will render San Juan a healthy residence city. One. can imagine what a boon i.s thus conferred when we realize that the tem· pera ture here scarcely ever goes below 8QO but remains, summer and winter, near that unvarying point. Our soldiers, both sick and well, appreciate this provision for their health and comfort most keenly.

The insular officials are a treasurer of the island, an auditor, a collector of customs, with de,puties at Ponce, .A:rroyo, Mayagnez, Arecibo, Humacao, Aguadilla, and V1eques. Internal-revenue officers are also located at the same points. There is also a. judicial board established by general orders of the depiirtment which has charge of the courts and administration of justice. There is aiso a boa.rd of health, a. United States J>rovisional court, and a board of charities, a board of prison control, a board of education, and also a postal department, with 76 post-offices on the island; also a board of public works and an advisory board in insular policy and affairs. There i.s an insular police; also municipal police and an inspector of jails.

These details show to what extent order has been brought out of chaos that was left by the war. The cities a.re as well governed as the cities in the United States, and the country i.s free from fawlessness. and peace a.ud good order reign as completely here as in any State in the Union. Having visited the penitentiary, I can certify that its cleanlines.s and sanitary condition is as good as any prison I ever visited. There are375 convicts in this penitentiary, almost all confined on conviction of homicidal charges, with some convicted of lesser grades of crime.

On the occasion of my visit the prisoners not out "pounding stone" were marshaled for my inspection. I va.ssed down before the double file of menalmost all natives-and a. hard-favored lot they were. But they were under such surveillance and discipline that their looks and demeanor were softened, and one could willingly forget the villainy and ferocity which was the offspring of iiroorance, bigotry. and their crude notions of justice and the value of human life. The Americans have cleaned up this prison and elinlinated the horrors of bad ventilation, dampnes.s, darkness, and filth which characterized Spanish rule there.

The organization of a provisional court of the United States for the island is one of the accomplished facts most creditable to the military government there. It was created by a. military order, its jurisdiction clearly defined, and extends to all cases, civil and commercial, which would be cognizable by a circuit or district court of the United States, and to all common-law off ens~, with certain restrictions specified. The decisions of the court and its procedure follow the principles of the common law and equity as inte1·preted


by the courts of the United States, and conform as nearly as may be to the rules followed by the Federal courts.

The court has its officers and judges, the same as the courts in the States, and all its business and its rules and proceedings a.re in the English language.

At this point I reluctantly dissent from the views of some advisers of the President regarding the system of jurisprudence adopted bythe people of this island, whom the President describes as "competent lawyers who are thoroughly familiar with it, and who advise that the system is thoroughly modern and scientific, so far as it relates to internal business, trade, production, and private right in general." It is my judgment, based upon information which I consider thoroughly reliable, that the old Spanish laws found in force in Puerto Rico, and yet unrepealed, are the most vicious, grinding, and outrageous which have been discovered in modern times, and that the administration of the laws by our Government and courts in the fashion of the Spanish regime would bethe greatest scandal and disgrace possible.to be conceived.

In my judgment the first, and indeed the immediate, care of the Administration or of Congress, whichever shall act in the matter, should be the speedy overturning of this relic of medimval laws and the substitution of the principles and practice of the common law and jurisprudence of the United States.

It would be impossible within the limits of a. brief address to specify with any detail the bad features which characterize the laws left by Spain in Puerto Rico, and the worse features which characterize their enforcement or administration. A very few particulars will suffice:

Prior to the advent of the Americans the writ of habeas corpus was unknown in Puerto Rico. What horrors were possible under such a condition the imagination can readily depict. Prior to the 18th of October one year ago trial by jury was unknown in Puerto Rico. What outrages upon justice were thus rendered possible can again be imagined.

Mr. GAINES. Will the gentleman yield to me for a question? Mr. WEEKS. Yes, sir. Mr. GAINES. The gentleman states that the writ of habeas

corpus and the right of trial by jury obtain there now. How did they get there?

Mr. WEEKS. I will explain that to the gentleman from Tennessee in a moment.

Mr. GAINES. I will agree with you that if they are not there they ought to be there.

Mr. WEEKS. I will give the gentleman the information that he desires before I am through.

Up to this hour no adequate provision has ever been made for recording conveyances of real estate in Puerto Rico. · Fancy the confusion possible under such a system.

A base line for surveys of land does not exist. A will was never probated in a court in this island. No assessed valuation for purposes of taxation was ever placed

on real or personal property. Land was never taxed according to its value. Hence taxation was unjust and cruel, and the poorer classes suffered most.

As I am now advised, only a few of these unjust and wicked features of Spanish law have yet been abandoned or changed, and the great bulk of these most ancient and obsolete features are yet the law of the land there, to be administered by courts under the sovereignty of the United States. In my humble judgment these are not "thoroughly modern and scientific laws, so far as they relate to matters of internal business, trade, production, or social or private right in general." And whether the government for Puerto Rico, soon to be decided upon and established, shall be civil or military, I would lift my voice for speedy action as a measure of justice and necessity.

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired. Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous

consent that my colleague's time be extended fifteen minutes. The CHAffiMAN. The gentleman from Michigan asks unani

mous consent that the time of his colleague be extended fifteen minutes.

Mr. LITTLE. I object, unless it comes out of the other side's time.

Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. If I may be permitted, I want to say that my colleague has made a careful study of this subject and I think he ought to be allowed to go on.

Mr. LITTLE. I am perfectly willing that the gentleman should have all the time he wishes if it comes out of the other side.

The CHAIRMAN. As the request is put to the committee it would not come out of the time of either, but out of the general debate.

Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. I hope the gentleman from Arkansas will not object.

Mr. LITTLE. I can not yield. Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. I ask unanimous consent that the

gentleman's time be extended ten minutes. Mr. SHAFROTH. I suggest to the gentleman that if he would

ask unanimous consent that his colleague be allowed fifteen min-

utes and fifteen minutes be allowed on the other side there would be no objection.

Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. Well, Mr. Chairman, I will make the request in the form suggested. by the gentleman from Colorado.

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Michi~an asks unanim~ms consent that the. time of his colleague be extended fifteen mmutes, and that the time of some gentleman on the other side of the House, not yet announced, be ahm extended fifteen minutes. Is there objection? f After a pause.] The Chair hears none.

Mr. WEEKS. In thisbusinessweneednotregard thetraditions of the ''conquered people." As a matter off act, they have no traditions. We hav.e taken these people at t~e ~nd of four hundred years of absolute failure on the part of Spam m government, religion morals, and education. We have a nation of children, who must b~ taught either the English or Spanish language in the schools and in business, in the courts and in politics and government, and we may as well begin teaching them English now as to wait twentyfive or fifty years to do it.

The Pr~sident advises the establishment of a school system in Puerto Rico. One of the proudest things to recall in connection with our conquest there is that, whereas when we took possession there was not a schoolhouse on the entire island, already schools have been established, schoolhouses are being built, and the task of giving an education to the children of Puerto Rico has been entered upon in a most thorough and businesslike way.

Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. Are those public schools? Mr. W:~EKS. Yes, sir. We have nearly 700 schools running

under military or wha~ by some might be called "imperialistic government." I hold m my hand a letter which I received this morning from the president of the insular board of education of Puerto Rico, in which he uses this language:

THE PUERTO RICO BO.ARD OF E .DUCATION, PRESIDENT'S OFFICE, San Juan, P. R., January 11, 1900.

DEAR SIR: Permit me to thank yon for the copy of the Port Huron Times of December 16, containing your excellent article upon the school system of Puerto Rico.

V'fe appreciat~ much the intelligen~ consideration that Puerto Rican affairs have received at your hands. Kindly command our services in case y-ou should at any time desire further information of any character pertaining to the work in Puerto Rico.

Very respectfully, VICTOR S. CLARK, President In-sulm· Board of Education.

Hon. EDGAR WEEKS, M. c., Washington, D. 0.

Mr. WM. ALDEN SMITH. Do they teach the English language in those schools?

Mr. WEEKS. Yes, sir; they teach the English language now. Formerly the schools in Puerto Rico, unj:}er Spanish administration, had no books. They had nothing but blackboards, and the teaching was all object teaching. The teacher would talk and the children would play or go to sleep, and sometimes the teacher would go to sleep. But I can not stop here to describe the wretched system of schools which existed in Puerto Rico before the Americans set up American schools upon that island.

But in all the calculations which we make it is a sad truth that we shall be compelled to eliminate from our consideration the mass of the present adult population of the island. It is utterly impossible to educate the present generation, and if we succeed with the rising generation we shall far outstrip our own efforts in the same direction in other regions where the United States has had fuJI opportunity for over fifty years, with a population better prepared than the Puerto Rican to receive the elements of American education and citizenship.

I feel sure that these suggestions will not be taken unkindly, even by the small minority of the people of Puerto Rico which constitutes the educated and intelligent class, because they are the plain, unvarnished facts in the case, and I stand here to urge that Congress do not now legislate for the government of Puerto Rico, but that it authorize the President to continue the military government there, which shall exercise the fullest functions of a civil government.

The necessity for a stable government and permanency in commercial, monetary, and political matters is such that there should be no delay. Using the language of the insular.commission on this subject:

So far Puerto Rico has gained nothing by belonging to the United States. She is still under the old laws, now ma.de our own, with few modifications, and under the same oppressions·. She has lost the Spanish markets for her crops, and has been excluded from our own. She is burdened to-day with oppressive taxation, and onerous, unnecessary, and exorbitant salaries a.re :paid the horde or officeholders playing at runnin!,? a government, American in form, under Spanish laws, and with officers tramed in Spanish diplomacy and intrigue. Hence we may say there is pressing military necessity and a political necessity for immediate action on all possible reforms in government and administration.

Mr. Chairman, I now approach a branch of the subject in regard to which I suppose I should do as they used to do in the olden times when thev had the "trial by fire," when a man was obliged to walk around among red-ho.t plowshares barefooted.

Mr. GAINES. I should like the gentleman to answer the question how the right of the writ of habeas corpus and the right of

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. . 1357 trial by jury or any other fundamental right which we enjoy in this country have gone down to Puerto Rico?

Mr. WEEKS. Those rights have been inaugurated by order of the military government. _

Mr. GAINES. Then civil trials are carried on by military authority?

Mr. WEEKS. Yes, sir; that is right. Mr. GAINES. Then the Constitution has not gone there at all? Mr. WEEKS. If the gentleman will allow me to proceed in my

own way, I will cover his points. · Mr. GAINES. I should be glad to have my question answered

before the gentleman gets through. Mr. WEEKS. I will cover all that if the gentleman will have

patience. Mr. GAINES. I hope the gentleman will get to my question

soon. Mr. WEEKS. I would like to answer the gentleman now, but

I can not at this point take the time. Mr. Chairman,, the American people do not take kindly to'• mili

tary government," but until Congress shall act in the matter there is no other form possible for Puert<i Rico. In other words, there is no government possible unless it be either a military or a civil government, and the moment civil government is established military government is gone.

A MEMBER. Which do you favor? Mr. WEEKS. I will tell the gentleman if he will have patience. While I favor the continuance of the present form of govern-

ment there, I would urge that every possible feature of civil government should be maintained, especially in the administration of such laws as the President may, in his wisdom, recommend. I would not recommend immediately investing in the people there the franchise of citizenship or the right to vote. Just and good government can be maintained there without either until such time as, through education and experience, familiarity with American ideas shall be obtained by the inha bi tan ts. Far better so than the frequent revolutions and bloodshed which have characterized the Latin and native and mixed races of Central and South America and certain West India islands for hundreds of years. With the steady hand of the American Government in control, the people will eventually discover where the path of peace, order, education, obedience to law, and the will of the majority will place them, and in the fullness of time the people of Puerto Rico will become so Americanized as to make good citizens and the fair island become the real gem of the Antilles.

There is precedent for all this. When civil government was set up in California after the cession of that territory by Mexico this course was adopted; it received the approval of the Federal courts, and the civil administration by the military authority was accepted. The same difficulty was experienced for a long time in California that confronts us in Puerto Rico to-day. A 1arge majority of the people spoke a foreign language, were ignorant of English, and densely ignorant of those principles of republican government which alone will be sanctioned when civil govern-ment shall be finally established. ·

A strong argument for the continuation of the military government in Puerto Rico is the organization of political parties there just prior to the recent municipal elections. I happened to be there during those elections. I attended the polls and saw and talked with the officers superintending the election. So I know something about this matter from personal observation. The two parties put forth pronunciamentos, or platforms. The platforms were wide in their scope, one declaring for an insular republic, the integral sovereignties of which should be Cuba, Haiti, Santo Domingo, and Puerto Rico, and the other for American money, free suffrage, or popular ballot, free trade with the United States, and early admission to the American Union as a State. And upon these platforms the parties went into the calI!paign for the election of alcaldes, constables, and other mere municipal officers.

The spectacle of these elections was not encouraging. Riot and disorder and bloodshed occurred in a few places, and the mob of ignorant "electors" raged through the streets shouting "death to this one," ''down with that one." So repulsive was this exhibition that the present military governor issued an order suppressing such demonstrations and threatened to proclaim martial law in case such proceedings were repeated. Peace and order fol. lowed this exercise of power by the governor, thus furnishing strong argument in favor of a continuance of military government there.

The political party which best commends itself to American sympathy in Puerto Rico declared in its platform as follows:

We believe that the people of Puerto Rico could be trusted with the civil government of the island; but as that authority only emanates from the Congress of the United States, it is but our duty to await their action. While up.4er military government, awaiting action by Congress\ we desire that all civil offices should be filled by men capable, honest, ana of unquestioned loyalty to the Government of the United States, and disposed to act singly for the best interest of this island and our common country without distinction, there by affording us an opportunity to demonstrate our fitness for self-

government with all the burdens and responsibilities which it entails and which will hasten the day when our island will have a place among the Stat.es of the Union. ·

Before Mr. WEEKS had concluded his remarks, The CHAIRMAN said: The time of the gentleman from Mich

igan has expired. Mr. WEEKS. I ask unanimous consent that I mav print the

rest of my remarks in the RECORD. w

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman asks unanimous consent to extend his remarks in the RECORD. Is there objection?

Mr. GAINES. I certainly do not object, and I shall be delighted i~ the gentleman in extending his remarks will answer my question.

Mr. WEEKS. I think I shall do so. ~his seems to demonstrate that the best intelligence of Puerto

Rico declares for the plan of government which I am urging as the most wholesome for that island.

From my own observations I am fully persuaded that the mass of tlie people of Puerto Rico are incapable of self-government and unprepared for the duties of citizenslup or the exercise of the elective franchise. They lack intelligence, education, and patriot· ism, three things essential to self-government. I repeat here the language of General Ludlow, in a recent utterance, speaking of the Cubans in this same connection: ·

.r apprehend it will be a long term of guardianship. At present illiteracy will reach 80 per cent of the people. To grant them universal suffrage ;,~~l~ be to undo all the good work which has been done by the Govern-

At this point I take the liberty to make a quotation from a letter written by a Puerto Rican of apparent intelligence and edu· cation, published in the New York Sun of January 21.

Speaking of the capacity for self-government of the Puerto Rican people, he says:

But, notwithstanding this, the great mass of the people of every degree are loyal to us. They are well disposed and anxious to oecome good American citize~s, on a l.evel with ourselves, enjoyi!l.g all ~ur privileges. With the exercise of patience, forbearance, and WISdom thIS laudable ambition may in time be realized, though at present, as a people, they are not fitted for self.government, and the attempt of demagogues to lead them into a demand for a Territorial organization, with a legislatm·e of their own, is placing them at a great di884vantage, the same as is done in attempting to compel a child to run before 1t has learned to stand alone. Governor.General Davis has wisely given them an opportunity to demonstrate their quality as citizens by authorizing them to hold elections for municipal officers. He bas also appointed natives to important offices.

The res~lts hav~ been so unsatisfactory in so many instances that those best acqu.a.mted with the f!lcts have been led to declare most positively that Puerto Ricans, as yet, are mcapable of self.government, and they sustain the declaration with ample proof. The governor-general was even compelled to issue a proclamation threatening to supersede the civil with the military authority in the disturbed districts if peace was not restored at once. That proclamation had a happy effect. The necessity for it shows the mischief that may be done by an active minority, badly led, and also that the hand of power is still needed there.

But time and experience will cure all this. It will be slow, tedious work and m~t be done by fyerto Rica~ themselves, with our assistance, and they will not be free until, by education under competent supervision they have freed themselves from the ignorance and superstition that has s~long held th;em ~n bondage. as well as from the ~raditions of ~he Spanish oligarchy that still cling to too many of them, the evidence of which we see in the profuse display of Spanish flags on every filte day in San Juan. It is due to the rest of the island, however, to sa.v that this flag is not often seen elsewhere. They do not seem to be aware that every such display postpones the day when the island will have Territorial government.

The present military government has already accomplished ~eat goo~ for these people. Peace a~d order reign in all the island. Life and property are as safe as many State in the Union. I traveled across the island, over mountains, through valleys, and through populated towns, wholly unarmed and without thought of personal danger, going about day or night, in country or city just a~ one would in the most peaceful neighborhood of the States: The present government has brought to the people of Puerto Rico but little benefit, however, because the Spanish laws and ancient customs have been suffered to continue and beeause the exactions of officials under Spanish laws are continued under American administration under the plea that the law warrants these exac· tions. Instances of this state of things can be readily cited, and it is a weak spot in our administration there that these things have not been corrected by military order.

But the hesitation of our military government in dealing with these scandals has arisen from tile doubt as to the immediate future there. The well-known antipathy of a great many Ameri· cans to what they are pleased to call "militarism" has had some influence in this matter; out once let Congress declare that the present form of military government must continue in Puerto Rico, and all these abuses will, no doubt, be promptly corrected. We must not pause out of respect for ancient usages. If a thing is oppressive or exacting, root it out at once.. I speak particularly of the system of conveyancing, which permits a notary to exact large commissions on the value of realty conveyed as h~s fee for drawing up the papers; and also the exaction of a monstrous fee by this same official for furnishing a . copy of the conveyance. And all this comes from the ridiculous f~ct that conveyances are


not recorded and no provision made for such records, only copies being recorded, and they at large expense.

The same applies to the law of wills. I am informed that no will was ever regularly probated in Puerto Rico before a court having jurisdiction of such matters, because there is not now and never was such a court. The notary has the custody of the wills which he has drawn, and his bare production of such will is, in Puerto Rico, its probate. Changes have beenmade in the customs laws which have brought relief, but other radical changes must be made before justice is done to those people. The writ of habeas corpus has been introduced, and monstrous abuses and crimes against tfi'e liberty of the Puerto Rican have been abated, but with the present law, authorizing any judge to imprison at his discretion, the writ as now provided for is half paralyzed.

Juries are now provided for, and this bulwark of civil liberty is now known for the first time in this island, but only in the provisional court of the United States.

The petty exactions 11.nd lawless methods under the guise and pretense of custom by the lesser courts on the island have been only partly corrected, by placing the proceedings of all the courts under the general supervision and control of the provisional com·t of the United States, which holds its rerms at San Juan, Mayaguez, Ponce, and one or two other cities.

The necessity for speedy, I may say immediate, reform in many particulars is pressing, and if Congress will promptly i·esolve to rely on the authority of the President and the military on the island, speedy relief will follow.

I have given only a portion of thereasonswhyl advocate a continuance of the military government of Puerto Rico. I believe the time is not yet ripe for the mass of the people of that island to be trusted with self-government, with citizenship, or with the exercise of the elective franchise, and I believe that the day we change the form of government there, if done now, will be a day of disaster for Puerto Rico.

One of the disasters which might follow is intimated in the following extract from a letter dated San J nan, Puerto Rico, January 13, 1900:

May I call your atte.ntion to the article of Mr. George Keenan, recently published in the Outlook\ on the "Characteristics of the Cu bans." In that article Dr. Keenen remarKB that the Cubans will never be able to take care of themselves from a sanitary standpoint, and that that work must always remain in the hands of the Americans. May I call your attention t-0 the fact that I believe what is true of Cuba in this respect is true of Puerto Rico and the other Spanish islands we have recently acquired. If the people of the United States wish smallpox, yellow fever, leprosy, elephantiasis, and other horrible diseases to continue here and to be carried to the States, they have only to turn over sanit.ary matters to these happy-go-lucky people, who care nothing whatever for disease, and who make extremely slight efforts to check its ravages. This island, for instance, under the Spanish Government always bad yellow fever, and as many as 20,000 people have died in, a single :year from smallpox. Now we have smallpox absolutely under control, and did not have a single case of yellow fever this past season. -

These islands are naturally healthful. The air is pure and wholesome. The heat is a little greater than would please a Northerner. These diseases have prevailed and have been alarming to Americans and Europeans, but arise wholly from the abominable filth and careless habits of the people.

Very ~speotfully, GEO. G. GROFF,

Secretary Superior Board of Health, etc.

A military government can be so constituted as to meet all the emergencies and demands which can properly be made upon a civil administration. A system of education; a system of taxes based on assessment of property; a readjustment of our tariff to suit the necessities and conditions there; a code of civil and criminal law; habeas corpus; trial by jury where it is possible; highways and bridges; franchises to railway and electric-motor companies; support of the poor; regulation of marriage; recording real estate deeds and mortgages; prevention of contagious diseases; regulation of liquor traffic, and all subjects of ordinary municipal and State legislation could be provided for, the peace maintained, and civil and religious liberty protected under the militarygovernmentaswell as under a civilgovernment. A code rovering all of these subjects has been prepared by the insular commission, but not yet printed or reporred to Congress.

From the report of the judge-advocate of the Department of Puerto Rico 1 take the following extract, showing the scope and jurisdiction exercised over civil affairs by the present military government:

The following partial statement of subjects pertaining to governmental reforms and reconstruction of governmental administration which have been referred to this office for investigation and report, and upon which decisions and opinions have been rendered or new laws framed, will suggest in some degree the magnitude of the work in band:

Military commissionsi marriage o.nd divorce laws; attachments on property; o.rrest and conviction of bandits; private and municipal bonds; cases in l:la.nkruptcy; opposition b:y clergy to certain burials in consecrated cemeteries; concessions; commissions levied by bankin~ institutions upon certain drafts and checks; jails and {lrisoners; reforms in Judicial procedure; renunciation of foreign citizenship by public officials; aliens' petitions to ma.ke declaration of intention to become citizens of the United States; aliens' applications for enlistment in Puerto Rico battalion; importation of contract labor and immigl-a.tion laws; validity of contracts between clergy and state executed under former regime; claims against the state by church and clergy; miscellaneous claims against the state; rights of foreign lawyers to practice their profession; abrogation of certain dues and fees exacted by former realme; matters of public education; liberty of the press and abuse thereof;

court physicfans and jail chaplains; garnishment of certain salaries; collection of debts; efficiency of police, abuse of authority by police; protests against public nuisances and vices; sedition; criminal libel; importers' licenses; creation of United States provisional court; pro~erty titles; public lands; regulation of judicial costs; erection of public buildings;. office rights purchased under Spanish Government; notarialfees; negotiab1e instruments; jurisdiction of local courts; abolishment of certain courts; registration of legal instruments; municipal electionsi taxation; frauds and misuse of public funds; testimony; appointment of ITmted States provisional court commissioners; civil reforms, etc.

The oath of allegiance required of all pilots and light-house keepers and , the oaths of office to the varions public officials to the number of several hundred were also administered by the judge-advocate of the department.

The President has simply i:,erformed his duty up to the present hour in caring for the public domain and preserving the peace, and he now turns to Congress for its approval and directions.

Subject to climatic conditions and other considerations, there should be taken up the questions in that island relating to labor, wages, financ~, and education, and considered in their order. They should be considered and treated according to the unalter· able conditions which exist there. Rules which would be applicable to colder zones will not apply there, and that which we might fancy or wish was the case we can not force or compel against the irrevocable and inevitable.

My observations among the educated natives, the business men, and those who have the substantial interests· of Puerto Rico at heart lead me to believe that they most earnestly and cordially commend the present government in that island. They concede the great benefits already conferred, and the great promise of the future, from a wi.<l0, strong, and intelligent administration, and express the belief that the welfare and prosperity of all classes in the island depend upon the continuance there of the military government for an indefinite period. They concede that it would prove disastrous to those interests if the affairs of insular government should, through a mistaken policy, fall into the control of the uneducated masses under the leadership of scheming and unscrupulous local politicians.

The revenues of the island soon will be ample for all the expenses of the government, and under American administration these revenues will be honestly collected and honestly expended, so that the island and its people will get the benefit, not the Span.; ish monarchy and a. horde of dishonest officials.

With the reforms which I have suggested we shall soon place this new and beautiful possession on a self-sustaining basis, and, beside rescuing a million of people from the cruel oppression of hundreds of years, under which they det.eriorated and suffered, we shall educate and ennoble the people and add to our national possessions the key to the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea, and a naval station from which we can dominate those regions, protect our national interests in the Nicaragua canal, and secure ourselves in a coigne of international advantage valuable beyond our past conceptions.

A word in regard to the revenues of Puerto Rico. The customs taxes amount to only about $1,000,000 a year. Ground taxes col~ lected on the island reach nearly three and a half millions annually. The export taxes, levied by the municipalities at their own will and pleasure, not limited at all by any general law, amount to a large sum, the precise amount not known.

These taxes are expended mostly for salaries and pensions to · officials and ex-officials, and very little goes to the benefit of the people or fund for which they are levied. Hence it is apparent that much greater relief can be afforded Puerto Rico by a wise code of taxation and collection laws, a reduced official force, and honest expenditures, guided by conscientious and faithful A.meri~ can officials, than the total abolition of all indirect taxes by way of customs duties. Customs can be so assessed as to fall mostly on the wealthier classes and consumers of luxuries and those most able to pay, and thus lessen the burdens on the poor in export taxes, taxes on occupations, on rent, and furniture in the homes, as is now the law. The people pay a well-adjusted tariff with less complaint than any other species of tax. Under the laws yet in force in Puerto Rico, notaries public make from ten thousand to fifty thousand dollars a year. Recorders of deeds make an equal sum. These are abuses and fall heavily on everyone who buys or sells land. Many instances can be cited where it cost more to pay these fees for the notaries and recorders than it did to pay for the land purchased.

Taxes are now doubled by law as against nonresident owners of lands. This is un-American and contrary to the ordinary rules of just taxation prevailing gen~raHy in the United S~ates •.

The Spanish system of laws is founded on wrong ideas, incompatible with free institutions, and, if left as a code or system, will retard all governmental or business progress. Mexico still holds to them, though she has been out from under the Spanish yoke over a generation of time; and it is such systems of jurisprudence prevailing in Spanish-American countries which has for a cen· tury blocked the wheels of progress and civilization.

As an example of this proposition, I recall that only a short time ago we read of a wealthy cattle grower of New Mexico who, "straying over the line, became involved in a difficulty with

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1359 Mexicans, was arrested, jailed "incomunicado," kept in a. foul this Congress declares "the inhabitants of our newly a13quired prison with insufficient food, denied all access to his friends, islands to be citizens and the islands integral parts of the Union," spent all his money in trying to free himself, and died from the either directly or indirectly, that is the end of it, and no future effects of two years' confinement without trial. In the United Congress can change it. But if Congress declares that for five or States foreigners, however intelligent, must remain here among ten years the islands are merely dependencies, under control of us, in contact with our free institutions and under our laws, sev- the United States military authority, and that at the end of that eral years before they can be citizens and before they are allowed time Congress will fix their civil rights and political status, that to sit on juries. l\1any good people think this is too short a time. would exhaust the power until the expiration of the period. In

Why! then, is there any haste to extend these privileges to any event, it would be improbable that a future Congress would Puer to Ricans, made up of Spaniards and negroes and mixtures change it unless there was very good reason for doing so. of the two, 90 per cent of whom can neither read nor write? Add It is with some hesitation that I have spoken so plainly on the to this those who own nroperty, and yon still have 85 per cent who recommendation of free trade with Puerto Rico. Already this can neither read nor Write or do not own property. If we limit I suggestion has aroused opposition, as detrimental to our tobacco suffrage to the 10or15 per cent, you deprive 85 or 90 per cent of the and cigar manufacturing interests, in which millions of Ameripeople of a voice and confer the power on the 15 per cent. Of this can Gapital is successfully embarked. Our woolgrowing and. 15 per ce".it, over half are the politicians, who would control the manufacturing interests are a1so aroused, while the united forces other half, and they are educated in Spanish and Spanish laws of our fruit-growing and beet-sugar interests are besieging us on and ways of government, the corner stone of which is how to help this floor to ward off the threatened danger that is to come from the officeholder and burden the people and hold them in ignorance free trade with Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. It is so as to be more readily controlled. This is all un-American and maintained that free trade with these islands would seriously imnot a free government. pair all these great interests, and messages and letters are being

So far, when called upon to form a law on the American plan, received by Congressmen from all the wool and tobacco growing they have failed to show a comprehension of the first principle of States imploring the Representatives to prevent the consummajustice as we understand it. Take the tax law; it taxes nonresi- tion of this suggestion. dents just double the resident. Take the so-called marriage law, l\!any Republicans, strong in their loyalty to the doctrine of supposed to give legitimacy to the offspring of consent marriages; protection to American industries, are not hesitating in the exit fails to give a scintilla of relief. As to divorce, the laws there pression of opposition to opening the door of free trade, even in a provide for divorce against the wife if she is found guilty of adul- limited way. They urge that free trade with Puerto Rico must tery, but the.husband can not be divorced for adultery by him come, when it does come, in a constitutional way, after the island unless it is proved that his adultery had caused public scandal. becomes a constituent part of the Republic, not while it remains The crime may be committed in the presence of his wife; but if it a dependency, and that a long time should elapse, even in this is not public and notorious, the law affords her no redress. view of the case, to allow American industries ample time to

Such a law was promulgated with great acclaim by the secre- adjust themselves to the new conditions which free trade with Ull"y of justice as a great American law, and he is regarded as one the colonies will bring. of the best scholars and lawyers on the island. They also pro- I do not suggest these things in a spirit of opposition, but with hibit ex-priests, who have long ago abandoned the church, from the fervent desire that whatev~r is done in the Honse or elsemarrying the mothers of their children, with whom they live where will be done with a full knowledge of the vastness of the without maniage, because prohibited by this old Spanish law, .interests involved, with a full realization of the effects of hasty or which we have adopted there. The Church may declare that its immature action. priests may not marry; but why should the law do so, and espec- Since the preparation of the notes from which I am speaking the ially after they have renounced allegiance to the church? Governor-General of Puerto Rico, Gen. George W. Davis, has

The courts, presided over by men graduated in law schools of been summoned to Washington by the President, and has been Spain, are suspected of priestism and bribery, and do not at all before the Insular Committee of the House. and I am proud to possess the confidence of the people. The rich and influential gain say almost every proposition which I have laid down was most their suits. They never had a jury system. If we have a trial by fully emphasized by him. The committee will not fail to sustain jury there, and these people are called into the jury box (people me in this claim, and after the clear, candid, and convincing statewho have never even dreamed of exercising such a power), what ment of General Davis it seems to me that but one course lies bekind of justice can be expected? You have lessened the amount fore the committee, and that is to recommend that Congress do to be paid in bribes and corruption and permitted to remain other not set up a civil government in Puerto Rico, but that the Presiinfluences to secure a verdict. dent be left to govern there by military authority for an indefinite

If by legislation we are going to grant citizenship to those period. Spaniards and negroes in Puerto Rico, and declare for free trade While we are discussing these questions relative to the island with the islands, we shall give an argument to our friends the

1

of Puerto Rico, why not turn to Cuba for a brillia.nt example of Democrats which they have not now. Yon will add to this list of the kind of government which I am urging for its neighboring opposers the sugar growers, both of com and beets, the tobacco isle? The splendid administration of General Wood, from the time growers of the country, the fruit growers of California. and he began the occupation of Santiago until this hour, furnishes the Florida, who see their business seriously threatened. "Is the most cogent argument for us here. He is dealing with a people island worth the destruction of all these home industries?" they similar in habit, in social, moral, religious, educational, and politwill,. ask. Is the policy of protection which we have been so long ical condition-a people speaking the same language, possessing building up for the advantage of our people to be given away by the same defects, lacking the same qualities as the men of Puerto the Republican party? Rico; and day by day the American newspapers are filled with

If we can do away with the prejudice against military govern- praise for the conditions enforced in Cuba by General Wood. The ment, we have avoided all these evils. Military government may problem is the same almost in both these islands, so far as the presbe reduced to the minimum of objection when it is purely civil in ent condition is concerned, and the same firm hand of military form, enforced solely by civilians and not by soldiers, controlled government which is educating the Ca.ban people and preparing lily a full code of laws, and the military held in the background them for self-government is needed in Puerto Rico. simply as a police force and only to act when called on by civil When the United States purchased from France the territory auth~·ities. of Louisiana, in April, 1803, no war existed there, yet the President

Can not Congress be as wise and unselfish as the P1:esident, who set up there a military government, which continued for some has declined to assume or exercise his power, by withholding its time, during which tb:ne Congress did not feel called upon to even right to legislate, and so leave the government in the hands of suggest any change, except in October, 1803, when it passed, by the Commande1· in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United large majorities in both Houses, an act containing a grant of plenStates. The President has all the power he needs, and could have ary authority to the President. established this government before Congress met; but he does not The following is one section of the act: seek these extra responsibilities. If Congress chooses to relieve him and take up the burden, it can do so. But if this course is regarded as unwise at this time, the President will then furnish those people with good government, as during the past year he ah·eady has done. Let Congress, by resolution or otherwise, decide to leave these people where they are, in this probationary state, and all clamor and dissatisfaction will cease. The President will continue the present wise government, and the people will submit cheerfully to the government so established. And the American interests now agitated by the fear of free trade with the ~ttle isla?d of Puerto ?ico ~receive assurance that the Republican policy of protection will not be abandoned or qualified.

That until the expiration of the present session of Congress, unless provision for the temporary government of the said territories be sooner made by Congress, all the military, civil, and judicial powers exercised by the officers of the existing government of the same shall be vested in such person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the President of the United States shall direct. for maintaininZ" and protecting the inhabitants of Louisiana in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, a.nd religion.

From a learned paper which was read before the American Historical Society (see Annual Report American Historical Association, 1898, page 316) by Mr. S. E. Baldwin, a paper written pending the ratification of the recent treaty with Spain, I make the following quotations:

It is possible for this Congress to put this matter at rest for fivfl The President is holding these i.<Uands during a foreign war with the rights of a military commander in an enemy's country. There is no consti-or ten years, at least, so as not to trouble future Congresses. Ir tutional objection to the acqmsition of any or all of our new possessions, or


to sub~ectingthem to a temporary government of military or colonialform. Until Congress acts, the President can govern our new possessions with

no other authority than that with which his great office is clothed by th~ Constitution in its grant of Executive P,OWer.

If the Spanish treaty should be ratified, Congre!'ls could replace the temporary government which the President has set up in Puerto Rico by whatever form of administration it may think proper, not inconsistent with the principles and provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and maintain it until the inhabitants may be fit to govern themselves. No fixed limit of time can be assigned for the duration of such a regime. We have held Alaska under such conditions already for thirty years, and she is hardly more deserving of autonomy now than she was when a Russian province.

We have held New Mexico under different forms of admiD.IBtration for nearly fifty years, and the character and traditions and laws of a Latin race are so deeply stamped upon her people and her institutions that no demand of p~rty exigency has been strong enough to secure her admission to the privilege of statehood. ·

Uuon the ratification of the treaty Puerto Rico would become a part of the United States; but our customs laws would not have full operation there until Congress created the necessary collection districts and ports of entry. Until then the temporary government of the President would continue; duties on imports could be lawfully collected by his agents; and whatever courts of a municipal character he may have set up would continue in the discharge of their functions. with the power of life and death:

A port or island like Guam, taken for military or naval purposes, can be permanently kept under military law.

And here such certainty as can be derived from judicial precedent or settled legislative construction and popular acquiescence comes to a.nend.

How long and with what effect COngress might allow our new possessions to be held under military rule; whether Puerto Rico can beheld permanently ~_id avowedly as a colonial dependence; whether they could be given over to their inhabitants; whether all trials for crimes committed there must be by jury; whether in this Republic there can be settled inhabitants of civilized or semicivilized races owing allegiance to the United States alone, but

- who can be regarded as subjects and not citizens-these are questions not irrevocably settled so far as we can consult the oracles of the past.

In conclusion, I take the liberty to appropriate the main points of an able editorial in a recent issue of the Washington Post, and commend the same to the candid consideration of the House:

Believing that the Constitution of the United States, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, renders it impossible for Congress to legislate for the government of any of the islands acquired by the Paris treaty without thereby making them integral parts of this Republic and conferring citizenship upon such of their inhabitants as might choose to relinquish their alle~nce to Spain, the Post has expressed doubts as to the truth of sundry predictions of_ great activity on the part of the new Congressional Committee on Insular Affairs. Referring to an editorial in the New York Sun relating to the greatness and importance of the work before one of these committees and the honor of an appointment to membership thereof, the Post said that if legislation upon matters appertaining to island governments means that the islands legislated upon are thereby made integral parts of our Republic, and their inhabitants ma.de citizens of the United States, we a.re confident that the country will be more than willing for this committee to share the leisur& of its esteemed contemporary, the Committee on Revolutionary Claims.

There is not a doubt that "those islands are ours." The title by which we hold them is absolutely flawless. But where is the statesman, where the intelligent, patriotic American who is desirous or willing to have all those islands become parts of our Republic, all their inhabitants our fellow-citizens? Congress can not legislate for aliens. There is no halfway point between the citizen and the foreigner. The colonial plan of Great Britain is barred by our Constitution. The only open door for escape from full recognition of each and all of our new insular acquisitions as parts of our Union is that which President Folk adopted, with the tacit consent and approval of Congres.CJ, in governing New Mexico. It was technically a "military government," but military only in name. Judge Curtis refers to that precedent in his Forum article.

He states that when New Mexico passed into the possession of our Army, in 1846, the Mexican ofilcia.lsdepa.rted., and all semblance of government simultaneously disappeared. Thereupon General Kearny, the commanding general of the army of occupation, proclaimed himself governor and prepared a full code of laws, civil and crinunal; established a new judicial system, with trial courts and appellate courts; prescribed new methods of taxation, and appointed a complete set of officers and judges. He acted with the approval of the President, as Commander in Chief, bilt without the direct sanction of Congress. The military assumption of civil powers continued nearly five y_ears-long after the war ended, and until Confess considered the people of New Mexico readr, for Territorial governmen . Then an enabling act was passed and a Territorial legislature authorized.

If the new committees can find any middle 2't'OUnd between Executive government and Congressional government, with the result of placing the islands "upon a footing of Territorial wardship," they will confer an inestimable favor on their countrymen. Pending their search for that desideratum, the Post has no doubt that they will move cautiously if they move at all.

If Congress can not legislate for those islands of the Orient without thereby repealing our immigration and tariff laws as relates to them-and this appears to be the exact state of the case-we believe Congress will wa.it a Ion~ time before entering upon such legislation.

From the other end of the Capitol you have heard within a few days, in words of eloquence, the same story of another of our new possessions, where an almost identical race-of people have been recently rescued from the rapacity and cr~elty of Spain and brought under the benign influence and protection of the American fiag. I regret that I lack the art of eloquence to charm an.!'f. to win your applause, as did the distinguished statesman and orator who addressed the Senate.

It is my lot rather to deal in arguments dressed in the "sober gray" of the English language. But I have endeavored to place before the House the real and actual facts, and to indulge in no fine or fanciful phrases while dealing with this momentous question. I call it a momentous question; and the words are weighed and measured. It is the first instance when the American Congress has proposed to legislate for alien people living 2,000 miles across the seas, and to confer upon an uneducated people-who do not speak our language, who have never known what civil liberty means, who know absolutely nothing of our traditions, our history, our national purposes· or instincts, who never have ~ted true hoerty-the priceless privilege of American citizen-

ship. At the threshold let Congress pause and look steadily and squarely in the face the thing we are about to do, so that when we have finished our work we may have the applause of the American people and the approbation of our own consciences.

BRIEF ON LAW REGARDING OUR NEW POSSESSIONS.

Cuba is only in our temporary possession, with a pledge that such possession shall not ripen into sovereignty, but be held for the Cuban people, to be smTendered to a government when formed whfoh shall carry out the obligation we have assumed. Presum: ably such a government is intended as shall be able to perform the obligation incurred. That is all our interest in Cuba.

But Puerto Rico and the Philippine Archipelago present a different problem. These were conquered, and purchased, and ceded. Our title is full and complete. These islands belong to the United States, but as yet are not a part of the Umted States.

In the Philippines we have a contest on our hands by some of the former subjects of Spain who rebel against our sovereignty, a~~ until this rebellion is suppres~ed there can be no thought of mvil government and no legislation by Congress in the way of making laws for them is suggested.

But with Puerto Rico the case is entirely different. Here we have had no rebellion, the people are our friends, ·good order prevails, they demand American laws. They wish to be relieved from the old Spanish laws, royal decrees, and so forth, and from their discriminations and unjust exactions and oppressions. Some few clamor for self-government and representation in Congress, or at least Territorial rights, but these claims are at present at best untenable and need not be considered in this discussion.

But it is universally conceded that in some way our system of laws and jurisprudence should be extended to them, and at once.

The all-important question is how or· by whom-by Congress or by the President as Commander in Chief? U ndonbtedly both have the power to do so. The effect to follow is, however, quite different.

These islands come to us very differently-that is, on different terms-from any former acquiBition of territory. In all other treaties the ''political status and civil rights" of the people in the territory ceded as citizens, etc., of the United States was defined in the treaty, which was binding on Congress. Louisiana in 1803 and Florida in 1819 were purchased, New Mexico and California by conquest and by purchase, Alaska by purchase, Texas by annexation, and some other territory by cession from the original States. In all these -cases the territory became at once, on approval of the treaty or by its terms, a part of the United States and the people clothed with the rights and duties of citizens.

In this case the treaty provides that "the civil rights and political status of the inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress." This and nothing more, except" the inhabitants of the territories (not citizens) shall be secured in the free exercise of their religion." This last would not have been neoessary if these people were at once to be citizens of the United States and our laws were by operation· of law, on ratificatfon of the treaty, to be extended over them, as such is the privilege of all under our laws. Again, some provision is made for security of Spanish citizens-natives of Spain-and how they may preserve their allegiance to Spain, and it is provided that in default of this "they shall be held to have renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may reside," not to have become citizens of the United States, as it was in terms provided in the treaty with Mexico. Again, in Article VU this distinction is made: Each Government relieves the other for all claims of its ''citizens or subjects" against the other, etc., and provides, "The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain relinquished in this article." This does not mean the claims of Puerto Ricans, Filipinos, or Cubans, but only of "American citizens."

So that it is clear that by the ratification of this treaty these · people did not become American citizens, but remained simply "native inhabitants of the territories ceded,'' with their political status and civil rights yet to be determined. The treaty does not provide when Congress shall determine this matter. Until it does the islands remain our property, our military possessions, but not a part of the United States, and the people remain "inhabitants of the islands" under our military control. Neither authorities nor precedents are wanting in this country or in Europe for full control and government of these possessions by military authority, though by civil form of government and promulgation of full code of laws and appointment· of civil officers by the Commander in Chief, from thEI time of conquest to government by Congress. As long as Congress does not act the President may, but when Congress does act by declaring the islands a part of the United States, or by assuming to legislate for them as citizens, the military power ceases and Congress must then pass all the legislation for them or authorize them as Territories or States to legislate for themselves.

The laws can not be partly made by Congress and partly by the ,

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1361 President as Commander in Chief, as it is only in the absence of Congressional legislation that his power to promulgate laws exists when Congress has the power_ or when in possession of foreign territory where Congress has not the power. The commander in chief of all nations has possessed this power since governments existed among men; our President therefore had it before the Constitution was adopted, and it does not deny the power. This power to govern extends to all conquered countries and is constitutionally invoked whenever Congress "declares war," and continues till superseded or taken away by surrender or reca,pture of the territory conquered or by Congress providing for the government.

This power to govern as a military possession applies to a people and to territory not citizens and not a part of the United States as well as to people who are but are without government and disputing our authority, as with the Southern States during and after the rebellion. And the laws so promulgated over foreigners and territory not a part of the United States especially need not in all respects conform to the limitations of the Constitution on the power of Congress to make laws. "The Constitution can have no operation in another country." (In re Ross, 140 U.S., 464.) Also same court, in same case, says:

By the Constitution a government is ordained and established for the United States of America, and not for countries ouU.ide of its limits.

In Fleming vs. Page (9 Howard, 603) it was held that-Duties were properly levied and collected on goods imported into the

United States from Tampico, Mexico, while that country was in possession of the military forces of the United States. * * * The duties exacted were not those prescribed by law, but by the President of the United States as Commander in Chief.

Florida after it had been ceded was regarded as to customs as a foreign country, etc. The court then says:

The principle thus adopted by the Executive Department has been sanctioned by this court and the circuit courts whenever the question has come before them. * * * It is sufficient to say that this is no discrepancy between them, and all of them, so far as they apply, maintain that und.er our revenue laws every port is regarded as a foreign one unless the custom-house from which the vessel clears is within a collection district established by act ~~ift~~fo~~hel~;~eo~fiiC:~~~dc~~fe1:ir functions under the authority and

The same decision.holds, page 614, that-The conquest or occupation of a foreign country, or a part o! it, by our

military forces does not enlarge our boundaries nor extend our institutions and laws beyond the original boundari.es. That must await the action of Congress.

The power to make war does not mean for conquest, as such * * * territory conquered mayJ 'tis trueT be held as compensation for expenses, e~.J or by treaty of peace, out it is not a pa.rt of the United Stai!es until acceptea as such by the proper authority (Congress). "To all the world [Tampico] was a part of tlie United States and belonged to them as exclusively as any in our established boundaries, but yet it was not a part of this Union."

Thus far our new possessions have been governed by these rules, duties have been collected, and some laws promulgated, and the course thus followed has ample precedent, both in this countryas in California, New Mexico, Florida, Louisiana, and the Southern States, and has met the approval of the Supreme Court in all cases-and also in Europe by the course pursued by England, Germany, and all other countries. Where the occupied country has no civilized laws of its own, then, as of necessity, the laws· of the conquering country go with its flag and its citizens who emigrate to the new land.

No one questions our right, so far, to collect duties and prescribe laws under the military power. The same power can establish civil government and promulgate a full code of civil laws, as was done with New Mexico and maintained for about five years before Congress took any part, and the Supreme Court of tpe United States upheld the laws and courts thus established. (See Leitzenderfer vs. Webb, 20 Ho'Yard, 178.)

Congress is a creature of the Constitution, and all its powers are derived therefrom and limited by its provisions. (Mormon Church vs. Utah, 136 U. S., pages 1-«.) ·

In National Bank vs. County of Yankton (101 U.S., 129), in speaking of Territorial government, the court says:

But Congress is supreme and for the purpose of this department of governmental authority has all tt.e power of the people of the United States except such as have expressly or by implication been reserved in the prohibitions of the Constitution.

And in Scott vs. Sanford (21Howard,393) it was held and agreed to by minority that all the prohibitions of the amendments to the Constitution bind Congress in its legislation for the Territories as fully as those in the original instrument, trial by jury, uniform customs duties, presentment by grand jury, etc., as well as the prohibition to pass ex post facto laws. All constitutional prohibitions are denials of power of Congress to legislate.

The same authority also holds, page 449 (and it is acquiesced in by the minority opinions), speaking of a Territory whose population is not ready for State government:

But·some form of civil government is absolutely necessary to organize and preserve civilized society and prepare it to become a State, and, what is best, must depend on the condition of the Territory at the time, and this choice

XXXIII-86

must depend on the discretionary power of Congress, acting within the scope of its constitutional authority and not infringing on the ri~hts of persons or rights of property. * * * It was ~uired by the exerCISe of this authority, and it must be held and governed m like manner until it is fitted for a State. ·

But the power of Con~ess over the person or property of a citizen can never be a mere discretionary power under our Constitution and form of government. The powers of government and the i·ights of the citizen are regulated and plainly defined hi the Constitution itself. And when the country becomes a part of the Umted States the Federal Government.enters into possession in the character impressed upon it by those who created it. It enters upon it with its powers over the citizen strictly defined and limited by the Constitution, from which it derives its own existence, and by virtue of which it alone continues to exist and act as a government and sovereignty. It has no power of any kind beyond it, and it can not, when it enters a Territory of the United States, put off its character and assume discretionary or despotic powers.

In 5 Wheaton, 317, Loughborough vs. Blake, it is held duties and direct taxes shall be alike in States, Territories, and districts of the United States, and holds this to apply to the Distl:ict of Columbia as part of the United States.

In Thompson vs. Utah (170 U.S., 348) the Supreme Court held that- ·

The sovereign power of the United States over TArritories is subject to such restrictions as a.re imposed and expressed in the Constitution or are necessarily implied by its terms.

Then in the ca"8e of the Mormon Church vs. United States (136 U.S., 1to44.), the court says:

Doubtless Congress in legislating for the Territories will be subject to those fundamental limitations in favor of personal rights which are formulated in the Constitution and its amendments; but these limitations would ex:ist by inference and the general spirit of the Constitution, from which Congress deriv:e~ all its power, rather than by any express or direct application of its proVlStons.

And on this ground that court in that case, and in other cases, holds that the constitutional provisions of trial by jury fQllows, and controls all legislation by Congress for the Territory .. and says:

This is no longer an open question.

And in Colton vs. Wilson (127 U. S., 540) the same doctrine is pronounced and applied to the District of Columbia as an integral part of the United States, and carries with it the constitutional provision of trial by jury. By the terms of the Constitution, Congress is given the exclusive power to legislate for the District of Columbia. Yet the Supreme Court held such power was not discretionary, but must comply with the Constitution.

Among the constitutional personal guaranties and limitations on the acts of Congress are not only the provision of trials by jury in civil and criminal cases, but many others, to wit, presentment by grand jury for all felonies; freedom of speech and of the press; the free right of immigration or migration from one part of the country to another; no denial of any privilege to any citizen which is granted to any other citizen; "All duties, imports and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;" "No ta.x or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State," and many others which will readily be remembered.

The Constitution recognizes that the United States may have jurisdiction over territory" not a part" of the United States and not Territories or districts, because these latter have been repeatedly held to be included in the term United States, a·nd had been so held prior to the adoption of the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution. As first introduced, that amendment read:

Slavery and involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, shall not exist in the United States.

Then was added before adoption the words: Or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

It is perhaps not possible now to learn why those words were added; yet we had up to that time acquired a considerable new territory, and no one could say we would not continue to do so. Now, all we had acquired up to that time had by treaty provided it should be a part of the Union, but it might not always be so. They perhaps "builded wiser than they knew.:' We had, however, in 1856 acquired by discovery and taken temporary posses- · sion of some guano islands in the Caribbean Sea wholly unclaimed by any nation, and Congress made some provision for allowing the discoverers to remove the guano to the United States, and, to insure order, provided that any crime committed on the island should be held to have been committed on the high seas and in a United States vessel and punished accordingly, and, while so carefully legislating, thought it provident to provide that nothing in the act should beheld to make it obligatory on the United States to retain possession of the islands after. the guano should be removed, and all this must be preceded by a declaration from the President that such islands '' pertained to the United States."

So it was doubtless to cover such cases as where islands or countries should "pe'l'tain to the United States," be in temporary possession thereof, and yet not be a" part of the United States," yet while under the jurisdiction of the United States no slavery . should exist there. This undoubtedly applles to the Suln Islands, and slavery, being contr~ry to the fundamental principles of our


Government as well as polygamy, ceased to be lawful immediately on our occupation of these islands, and binds the military as well as civil government. And yet the Constitution did not authorize

•Congress to pass laws for euch a place or country, but left that condition of things to be met by the laws and usages of nations, to be governed, so long as it simply "pertained" to the United States, by the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy.

Congress can, under the authority of the treaty, declare'these islands a part of the United States, thus making the cession and conquest complete, and the people thereby be declared citizens of the United States and not simply ''inhabitants of the islands where they reside," as they are now; but in such case, as we have seen, the laws must conform in all respects to the provisions of the Constitution. Trials by jury in a.11 common-law cases involving $20, and in all criminal cases and in all felonies prosecutions must be by indictment. This, among a people 90 per cent of whom can not read or write and none of whom know anything of such duties, would render administration of justice a farce. HNo duties can be collected on goods imported from any State, and all duties and direct taxes must be uniform throughout the United States.'' This provision of "uniformity of duti·es," the same rates in all parts of the United States, is the fundamental principle of the Constitution, the one single purpose and thought to accomplish which the Constitutional Convention was called and the principal object of the forming of its instrument; so if any right under the Constitution be conferred on the islands by Congress, this will follow. No restrictions can be placed on the migration of any citizen from the islands, "a part of the United States," to any other part of the United States, and many other requirtiments of the Constitution.

On the other hand, Congress can by resolution decline to act for the present or for a period of years, or by its silence decline to act, as in case of California and New Mexico, and thus acquiesce in the government by the Commander in Chief. In the first case, if Congress does act and the above view is correct (and it can haTdly be expected that the Supreme Court will change its views or holdings), then the action is irremediable, and these v.eople are American citizens, entitled to all the rights and priVIleges of any other citizens, to Territorial government and eventually to statehood, to protection at home and abroad-Tagalog or Sulu, negro or Spaniard. If Congress declines to act now, then the President will be warranted in proclaiming a full civil government for Puerto Rico at once, and perhaps for Cuba; and if it be found at any time that any part of these possessions are ready for self-government or for Tarritorial rights, Congress may then or at any time step in and take charge. But if it be found after full trial and all opportunities that any part of the Philippine Islands, for instance, can not be brought to such a condition of civilization as warrants Congressional legislation, and it is found not to be advisable to continue military control indefinitely, an amendment to the Constitution can be made or in some way the problem can be solved without injury to our Government or people and doing no injustice to the people of such islands.

It has been suggeste.d that Congress might make some laws for Puerto Rico now, such as establishing United S~tes courts there, making custo:i;ns laws, and regulating the currency, and then leave the resttothePresident. But it would seem that this can not be. By establishing United States courts, or any othel". act of distinct municipal legislation, Congress in fact declares the island a part of the United Stat€s and its people citizens, otherwise it could not legislate, and if Congress so fixes the "pohtical status," the Commander in Chief loses his power to make laws, and Congress is forbidden to delegate its power to legislate to any person, committee, or body. So whatever i·eforms are needed would all have to be prescribed by Congressional law. (See 10 Wheaton, H 42,43.)

It has been suggested also by some who have not studied the question that Congress might declare that the islands were not a 'Part of the United States; that the people should remain ''inhabitants of the island," etc., and still legislate for them. But this can hardly be possible, as we have seen Congress get its power from the Constitution; that the Constitution establishes a government for America only. Besides, the rule is universal that the laws of Congress or of a State legislature can have no effect beyond the limits of the boundaries of the State or nation. It has been held thatthe laws of a nation have no extra-territorial effect or jurisdiction. The principle is so plain that no authorities need be cited; but see Halleck's International Law, volume 1, third edition, chapters 6 and 7; Wheaton's International Law, pages 124, 125, third edition, where it is said: ·

Every nation possesses and exercises exclusive sovereigntl and legislative jurisdiction throughout the full extent of the territory. * * It is entitled to the exclusive vower of legislation in respect to the personal rights and civil state and condition of its citizens, and in respect to all real and personal property situated within its territory, whether belonging to citizens or aliens.

No State can by its laws directly affect, bind, or regulate property beyond its own territory or control persons who do not reside within it, whether they be native-born subjects or not.

All the e:IIect which a foreign law can have in a State depends absolutely OD the consent of that State. ·

But here there is no government to give the consent, and in all such exceptions they will be found to affect citizens only and to relate to quality, condition, or the like, as legitimacy, marriage, minority, etc., when by comity these qualifications go with the citizen wherever he goes. The only other exception coming to my notice is in the case of treaties with Japan, China, and some other countries. This comity has been allowed to provide for trial of American citizens committing crimes in these countries by our consuls. But this power rests in the consent of the country expressed in the treaty. We can make no treaty with anybody in Puel'to Rico or the Philippine Archipelago.

So it would appear that for Congress to legislate for these islands it must make them our own and complete the conquest by assimilating the country with the balance of the United States and making them a part and parcel of the Union.

As to Puerto Rico, this we may do and doubtless will after a while, but the general opinion among those who aro best acquainted is that it will not do now. As to the Philippines, we all know that it will not do now, and yet whatever is done by this Congress for Puerto Rico will be i·egarded as a precedent for the Philippines when the rebellion is subdued. Congress may not follow such precedent, but the policy of the Administration will be thus marked out, and people generallywill ·expectthe same course to be pursued when insurrection is subdued, and those of us who favor expansion will have to meet the question in the selection of the next Congress this year.

But it is asked, ''Do not the people of these islands .and also the trade of this country need relief in regard to duties which the President can not extend, and especially since treaties with many countries which are competitors, particularly in sugar and tobacco, have been or are about to be given reductions under the reciprocity clause of the tariff law?" The answer must be in the affirmative. The remedy lies in Congress making an amendment to the reciprocity clause by authorizing the President to make, or giving him the power to make, similar reductions, or grade, if thought best, in cases of outlying possessions "pertaining to the United States" in our military possession, where there is no power to make a treaty, as in cases where the treaty may be made with a foreign power having jurisdiction of the country.

As to the reciprocal reductions on the part of the islands, the President already has the power to fix those duties as he pleases and is exercising that authority in all the islands now. There is no doubt in my mind but that the islands need a considerable of the revenue from duties to carry on their governments and make the needed improvements, and it would not be wise to either put all this burden into direct taxes on the people there nor draw it from the Treasury of the United States, and yet one or the othert and probably both, would have to be done if all duties between the islands and the United States should cease at once. And it is equally clear to me that our own industries would suffer loss unless those reductions are made gradually and business interests be allowed to adjust themselves to the new conditions when they do finally come.

Besides, I am abundantly satisfied that a reduction of 25 or 30 per cent on sugal' and tobacco would be acceptable to the prnducers on both sides. If this is not the right amount, then let some other be fixed, but our possessions must fare as well as foreigners, and they ought to have some advantage.

The President can be trusted in all these matters, and a mistake made by him, if one is made, can be promptly remedied either by himself or Congress can take charge at any time it chooses.

Here we have, through the military, as complete a colonial system as is possessed by any other country. Why not use it, at least while we are solving the complicated questions presented? What good reason can be assigned for at once taking the affirmative step and making these people of alien and mixed races American citizens, with no probation, no knowledge of our laws or customs, and 90 per cent absolutely ignorant and uninformed? Why throw down all tariff barriers which we have struggled to erect for the protection of American industries to the Jowering of the standard of American citizenship and the injury of all and utter destruction of many American industries?

But the President, if ready to make a change and launch a civil government, with a full code of laws, might well hesitate to do so until he knew the intention of Congress in the matter, as, notwithstanding the President's power, Congress has the final and paramount right to supersede all acts by the President, as Commander in Chief, with laws of its own.

If it be the intention of Congress to legislate for Puerto Rico at this session, it would be unwis~ for him to make such a change now and install a new government to be so soon displaced. . ,

Of course Congress must act in so grave a matter with deliberation, and only after much investigation, and it can hardly be expec~ed to rea~h tJ;iis matter in one session; but still it may do so. But if any legislation be undertaken, let a full code of laws IJe provided by the experienced hands of Congress and leave noth-ing to experimenting. ,

The better plan, therefore, would seem to be for Congress to

1900. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1363 declare by resolution early in the session whether or not it will enter on this work at this session. And if it decides not to do so, the President would then be warranted in a<!ting, having this assurance, that his laws would be allowed to remain in force for some definite time. At least they would be given a more permanent character than if liable to be displaced at any time, and would thus be more efficient in securing the needed reforms so imperatively demanded now.

Then while these laws are in operation the people of the islands will be given the benefit of good American laws and be preparing themselves for Congressional government when it comes to them; and to take a larger share in the management of their own aff~frs than would be wise and prudent at this time. ,c:._..

Mr. LINNEY. Mr. Chairman, this discussion has drifted into a. consideration of the policy of the Administration touching the Philippine Islands and Puerto Rico. l do not want to discuss thatquestionnow, Mr. Chairman, becauseinmyhumblejudgment it ought not to be discussed. When the earth is drinking the warm blood of American heroes-such distinguished soldiers as General Lawton-it seems to me that that which is most seemly, that which is fit to be done, is to stand by tpe flag of our country and by the Commander in Chief of the American Army-our President. [Applause.j

When resistance to American authority shall have ceased, and when our heroes shall have completed the task now committed to their charge, and which they are completing in a manner of which I know every American citizen is proud, then the time will come for us to discuss the proposition as to what we shall do with the Philippines and the Filipinos. At present it is our duty to strengthen in every way that we can the arms that hold the swords and the strong hearts of the men who are our bayonet bearers in a foreign territory-territory belonging now to the United States.

Mr. Chairman, I have been impressed with one idea touching this matter. It seems to me that the only objection that can be urged by distinguished gentlemen on the other side of this House to our President, the Commander in Chief, is that he accomplished more than they desired him to do-that he accomplished, as head of the armies, more than was expected. Why, sir, the destruction of the Spanish fleet was of itself enough to shed glory upon the Commander in Chief of the armies of these United States. The result of that victory in all probability, or at any rate in the opinion of the Senate of the United States,, which was the only tribunal that could determine the matter-the result of that victoTy was the submission of a certain treaty to the Senate. Before that ti·eaty was passed upon by the Senate and ratified there was time for discussion. But since the treaty has been ratified, what is the duty of every citizen?

It seems to me the duty of every citizen, and especially of every member of this House, is to say everything in his power in laudation of the course of the Administration instead of criticism. (Applause on the Republican side.] Why, Mr. Chairman, if my brethren on the other side will allow me to indulge :in a little pleasantry, what is the position that you occupy? It seems to me, without intending any discourtesy, that, being in the minority, you occupy now the position of the hind wheel on a wagon. Your methods are simply to throw mud upon the fore wheels, which you follow. What good can you accomplish by that kind of argument? [Laughter.] Why not join us? Why not join the Republicans touching this matter? You had as much to do :in bringing on this war as the Republicans had. You cussed us out on that side of the House because we did not ,jump :into the war sooner.

Mr. GAINES. We made you declare war. Mr. LINNEY. Yes; yon made us declare war, and now you are

cussing us because we did better than you thought we could. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.]

Mr. GAINES. And we are trying to make you do right now. Mr. LINNEY. In other words, Mr. Chairman, a Democrat is

always a very brave man in civil matters [laughter l; and yet, Mr. Chairman, I have arisen to discuss something efse that, in my opinion, is of as great importance as the Philippines. General Otis will take care of the rebels in the Philippine Islands. It is now the duty of the patriots of this country, on the Democratic side as well as our side, to take care of our people here.

I want to read another matter to which the President of the United States called attention, and to which I propose to address my remarks. I read from the President's last message:

The constituted authorities must be cheerfully and vigorously upheld. Lynching must not be tolerated in a great and civilized country like the United States. Courts, not mobs, must execute the penalties of the law. The preservation of public order, the right of discussion, the integrity of courts. and the orderly administration of justice must continue forever the rock of safety upon which our Government securely rests.

I would emphasize the right of public discussion, l\fr. Chairman, as having come from the mind of the President twiM before this body, as being an absolutely essential force to the preser'Vation and protection of this grand republican form of government of ours.

Let ns see whether I am right about this. Some one said to me not long ago, "LINNEY, why is it that you want always to talk about eleotions?" My reply to him was this: That one of the best old preachers that ever I knew, who was a Hard-shell Baptist, was in the habit of preaching from this text, ''Ye must be born again." After he had preached from that text a dozen times or more, some gentleman went to him and said," My brother, why is it you have only got that one text?" '' Because," replied the grand old man, "ye must be born again." [Laughter.] So say I touching fair elections. We must have fail' elections and less lynching.

Mr. COX. You had better be born again! :Mr. LINNEY. My friend often presents strong evidence on

this floor that he has been born again. [Laughter.J Mr. Chairman, this matter is a serious one. The heart of the

Republic is this day sad because of things that have recently happened in Kentucky. There is not a man within the sound of my voice, not a member upon this floor, nor a spectator in the gallery, who has not been made sad by occurrences which, in my opin· ion, have reference to the matters about which I propose to talk.

At the Chicago convention, four hundred years from the time that Columbus discovered America, the people of the United States selected three probably of the ablest men they possessedthe Vice-President, a great Kentucky orator, and Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York-to turn the lantern of freedom upon this system of government before the eyes of the representatives of the assembled universe at Chicago. Their purpose was to make a display of our system, as well as a display of the material developments of this country. These three speeches, in every sentence of them, are laudatory of our system of government, presenting it to the foreign representatives of the different nations without anything at all to mar its beauty, until they come to touch this question of elections. That was the only infirmity in the system.

That was the only thing to which the attention of foreign nations was called, upon which a criticism could possibly be grounded, touching this republican form of government, which is the world's best hope. I read from this memorial of the World's Columbian Exposition touching that matter. The eloquent orator from Kentucky-grand old Kentucky, home of Henry Clay and of the grand men who now sit upon this floor, whose intelligence and whose patriotism command the attention of every beholder-uttered these words:

A better opportunity could not be desired for a study of our peculiarities than is furnished for the present moment. We are in the midst of the quadrennial period established for the selection of a chief magistrate. Every citizen has his right of choice. Ea~h has his right to vote, and to have the votes properly cast and properly counted. Wherever this right bas failed for any cause, wrong is done and evil must follow, first to the whole country, which has an interest in all its parts, but most to the community immediately involved, which must actua1ly drink of the cup that hM contained the poISon, and can not escape its infection.

The abridgment of the right of suffrage is verv nearly proportioned to the ignorance or the indifference to the parties directly concerned in it, and there is good reason to hope that, with expandin~ intelligence of the masses and the growing enlightenment of the times, thiq :particular form of corruption in elections will be reduced below the danger line.

On this great occasion, this great reasoner, being then, as he now is, a member of that party organization to which I do not belong, was able to point out, not only to the representatives of the assembled nations but to the reflecting people of these United States, that here was only one infirmity in the system, and that that :infirmity, that error, that crime, I may denominate it, had at that time gotten above the danger line, and, in substance, that it did require a quickening of the American conscience to press the evil below the danger line.

What else said he, Mr. Chairman? There is no geography in American manhood. There are no sections of

American fraternity. It needs but six days and a change of raiment to convert the Vermonter into a. Texan, and there never has been a time when the battlefield or on the frontier "Puritan" and "Cavalier" were not convertible terms, having in the beginning a conunon origin. and so diffused and diluted on American soil as no longer to possess a local habitation or a nationality except in this national unit.

The curse of slavery is gone. It was a joint heritage of woe, to be wiped out and expiated in blood and flame. Tbe mirage of the Confederacy has vanished. It was essentially bucolic, a form of the most attractive economic fallacy.

The Constitution is no longer a rope of sand. The exact relation of the States to the Federal Government, left open to double construction by the fathers of our organic being because they could not agree among themselves a.nd union was their paramount object, ha.s been clearly and definitely fixed by the last three amendments to the original chart, which constitutes the real treaty of peace between th~ North and the South and seals our bonds of nationality forever.

That was the view taken of these last amendments. which were intended to reduce this infirmity of which the orator. spoke below the danger line. That was the view presented for the considera· tion of the representatives of the various nations of the world.

Now, in view of that, Mr. Charrman, let us look for a moment. There have been about 100 lynchings a year, to say nothing of the assassinations, in this country of law- and order, of Bibles, of churches, of eloquent pulpit orators, in this fair land of ours.

Yes, tho blood of 100 citizens every year has been shed contrary to law, shed by human hands, without warrant, every year since


1891, and in the year 1898, if 1 get the figures correctly, there were 127 lynchings. Seven-twelfths of these lynchings took place in the States that do not give more than one-fourth of their votes. Now, why was that? Let me see if I can not show why. I will read a. few definitions of a republic and of the ballot:

John Milton said that a.commonwealth ought to be but one hu~e Christian personage, one mighty growth. the stature of a man, as big in virtue as the body; or r.ou may let it sink into an ignoble form, with the name of a republic, but without its soul.

The ballot is a great guaranty. It is the peacemaker, the reconciler, the schoolmaster, and the protector. I believe that is the view of Charles Sumner. Aristotle has given the best definition of a republic to my mind. He teaches that it is best in every 1·epublican government to admit to a participation in the governing power as many as can be admitted with safety, for where large numbers are excluded there will be discontent and danger.

All these great authors of the past teach this: "Liberty can have no certain dwelling in any state except where the laws are equal and the power of public opinion is supreme." It was left for the lamented Blaine to state, in language which will ring throughout the country forever, that a departure from these elementary principles of liberty will lead to the other extreme, "where murder is an occupation and perjury a pastime," etc.

Mr. Cl},airman, I want to talk calmly and dispassionately in this matter. I live in the South. I livein a section of country where I know if I say anything in heat or with animation it will be severely criticised. I know it will bring upon my head hostile judgments, and therefore I talk with some embarrassment. But I have this idea: It is not the suppression of an infirmity in any system in any section, it is not the ferreting out the evil and suppressing it that hurts the Government.

That man or that set of men or that organization that does that, in my own opinion, becomes the greatest public benefactor. It is the existence of those wrongs in the community that diseases it and prod ucas assassination and lynching, and not exposure thereof. Now, let us see if it can be proven. I think I can establish the fact that in exact pi:oportion as the people a.re deprived of their votes, in that exact proportion you have lynchings and assas-sinations. '

What is the ballot? The late lamented Mr. Justice Hunt, of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of United States vs. Reese et al. (92, U. S. Report), has defined the ballot with technical precision. No definition of any tenure by which man has ever exercised dominion is more perfect: ''That greatest of rights among freemen is the ballot. Just as far as the ballot to the citizen is abridged, in the same degree the citizen's importance and security is diminished."

Here we have the definition of the tenure by which men hold their liberties as clearly stated as a proverb, or as any great sage of the Jaw has ever defined any tenure from a tenant at sufferance to an estate in fee simple, or of a contingent remainder on the rule of Shelly's case. The idea of the individual importance and security of his personal and property rights is the inspiration of this definition. All human effort has for its object the importance and security of the individual putting forth the effort.

Without the recording of the ballot, individual possibility and importance would cease to animate American citizenship and American manhood life in a large degree. Hence springs the strong desire of the citizen to vote.

Indeed, our Republic would not last half as long with a wellsettled conviction that the ballot box everywhere no longer voiced the popular will as it would-under the blaze and thunders of all the artillery of any combination of foreign foes turned against us. In fact, the pent-up fury of the popular ooart, even expressed sometimes in this high place of reason and law, at the supposition of wrong and oppression on the part of Government would explode and shake our entire system as . a volcano does the mountain covered by its own lava but for this escape v a.Ive, the ballot box.

It has been said that one hundred ·years of uninterrupted peace would enslave mankind. It is highly probable that a failure to open the polls, or if opened, only for fraud O'Z force to neutralize the legal force of the ballot, fo:r even ten years would be as disastrous to the Republic as the touch of leprosy would be to the most vital spark of human life. This condition of the popular mind accounts for the large vote that is recorded upon the poll lists at every general election where there is a contest.

The exercise of the elective franchise is as charming and potential in claiming and commanding the attention and action of our people as any natural law commands and controls the habits of the lower order of animate creation. It is, when one gets at the bottom of it, founded in or springs out of the law of self-preservation.

We take food to preserve life. We vote to uphold and perpetuate that which is dearer than life to the intelligent American citizen-liberty. From Boston to Austin, from Massachusetts to Texas, wherever the elector can vote, the rule is he votes. Even in Massachusetts, where manhood suffrage is restricted by an educational qualification. about 22,000 electors from each Con·

gressional district find their way to the ballot box. In the great State of Texas, where manhood suffrage is relied upon to support social order and the political life of that immense Common meal th, over 30,000 freemen at every general election where there is a cont.est march to the poles with ballots in their hands, as proud and grand as the President of these United States in the performance of the highest functions of the greatest office in the world resting upon the foundations of popular suffrage.

Happy condition here where there is not even a registrar between the citizen elector and the ballot box except in the cities. !n North Carolina about 35,000 in every Congressional district, under the laws of 1895, found their way to the ballot box, although they sometimes did it at the risk of being singed and scalded by the heat of partisan rancor on election day or disturbance in some sections after election day by the gentle Christian demands of "committees of law and order." In Colorado in two Congnis· sional districts 142,024 votes are the glittering, precious, delicate, opalescent tints in the political life of the two distinguished gen· tlemen from Colorado, Messrs. SHAFROTH and BELL. Woman suffrage is valued more highly there than all the gems and silks that ever adorned a fair maiden's form. [Laughter.]

Yes, Mr. Chairman, the same law of nature upon which Judge Hunt founded the ballot, a laudable purpose to enlarge individual importance and stren~then the vigilance of the sentinels that guard individual security, asserted its omnipotent demands upon the female heart and mind of Colorado. Modesty to them still pos · sessed all its charms as a polishing and a refining factor in female character. Even if modesty's eternal camping ground had been in that paradisaical spot of earth where only the viands of nectar and trees of ambrosial fruitage fl.ourlsb, woman as an elector yielding to the law of nature in which the ballot is founded, would for a time put on her business costume and· cast her vote, despite the heat of many strifes and political rancor at the polls. [Laughter.] ·

Why do we witness these results, Mr. Chairman? It is the fruitage of the law of self-preservation. Sir, nature proclaims with no less certainty that the "merry eyes of youth. of ten overrun with laughter" than that man, proud man, when free, will vote to enlarge his importance and strengthen his personal security.

The spirit of Pierpont's poetry must always abide with the American patriot:

A weapon that comes down as still As snowflakes fall upon the sod;

But executes a freeman's will. . As lightning does the will of God; And from its force nor doors nor locks Can shield you,-'tis the ballot box.

Wherever there is not a 1·easonably large vote at an election it is generally attributable to the operation of some illegal method that prevents. Mr. Best, in his excellent little work on Presumptions, teaches that presumptions founded in nature are of the most reli· able character. No human testimony can shake their force. He gives this illustration: Wherever the webfoot is found in the fowl creation there is a disposition and capacity to swim. God gave the waterfowl this natural paddle with which to even navigate turbulent waters.

Should the direct testimony of any number of witnesses contradict this natural law, it must fail. It is only the diseased fowl that does not use nature's paddle to increase its importance. Death is near when the webfooted fowl marches away from the waters to surrender forever this great natural power. So also the free American citizen retires from the ballot box only because of a diseased political condition which prevents his voting.

Now, Mr. Chairman, let me see about these matters-whether I am right or not. I address your reason; I address the r eason of the people of the South and North, too, people of the entire Re· public. Let me take the States of Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Georgia, and South Carolina, and they have, I believe, 58 electoral votes, and they cast 100,000 votes less than the States of Texas and North Carolina, that have only 26 electoral votes. Texas and North Carolina give almost 100,000 votes more than these six. But when you come to distribute the honors of lynching, these States get 70 and we only get 7, and I do not think that is fair. [Laughter.] I would like to understand the mystery.

Mr. BARTLETT. I would like to ask the gentleman if he has distributed the lynchings in other States than in the South-say Illinois or Ohio? ·

Mr. LINNEY. Why, in Ohio, and all those States north of Mason and Dixon's line, the lynchings are no more than the insignificant :flash of a lightning bug to the great stream ~f electricity from the heavens in comparison with sections where voting jg suppressed. (Laughter.] I take from the World Almanac the following:

LYNCHINGS, LEGAL EXEOlJTIONS, AND EMBEZZL"EME ' TS.

Lynchings.-1891, 192; 1892,23.5; 1893, 200; 189-i, 190; 1895, In; 1896, 131; 1897, 166; 1898, 127. Total, 1,412.

The lynchings in 1898 were distributed as follows: Arkansas, 17; South

1900. CONGRESSIONAL -RECORD-HOUSE. 1365 Carolina, 14; Georgia, 12; Missouri, 6; Kentucky. 6; Louisiana., 6; Texas, 3; Maryland, 2; Oklahoma, 1; Washington, -1; W~oming, 3; Illinois, 1; Indiana, l; ~sippi 15; Indian Territory, 3· New Mexico, 1; Alabama, 12· North Carolina, 4:; Tennessee, 6; Virginia., 4:; West Virginia, 1; Florida, 1; AiaSka, 1 · Ka~s, 1; Montana. 1. Of the total numbe!J_102werenegroes, 23 whites, and 2 Indians. Up to September 11 there were l:ru persons lynched in the United States in 1899.

Legal executions.-'l'he number of legal executions in 1898was109, as compared with 128 in 1897 122 in 1896, 132in1895, 132 in 1894 126 in 1893, a.nd HYT in 1892. The legal execntfons in 1898 were distributed as follows: Louisiana, 10; Arkansas, 6; Alabama, 3; Mississippi, 6; Tennessee. 2; Missouri, 5; Florida, 1; Marylan~,1; Ma~~h.usetts~3; Oregon,~; Minnesota,2; Connecticut,l;,_Ohio, 2; Georgia., 8; Vll"guu~ 8; South Carolina, 4:; Texas, 10; North CarollI18., 2; Indian Territory, 2; A.entucky, 3; California, 10; New York, 3; Illinois, 6; Washington, 1; Pennsylva.nia, 1: New Jersey, 1. Therewere72hangedin the South and 37 in the North, of whom 60 were whites, 4:8 blacks, and 1 Chinese. The crimes for which they were executed were murder 100, and assault 9.

Yes, North Carolina has cast 95 per cent of her qualified vote; but if she is forced to submit to the present proposed Democratic methods, she will probablynot cast 30percentthereof. Theresultis that we have only had four lynchingem North Carolina in 1898 and only one in 1897, when the Democrats were out of power, and there were only three in Texas-a singular contrast to other States. For instance, in the whole State of South Carolina. the vote for Congressmen was only 28,912 votes, while the district that I represent cast 37,000 votes.

In one district of one State there were cast for one member more votes than were cast for seven members in another State. When we come to distribute what we may call one of the luxuries of the world-lynching-North Carolina. receives but four, while in the States that do not give a reasonably full vote 15 lynchings occur usually. What does it mean? I have no ill-feeling toward any State of the Union. It simply means a diseased condition of the country, such as, if continued, must produce anarchy and death.

Mr. BURKE of Texas. May I ask the gentleman a question? Mr. LINNEY. Yes, sir; I yield for a question.

· Mr. BURKE of Texas. My question is this: The gentleman has stated the number of lynchings in the various States, and in doing so he complimented my own State, which is neither here nor there. Now, I want to ask him this question; and in answering it I hope he will be fair to the House and will be fair toward the people that he denounces. I ask him to state what proportion of these lynchings is due to a certain cause--·

A MEMBER. Rape. Mr. BURKE of Texas. I ask him to state what proportion is

due to assaults by colored men upon white females. Mr. LINNEY. There you have it, Mr. Chairman; you can not

discuss any question with a Southern Democrat, no matter what it is, that he does not holler "Nigger." According to statistics, the lynchings were of whites, Indians, andnegroes-more negroes than otherwise, it is true.

])Ir. BURKE of Texas. Will the gentleman allow me one more suggestion?

Mr. LINNEY. Yes, sir. Mr. BURKE of Texas. I do not defend lynching. I am as much

opposed to it as any man in the United States, and my people are opposed to it.

Mr. LINNEY. l believe that. Mr. BURKE of Texas. But in justice to this House should not

the gentleman state the fact that in almost every instance the lynching occurs in consequence of the assaults of colored men upon the virtue of white women? And if such things occurred in the North the same justice woul<l be meted out to the offenders.

Mr. WHITE. Since my race is assailed, please allow me to answer.

The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from North Carolina [l\Ir, LINNEYl yield? He has the floor.

Mr. LINNEY. Yes. I yield for that purpose. Mr. WHITE. I have examined that question and I am pre

pared to state that not more than 15 per cent of the lynchings are traceable to that crime, and there are many more outrages against colored women by white men than there are by colored men against white women.

Mr. LINNEY. Mr. Chairman, the point I make is this: The suggestion of my friend .from Texas is a good one, and I thank him for it. He has not these lynchings in his State, thank God, and we have them not in ours. Why? Because in his State they have a pure ballot, as we did have in ours up to the vicious election laws of 1899. ~ow, I will as~ the gentleman from Texas a.question. Does he

believe that the State of Texas could have any such thing as order and regard for law and its administration, with no victims to . anger and hatred, if two-thirds of the people are denied the right to vote there? I ask you, Do you believe that? Now, gird up your loins and answer me like a man. [Laughter.]

Mr .. BURKE of Tex.as. I will an~wer the gentleman freely; and my loms need not be.girded up. ~either have I been born again, as the gentleman has, m the Republican party. So far as my State is con~rn~d, no man on this floor or elsewhere challenges the purity and Justice of our elections. So far as concerns the condition in my sister States of the South I personally know nothing a.bout it.

I may have my own ideas. And 1 will say in all frankness to the gentleman from North Carolina that my views are not similar to his. I believe entirely in the truth of the suggestion I made just now-that five-sixths of the lynchings which occur in the Southern States of this Union are from the cause I have stated; the same crime in the State of Michigan or Iowa or Massachusetts would produce the same deplorable results.

Several MEMBERS rose, desiring to interrupt. Mr. LINNEY. · I do not yield now; directly I will do so. I wish to say that the distinguished gentleman from Texas has

not answered my question. Be does not say whether if the same · course of procedure were followed in his State that has been adopted in some other States-a procedure which would reduce the popular vote from two-thirds to one-fourth-whether he would not expect these very same results (of increased lynchings and assassinations). I do not believe he will answer to the contrary. I do not believe any intelligent man would do so.

Why are there so few lynchings in Texas, and why were there scarcely any in North Carolina in 1897 and 1898, though there are thousands of negroes there, as in Texas? lt is because the voice of the people finds expre8sion through the ballot box. Wherever there is an obstruction of the popular voice, wherever there is a failure of the expression of the popular will through the ballot box, the result is disclosed in rowdyism and assassination and lynching.

Mr. BURKE of Texas. I am glad to hear the gentleman defend the elections in his State of North Carolina.

Mr. LINNEY. Yes; as long as North Carolina can have honest e~ections there will probably not be many lynchings or assa-ssinations.

Now, I want to show that this negro question has nothing in the world to do with it in any States except, possibly, Mississippi and Alabama.. Let me see if I can not prove it. Why, the Democrats are just as keen to get the negro vote as we are. I read from the Charlotte Observer of November 22, 1899:

From the time t.he negro became a voter until very recently it was customary to hear Democratic stump speakers urge him, in the most persuasive tone a.nd language, to cast in his poll tics.I fortunes with his real friends. The speakers' words were received either sullenly or with derisive laughter and straightway the negro went and voted the Republican ticket again. ' ·

It can not be said, '?'ith a fair regard for the facts, that the Southern Democrats have left un~r1ed l;\DY means to win the political favor of the negro .. Every effort has failed miserably. The negro has voted uniformly for bad ~overnment, and the conditions which he has brought about have .become mtolerable. There is nothing left the white man but to disfranchise him or move out. We say this in sorrow, not in anger.

Now, suppose the negro had voted the Democratic ticket. Would you have heard anything in opposition to him? No; there would have been laudation after laudation heaped upon him. Why, let me tell you, Mr. Chairman, I was once a member of the Democratic party. I was a R.andall Democrat; and when Randallism went out, instead of doing as the gentleman from Texas did, I went out, too, and I thank God for it. I think I feel better because I did. [Applause and laughter on the Republican si~] .

And I have but little respect for the opinion of. any gentleman, while I have great respect for the man himself, who denounces another man for having changed his opinion. What do you go to preaching for? What do you have discussions for? What do you have these things for, if it is not to get wisdom and understanding, and to make your actio11 conform to it? I only know of two things in this wor Id that never change their opinion. One of them is a dead horse and the other is a live ass. [Laughter.]

The argument I am trying to make, Mr. Chairman, is that the negro question in all the States does not affect H. It is the mad wild rush for office that does it, and I want to call the attentio~ of my friends to the fact that it will ultimately destroy the com-munities in which it exists. .

I hold in my hand, Mr. Chairman, a letterappea.ringin a Demo .. cratic paper in the State of Mississippi, in which it is said that the last discussion which occurl'ed there came very near producing bloodshed, although it was a discussion taken part in by two of the ablest men a.p.d two of the most conservative men upon the floor of this House. Why was it? It was because of the fact that there is a good deal of party rancor and hate and passion founded in the well-grounded belief "that people do not get a fair chance either at the ballot box or in the discussion of public sentiment. There is practically but one party there. If it is not this, to what can it be traced?

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Will the gentleman state what two gentlemen participated in that debate?

Mr. LINNEY. I will read from the letter to which I refer. It is in the Ya.zoo City Herald, of March 24, 1899, a Democratic paper:

It is to be deplored that the aspirants for Senatorial honors at Winona should have so far departed from that high and dignified standard of public debate that should characterize those desiring to represent a great Christian Commonwealth in!the Wghest office in the gift of her people. -. They should remember that such debates will arouse in the State the most revengeful feelings of the human heart as the people range themselves upon on~ side. or the other; that a co~tinuation of sach a campaign will produce strife, bitterness, and perhaps bloodshed. It will arouse a perfect-whirlwind

'•


of passion until the State will become torn and divided into factions and the minds of our people diverted from the great questions of moral, industrial, and educational reform, which should engage the thoughts, stir the heart. and animate the minds and move the energies of our people in the great march of progress in ouT State and onward movement to a. career of glory and re· nown.

There was no Republican there to create excitement and feeling, because there is no Republican organization there. What else? Right there in this very same paper, it turns out that-not connected with the election, I admit-- . ·

Mr. HENRY of Mississippi. Mr. Chairman, I should like to ask the gentleman what paper he is reading from?

Mr. LINNEY. This refers to the Winona meeting, and I have read from the Yazoo City Herald. What else? In this same pa.~r I read of an occurrence which took place in that community, showing that in a country where there is no opportunity of dis· discusmon-and I do not say you by force prevent discussion, but I do say that by reason of conditions existing there, there is no such thing as the arraignment of public abuses at the bar of public reason, and the result is there is more pent-up thunder in those communities where they do not get the right to vote than anywhere else in the world. Now, in the same issue of this paper, I read the following. See what took place: ·

LYNCHED-THE THREE NEGROES, BOYD, REED, AND WILSON, SHOT. Last week's Herald contained an account of trouble between the whites

and blacks a.t midnight,.,.on Dr. Powers's Refuge plantation.\ Sunday, M m·ch 12. Three of the ne!P"oes, u. M. Reed, Minor Wilson, and Willis Boyd, charged with. being implicated in shooting at the whites, were arrested and brought to Yazoo City and placed in jail. where they were held until the authorities of Sharkey County could come tor them.

On Friday last Constable Sylvester, of Sharkey County, called for the prisoners, and they were delivered t-0 him by Sheriff Johnston. They were taken aboard the steamer Rescue and carried t-0 Belzoni, in Washington County. Meager news was received in Yazoo City Monday that soon after the boat reached Belzoni the negroes w-ere taken from the officer by a m<>b and shot to death, their bodies being weighted down and thrown info the river.

From some of the officers who brought Reed, 13oyd, and Wilson to Yazoo City the Herald learns the evidence against them was very slight. This but makes the lynching of them. the more horrible and inexcusable. Brown and Davis, who caused the trouble, are still at large.

The men were only suspected of having shot at somebody. Mr. HENRY of Texas. Was that in rnference to the Winona

meeting that you were reading? Mr. LINNEY. I do not know what that was in regard to. Mr. HENRY of Texas. You ought not to say, if you do not

know. Mr. LINNEY. I read it from a Democratic paper, and I did

not suppose you would object to it, coming from that source. Mr. HENRY of Texas. Therewasatimewhen you would not. Mr. LINNEY. Now, Mr. Chairman, I want to call attention

to another thing. .1\fr. BARTLETT. The gentleman kindly said he would yield

tome. Mr. LINNEY. I will. Mr. BARTLETT. The gentleman has done my State a great

injustice. Mr. LINNEY. I yield to the gentleman from Georgia. with

pleasure. Mr. BARTLETT. The gentleman has made some reference to

elections in Georgia. Mr. LINNEY. I did not mention Georgia. Mr. BARTLETT. Yes; and I want the gentleman to point in

the history of Georgia, in tha. last thirty years, or since 1872, where there has been an election riot, where there has been any proof capable of being established, or any well-founded claim, that therewerefrandulentelectionsin Georgia. Yea, more, I call upon the gentleman now to state whether or not the facts that I have called his attention to are not true. He and I have been on contested-election cases--

Mr. LINNEY. My friend, you are making a speech instead of asking a. question.

:Mr. BARTLETT. We have been on contested-election cases ever since the Fifty-fourth Congi·ess. We had two contested-election cases from Georgia! and that committee unanimously joined in 11 report that sustained the sitting member.

.Mr. LINNEY. So mote it be, my friend. Mr. BARTLETT. Hear me a minute more. Mr. LINNEY. You are making a speech, and I do not yield

for a speech. Mr. BARTLETT. I ask the gentleman to state if what I have

said is not true? Mr. LINNEY. I said nothing about Georgia except in recount

ing the lynchings that took place I stated what Georgia's pro rata. was. I do not know why the vote of Georgia was not larger. I do not know what it was; but I do say that wherever a vote is suppressed you find the fruits of it springing up in mobocracy and lynchings, and I further say that where all legal electors are permitted to participate in the elections, as they are in TexasJ... and where a full vote is cast, then we have no more lynchings. .1:mt I must hurry on.

Mr. MADDOX. Mr. Chairman-

Mr. LINNEY. I find the voting population of South Carolina in 1860 was 60,000, who were 21 years of age. What sort of right to vote is there enjoyed in a State which sent over 70,000 white men to the war and not one-half that number now vote. And I say that the result is discontent and danger; and I tell my friends from South Carolina that they will see in less than five years from this time dreadful results.

Mr. _TALBERT. South Darolina will be able to take care of herself without your assistance. fLaughter.]

Mr. LINNEY. Mr. Chairman, l want to allude to these facts for another purpose. They have an election law in South Carolina, and North Carolina is about to pass a like law. If South Carolina is right I want to know it, and if South Carolina is wrong I want to find that out.

Mr. TALBERT. South Carolina is always right. Mr. LINNEY. And whether it will be haTmful to my people.

Now, let us see what the people of North Carolina propose to do. They have proposed now in North Carolina to do what? I think they have proposed in North Carolina to do that which is worse than any law they have enacted in Sonth Carolina.

Mr. TALBERT. Now you are talking. Mr. LINNEY. MuchworsethanSouthCarolina. I am always

ready to do justice to South Carolina. In South Carolina they have a law there, a registration law, and their constitution, which I have examined, provides that any registered voter deprived of a vote shall have the right of appeal.

Mr. TALBERT. That is right. Mr. LINNEY. And that is a wise provision and is prnvided by

their constitution. There are several things that I ~an see in the law that I do not like. When I see the word "discreet," I will state to you that, whenever you find th{lot word '' discreet" in a statute you may look out for some devilment. Why not say, ''Each party to select an election officer?" I have examined the law books, and I know what "good and lawful" means.

"Discreet" is defined in St. Mark, and it means a man near the Kingdom, and whenever I see it in an election law, instead of saying one election officer for each party of good and lawful men, yon may look out for something wrong. By the word ''discreet" they put in men who are not of different political parties, or if they do, one party selects them, and by the use of that pious word "discreet'! a great deal of this wickedness is done. I will say that South Carolina does contain the wise provision of allowing an appeal from the registration.

Mr. BARTLETT. I will state to the gentleman that Georgia does also.

Mr. LINNEY. Georgia is getting nearer the Kingdom, too. [Laughter.J Now, here is the statute, section 11, of No1-th Carolma, and l want gentlemen to listen to it. And I ask any man on the floor of the House whether it is probable that a man over 50 years of age would register there at all, except merely at the discretion of the registrar?

SEO. 11. That before the next general election, on the first Thursday in Au~t in the yea.T of our Lord 1900, provided for in this act, there shall be an entll'ely new registration of all p ersons who shall be entitled to register in every votin~ precinct in the State, and only such persons as are regi<>tered shall be entitled to vote in any election held under this act; that in all cases the applicant for registration shall be sworn by the registrar before being registered, and shall state and answer his age, place of residence, stating ward, if he resides in an incorporated town or city; number of his house, if numbered, and if not numbered, then a. designation of its locality by streets; and if not the owner, then the name of the owner or renter.

If not a resident of an incorporated town or city, he shall then state his place <>f residence in the election precinct; and if he is not the owner of the house in which he lives, then he shall state the name of the person who does own the same or upon whose land he lives; the time of his residence in said county, ward, or election precinct, his avocation, place of business, where and by whom employed, if employed; if a newcomer, from whence he oomes and his post-office address before removal; whether he has been disqualified as a voter by judgment o:r decree of any court, if so, by what court reinstated; whether he has listed for taxation his poll for the current year in which he proposes to register, and for the year next preceding, if liable to pay a poll tax, and any other questions which may be regarded by the registrar as material upon the question of the identity and qualification of the said applicant to be admitted to registration. The registrar may require the applicant to prove his identity or age and residence by the testimony of at least two elect-ors under oath. ·

And then, after the poor, trembling applicant has passed this civil-service examination, unless the registrar adjudges that he is an elector he can not register.

This new law in North Cru-olina. does not provide for an appeal from the action of the registrar, and is in that respect more unjust to the citizen than the South Clarolina law, under the operations of which not more than one-third of the white people of the State vote! as is shown by the Congi·essional Directory, which we all have. The practical workings of these laws ignore race distinction altogether. They operate to the prejudice of thewhite man, even where their necessity is claimed to exclude the negro.

The new election law in North Carolina, coupled with the proposed amendments to the constitution , puts it in the power of the Democratic party to bind with withes stronger than Samson'sany elector without regard to his race. The allegation, therefore, that those who oppose these amendments are in favor of negro supremacy is absolutely false. In fact, should the Democrats exer<:ise

1900; CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1367 the power which the new election law confers upon the registrar, it will disfranchise more white men than negroes. The registrar may require every applicant for registration to prove his age by two electors.

A white man 50 years of age would find it exceedingly difficult to make this proof when the mother is not allowed to be a witness, as would also the old plantation slave, while the young negro of 25 years of age and under could easily procure such testimony. And here the temptation on the regi<Jtrar to sin is too strong for weak humanity to resist. Men's minds are inflamed in all excited political contests. Should a white man 60 years of age not agree with a partisan registrar, he could be disfranchised by such registrar, even though bis gray hairs are stronger. evidence that he is 21 years of age than all the human testimony in the world.

Gray hairs and wrinkles, the evidence of age which nature's unerring hand bas placed upon the old head, are not electors, and therefore this old, trembling applicant, should he be a Populist or a Republican, will stand before such a registrar as a sheep before his shearer, while the young negro will be able to meet the demands of this registrar by two electors who were present at his birth. There are thousands of white men in North Carolina who were not born in the State, or who, though born in the State, are 40 years of age and upward, would be unable to comply with this demand of the registrar. Let each white man in the State over 40 yearl3 applythis law to his own case and hewill see how unjust it becomes.

I will make the application to myself. I am the oldest Linney now living, and am only 58 years of age; there is no member of my family or kin by whom the required proof could be made. When men of my age make an application to register, an ignorant, bitter partisan registrar could draw his head under his shell, as does the highland terrapin, and refuse, in the language of the statute, to adjudge, and wewould thereby be disfranchised. The white freeman who would not fight as with beak and claw any such iniquitous legislation has certainly "eaten the insane root that takes the reason prisoner."

Under the exciting and false cry of "negro domination" white men who do not surrender their manhood convictions to the care and keepin~ of others are to be disgraced and deg,i:aded, because it is the ballot to which man must look for his importance and protection. Moreover, this new election law, if followed by the adoption of the proposed constitutional amendments, attempts to stop the march of the elector through the gat.eway to the ballot box by the use of both bribery and threats. The entries of the r~gistrar upon the registration books are made evidence in a criminal prosecution against the applicant, in violation of the plain rules of evidence recognized by every law writer on the subject. Even where a man is convicted before a jury in a superior court, the verdict and sentence of the court are not legal evidence against him in any civil action to which he may be a party, except where he entered the plea of guilty.

It also attempts to det>auch the poor man who has not paid his taxes by offering him a bribe to the amount of his poll tax if he does not vote. The Kentucky and South Carolina laws, severe and just as the criticisms of these laws are. after a careful examination of them I state, without the fear of successful contradiction, do not make registration as difficult as the new election law in North Carolina. I do not believe that there is a well-informed lawyer in the State who has not read the case of Van Bokkelen et al. 'VS. Canaday and others, 73 North Carolina Report. and does not therefore know that this new election law is unconstitutional and void. Jndge Reade, of our supreme court, in that case says:

The constitution ordains that the genera.I assembly shall provide for the registration of voters, and that no one shall vote without registration. (Arti.cle 6, section 2.)

This means that the general assembly sha.11 provide the conveniences and necessaries, so that the voter can register. It is to facilitate the exercise of the right of suffrage, and not to defeat it. It is true that this includes the power and the duty to throw such guards around as will protect the ballot from fraud. And therefore our general election law provides that when a voter offers to register or vote he may be challenged and required to take an oath as to his qua.lifbations. And so in our general Jaw regulating town elections. (Battle's Revisal.)

There can be no objection to that, and it prevents no man from voting a.nd puts him to no inconvenience. If a man will swear that he has the qualifications, then he ca.n register and vote, unless it can be proved against him that he is not entitled. And in that case he can be rejected. But the act under consideration is framed upon the idea of ma.king the ballot as difficult as possible. Indeed, it makes it impracticable. It provides that "any elector may and it shall be the duty of the registrar to challenge the right of any person to register known or suspected not to be lawfully entitled to re~ter; a.nd when such challenge shall be ma.de it shall be the duty of the register to re· quire such person to prove to the satisfaction of the registrar the fa.ct of his being a lawful age to vote, the fact of his residence for twelve months in the State and for ninety days in the lot," etc.

It will be noted that any bystander may challenge the voter without proving anything against him, and the voter is not allowed to swear to his qua.Ii· fications; but he must prove them by the oaths of others, a.nd these others must be known to the registrar and the registrar must be satisfied. Now, how is it possible for persons who move into Wilmington from other counties in the State to get witnesses from a distance known to registrars in Wil· mington to prove their ag_es and theiJ: residences? It is impossible. It is a practical denial of the right to register and vote.

In that case it was held that the act was unconstitutional and

that the parties elected under such an act were not entitled to the office to which they claimed to be elected; because they were elected under an unconstitutional law. Well, the question has been asked, Why do not you Republicans appeal to a Republican court in North Carolina? It is enough to answer that the act does not provide for appeals, as does even the constitution of South Carolina. Now, to show the true character of the wild, mad rush in North Carolina for office by the Democratic party in North Carolina, I will read a short extract from a statement of ex-Judge Avery which appeared in the Charlotte Observer recently:

No supreme court judge has the power to grant an injunction. If the committee shall find a. judge in North Carolina who will grant such an order, I wish to say that my voice would be in favor of making an example of him at the June session of the legislature.

This is the first threat I ever heard made against the judiciary by any man who had sense enough to keep out of the fire. If any lawyer while practicing before this eminent jurist, when he wore the judicial ermine, had made use of any such language touching the rulings of this judge, he would have been put in jail under . contempt proceedings. This only shows how great, strong men can be swept off their base by a tempest of political hatred.

This very act is a part of the legislation of the general assembly of 1899, which attempted to legislate Republicans out of office and put Democrats in, and which the supreme court of the State have declared unconstitutional. The suggestion has already recently been made, I am informed by a judge in North Carolina, that at the June session the constitutional amendment act may itself be amended so as to require thew hole act to be construed together, and if any part of it falls the whole shall fall. This is a novel judicial idea, and, in all probabilty, was never suggested before in the · world's history. Such an amendment carries with it a suspicion of its constitutionality and suggests what the law writers say of "earmarks of fraud." · But among the suggestions of judges and ex-judges about impeachments and amendments in furtherance of justice, it is to be regretted that no legislation has ever been suggested for the June legislature as an additional safeguard to the right of the voter against the probable injustice to registrars under the new election law. All of these ingenious devices and schemes are claimed to be necessary to protect white men in the exercise of the elective franchise. I have a sort of lurking suspicion that in the minds of the friends of these oppressive and unconstitutional measures the interest of one great political party is to be cared for to the exclusion of the rights of all other citizens.

The election law of 1895 was an absolutely fair one. There could be fewer opportunities for fraud under that law than any the ~tate has ever had. Of course no law can provide against violence and fraud. The happiest thing that could happen to this Republic, in order to prevent lynchings and assassinations, would be the quickening of the public conscience, so that every State would provide an election machinery by which every elector could have his vote deposited in the ballot box and counted as cast. These proposed election methods in North Carolina are a standing insult to ev;eryintelligent white man in the State, when properly considered.

The conditions which obtain in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Alabama, and which is the excuse for election laws and methods by which only a very small per cent of the white people of those States participate in elections, are totally unfitted for North Carolina. There are probably 80,000 white Republicans and Populists in North Carolina, who under the constitutional requirements are legal electors, and who represent as much intelligence and wealth as any other 80,000 citizens of the State.

North Carolinians, white men of North Carolina, will protest against these methods. Should they slumber until they lose their rights, we can only look for an increased number of lynchings and assassinations in exact proportion to the unjust abridgment of the rights of an elector. If by a denial of the lights of the elector to vote, under this unconstitutional act we shall have lost a republican form of government, it will then become the duty of Congress to correct it.

Now, Mr. Chairman, there is a provision in the Constitution of the United States that "the United States shall guarantee to every State a republican form of government." Here the word "State" means the people thereof. It is a power to be exercised in favor of the people of a State against the State government itself. This power has been called the sleeping lion. It is a high compliment to our form of government that this power in the Constitution, this sleeping lion, has peacefully slumbered for the first century of our nation's life.

Still it is a power which the fathers and builders of this nation . early and wisely saw the necessity of leaving in the Federal Constitution, to be used by Congress whenever the tyrannical baud of the governing power of the State, by the fraud or force of any State agency, had denied the people of such State .the right and blessing of a government, republican in form.

This power, with all other powers in the Federal Constitution, we have sworn to execute whenever it is necessary to do so


to secure the citizen in the blessings of a republican form of government. Suppose the conscience of the nation should be quickened on this vital question and Congress called upon to perform duties to the people of any State, and in an investigation by Congress touching this most vital question it should appear that more than one-half the qualified electors of the State were denied the privilege of voting, what would be the duty of Congress? (Applause.]

[Here the hammer fell.]

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE.

The committee informally ros~; and Mr. HILL having taken the chair as Speaker pro tempore, a message from the Senate, by Mr. PLATT, one of its clerks, announced that the Senate had passed bills and joint resolutions of the following titles; in which the concurrence of the House of Representatives was requested.

A bill (S. 2431) to present to the city of Nashville, State of Tennessee, the cannon on the gunboat Nashville from which was fired the first shot of the Spanish-American war;

A bill (S. 1295) granting a pension to Louisa Hale; A bill (S. 1533) granting a pension to David Carroll; A bill (S. 1489) granting an increase of pens~on to Robert C.

Rogers; A bill (S. 992) granting an increase of pension to Frederick

Auer; · A bill (S. 346) granting an increase of pension to Mrs. Arethusa

Wright, of Sheridan, Oreg.; A bill (S. 2100) granting a pension to AnnieE. Brumby; A bill (S. 2223) granting an increase of pension to John M.

Morse; A bill (S. 1469) granting an increase of pension to Philip P.

Getchell; . A bill (S. 2219) granting an increase of pension to Mary F ..

Hopkins; A bill (S. 2386) granting a pension to Joseph E. Hendrickson; A bill (S. 237) granting an increase of pension to Cutler D. San

born; A bill (S. 236) granting an increase of pension to Mary Ellen

Lauriat; A bill (S. 1592) granting a pension to Jane E. Augur; . A bill (S. 1850) granting an increase of pension to James C. De-

laney; A bill (S. 6) for the relief of James H. Latham; A bill (S. 526) granting a pension to Joseph M. Waddel; A bill (S. 495) granting a pension to Ambrose J. Vanarsdel; A bill (S. 261) granting an increase of pension to Lizzie H.

Hyndman; A bill (S. 1058) granting a pension to John Bailey; A bill (S. 1059) granting a pension to Silas B. Hensley; A bill (S. 1068) granting a pension to Jennie A. Kerr; A bill (S.1047) granting an increase of pension toJohnMcGrath; A bill (S. 2346) granting a pension to Alfred Biglow; A bill (S. 2505) granting an increase of pension to James C.

Carlton; A bill (S. 2158) granting a pension to Joseph B. Presdee; A bill (S. 1548) granting a pension to James Byrne; A bill (S. 917) granting a pension to Sarah E. Campbell; A bill (S. 1375) to increase the limit of cost of public building

at Cumberland, Md.; A bill (S. 1481) appropriating money to reimburse Capt. B.

Tellefsen; A bill (8. 197) to reimburse the State of Wyoming for money

expended by the Territory of Wyoming in protecting and preserving the Yellowstone National Park during the years 1885and1886;

A bill (S. 1893) to enable the Secretary of the Treasury to complete the public building at Cheyenne, Wyo.; · A bill (S. 1740) to authorize C. E. Marr and E. H. Pierce to accept silver watches awarded to them by the govern.nient of the Dominion of Canada in recognition of their services in rescuing British sailors;

A bill (S. 2314) to amend the act entitled "An act granting pensions to the soldiers and sailors of the Mexican war, and for other purposes," approved January 29, 1887;

A bill (S. 2052) granting a pension to Mary La Tourrette Stotsenberg; -

A bill (S. 1329) granting a pension to Mary Jackman; . A bill (S. 1796) granting an increase of pension to Rebecca P.

Quint; A bill (S. 35) granting a pension to Louise Donath; A bill (S. 39) granting an increase of pension to Caroline V.

English; . A bill (S. 1711) granting an increase of pension to Charles L.

Green; A bill (S. 2368) granting a pension to Mary A. Randall; A bill (S. -2367) granting a pension to Susan Stratton;

· A bill (S. 1713) granting an increase of pension to Alice S. Jordan; ·

A bill (S. 240) granting a pension to Nancy Ellen Bessom; A bill (S. 872) granting an increase of pension to William H. H.

Nevitt; A bill (S. 266) granting an increase of pension to William

Hamley; A bill (S. 265) granting an increase of pension toJane McMahon; A bill (S. 1296) granting a pension to Mary R. Bacon; A bill (S. 1003) granting a pension to Julia M. Johnson; A bill (S. 899) granting an increase of pension to Mrs. M. A.

Dennis; ~ A bill (S. 531) granting a pension to Henrietta Cummins; A bill (S. 548) granting an increase of pension to John F. Mc-

Mahon; A bill (S. 517) granting a pension to Nancy E. Neely; A bill (S. 1771) granting a pension to Ellen Kee; A bill (S .. 1712) granting a pension to Arminda D. Davis; A bill (S. 354) granting a pension to Vjncent de Frieta-s; A bill (S. 349) granting an increase of pension to James H.

Coventon; and A bill (S. 343) granting a pension to Mary J. Freeman. The message also announced that the Senate bad agreed to the

report of the committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the House of Representatives to the bill (H. R. 6237) making appropriations to supply urgent deficiencies in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, and for prior years, and for other purposes.

The message also announced that the Senate had passed the following- resolution; in which the concurrence of the House was requested:

Senate concurrent resolution 23. Resolved by the Senate of the United States (the House of Representati1:es con

curring), Thatthere be printed 2 000 copies, additional to the usual number, of the report of Dr. Sheldon Jackson upon "The introduction of domestic reindeer into the district of Alaska for 1899," of which 500 copies shall be for the use of the Senate and 1,500 copies for the use of the House of Representatives.

INDIAN APPROPRIATION BILL,

The committee resumed its session, Mr. MooDYof Massachusetts in the chair.

:Mr. LINNEY. Mr. Chairman, Iaskpermissiop. to print the continuation of my remarks, including this opinion, in the RECORD.

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from North Carolina asks unanimous consent to extend his remarks in the RECORD. Is there objection? f After a pause.] The Chair hears none.

Mr. WILLIAMS or Mississippi was recognized. Mr. LITTLE. Mr. Chairman, I yield ten minutes to the gentle

man from Mississippi. The CHAffiMAN. The Chair will state that the gentleman

I has not ten minutes remaining. The Chair looked around upon that side of the House, and not seeing any member rise, he recognized the gentleman from Mississippi in his own right.

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the House, if there is a single question now before the American people or apt to come before them at any time which ought to be considered and discussed calmly, without excitement or acrimony, it is the question as to how about seven States of this American Union can preserve the sacredness of the Constitution of the United States inviolate and at t.he same time prevent the submergence of civilization itself, the "fruit of all the ages,"from perhaps the bare letter of the Constitution.

!do not blame the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. LINNEY] much, because he can not know what he says; he can not measure English when he speaks; he does not mean what he says; he does not fathom the significance of his own words. He referred here a moment ago to a debate at Winona, in: my State, between my friend and colleague, Hon. JOHN M. ALLEN, and the present Senator-elect from the State of Mississippi, Mr. McLaurin-a debate in regard to which a paper in Mississippi said it was sorry to see the campaign starting off with such acrimony.

But I can tell the gentleman that neither there nor in any other place in the State of Mississippi, during the most turbulent times upon the stump, has any man ever stood and branded those who di:ffe1'0d with him and thosewhowerediscussingquestionswithhim as ''asses," which is what the gentleman did in this high place tou day. Had that sort of thing taken place in the State of Missis .. sippi, then, perhaps, he might have been excused there upon the ground which I take in excusing him here-that he does not understand the force and power of the English language. but merely opens his mouth and lets come what words will and lets them fall where they may. Nobody else would have been excused at all.

Mr. LINNEY. The gentleman is mistaken. I did not brand anyone in the way he says.

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Oh, I heard it. When some gentleman wanted to interrupt the gentleman from North Carolina, he said, "Oh, I did not refer to you; I ref6rred to another ass." That is what he said; it is in the RECORD, and will be found there to-morrow unless he revises it out. The remark was out of order, and the gentleman ought to have been called to order. But

1900. ·CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1369 I do not care about that; I have nothing to do with it except to mistaken when they come to t~at conclusion. But lynching has mention it in connection with your criticism of the Winona de- no geograpl>.ical boundaries in this country. Mississippi had one bate. I was at Winona the day of that debate. I heard that dis- lynching not long ago. It occurred in my district. Now, my cussion. It was somewhat acrimonious. There was, however, friends, I want to tell you about it, not in justification, but in exnothing personally insulting in it. It was in a Democratic pri- tenuation and explanation, and I want each man, when I tell him mary campaign. It bad nothing to do with the general election. the fac~s in that case, to probe his own heart and to ask himself if There were no colored people there. It was a matter within our the veneer of civilization that is upon all of us would not have own camp; and my friend JOHN ALLEN and my_other friend Mr. been scratched clear through and if perhaps he himself would not McLaurin trod rather closely upon each other's toes. have gone with the crowd that did the lynching under the excite-

But, leaving that all out, the gentleman says that these lynch- ment of the moment? · ings of which he complains have grown up because the people A man leaves his home-a farmer. He goes down to the little were deprived of the right to vote; and he has cited my State as town of Canton to market and sell his crop. It is rumored in one of the States involved; leaving the inference-perhaps with- the neighborhood that he had brought money from tho market out desiring to do so-that somebody in the State of Mississippi town the week before and that it is in the house. That night is prevented from voting contrary to law, and that some votes six or seven negro men break into that house, ravish his daughter are illegallv suppressed. I wish now to state in the presence of and his wife, and then they manacle and tie them together, · God, the great 8earcher of Hearts-and I believe that I know and not only them but the little children-one of them, I believe, something about the State of Mississippi-that since the great four or five years of age-manacle them down in the center of popular uprising in the latter seventies, there has never been, so that house and set it on fire and burn them all up, hoping that far as I know, a man prevented illegally from voting in the State the fire had done away with all trace of the crime. of Mississippi nor a vote suppressed. One of the negroes happened to have a peculiar foot, which led

I will go further and say that no man has ever been defeated for to tracking him. That led to crimination and recrimination an office in the State of Mississippi within the last ten years who amongthe criminalsandtoaconfession. ltledtoconfessionsfrom has ever even alleged that he was defeated either by fraud or force. others. The people arose and lynched those men, and while they I lay that statement down here as my own, made upon my per- were lynching them they burned one of them, a voice coming sonal responsibility as a gentleman of integrity and honor. from the crowd that he ought to receive the punishment himself

I have heard enough of these insinuations. Mississippians are which he had meted out to this innocent, helpless woman, her proud of Mississippi. She has nothing to be ashamed of. We rush helpless daughters, and her helpless little children. It was a negro to her defense not because she needs it, but because we love her. who, filled with indignation, asked and obtained the privilege of May my tongue cleave to my mouth when I refuse or fail to voice setting the match to the pyre. that pride and that love. Mississippi has attempted to suppress Now, my friends, I have no word of justification for lynching by legal means her illiterate and her criminal vote-whether white or for violation of law anywhE:re as a general thing, but if the o~ black-by means of provisions in her constitution which have good God, sitting in the chancel of Heaven, possessmg a wider obbeen passed upon bytheSupremeCourtof the United States, which servation than you and I, forgives, as I believe He does, those court has held that not a single one of those provisions is obnox· things that are generally wrong but which under particular cirious to the charge of viola tin~ the Conatitution of the United States. cum stances are provoked so that human nature can not resist, then

The gentleman read some figures; he did not have them accu- lbelievethatthemen whoengagedin thatlynchingaremuchmore rate; I will give them right. There were 119,000 men of voting clear, in the sight of God to-day and in the sight of good men age in the State of Mississippi by the census of 1890. At the la.st everywhere, of any crime than any man can possibly be who degeneral election there were 48,000 votes cast, but that was not nounces lynching without also denouncing at the same time the much over one-third of the men who were upon the registered crime which has led to it. [Applause. l Ah, my friends, the genlist and entitled to vote and who did vote in the Democratic pri- tleman would have you believe that a horrible state of affairs exmaries. Why did they not vote at the general election? Because . ists down in the dear State of Mississippi. And yet every day there WM no organized Republican party; because there was no these colored people that he says are oppressed in the State of Populist party having any hope of success. Consequently, the Mississippi are leaving North Carolina, and leaving Georgia, and great majority of the people did not turn out. I see before me my leaving Alabama, and seeking the State of l\!ississippi. A hunfriend from Connecticut [Mr. HENRY], and I am always glad to dred thousand of them have gone there this year. see him, for there is no franker or better man in the Honse. Legally disfranchised as they are when they can not read and

Now, I call attention to the fa~t that in that same year, 1890, write, legally disfranchised as they are when they do not pay their Connecticut had 224,000 legal voters and cast only 125,000 votes. taxes, or are guilty of certain crimes, yet they !have left these Were these 99,000 votes ''suppressed" in Connecticut? You and other places where no complaint is made of the administration of I know they" were not. I see also before me a friend from Massa- the suffrage and have come to the State of Mississippi~ knowing chusetts,_ and I wish to say that Massachusetts had 665,000 voters one thing, that there they get absolute equality before the law and in 1890 and cast only 285,000 votes. Were nearly 400,000 "sup- the even administration of justice and in every other way right pressed" in Massachusetts? Absurd! treatment, good wages, and the opportunity to labor. I have

If it be true that votes are "suppressed" whenever they happen heard it said sometimes that the difference between the South not to come out, then more votes were suppressed in Massachu- and the North upon the negro question is that in the South the setts than in Mississippi, and about the same number were sup- negro many times can not vote, while in the North there are pressed in Connecticut. With voters in the State of Mississippi very few things except voting that he can do. Your trades it is the same as with men .everywhere-they vote when it is unions do not let him work with you in certain places; there are necessary, and they do not vote when it is unnecessary. certain pursuits that he is not even allowed to carry on in others.

And now the gentleman from North Carolina has also spoken Down in Mississippi you will find the black man and white man of Mississippi as one State which had been "much troubled with I working side by side and earning their daily wage, whether as lynching." I denyit,"Sir. Mississippi has had as few lynchings as brick masons or carpenters or what not. almost any State in this Union. But I will say to the gentleman Now, my friends, this is not the occasion, and God knows this now, and I will say to the American people of this country, through great and seemingly to me, at times, insoluble problem ought never this House, that whereas Mississippians have sometimes violated to be the occasion of any man's attempt to make political capltal the law-and nobody regrets it more than the great body of the one way or the other out of it; and yet I am prone to believe that people themselves-while they have sometimes had "lynching at the bottom of this entfre speech of the gentleman from N ortn bees," while they have sometimes lynched men for murder, for Carolina [Mr. LINNEY] lies this- thought and motive, viz, that if a1·son, for rape, Mississippi has never shot down anybody because the illiterate vote, the incapable vote, and the incompetent votehe wanted to work. [Applause.] · the ignorant and criminal vote-of the State of North Carolina is

Why, I remember when a man was tied to the stake and burned once :ruled out by legislation or constitutional enactment, in acin the State of New York for the crime of rape. It was after I cordance with the Constitution of the United States, though it came to the Congress of the United States. I remember when the may be, the gentleman and men like him will have played out their passions of the people got the better of them, as now and then they short scene upon the political stage of this country and be retired will, even amongst the best people, in the State of Illinois he1·e to private life. · not long ago, when they shot down a huddled crowd of helpless Mr. LINNEY. Will thegentlemanallowmeone question there? negroes simply because they wanted to work. Would yon indict Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Yes. the people of Illinois on that account? Would you indict the Mr. LINNEY. As a lawyer I trust your legal intelligence. community on that account, even the community in which the Do you believe that that law that I read, which is proposed to bo thing took place? No fair-minded man will. Human nature is put upon us in North Carolina, is constitutional? the same all over the world. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. I will say frankly to the gen-

When Judge Lynch presided in California, he presided because tleman that I did not even hear it. I do not know what the law the people had reached the conclusion that there were certain - is. I was thinking about another matter altogether and did not crimes there that could not be reached by any other method. I hear him read it. Therefore I do not know whether it is or is not think they were mistaken, and I think people are nearly always unconstitutional. But the laws of Mississippi which you criticise

1370 CONGRESSIONAL· REOORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 31,

are constitutional; and I do say this, and I say it to every one of you; I say it to the bitterest partisan Republican on this floorand I know some of them who are excellent men personally and who are brave and fair-I say this to yon, that when it comes to a choice between an abstract theory to the effect that all" featherless bipeds" are equal, contradicting the common-Sense observation of common-sense men, and some constitutional or legal method of preserving from the operation of this theory civilization itself, higher than law even, because law is but the exponent and the expression · of it, then every good man in the United States ought to be glad to see any Southern State solve that question so as to preserve civilization, so as to preserve the "gains of our race" that have been made through countless ages of bitter struggle with hard nature and harde1· men-the civilization developed in the very fiber of our race, in the school foreordained by the ''God in history" as the only school for its development, the school of historic experience and evolution.

Mr. KLUTTZ. The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. LINNEY] asked you if you believed that the election law of North Carolina is constitutional.

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. I know nothing about it. Mr. KLUTTZ. I desil'0 to say as a North Carolinian and as a

lawyer that in my opinion and in the opinion of the best lawyers of North Carolina it is entirely constitutional, and the gentleman has a Republican supreme court to which he could appeal instead of this forum, if he honestly believed it was unconstitutional. (Applause on the Democratic side.]

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Now, :?ifr. Chairman, I have not meant to weary the House. One other thing. When questions of this sort are brought before the country and before the House it frequently happens, as the gentleman has insinuated, that Southern men seem to fly all to pieces at once and to become excited. I have heard many people state that. But if you will consider for a moment the conditions down there, the comparative isolation of the white population out in the country; that their very life itself-social order, property rights, the purity of their women, all things, are at stake, then Southern men may be excused for being somewhat in earnest when this question is touched upon. We are in earnest, and awfully in earnest, and we have made up our minds that we are going to save the heritage of liberty and civilization for ourselves and for our children at almost any possible hazard.

I do not believe that you regret that we have made up our minds to that effect. I believe that many of you only regret one thing in connection with this question, and that is that in obedience to a mere abstract theory you tried to legislate into political and social equality two races, one of which had had about two hundred years, at the furthest, of opportunity to make something out of itself by evolution and by heredity, and the other of which had gathered to itself from all the climes of the world, from all the treasure houses of thought, and of beauty-from literature, art, and law all things of historic preciousness and worth; had made its own-a part of itself-a part of itself before the integer was born to live his short span of individual life-all that sounds to the names of liberty and of law, of order. of civilization, of high thinking, of noble feeling, and nobler endeavor. I believe that at the bottom of your hearts many of you think that was a mistake. Whether you do so or not, I think so; and I am frank to say it here or anywhere else on the face of this globe. [Loud applause on the Democratic side.]

Mr. STEPHENS of Texas. Mr. Chairman--Mr. SHERMAN. I wa.s about to inquire, Mr. Chairman, how

the time has been occupied between the two sides. Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. Mr. Chairman--The CHAIRMAN. An hour and forty-five minutes has been

occupied upon that side of the House, and an hour and sixteen minutes on the other side of the House.

Mr. SHERMAN. May I suggest this to my friend-The CHAIRMAN. In addition to that, fifteen minutes were

occupied by unanimous consent upon that side of the House, making two hours. For that reason the Chair will recognize the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. SHERMAN. If the gentleman from Texas will permit me, I desire to suggest that the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations has a matter that he desires to. dispose of this evening, and that you could occupy, for instance, half an hour.

Mr. LITTLE. Forty-five minutes. Mr. SHERMAN. Forty-five minutes. Could the gentleman

dispose of it after that time? Mr. CANNON. I think so, but I would be very glad to have a

reasonably full House for ten minutes after the gentleman gets through.

Mr. SHERMAN. Would the gentleman from Texas object to our i·ising now and disposing of the urgent deficiency bill? Then we could go back into committee.

Mr. STEPHENS of Texas. How long will that require? Mr. CANNON. I should say probably about ten minutes.

Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. Mr. Chairman-Mr. LITTLE. Let the gentleman go ahead for forty-five min

utes. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Missouri is recognized

for forty-five minutes.

[Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri addressed the committee. See Appendix.]

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Mr. Chairman, I neglected to reserve the balance of the time to which I was entitled. I desire to reserve it and yield it to the gentleman from Arkansas [Mr. LITTLE].

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Mississippi desires to reserve the remainder of his time. If there be no objection, that wi11 be done.

There was no objection. Mr. COCHRAN of Missouri. I ask unanimous consent to ex·

tend my remarks in the RECORD, including some documents-not very extensive.

Mr. LITTLE. I suggest that a similar privilege be extended to all persons who have spoken on that subject.

Mr. PAYNE. If that be done, there ought to be some limit of time.

Mr. LlT'.fLE. Say within five days. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair would suggest that anything be

yond the extension of leave upon the request of individual members is a matter for the House. If there be no objection, the request of the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. COCHRAN] will be granted.

There was no objection. Mr. SHERMAN. I move that the committee rise. The motion was agreed to. The committee accordingly rose; and the Speaker having resumed

the chair, Mr. MOODY of Massachusetts reported that the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union having had under consideration House bill No. 7433 (the Indian appropriation bill), had come to no resolution thereon. .

Mr. SHERMAN. I ask unanimous consent that all general debate on the Indian appropriation bill be closed at 3 o'clock tomorrow afternoon, and that the time be equally divided between the two sides, that on the Democratic side to be controlled by the gentleman from Arkansas [Mr. LITTLE] and that on the Republican side by myself.

Mr. LITTLE. I suggest that, owing to the number of gentlemen on this side desiring to speak, we fix 4 o'clock instead of 3. I think that will better accommodate gentlemen on this side.

Mr. GAINES. I hope that will be agreed to. Mr. SHERMAN. Very well; I modify my request so as to close

debate at 4 o'clock. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York [Mr. SHER

MAN] asks una.nimons consent that general debate on this bill close at 4 o'clock to-morrow afternoon, that the time be equally divided between the two sides, and be controlled on the one side by himself and on the other by the gentleman from Arkansas [Mr, LITTLE].

There was no objection.

SENATE BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS REFERRED.

Under clause 2 of Rule XXIV, Senate bills and joint resolutions of the following titles were taken from the Speaker's table and referred to their appropropriate committees as indicated below:

A bill (S. 2431) to present to ~he city of Nashville, State of Tennessee, the cannon on the gunboat Nash'L"'l1le from which was fired the first shot of the Spanish-American war-to the Committee on Naval Affairs. •

A bill (S. 1295) granting a pension to Louisa Hale-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 992) granting an increase of pension to Frederick Auer-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 346) granting an increase of pension to Mrs. Arethusa. Wright, of Sheridan, Oreg.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 2100) granting a pension to Annie E. Brumby-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (S. 2223) granting an increase of pension to John M. Morse-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 1469) granting an increase of pension to Philip P. Getchell-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 2219) granting an increase of pension to Mary F. Hopkins-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 237) granting an increase of pension to Cutler D. Sanborn-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 236) granting an increase of pension to Mary Ellen Lauriat-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 1592) granting a pension to Jane E. AugUl'-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 1850) granting an increase of pension to James C. De-laney-to the Committee on Pensions. •

1900 .. j .CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1371 A bill (S. 6) for the relief of James H. Latham-to the Commit

tee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 526) granting a pension to Joseph M. Waddell-to the

Committee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 495) granting a pension to Ambrose J. Vanarsdel-to

the Committee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 261) granting an increase of pension to Lizzie H.

Hyndman-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 1058) granting a pension to John Bailey-to the Com

mittee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 2346) granting a pension to Alfred Biglow-to the Com~

mittee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 2505) granting an increase of pension to James C.

Carlton-to the Committee on Pen8ions. A bill (S. 2158) granting a pension to Joseph B. Presdee-to the

Committee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 1548) granting a pension to James Byrne-to the Com

mittee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 917) granting a pension to Sarah E. Campbell-to the

Committee on Invalid Pensions. A bill (S. 1375) to increase the limit of costof public building at

Cumberland, Md.-to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds.

A bill (S. 1481) appropriating money to reimburse Capt. B. Tellefsen-to the Committee on Claims.

A bill (S. 197) for the relief of Hattie A. Phillips-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (S. 1893) to enable the Secretary of the Treasury to c:omplete the public building at Cheyenne, Wyo.-to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds.

A bill (S. 1740) to authorize C. E. Marr and E. H. Pierce to accept silver watches awarded t<? ~hem by ~e Go".erm:n-ent of ~he Dominion of Canada in reco~mtion of th~rr servi~es m rescmng British sailors-to the Committee on Foreign Affarrs.

A bill (S. 2314) to amend the act entitled "An act granting pensions to the soldiers and sailors of the Mexican war, and for other pnrpos-es," approved January 29, 1887-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (S. 2052) granting a pension to Mary Stotsenberg-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (8. 1329) granting a pension to Mary Jackman-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 1711) granting an increase of pension to Charles L. Green-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 2368) granting a pension to Mary A. Randall-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (S. 2367) granting a pension to Susan Stratton-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 872) granting an increase of pension to William H. H. Nevitt-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (8. 266) granting an increase of pension to William Hamley-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 265) granting an increase of pension to Jane McMahon-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (8. 1296) granting a pension to Mary R. Bacon-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (S. 531) granting a pension to Henrietta. Cttmmins-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 548) granting an increase of pension to John F. McMahon-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (8. 517) granting a pension to Nancy E. Neely-to the Committee on Pensions.

A bill (S. 1771) granting a pension to Ellen Kee-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A bill (S. 1712) granting a pension to Arminda D. Davis-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

A biH (8. 343) granting a pension to Mary J, Freeman-to the Oommittee on Invalid Pensions.

Senate concurrent resolution No. 23: Resolved by the Senate of the United States (the House of Represent(1tives

concurring), Tha.tthere beprinted2,000copies, additional totheusua.lnumber, of the report of D~. S~eldon Jackson upon "The ~troducti~n of domestic reindeer into the district of Alaska for 1899," of which 500 copies shall be for the use of the Senate and 1,500 copies for the use of the House of Representatives-to the Committee on Printing.

ORDER OF BUSINESS.

Mr. BUTLER. I ask iinanimous consent for permission to withdraw the report made by the Committee on Na.val Affairs on House bill No. 3718. Inadvei·tently a wrong report was made, and.the committee would like to submit another.

The SPEAKER. If there be no objection, the permission asked will ee granted.

There was no objection. Mr. SHERMAN. I move that the House adjourn. The motion was agteed to; and accordingly (at 4 o'clock and

48 minutes p. m.) the House adjourned.

EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS, ETC. Under clause 2 of Rule XXIV, the following executive commu·

nications were taken from the Speaker's table and referred as follows: •

A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a copy of a communication from th~ ~ecretary of ~e IJ?.terior submitting an estimate of appropriatio? for deficiencies for. t-he fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, and prior years-to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to be printed.

A letter from the Secretary of the Interior, requesting the return of the agreement of February 1, 1899, between commissioners of the Government and the Creek Nation-to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

A letter from the assistant clerk of the Court of Claims, trans· mitting a cop-y ~f the findings filed by the court in the ca~e of A. Thomas admimstrator of estate of B. F. Roberts, agamst the United States-to the Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be printed.

A letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, report of services of volunteer electrical corps during the war with SJ?ain and a. ~raft of a .bill for · recognition thereof-to the Comnnttee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

A letter .from the Secretary of War, transmitting, with a. letter from the Chief of Engineers, report of examination and survey of harbor of Kewaunee, Wis.-to the Committee on Rivers and Har· . bors, and ordered to be printed.

A letter from the Seci·etary of War, transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, report of examination and s~vey of piers and breakwat;er at Rockport, Mass .. -to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors, and ordered to be.pnnted.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS.

Under clause 2 of Rule XIII, bills and resolutions of the following titles were severally reported from committees, delivered to the Clerk, and referred to the several Calendars therein named, as follows:

Mr. LOUDENSLAGER, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to which was referred the bill of the House (H. R. 4646) to present to the city of Nashville, State of Tennessee, the opening, or first, gun fired in the recent war of the United ~tates wit~ Spai? from the gunboat Nashville, the mayor and city. council haVII_lg, by resolution regularly passed, agreed to "receive and hold it as a sacred trust and zealously keep and care for it that it may, as a monument of past valor and heroism, inspire our people with a higher idea of liberty and incite them to patriotic deeds in war and in peace," reported 'the same with amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 157); which said bill and report were referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union.

Mr. CRUMPACKER, from the Committee on Insular Affairs, to which was referred the bill of the Senate (S. 734) relating to Cuban vessels, reported the same with amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 159); which said bill and report were ref~lTed to the Committee of the Whole Honse on the state of. the Umon.

Mr. BABCOCK, from the Committee on the District of Col nm· bia, to which was referred the resolution of the House (H. Res. 115) relating to correspondence between the War Department !ind individuals relating to safety of bridge across Potomac River known as Long Bridge. reported the same with amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 161); which said izesolution and report were referred to the Honse Calendar.

Mr. JENKINS, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, to which was referred the joint resolution of the House (H . . J. Res. 119) to amend an act entitled "An act to extend Rhode Island avenue," approved February 10, 1899, reported the same without amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 162); which said joint resolution and _report were referred to the House Calendar.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PRIVATE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS.

Under clause 2 of Rule XIII, private bills and resolutions of the following titles were sev01:ally reported from committees, deliv· ered to the Clerk, and i·eferred to the Committee of the Whole House, as follows: _ . .

Mr. NEEDHAM, from the Committee on Claims, to which was referred the bill of the House ( H. R. 460) for the relief of the Union Iron Works, of San Francisco, Cal., reported the same with amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 160); which said bill and report were referred to the Private Calendar.

Mr. COWHERD, from the Committee on the Disti·ict of Columbia to which was referred the bill of the House (H. R. 5139) for the' relief of Joseph Bacigaluppi, reported the sa;me w~tho"!1t amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 164); which said bill and report were referred to the Private Calendar.

1372 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY. 31,

CHANGE OF REFERENCE. Under clause 2 of Rule XXII, committees werediscba.rgedfrom

the consideration of bills of the following titles; which were thereupon referred as follows:

A bill (H. R. 3785) for the relief of Susan N. Moore-Committee on Claims discharged, and referred to the Committee on War Claims.

A bill (H. R. 3786) for the relief of the heirs of James W. Fennell, deceased, and to give the Court of Claims jurisdiction and to remove the bar of statute of limitations-Committee on Claims discharged, and referred to the Committee on War Claims.

A bill (H. R. 2796) providingfor reference to the Court of Claims of the claim of Albert Wood-Committee on War Claims discharged, and referred to the Committee on Claims.

A bill (H. R. 6435) for the relief of Hannah J. Jones, executl'ix of Emanuel Jones, deceased, a British subject-Committee on Foreign Affairs discharged, and referred to the Committee on War Claims.

PUBLIC BILLS, RESOLUTIONS, AND MEMORIALS INTRODUCED,

Under clause 3 of Rule XXII, bills, resolutions, and memorials of the following titles were introduced and severally referred as follows:

By Mr. GAMBLE: A bill (H. R. 7725) to est.ablish mining experiment stations, to aid in the development of the mineral resources of the United States, and for other purposes-to the Committee on Mines and Mining.

By Mr. WILSON of Arizona: A bill (H. R. 7726) to provide. for appeals from judgments of the supreme court of the Territo1-y of Arizona-to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr. GREENE of Massachusetts: A bill (H. R. 7727) to amend an act approved March 3, 1881, entitled "An act to authorize the registration of trade-marks and protect the same"-to the Committee on Patents.

By Mr. LANHAM: A bill (H. R. 7728) authorizing a survey of the Trinity River, in the State of Texas, from the city of Dallas to the city of Fort Worth, and preparation of estimates of cost of improvements thereon-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors.

By Mr. HAWLEY: A bill (H. R. 7729) fixing the salary of the collector of customs of the district of Galveston, Tex.-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. McLAIN: A bill (H. R. 7730) for maintenance of Pascagoula River and Hom Island Harbor-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7731) for continuing improvement of the UpperPascagoulaRiver-totheCommitteeonRiversandHarbors.

By Mr. LACEY: A bill (H. R. 7732) to finally adjust the swampland grants, and for other purposes-to the Committee on the Public Lands.

By Mr. McLAIN: A bill (H. R. 7733) to establish a fish-hate.bing and fish-culture station at a point on the Gulf of Mexico, in the State of Mississippi-to the Committee on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries.

By Mr. MULLER: A bill (H. R. 7734) to provide against nuisances-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

By Mr. TOMPKINS: A bill (H. R. 7735) to plaee tea on the free list-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. TATE: A bill lH. R. 7736) authorizing payment of commutation of ration tp the petty officers of the Navy who served on detached duty between March 1, 1898, and November 4, 1899-to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

By Mr. JENKINS: A bill (H. R. 7737) to change the name of the Potomac Insurance Company of Georgetown, and for other purposes-to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

By Mr. BROSIUS": A bill (H. R. 7738) to establish the Fredericksburg and Adjacent National Battlefields Memorial Park in the State of Virginia-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. BURTON, from the Committee on Rivers and Harbors: A bill (H. R. 7739) to amend "An act making appropriations for the construction, repair, and preservation of certain public works on rivers and harbors, ~d for other purposes," approved March 3, 1899-ordered to be pririted.

By Mr. FLYNN: A bill (H. R. 774.0) to amend .section 8 of the act of Congress entitled "An act to authorize the Fort Smith and Western Railroad Company to construct and operate a railway through the Choctaw and Creek nations, in the Indian Territory, and for other purposes"-to the Committee on Indian Af. fairs.

By Mr. SAMUEL W. SMITH (by request): A bill (H. R. 7741) to grant the remaining unlocated odd-numbered sections of the desert land of the United States in the Colorado Desert of San Diego County, Cal., to the San Diego and Phcenix Railroad Company, to" aid it in its construction across the said Colorado Desertto the Committee on the Public Lands.

By Mr. ELLIOTT: A bill (H. R. 7742) to provide for the erec-

tion of a public building in the city of Georgetown, S, C.-to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds.

By Mr. GARDNER of New Jersey: A bill (H. R. 7743) to auth_orize thl3 acquiring of the West Indian Islands owned. by the Kmgdom of Denmark, and appropriating the money therefor-to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

By Mr. MOODY of Massachusetts: A bill (H. R. 774.4) for the erection of a public building at Amesbury, Essex County Mass.-to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. ' . By M~-. SPALDI.NG: A bilI (H. R. 7831) authorizing negotia

tions with the Indians of Devils Lake Reservation, in North Dakota, for the cession of lands-to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

By Mr. COWHERD: A bill (H. R. 7832) to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to examine the evidence of debts claimed to be due or of payments made by the State of :Missouri to the officers and privates of the militia forces of said State for military services performed in the suppression of the rebellion in full concert and cooperation with the authorities of the United States and subject to their orders, and to make report thereof to Congressto the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. TAYLER of Ohio: A joint resolution (H.J. Res. 149) declaring the Philippine Islands territories of the United Statesto the Committee on Insular Affairs. . By Mr. G~lGGS: A co~current resolution (H. C. Res. 13) rela

tive to prmtmg 50,000 copies of the report of the First Assistant Postmaster-General for the year ending June 30, 1899--to the Committee on Printing.

By Mr. ¥ITZGERAL~ of Massachuset~s: A resolution (H. Res. 122) r~la~ve to the Pres1den~ of. the Umted States appointing a commISs1on, etc.-to the Committee on Interstate. and Foreign Commerce.

By Mr. GRAHAM: A memorial of the legislature of the State of.Pennsylvania, favoring the protection of free labor from the injurious effect of competition of convict labor-to the Committee on Labor.

By Mr. YOUNG of Pennsylvania: A memorial of the legislat-qre of the State of Pennsylvania, favoring the protection of free labor from the injurious effect of competition of convict labor-to the Committee on Labor. ·

' PRIVATE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS INTRODUG"'ED. Under cluse 1 of Rule XXII, private bills and resolutions of

the following titles were introduced and severally referred as follows: ·

By Mr. ACHESON: A bill (H. R. 7745) granting a pension to Lucinda Miller-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7746) to correct the military record of Francis Wilhelm, of Dunbar, Fayette County, Pa.-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7747) to correct the military record of John Stevenson, of Bentleysville, Washington County, Pa.-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7748) granting a pension to John McKenzie, of Claysville, Washington County, Pa.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7749) granting a pension to Daniel Sims, California, Washington County, Pa.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7750) granting an increase of pension to John I. Fleming-to the Committee on Pensions.

By Mr. BRADLEY: A bill (H. R. 7751) to remove the charge of desertion from the military record of Charles Kuhn-to the · Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois: A bill (H. R. 7752) for the relief of George W. Emerson-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. CLARK of Missouri: A bill (H. R. 7753) granting a pension to William W. Batterton-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. CRUMP: A bill (H. R. 7754) to increase the pension of Julia A. Loucks, widow of Lieut. John W. Loucks-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. DRIGGS: A bill (H. R. 7755) to increase pension of Timothy Donoghoe-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. STANLEY W. DAVENPORT: A bill (H. R. 7756) removing charge of desertion and setting aside sentence of courtmartial as to George . H. Williams, late Company H, Eleventh Pennsylvania Cavalry-to the Commit1iee on Military Affairs.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7757) for the relief of Agnes Ryder, minor child of the late Thomas P. Ryder, brigade quartermaster's clerk of Third Brigade, Third Division, First Army Corps, SpanishAmerican war-to the Committee on Pensions.

By Mr. GILL.ET of New York: A bill (H. R. 7758) removing the charge of desertion from the militaryrecordof He1·man Wag· ner-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. GARDNER of Michigan: A bill (H. R. 7759) granting a pension to Catherine M. Hall-to the Committee on Pensions. .

•

1900. ·CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. .. 1373 By Mr. GORDON: A bill (H. R. 7780) for the relief of James

Kelly-to the Committee on Military Affairs. By Mr. GREENE of Massachusetts: A bill (H. R. 7761) for the

relief of Hannah W. Millard-to the Committee on Claims. By Mr. GILL: A bill (H. R. 7762) to pension Emeline Allison

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. Also, a bill (H. R. 7763) to.Pension Mrs. S. Amanda Mansfield-

to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. --Also, a bill (H. R. 7764) to pension Andrew I. Guthrey, late of

Company F, Ninety-eighth Regiment Ohio Volunteer lnfantryto the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7765) to pension Samuel D. Edgar, late of Company F, Ninety-eighth Ohio Volunteer Infantry-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a biJl (H. R. 7766) to pension Eloise McKee, helpless daughter of Hugh L. McKee, deceased-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7767) to p6nsion Alice D. Roatch-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7768) for the relief of Michael Barrett-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. GIBSON: A bill (H. R. 7769) granting a pension to Simeon Collins-to the Committee on Invalid"Pensions. · By Mr. GROUT: A bill (H. R. 7770) granting an increase of pension to James F. Grey-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. GIBSON: A bill (H. R. 7771) for the allowance of certain claims reported by the accounting officers of the United States Treasury Department-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. HAY: A bill (H. R. 7772) granting a pension to Mrs. Isabella V. Jett-to the Committee on Pensions.

By Mr. JOHNSTON: A bill (H. R. 7773) forthereliefof Albert Traub-to the Oommittee on War Claims.

By l\1r. JENKINS: A bill (H. R. 7774) authorizing George Winans and his associates to improve the channel of-the Mississippi River between Red Wing, Minn., and Leclaire, Iowa; upon certain conditions, and for certain considerations to be paid by the United States, and for other purposes-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors.

By Mr. KARN: A bill (H. R. 7775) granting increase of penaion to Dr. George B. Tolman-to the Committee on Invalid Pen-sions. ·

Also, a bill (H. R. 7776) granting increase of pension to Johanna J. Naughton-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. LITTAUER: A bill (H. R. 7777) to remove the charge of desertion from the military record of Math~ W. Face-to the Committee on Military Affairs. 1

By Mr. LYBRAND: A bill (H. R. 7778) to correct the military record of William Loar, Company K, One hundred and seventyfourth Regiment Ohio Volunteers-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. MAHON: A bill (H. R. 7779) for the relief of Parmer Stewart-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. McRAE: A bill (H. R. 7780) for the relief of Jacob P. Stroope-to the Committee on Claims.

By Mr. McLAIN: A bill (H. R. 7781) for therelief of the estate of Isaac Jones, of Adams County, Miss.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7782) for the relief of James A. G. Winston, of Adams County, Miss.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7783) for the relief of Eliza L. Rivers, of Adams County, Miss.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7784) for the relief of Burks Fitzgerald-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. MIERS of Indiana: A bill (H. R. 7785) granting a pension to Samuel F. Fowler-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr: MANN: A bill cH. R. 7786) to refund internal-revenue taxes paid by owners of private dies-t-0 the Committee on Claims.

By Mr. MESICK: A bill (H. R. 7787) to remove the char1?e of desertion against the name of Moses Johnson-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R: 7788) granting an increase of pension to John Yaner-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. NEVILLE: A bill (H. R. 7789) gi·anting a pension to f'larinda. Raymond, of Burwell, in the State of Nebraska-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. ·

By l\Ir. NORTON of Ohio: A bill (H. R. 7790) to remove the charge of desertion from the record of Ernst Brauning-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7791) for the relief of Ellen Scranton and others, heirs at law of Elizabeth Whittaker-to the Committee on War Claims. · Also, a bill (H. R. 7792) for the relief of John A. Welch-to the

Committee on Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 7793) for the relief of Hewson L. Peeke-to

the Committee on Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 7794) granting a pension to John Canter-to

the Committee on Invalid Pensions. _

Also, a bill (H. R. 7795) to remove the charge of desertion from the record of Denton Whipps-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. PEARRE: A bill (H. R. 7796) for the relief of the estate of Elijah Thompson, deaeased, late of Montgomery County, Md.to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7797) for the relief of Thomas J. Anstin......:.to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7798) to remove the charge of desertion from the record of John Harb-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. PHILLIPS: A bill (H. R. 7799) to grant an increase of pension to Franklin M. Burdoin-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7800) to grant an increase of pension to Albert A. Herkner-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. QUARLES: A bill (H. R. 7801) for the relief of John D. Youell-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. ROBERTSON of Louisiana: A bill (H. R. 7802) for the relief of WiJliam R. Barrow, of West Feliciana Parish, La.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a hill (H. R. 7803) for the relief of the estate of John G. Archer, of Pointe Coupee Parish, La.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7804) for the relief of the estate of William Brown Millican, deceased, late of East Feliciana Parish, La.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7805) for the relief of Mrs. Odile Deslonde, of New O!'leans, La.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7806) for the relief of the estate of S. E. Hackett, deceased, late of Baton Rouge, La.-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. RAY of New York: A bill (H. R. 7807) granting an increase of pension to James Orton-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. .

Also, a bill (H. R. 7808) granting an increase ~f pension to Andrew M. Dickerson-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. RUCKER: A bill (H. R. 7809) granting a pension to James Elmer Lewis-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7810) granting a pension to Robert P. Currin-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. SULLOWAY: A bill (H. R. 7811) granting a pension to Lydia L. Gates-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. STARK: A bill (H. R. 7812) granting a pension to Lydia Strang, of Osceola, Polk County, Nebr.-to the Committee on Pensions.

By Mr. SUTHERLAND: A bill (H. R. 7813) to remove the charge of desertion from the military record <;>f Peter Green-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. SHOW ALTER: A bill (H. R. 7814) appropriating $100 to John l\I. Turner, of Butler, Pa., late of Company E, Seventyeighth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7815) for the relief of A. G. White, postmaster at Beaver, Pa.-to the Committee on Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7816) granting a pension to Jennie L. and Samuel Sears Alexander, destitute and affiicted children of Samuel B. Alexander, deceased, late of Company A, One hundred and thirty-ninth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7817) to increase the pension of John C. Hart," late first lieutenant of Company D, One hundredth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. SHAFROTH: A bill (H. R. 7818) granting a pension to Joseph Cramer-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. STEW ART of Wisconsin: A bill (H. R. 7819) to remove the charge of desertion from the naval record of Peter Provanshato the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. TOMPKINS: A bill (H. R. 7820) to reimburse Charlotte E. Brennan, widow of D. D. Brennan, for expenses incurred in travel from Yokohama, Japan, to Haverstraw, N. Y., after the summary discharge of said D. D. Brennan as paymaster's clerk in the United States Navy-to the Committee on Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7821) granting pension to Carrie K. Bakerto the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, a bill (H. R. 7822) for the relief of Michael McCormickto the Committee on Claims.

By Mr. WILLIAM E. WILLIAMS: A bill (H. R. 7823) grantmg an increase of pension to William N ewnom-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. WHITE: A bill (H. R, 7824) to pay to J. B. McRae $99 for services as hospital steward, and so forth-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. WILSON of New York: -A bill (H. R. 7825) to place the name of Frank Perry on the pension roll-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. WHEELER of Kentucky: A bill (H. R. 7826) for the relief of John M. Seavers-tothe Committee on Invalid Pensions. ,..

'


By Mr. ZENOR: A bill (H. R. 7827) granting a pension to Henry J. Mills, jr.-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. ZIEGLER: A bill (H. R. 7828) granting a pension to David Topper, of Company E, One hundred and sixty-fifth Regiment Pennsylvania Militia-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. BULL: A bill (H. R. 7829) for .the relief of Thomas F. Tobey-to the Committee on Military Affairs. '

By Mr. FITZGERALD of Massachusetts: A bill (H. R. 7830) for the relief of Leonard Wilson-to the Committee on Claims.

By Mr. COWHERD: A joint resolution (H. J. Res. 150) for the relief of Robert L. Lindsay-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. WILSON of Arizona: A joint resolution (H. J. Res. 151) authorizing proper officers of the Treasury Department to examine and certify claims in favor of certain counties in Arizona-to the Committee on Claims.

PETITIONS, ETC. Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, the following petitions and papers

were laid on the Clerk's desk and referred as follows: By Mr. ADAMSON: Resolutions adopted by the Board of Trade

of Columbus, Ga., January 24, 1900, indorsing the work of C. P. Goodyear on the outer bar of Brunswick, Ga., and urging such legislation as will enable him to continue the work-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors.

By Mr. BRADLEY: Papers to accompany House bill for the correction of the military record of John Cabe, alias Kaeb-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. BUTLER: Petition of the Chamber of Commerce of Phoonixville, Pa., to amend the act to regulate commerce-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

By Mr. CLARK of Missouri: Petition of W.W. Batterton, of Snohomish, Wash., praying that a pension be granted him for wounds received at the hands of Todd's guerrillas-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. DAHLE of Wisconsin: Petition of druggists of Stoughton, Wis., relating to the stamp tax on medicines, etc.-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

Also, petition of clerks of Madison, Wis., post-office, favoring the passage of House bill No. 4351-to the Committee on thePostOffice and Post-Roads.

By Mr. STANLEY W. DAVENPORT: Petition of J. S. Parsons and others, of Wilkesbarre, Pa., and vicinity, favoring a bill providing for the reclassification of the Railway Mail Serviceto the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

By Mr. DAVIDSON: Petition of the post-office clerks of Oshkosh, Wis .. urging the passage of House bill No. 4351, for the classifi.cation of post-office clerks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

By Mr. DINSMORE: Papers of John Miser, of the State of Arkansas, asking reference of his war claim to the Court of Claimsto the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. DOLLIVER: Resolutions of the Federal Labor Union of Boone, Iowa, in relation to the care and disposition of the public lands-to the Committee on the Public Lands.

By Mr. ELLIOTT: Resolution of the Merchants' Exchange of Charleston, S. C., opposing the passage of House bill No. 5462, placing pilots solely in the United States Steamboat-Inspection Service-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

By Mr. FOSS: Petition of clerks employed in the post-office at Chica~o, Ill., asking for the passage of the bill No. 4351, for the classification of clerks in the first and second class post-offices-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

Also, petition of surfmen in the United States Life-Saving Service and citizens, relating to an increase of pay to surfmen of the United States life-saving stations-to the Committee on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries.

By M.r. GILLET of New York: Petition of members of the bar in western New York, in favor of Senate bill No. 268, creating a new district to be called the western district of New York-to the Committee on the Judiciary.

By Mr.GLYNN: Papers to accompany House bill No. 7539, for the relief of Peter J. Keleher, of Albany. N. Y.-to the Committee on Pe:asions. ·

By Mr. GRAHAM: Resolution of the New England Shoe and Leather Association, Boston, Mass., protesting against the present duty on hides, and asking that the same be abrogated and that hides be again placed on the free list-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. GROUT: Papers to accompany House bill granting an increase of pension toJamesF. Grey-totheCommitteeon Invalid Pensions.

Also, resolution of the Chicago Federation of Labor, W. Carmody, secretary, favoring Government ownership of arid public lands and the building of irrigation works, etc.-to the Committee on Irrigation of Arid Lands.

Also, memorial of Albert D. Shaw, commander in chief Grand

Army of theRepublic,favoringthepassage of House bill No.4742, providing military instruction in public schools-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, petition of Hoyt H. Wheeler and80citizens of Brattleboro, Vt., favoring the passage of Senate bill No. 34, for the prevention of cruelty to animals in the District of Columbia-to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

By Mr. JOHNSTON: Petition of" Albert Traub, of West Virginia, asking reference of war claim to the Court of Claims-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. KAHN: Paper to accompany House bill to increase the pension of Johanna J. Naughton-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. LACEY: Resolution of the Iowa State Veterinary Medical Association, favming the organization of a veterinary corps-to the Committee on Military Affairs. . ,

By Mr. LITTAUER: Statement to accompany House bill to correct the military record of Matthew W. Face-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. McDOWELL: Petition of the publisher of the Index, Bellefontaine, Ohio, to repeal the tariff on printing papElr-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

By Mr. MESICK: Petitions of clerks of the post-offices at Traverse City and Big Rapids, Mich., favoring the passage of House bill No. 4351, for the classification of post-office clerks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roa<}.S.

By Mr. NORTON of Ohio: Papers to accompany House- bill to remove the charge of desertion against the military record of. Ernst Bravning-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, paper to accompany House bill to remove the charge of desertion against ~he military record of Denton Whipps-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, papers to accompany House bill relating to the claim of John A. Welch, of Woodland, Ohio-to the Committee on Claims.

Also, papers relating to the claim of Ellen Scranton and others, heirs a.t law of Elizabeth Whittaker-to the Committtee on War Claims.

By Mr. PEARCE of Missouri: Petition of the heirs of James Murphy, deceased, late of Washington County, Md., praying reference of his war claim to the Court of Claims-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, petition of the heirs of Hezekiah Boteler, deceased, late of Frederick County, Md., praying reference of his war claim to the· Court of Claims-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. RAY of New York: Petition of citizens of Sherburne, Bambridge, and Columbus, Chenango County, N. Y., for legislation relating to dairy or food products-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

Also, petition of citizens of Ithaca, N. Y., for the appointment of a veterinary corps in tbe United States Army-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. ROBERTSON of Louisiana: Paper to accompany House bill for the relief of the estate of John G. Archer-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. SHATTUC: Papers to accompany House bill No. 3951, for the relief of Pardon M. Bowen, late private, Company K, One hundred and thirty-eighth Ohio Volunteer Infantry-to the Com· mitt.ea on Military Affairs.

By Mr. SHERMAN: Petition of D. A. Tremain and others, of Vienna, N. Y., for a law subjecting food and dairy products to the laws of the State or Territory into which they are importedto the Committee on Agriculture.

By Mr. SLAYDEN: Petition of citizens of San Antonio, Tex.,favoring the passage of House bill No. 4351, for the reclassification of postal clerks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

By Mr. SULLOWAY: Petition of drug~sts of Manchester, N. H., relating to the stamp tax on medicmes, perfumery, and cosmetics-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

Also, petition of railway postal clerks in the First Congressional district of New Hampshire, for the reclassification of thA Railway Mail Service-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

Also, resolution of the Manchester (N. H.) Board of Trade, in favor of a commission to study and 1·eport upon the industrial and commercial conditions in China-to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. .

By Mr. SUTHERLAND: Papers to accompany House bill to remove the charge of desertion against Peter Green-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Also, papers to accompany House bill granting a pension to Samuel F. Fowler-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. WHITE: Paper to accompany House bill for the relief of J. B. MacRae, of Jackson, N. C.-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. JAMES R. WILLIAMS: Paper in support of House bill to correct the military record of Jesse Milam-to the C-Ommittee on Military Affairs.

1900. \ CONGRESSIONAL ·RECORD-SENATE. 1375 Also, petitions of C. M. Meade and D. Berry, of Carmi, Ill.,

and C. T. Hunter, of Springerton, Ill., dental surgeons, favoring the appointment of dental surgeons in the Army and Navy-to the-Committee on Military Affairs.

AL'io, resolutions of James M. Gentry Post, No. 727, of Cave in Rock, Ill., against -the removal of disabilities of all deserters in the war of the rebellion-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. YOUNG of Pennsylvania: Petition of the Braid Manufactnrers' Association of New York City, protesting against the ratification of the reciprocity treaty with France-to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

By Mr. ZIEGLER: Papers to accompany House bill No. 6045, granting a pension to Rosanna Wavell-to the Committee on In-valid Pensions. ~

Also, papers to accompany House bill No. 6046, granting a pension to Margaret E. Miller-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions

Also, papers to accompany House bill granting a pension to. David Topper-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, papers to accompany House bill No. 5431, to increase the pension of Reuben H. Lynch-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, papers to accompany House bill No. 5435, granting an increase of pension to Alexander P. Baugher-to the Committee on Invalid Pem;ions.

Also, papers to a~company House bill No. 5436, to increase the pension of Joseph K. Arm.strong-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, papers to accompany House bill No. 6043, for an increase of pension to John C. Shenermen-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, papers to accompany Hou"se bill No. 6044, to increase the pension of Charles S. Bunty-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

SEN.ATE. THURSDAY, February 1, 1900.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. W. H. MILBURN, D. D. The Secretary prQCeeded to read the Journal of yesterday's pro

ceedings, when, on motion of Mr. NELSON, and by unanimous consent, the further reading was dispensed with.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, the J ournal stands approved.

CORRECTION OF RECORD-ADMIRAL DEWEY'S LETTER. Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I desire to make a correction in

the RECORD of yesterday's proceedings. On the last line of column 1, page 1356, in giving Admiral Dewey's letter I observe it says:

I never treated him as an ally except to make use of him and the soldiers. The word in the letter, which very likely I misread, and which

was copied also wrongly by the press, is"' natives •rinstead of ''soldiers." In order that the correction may clearly appear, I ask that the letter may be reprinted correctly.

The_PRE8IDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it will be so ordered. ·

The letter referred to is as follows: OFFICE OF THE ADMIRAL, 1747 RHODE ISLAND A VENUE,

Washington, January SO, 1900. DEAR SENA.TOR LODGE: The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, as recently

published in the Springfield Republican, !'O far as it relates to me, is a tissue of falsehoods. I never promised him, nirectly or indirectly, independence for the Filipinos; I never treated him as an ally, except to make use of him and the natives to assist me in my operations against the Spaniards. He never uttered the word independence in any conversation with me or my offi cers.

The statement that I received him with military honors or saluted the socalled Filipino flag is absolutely false.

Sincerely, yours, GEORGE DEWEY. . REPORTS OF SECRET.A.RY OF THE SENATE.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of the Senate, transmitting a full and complete account of all property, including the stationery, belonging to the United States in his possession on the 31st day of January, 1900; which, with the accompanying papers, was ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.

He also laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of the Senate, transmitting a full and complete statement of the receipts and expenditures of the Senate, showing in detail the items of expense under the proper appropriations, the aggregate thereof, and exhibiting the exact condition of all public moneys received, paid out, and remaining in his possession, from July 1, 1899, to January 31, 1900; which, with the accompanying papers, was-ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.

CAPE NOME DISTRICT, AL.A.SKA. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a com

munication from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting, in re-

sponse to a resolution of the 3d ultimo, a letter from the Director of the Geological Survey, inciosing a report on the investigations made by the Geological Smvey in the Cape Nome district of Alaska; which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the 9ommittee on Printing.

ANNU L REPORTS OF DISTRICT RAILWAYS. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the annual

reports of the Capital Traction Railway Company, the Great Falls Electric Railway Company, the City and Suburban Railway Company, the Georgetown and Tennallytown Railway Company, the Anacostia and Potomac River Railroad Company, the Brightwood Railway Company, the Columbia Railway Company, and the Metropoli tan Railroad Company, all of the.District of Columbia; which were referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, and ordered to be printed.

PERSONAL EXPLANATION-PRIVILEGES OF THE SENATE. l\Ir. RAWLINS. Mr. President, I rise to a question of personal

privilege and to makt. a parliamentary inquiry. I notice by an examination of the RECORD of the proceedings

of the House of Representatives during last week frequent references to myself, with the charge that if I had taken pains to do so I might have revealed certain things pertaining to the domestic and personal affairs of certain citizens of my State, and that I might have revealed, if I had desired to do so, things startlin~ to the moral sentiment of the country, and especially to the moral sensibilities of the members of the House of Representatives.

The question of parliamentary inquirywhich I make is whether such allusions made by members of the House concerning a member of this body are a breach of the privileges of the Senate and a violation of the courtesies due by members of one branch of Congress to those of the other, and if they be a breach of such privilege and a violation of such courtesies, what, if any, remedy exists; whether it would also be a breach of the courtesies due by members of the Senate to the members of the House to make reply in the Senate to such allusions made in the House and correct what amember heremightconceive to be aspersions upon the character of the people whom he in part represents or upon himself.

I understand that it would be such breach of privilege, but I should like an expression from the Chair upon these questions so that I may govern myself accordingly.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. If a Senator were making an attack upon any member of the other branch of the Honse the Presiding Officer would feel it to be his duty to call him to order, it being a violation, in his judgment, of propriety and of courtesy.

The samerulewould undoubtedlyprevail in the House, and any member of the House who was making an attack upon a member of the other branch of Congress ought, in my judgment-I think I will not say that-it is for the Speaker of the House or members of the House to determine for themselves whether or not he is committing a breach and ought to ba called to order.

As to what can be said in either House in relation to what has taken plaDe in the other there is no rule of the Senate, of course, and the Secretary will read what Jefferson's Manual says in relation to it.

The Secretary read as follows: It is a breach of order in debate to notice what has been said on the same

subject in the other House, or the particular votes or majorities on it there, because the opinion of each House should be left to its own independency, not to be influenced by the proceedings of the other; and the quoting them might beget reflections leading to a misunderstanding between the two Houses.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. That is the only restriction which is laid down in the Manual, and there is no rule, of course, of the Senate relating to the matter.

Mr. RAWLINS. Mr. President, I understand such to be the case, and I made the inquiry so that my silence here in regard to statements concerning myself and the people whom I represent can not and must not be taken by the country as any admission of the truth of any such statements.

SECRETARY OF THE SENATE. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair will administer the

oath to the recently appointed Secretary of the Senate. The oath having been administered to Mr. CHARLES G. BENNETT,

he took his seat at the Secretary's desk. Mr. ALLISON submitted the following resolution; which was

considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to: · ResolvedJ That the President of the United States and the House of Repr(\

senta.tives oe notified of the election of CHARr~Es G. BENNETT as Secretary of the Senate.

PETITIONS AND MElIORIALS, Mr. SEWELL presented the petition of Dr.J. V. Laddey and 13

other citizens of Arlington, N. J., praying for the enactment of legislation t;o establish a veterinary corps in the United States Army equal to that in foreign countries; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

He also presented a petition of sundry railway mail clerks of

CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD-SENATE. - Govinfo.gov

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