Comparative Analysis of Visualizing Natural Disasters: Picturing images of floods in the aftermath...

Comparative Analysis of Visualizing Natural Disasters -

Running head: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF VISUALIZING NATURAL DISASTER

Comparative Analysis of Visualizing Natural Disasters: Picturing images of floods in the

aftermath of Hurricane Katrina versus Pakistan

Paper submitted to the Visual Communication Studies, 2015 International Communication

Association, in Puerto Rico, San Juan


Abstract

The current study examines how the news media visualize victims/survivors during natural

disasters in two different countries. This study offers a unique insight into comparative visual

materials provided by the Associated Press images of flooding victims from the aftermath of

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and the 2010 floods following the monsoon rains in Pakistan. It

examines whether AP − a leading Western news outlet − continue to reinforce the stereotype of

the poverty stricken as victims and passive, while citizens of ally nations are visualized in

superior roles and being actively engaged in survival.


Introduction

Every day the American public is inundated with a barrage of images in newspapers and

television. These images comprise of what the news media widely refer to as the Four Horseman

of the Apocalypse: “famine, war, death and pestilence” (Moeller, 1999). This is perhaps most

evident when it comes to the news coverage of natural disasters where media play a pivotal role

is every aspect of the crisis, including the aftermath. The visuals of these events bring the

devastation upfront and reveal racial/social/economic inequalities overseas as well as within

Western society. Further, the role of images is arguably more relevant in this digital media age,

as people increasingly prefer instantaneous content that is easy to digest. As Fahmy and

colleagues argue images have become a significant medium for communicating political, social,

and international issues in many different parts of the world (See Fahmy, Bock & Wanta, 2014).

This study offers a unique insight into comparative visual materials provided by the

Associated Press images of flooding victims from the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005

and the 2010 floods following and monsoon rains in Pakistan. Focusing on the AP as a news

source is key. As Fahmy (2004) notes the importance of AP lies in its prestige and influence. On

a daily basis top U.S. media outlets use and publish AP wire images.

However, despite the important role that images have played in framing news coverage of

natural disasters, insufficient scholarly attention has paid attention to comparative visual

coverage using different typologies of visual framing, particularly using the structural levels of

visual framing images as proposed by Geise and Roessler (2012).

This research therefore aims to fill this gap in the visual framing literature by providing a

new application to the theory of typologies of visual framing. By empirically testing these

different typologies it examines its application in visual framing analyses across global regions.


Further by explicitly focusing on stereotyping in images as a mode of communication, this

research hopes to expand on how AP – that is heavily used within the news media – might have

had a powerful influence on how audiences perceive victims/survivors in a comparative context.

Finally this study contributes to enhancing our understandings of the role of AP news

images in framing natural disasters of different regions, specifically regarding visualizing crisis

regarding its own people (US citizens) versus Pakistanis or the “others.” It also advances

theoretical and methodological approaches to visual framing theory by helping scholars and

practitioners understand how content of images relate to influencing the interpretation of

tragedies at home vis a vis ones that happen abroad. Theoretical and operational linkages

developed as a part of this research may facilitate interdisciplinary research initiatives especially

involving visual communication, crisis communication, and international communication in the

global context of natural disasters. However, before delving into the literature and the theoretical

framework, it is important to shed light on the context of the flooding crises under study.

The Context

Both Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and the 2010 floods following and monsoon rains in

Pakistan were major media news events at their respective times.

In 2005, Hurricane Katrina forced thousands to flee their homes due to flooding caused

by breaking levees. The loss of life during Katrina prompted FEMA (Federal Emergency

Management Agency) to provide major disaster funds nearly totaling $81 billion.

Hurricane Katrina’s effect in New Orleans, where poor infrastructure and lack of

government support caused chaos and exposed massive social inequalities that have continued to

resonate with the public nearly eight years later. On August 27, 2005 President George W. Bush


declared a state of emergency for residents in Louisiana allowing Federal Emergency

Management Agency (FEMA) to provide disaster funds to help residents recover from damages

and losses incurred from Hurricane Katrina (FEMA, 2005). According to the National Hurricane

Center, the category five hurricanes took the lives of nearly 1,836 and caused an estimated $81

billion in damages across four states. However, the most severe loss of life was in New Orleans,

as a result of major flooding caused by a failed levee system, submerging nearly 80 percent of

the city for weeks (National Hurricane Center, 2005). The US government was criticized for not

doing enough to help the survivors or Katrina, while the international community has come

under scrutiny for their lack-luster support of the Pakistani people after the severe monsoon rains

devastated the entire country.

In Pakistan, heavy monsoon rains in 2010 were blamed for the massive flooding that

occurred there resulting in the worst floods in the country’s history. According to the United

Nations (August 19, 2010), the floods killed nearly 3,000 and affected the lives of 15 to 20

million. The disaster resulted in nearly $43 billion in economic losses (Tarakzai, 2010, The

Jakarta Globe Online).

The intense monsoon rains beginning in July 2010 resulted in catastrophic flooding in

rural Pakistan. The United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called the international

community to scale up their aid efforts saying that the three weeks of flooding that affected 15 to

20 million people was likely to last for years (United Nations, 2010). The Singapore Red Cross’s

report estimated the death toll at nearly 2,000, with approximately 3,000 people injured,

declaring this to be the worst floods in Pakistan’s history (ReliefWeb, 2010). The country faced

nearly $43 billion in economic losses, which entailed structural destruction and crop losses

(Tarakzai, 2010).


The damage left the wake of these two floods has prompted major media coverage,

including from the Associated Press. As noted above, the AP is the most influential new

organization in North America (“About A.P.” n.d.). It provides news 24-hours a day to

newspapers, radio, and television stations, calling itself the “backbone of the world’s information

system”. As a result of its prolific reach it has also become a leader in global news coverage, by

providing the North American public up-to-date news information (“About A.P.” n.d.).

Literature Review

A review of the current literature reveals little research has extended into how images are

used to create victim and survivor frames and the implications for stereotyping these groups.

While some research suggests that citizens from third world countries are usually depicted as

victims, passive and unable to improve their situations (Ali, James & Vultee, 2013), other

research finds that minority citizens of first world countries, in particular African Americans,

have been depicted in stereotypical roles (Fahmy, Kelly, Kim, 2007, Kahle, Yu, and Whiteside,

2007), suggesting these roles may visually depict minority citizens in the U.S. as more like

members of the third world.

Photojournalism, Framing, and Disaster coverage

When natural disasters hit, some of the first images that the public is inundated with are

of people huddled together, of squalid living conditions, even dead bodies. These types of

images, when consistently presented, can create a social reality that determines how the viewing

public perceives victims of disasters in the Western world, as well as, in foreign nations. Certain

images, phrases, and/or words can influence an individual’s perception to encourage certain

interpretations while discouraging others (Entman, 1993). Reese (2001) adds that visual frames


are organizing principles that are socially shared and their persistence creates the structure of the

social world. Visuals such as a graphics and images can also be used to emphasize and de-

emphasize victims and certain agencies (Entman, 1991).

Images are also effective tools for framing due to their ability to imitate reality (Messaris

& Abraham, 2001). Visuals are also powerful tools that can be used to articulate ideological

messages (2001). Visual framing suggests that certain images are made more salient by being

chosen and consistently used to emphasize certain stereotypes (Entman, 1993). Although there is

no definitive definition of visual framing, “the process itself involves the selective prioritization

of some images to promote a specific interpretation of events conducted either consciously or

subconsciously. It is therefore instructive to reflect on how media apply visual framing to

contribute to our understanding of the world we see in the news” (Ying & Fahmy, 2013 p.195).

Major news organizations coverage of disasters rely on emotions as a technique to tell

stories. Borah’s (2009) study compares visuals of Hurricane Katrina and the 2004 Indian Ocean

Tsunami using the New York Times and The Washington Post. Both news organizations depicted

Katrina and the Tsunami disasters using the lives-saved framed more often; however, both

papers focused their coverage of death and emotions on the Tsunami, while Katrina coverage

was focused on depictions of relief efforts and survivors (Borah, 2009).

Further, many media outlets utilize photographs as part of their print stories, as a way to

provide audiences with a visual depiction of the devastation. The major news routines used by

U.S. coverage involves taking a large, impersonal events and allowing them to unfold through

the accounts of individuals’ experiencing the pain and suffering. In the case of Hurricane

Katrina, a majority of the victims were black and poor. Certain visual frames the news media

used were that of human emotions, victimization, and the suffering of the non-white people of


New Orleans. Gatekeepers tended to focus front pages on victims, while wire services offered a

wider variety of photos including government officials making announcements during the

disaster, as well as damage to the physical surrounding (Fahmy et al., 2007). This suggests that

despite the variety of images offered by the wire services, media institutions continued to place a

greater emphasis on suffering.

News Framing and Flooding Disasters

Framing over-simplifies complex issues, taking them out of their political and societal

contexts (Moeller, 1999). Situations involving war, death, famine, and disease have been turned

into easy to digest clips for Western audiences. As a result of viewing simplified “distant

suffering”, the emaciated African baby becomes the image of Africa, while images of Pakistanis

become symbolic of “acts of God” (Ploughman, 1997).

Even within American society, African Americans in times of disaster are portrayed as

victims of their own volition. Research in racial disparity, risk, and poverty suggest that African

Americans are losers and victims in a societal game of chance (Gandy & Li, 2005). Thus stories

about blacks are more often focused on emphasizing loss and victimization, while stories about

Whites were less likely to be vulnerable.

Similarly, Kahle, Yu, and Whiteside (2007) found that photographic news coverage

continues to reinforce negative stereotypes about African Americans. Photographic images

consistently depict African Americans as helpless and as victims. African Americans were also

more likely to be receiving handouts than Whites, reinforcing the stereotype that African

Americans are not self-reliant. In addition, African Americans were seen as unprepared and

making little to no efforts to leave. These cumulative images create a frame that portrays the

African American community as doing little to prepare for the impending disaster, thus the need


to government aid in the aftermath (2007). These types of stereotyping can have a major impact

in the way the public views minorities in disasters in the U.S; however, does the coverage of

victims in international disasters fair in the Western news media?

As shown, some studies have focused on how Hurricane Katrina survivors have been

framed in the news media; yet few studies have made comparisons between those visuals and

international disaster victims. Borah (2009) compared images of Hurricane Katrina and the 2004

Indian Ocean Tsunami, but did not examine characteristics of perceived victims and survivors,

such as emotional state and physical appearance. Further, literature searches yielded very little

in regards to Pakistani disaster victims in the context of media coverage. According to the U.S.

Department of State (2014), Pakistan is an important ally to the U.S, especially after 9/11, where

coordinated efforts between both countries resulted in the capture of over 600 al-Qaida members

and their supporters. Thus, it is imperative to add to the body of literature regarding Pakistan.

A major focus of the current study focuses on how American versus Pakistanis (the

Other) survivors/victims are portrayed in these two major natural disasters: Hurricane Katrina’s

aftermath in New Orleans and the flooding in Pakistan. It examines whether AP − a leading

Western news outlet − continue to reinforce the stereotype of the poverty stricken as victims and

passive, while citizens of ally nations are visualized in superior roles and being actively engaged

in survival. Because Pakistan plays a pivotal role in the U.S.’s war on terrorism, these flooding

victims may be visualized differently than victims of Hurricane Katrina. Pakistan’s relationship

with the Western world was further emphasized by Foreign Minister Makhdoom Shah Mahmood

Qureshi when addressing the United Nations. He said, “Pakistan is the nation, which now looks

towards the international community to show similar determination and humanity in its hour of

need” (United Nations, August 19, 2010).


The study relies on Geise and Grimms (2013) typology of visual frames. Their theory

building stems from prior research in visual communication done by Aqtash, Seif and Seif

(2004), Fahmy (2004), Borah (2009), Parry (2011) who examine stylistic characteristics of the

image. Other research by Schwalbe, Sulcock and Keith (2008) and Borah (2009) also look at the

subject of the image, while Fahmy (2004) delves into the interplay between the camera angles

and the referent object in the images. The next section will go into further details regarding the

specific typologies in the context of the current research.

Framing Typologies

Geise and Grimms’ (2013) typology broadly includes the surface structure, in which

images are viewed by their manifest characteristics. Manifest characteristics include

presentational frames such as whether the shot size was an aerial, full, long, mid or close up

(Borah, 2009). Shot size, in particular is significant because it allows audiences an opportunity to

either humanize the photo’s subject or view the person/persons as an object. Object frames also

fall within the context of surface structure in that the important feature of the image is the

subject: human or object. Finally, configurational frames look at how the human subject is

represented in regards to whether they are making eye contact with the camera or are turned

away (Fahmy, 2004).

The meso structure views images from their quasi manifest characteristics. This entails

symbolic frames which the representation of visual symbols (Geise & Grimms, 2013). For

example, the American flag is a symbol of patriotism (Fahmy, 2010). Further, stereotypical

frames focus on the ways the person or persons are depicted in the image. For example, images

of starving children are symbols of Africa (Ali, James & Vultee, 2013), while women wearing

the burka are stereotyped as submissive (Fahmy, 2004). Valence frames refer to the


positive/negative content of the image (Geiss & Grimms, 2013). Political issues like the Iran-

Contra affair which dealt with the Reagan administration’s involvement with a secret deal rather

than following international policy (Park & Kosicki, 1995).

The deep structure (Geise & Grimms, 2013) focuses on the latent characteristics of the

image. This category includes perspective frames, which provide the viewer a general

perspective of the image (2013). The Abu Ghraib torture photos provided audiences the

perspective of the prisoners and shifted public opinion (Andén-Papadopoulos, 2008). Narration

frames tell the viewer a deeper story about the image (Geiss & Grimms, 2013). Images have the

ability to provide complex narrations such as Abu Ghraib images, which despite being a series of

still images, shaped American public policy.

Based on the general classifications defined by Geise and Grimms (2013), the study seeks

to empirically test these visual frame dimensions using the following research questions

regarding the portrayal of natural flood disasters in the United States and the third world country

of Pakistan:

RQ1: Based on the surface typology dimension, which looks at how the referent object/person is

framed within the image a) Which country’s citizen were emphasized or de-emphasized? b) How

were citizens visually framed in the representative images?

RQ2: Based on the meso structure dimension, which focuses mainly on how images convey

stereotypical depictions of certain people a) How do the victims/survivors physically look in

news images? b) How were each countries’ citizens emotionally depicted?

RQ3: Based on the deep structure typology dimension, which focused on more abstract meaning

behind the images and how images can provide deeper meanings and narratives a) Which

http://jou.sagepub.com.proxy.lib.wayne.edu/search?author1=Kari+And%C3%A9n-Papadopoulos&sortspec=date&submit=Submit


country’s victims/survivors were significantly more civically engaged in their own survival (i.e.

helping to control flood, working with aid workers, etc)? b) How does civic engagement align or

alienate a country and citizens to Western nations?

RQ4: Based on the overall frame used in covering the victims versus the survivors of flooding

disasters a) Which country’s citizens will be visualized significantly more as victims? b) Which

country’s citizens will be visualized significantly more as survivors?

Method

The study used photos collected from the AP photo archive depicting flooding victims

during the first year of each disaster. Images for Hurricane Katrina were collected from August

27, 2005 to August 27, 2006, while images of Pakistan flooding victims/survivors were collected

from July 22, 2010 to November 22, 2010. Images were collected using a systematic random

sampling from subject search results to amass 282 images in total (150 Hurricane Katrina and

132 Pakistan1).

Using a random point in the search pages, every other image was chosen to complete the

set 282 for Katrina and Pakistan. Images from AP were chosen using specific search terms for

the individual flood. For Hurricane Katrina the terms used were: Hurricane Katrina, flooding,

victims. For Pakistan the search terms used were: Pakistan, flooding, victims.

All of the photos were coded for the following six variables: prominence of

victims/survivors, role of victims/survivors, aesthetics of victims/survivors, facial expressions of

victims/survivors, the environment the victims/survivors were photographed in, and civic

1 In the case of Pakistani data set, eight pictures were excluded because they were created earlier than the

event analyzed occurred.


engagement.

After careful clarification on how to code facial expressions and role of

victims/survivors, a primary coder coded all 282 photos. A second coder coded a random sample

of 30 photos, about 10.6% of the total for all variables. Reliability estimates were calculated

using Scott’s pi as follows: Date 100%; Location 100%; Main character 100%; Prominence of

victims/survivors 93.3%; The role of victims/survivors 100%; Aesthetics of victims/survivors

100%; Emotional expression of victims/survivors 96.7%;Community Response to Disaster

Impact 100%; and Community Collaboration 100%.

Photo captions were used to determine environment as many of the photos did not

provide enough information for the environment variable to be coded. Victims/survivors were

coded in terms of their perceived role as victims, performing survival activities, or posing as this

was deemed important to understanding how news routines and other institutional practices are

used in the news media. In addition, victims/survivors body language, placement of the

victims/survivors in the frame of the photo, and the surrounding area were used to contribute to

the understanding of how news organizations frame people from different regions during natural

disasters.

For the purposes of this study, the floods in Pakistan are referred to as Pakistan and the

major flooding in New Orleans following the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina are referred to as

Hurricane Katrina.

Results

Research Question 1a is focused on the surface typology dimension and asked which

disaster’s citizens (Pakistan floods versus Hurricane Katrina) were emphasized or de-emphasized

within the image. Further 1b asked the broader question on how these groups were visually


framed in the representative images. Overall, of the 282 images, 29.8% (n=84) fell under the

medium shot category. That is, the images focused on the full length of the subject or the waist

up shot. 21.6% (n=61) images were coded as minor shots or long shots; that is the subjects were

depicted in relation to their surroundings and may not be the focus of the image itself. Another

21.6% (n=61) images were coded as indeterminate or victims/survivors were not present in these

images. And finally 27% (n=76) of the total images were coded as major, up close shots.

Further broken down by disaster, Pakistan photos were slightly more likely to show

major close ups of victims/survivors of the flooding (31.8%, n=42) than Hurricane Katrina

images (22.7%, n= 34).

Pakistan images more often showed victims/survivors with medium prominence (38.6%,

n=51) with Hurricane Katrina showing fewer victims/survivors (22%, n=33). Hurricane Katrina

images were slightly more likely to show victims/survivors in a minor shot, that is from a

distance, (22%, n=33), as compared to Pakistan images (21.2%, n=28). And finally, a larger

proportion of images from Hurricane Katrina were coded as indeterminate/no victims/no

survivors (82%, n=50). These differences are statistically significant, χ2 (df = 3) 29.013, p <

.001.

Table 1: Prominence of victims/survivors during the Pakistan floods

and Hurricane Katrina (N=282)

Location Major

Prominence

Medium

Prominence

Minor

Prominence

Indeterminate

Pakistan 42 51 28 11

Hurricane

Katrina

34 33 33 50

Total 76 84 61 61


Research Question 2 was based on the meso structure dimension. RQ 2a asked about how

the victims/survivors physically appeared in the photographs (whole, uninjured/injured,

amputee). Overall, 63.5% (n= 179) depicted physically whole/uninjured people, 6% (n= 17) of

the images were coded as appearing injured/amputee and finally 30.5% (n= 86) were coded as

indeterminate. In terms of physical appearance, a majority of Pakistan images depicted

physically whole/uninjured people (59.8%, n= 107) and only 3 images depicted injured/amputee

people (2.3%, n= 3). Similarly, Hurricane Katrina images were more likely to depict physically

whole/uninjured people (48%, n= 72) and fewer injured/amputee people (9.3%, n= 14). These

differences are statistically significant, χ2 (df = 2) 33.460, p < .001.

RQ 2b asked how each countries’ citizens were emotionally depicted. Overall, the largest

category was indeterminate (58.5%, n= 165), followed by demonstrating signs of discomfort

(39.7%, n= 112) and finally, depicted as happy (1.8%, n= 5).

Table 2: Physical appearance of victims/survivors during the Pakistan floods


Location Appear physically

whole, uninjured

Appear injured,

amputee

Indeterminate

Pakistan 107 3 22

Hurricane Katrina 72 14 64

Total 179 17 86

Broken down, 48.5% (n= 64) images in Pakistan depicted people in a state of discomfort

while 32% (n= 48) of the Hurricane Katrina images depicted their citizens in a state of


discomfort. A much smaller corpus of images showed people in a state of being happy. For

Pakistan, that number was 3% (n= 4) and for Hurricane Katrina 0.7% (n= 1) depicted their

citizens secure and in a state of happiness. Indeterminate made up the largest number of images

for both disasters with Pakistan as 48.5% (n= 64) and Hurricane Katrina at 67.3% (n= 101).

These differences are statistically significant, χ2 (df = 2) 11.280, p < .001.

RQ 2c asked which roles the victim/survivors in each disaster were framed in. A majority

of the images depicted victim/survivors being framed in the role of hurt, evidence of poverty and

being evacuated (53.5%, n=151). 24.1% (n= 68) of the images were coded as being framed in the

role of performing (posing for the camera), while 22.3% (n= 63) of the images were coded as

indeterminate/ no victims/survivors present.

Table 3: Emotional appearance of victims/survivors during the Pakistan floods


Location Appears happy Appear to be

demonstrating signs

of discomfort

Indeterminate

Pakistan 4 64 64


Total 5 112 165

Hurricane Katrina images were slightly more likely to depict victim/survivors in the role

of hurt, evidence of poverty and being evacuated (53.3%, n= 80) as compared to Pakistan

(53.8%, n= 71). These results were statistically significant, χ2 (df = 2) 11.280, p < .001.


Table 4: Role of victims/survivors during the Pakistan floods and

Hurricane Katrina (N=282)

Location Framed in the role of

hurt, evidence of

poverty, being

evacuated

Framed in the role of

performing

Indeterminate/ no

victims/survivors

present

Pakistan 71 48 13


Total 151 68 63

Figure 1: Image showing Katrina citizens being evacuated (AP Photo/Rick Bowmer) September 7 2005

Of the Pakistan images 36.4% (n= 48) depicted victims/survivors in the role of performing while

13.3% (n= 20) of the Hurricane Katrina images depicted the same. Finally, 33.3% (n= 50) of the

Hurricane Katrina images depicted no victims/survivors or indeterminate as compared to


Pakistan’s 9.8% (n= 13) images. These differences are statistically significant, χ2 (df = 2) 32.781,

p < .001.

Research Question 3a is based on the deep structure typology. RQ 3a asked which

countries victims/survivors were civically engaged in their own survival. Overall, 72% (n= 203)

of the images depicted victim/survivors as not actively participating in disaster control/aid. The

second largest category was indeterminate at 24.5% (n= 69). Finally, 3.5% (n= 10) images were

coded as actively participating in disaster control/aid.

Further broken down, 85.6% (n= 113) of the Pakistan images were coded as not actively

participating in disaster control/aid as compared to Hurricane Katrina, which coded 60% (n= 90)

in the same category.

Table 5: Response of victims/survivors during the Pakistan floods


Location Not participating in

disaster control/aid

Actively

participating in

disaster control/aid

Indeterminate

Pakistan 113 2 17


Total 203 10 69

Hurricane Katrina victim/survivors images were slightly more likely to depicted citizens as

actively participating in disaster control/aid at 5.3% (n= 8) while only 1.5% (n= 2) Pakistan

images depicted the same. Hurricane Katrina had a larger proportion of indeterminate images

(34.7%, n= 52) as compared to Pakistan (12.9%, n= 17). The results were statistically significant,

χ2 (df = 2) 22.904, p < .001.


RQ 3b focused on collaboration, that is, which countries citizens worked towards survival

with aid workers, alone or were depicted as being rescued. Overall, 90.1% (n= 254) images

depicted victims/survivors being rescued. 8.9% (n= 25) showed victims/survivors working alone

with no aid workers present. 1.1% (n= 3).

In the largest category, Hurricane Katrina images were slightly more likely to depict

victims/survivors being rescued (96.7%, n= 145) than their Pakistan counterparts (82.6%, n=

109). Pakistan victims/survivors were slightly more likely to be depicted working alone (15.2%,

n= 20) than Hurricane Katrina victim/survivors (3.3%, n= 5). 0 images depicted Hurricane

Katrina victims/survivors working with aid workers, while 2.3% (n= 3) Pakistan images depicted

victims/survivors working alongside aid works. These differences are statistically significant, χ2

(df = 2) 16.019, p < .001.

Figure 2: Image showing Pakistani volunteer actively participating in aid work (AP Photo/K.M. Shadary)

August 10 2010


Table 6: Collaboration of victims/survivors during the Pakistan floods


Location Working alone/no

aid workers present

Working alongside

aid workers

Indeterminate/Being

rescued

Pakistan 20 3 109


Total 25 3 254

Research Question 4 asked what the overall frame used in covering victim/survivors in

flooding disasters. A majority of the images for both Hurricane Katrina and Pakistan visualized

people as survivors (69.1%, n= 195). The next largest category was indeterminate with 21.3%


(n= 60) of the images. Images of victims only made up 5.3% (n= 15) of the photographs, while a

combination of victim/survivor made up 4.3% (n= 12) of the images.

Pakistan images were more likely to depict survivors (81.8%, n= 108) than Hurricane

Katrina (58%, n= 87). Hurricane Katrina images more often depicted people as neither victims or

survivors (indeterminate) as compared to Pakistan (Hurricane Katrina- 34%, n= 52; Pakistan-

6.8%, n= 9). These results were statistically significant, χ2 (df = 3) 31.039, p < .001.

Table 7: Overall victims/survivor frame during the Pakistan floods


Location Victim Survivor Both Neither/Indeterminate

Pakistan 8 108 7 9

Hurricane

Katrina

7 87 5 51

Total 15 195 12 60

Discussion

This is one of the first studies to empirically test and apply the theory of typologies of

visual framing. By empirically testing these different typologies it examined its application in a

comparative context of natural disasters between the United States and the third World nation of

Pakistan.

Our findings showed the majority of Hurricane Katrina images emphasized citizens being

rescued with no images of collaborating with aid workers and few working alone. Similarly

images in Pakistan focused on victims/survivors being rescued; however, there were images that

showed Pakistani citizens working towards their survival like collecting food and repairing


damaged homes (not with aid workers). Consistent with previous research on visual framing

victims/survivors of Hurricane Katrina were visualized by maintaining a certain physical

distance from the camera, as well as the viewer (Borah, 2009). However, unlike previous

literature, victims/survivors of Pakistan were visually emphasized in up close shots. This

suggests that people from far away countries or the ‘other’ may always be visually emphasized

differently in context of disasters than Americans by US media. This is important especially

when audiences, in most cases, accept images as true depictions of events despite the

oversimplification of complex issues surrounding disaster coverage.

By adopting the various the structural levels of visual framing images as proposed by

Geise and Roessler (2012), findings of this study offered a unique insight into comparative visual

materials and enhanced our understandings of the role of news images in framing natural

disasters using different typologies across global regions.

One interesting limitation worth mentioning lies in the large amount of indeterminate

results for all the Research Questions, in particular images from Hurricane Katrina had larger

proportions of indeterminate than Pakistan. One plausible explanation of this ambiguity lies in

the possible dehumanization of the “other.” In the case of Pakistan, the disaster occurred to

victims and survivors beyond US borders in a country that is considered an ally and an enemy

nation. In the case of Katrina, the event occurred mainly in New Orleans with a large African

American population. Fahmy and colleagues (2007) write in their visual study of Hurricane

Katrina “… at least 90% of the non-white coding was for photographs featuring African-

Americans. Given the racial makeup of New Orleans then, it is not surprising that most photos

showed the majority racial group (which in this case was black rather than white).” (p. 556).

Therefore it is possible these indeterminate results have implications for stereotyping of these


groups and might be an interesting area of future research.

Overall perhaps the most important research offerings of this work lie in the way this

study contributes to the fields of visual communication, crisis communication, and international

communication in several ways. First, this study updates literature on visual framing by

empirically testing the use of different structural levels of visual framing in a comparative

context. Previous literature was normative in nature about these structures and this study sought

to test these several layers in a single study to measure each level empirically. The use of specific

framing dimensions offers a perspective that can provide a deeper analytical meaning to the

visual communication field. This is an important step toward refining the theoretical analyses of

visual framing by explicating functions of visual tools and speculating on possible interpretations

of events during crisis situations. While previous studies are useful, it is essential to improve

theoretical frameworks to reflect changes brought about by comparative and more current

research.

Second, the current study contributes to advancing theoretical and methodological

approaches to both visual communication and international communication by helping scholars

and practitioners understand how different structural levels of visual framing combine to

facilitate interdisciplinary research initiatives especially involving natural disasters. With various

images available allowing audience reactions at almost any time and from anywhere, the findings

of this research have implications for those who study or practice crisis and risk

communications.

Third, this research enhances our understandings of media coverage in Pakistan. For

example Pakistanis might have been depicted as survivors because of the role the country plays

in America’s “war on terror.” Thus pictures of Pakistanis might have been expected to focus on


survival. Mahmud (2001) suggests that the stereotype of South Asians as the “model minority” is

part of “white supremacist ideology with yet another weapon to assign degradation of African

Americans to their supposedly inherent incapacities and deficiencies” (pg. 659).

Finally, theoretical and operational definitions and linkages developed with this research

may facilitate interdisciplinary research initiatives, especially those involving visual

communication, crisis communication, and international/global communication. This type of

interdisciplinary approach is critical if we were to fully understand the interplay between various

types of global participants, financial and media resources, as well as communication tools in

this increasingly complex politically charged global environment.


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