Warsaw UniversityInstitute of Oriental Studies

Department of African Languages ~ Cultures

ul. Krakowskie Przedmiemcie 26/28 00-927 Warsaw 64

STUDIESOF THE DEPARTMENT

OF AFRICAN LANGUAGESAND CULTURES

NUMBER 41PROCEEDINGS OF THE WORKSHOP

"EUROPEAN SCHOOLS OF ETHIOPIAN STUDIES;POLAND & GERMANV" OCTOBER 18-20, 2006

Studies ofthe Department of AfricanLanguages and Cultures, No 41, 2007

ISSN 0860-4649

Andreu Martinez d'Alos-MonerUniversity 0/Hamburg

Colonialism and Memory:The Portuguese and Jesuit Activities in Ethiopia

through the Colonial-looking Glass

AbstractThis paper studies the 'discovery' by colonial historiography

of the activities of the Portuguese and Jesuit missionaries in Ethiopiaduring the 16th and 17th centuries. These activities had been sincelong known but it was only at the time of the colonial expansion, inthe second half of the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries, thatthey became an object of historiographical debate. The paper analy-ses the way colonial journals and agents became interested in thisepisode. A summary of the discussions carried out in contemporaryjournals and publications is presented. The paper aims at finding outthe reasons for the interest of colonial agents in the Jesuit and Portu-guese presence in Ethiopia and the role that such a recuperation ofpre-colonial memories played in the colonial enterprise.

1. IntroductionIn the 16th and 17th centuries the crowns of Portugal and Chris-

tian Ethiopia enjoyed of a long-lived friendship. Contacts betweenthe two kingdoms began in the late 15th century and had an abruptend in the 1630s when a group of Jesuit missionaries, mostly of Por-tuguese origin, were expulsed from the country. The deeds of theJesuits and Portuguese in Ethiopia began to be known to the widerpublic in the late 17th century thanks to the works of Balthasar Teiles,Johann Wansleben and Hiob Ludolph1

• In 1728, a French priest pub-

I Balthazar TeIlez, Historia gera/ de Ethiopia a Alta OllPreste loam, Coim-bra: Manoel Dias, 1660; Johann Michael Wansleben, Abrief accollnt of the

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lished a translation of a travel narrative by one of the Jesuit mission-aries that reaehed widespread attention2

• Five years later, the BritishSamuel Johnson translated the same work into English.

Yet, it was only during the age of modern eolonialism wheninterest for this endeavour boomed. Throughout the late 19th andearly 20th eenturies the role played by the Portuguese and Jesuits inEthiopia began to be objeet of intense aeademie diseussion. In thedeeades preeeding and following the Berlin Conferenee of 1884-85an important number of articles were dedieated to this topie. In thispaper I foeus in this episode. Firstly, I present a summary of the dis-eussions earried out in eontemporary journals and publieations. See-ondly, I foeus on the main themes treated. Finally, I eonsider thereasons that made eolonial agents and seholars related to the eolonialendeavour gain an interest in these stories and the role such a reeu-peration of the Portuguese memories in Ethiopia played in eolonialideology.

rebellions and bloodshed occasioned by the anti-Christian practices of theJesuits and other popish emissaries in the empire of Ethiopia, London:Jonathan Edwin, 1679; Hiob Ludolf, Historia aethiopica. sive Brevis &succincta descriptio regni Habessinorum, quod vulgo male Presbyteri 10-hannis vocateur, Francofurti ad Moenum: J. D. Zunner, 1681; Id., lobiLvdolji alias Leutholf dicti ad suam Historiam aethiopicam antehac editamcommentarivs ... , Francofurti ad Moenum: apud J. D. Zunner, 1691; Id.,Appendix ad historiam aethiopicam lobi Lvdolji illiusque commentarivm ... ,Francofurti ad Moenum: Sumptibus Johannis Davidis Zunneri, 1693; Id.,Appendix secvnda ad Historiam aethiopicam lobi Lvdolji ... , Francofurti adMoenum: Johannis Dairdis Zunneri, 1694. Other contemporary works deal-ing with the Jesuit mission were: Michael Geddes, The church histmy ofEthiopia: wherein among other things, the two great splendid Roman mis-sions into that empire are pLaced in their true light ... , London: R. ChisweIl,1696; Mateo de Anguiano, Epitome historiaL y conquista espiritual deiimperio Abyssino a cuyo imperador llaman Preste Juan, Madrid: A. Gon-yalez de Reyes, 1706; Gottofr. Oertelii, Theologia aethiopum ... , Witten-bergae: 10. Christoph Tzschiedrich, 1746.2 Jeronimo Lobo, Relation [Voyage} historique d'Abissinie du R.P.JeromeLobo de La Compagnie de Jesus, tr. Joaquim Le Grand, Paris: Veuved' Antoine-Urbain Coustelier-Jacques Guerin Libraires, 1728.

2. The colonial gaze: between admiration and contemptThe Scottish James Bruce was perhaps the first person related

to the colonial endeavour that took an interest in the Jesuit mission.The former British consul at Algiers and explorer used a greatamount of Jesuit sources to compile the historical sketches scatteredthroughout his four-volume TraveLs to the Sources 0/ the Nife, pub-lished at the eve of the French Revolution. Bruce was severe withsome particular aspects ofthe Jesuit mission; he argued that the Jesu-its had never visited the sources ofthe Nile and rejected claims madeearlier by the German Jesuit Athanasius Kirchner supporting thisface. However, the first articles dedicated to this topic and bornwithin the context of colonial expansion came towards the mid-19lh

century. In 1847, Charles Beke, a diplomat and explorer who be-tween 1840 and 1843 had travelled to Goggam and the Blue Nile,thus being one of the first to determine with some accuracy thecourse of the river, provided a description of the architectonic com-plex of Martula Maryam, the first ever made on Jesuit heritage inEthiopia. The next year, Beke also refuted Bruce's judgement overthe Jesuits in a contribution published in the Bulletin de LaSociete deGeographie de Paris. In 1867, Clements Markham, Lieutenant oftheRoyal Navy and explorer, offered a speech at the Royal Geographi-cal Society, institution of which he was later secretary and president.Markharn praised the deeds of the Portuguese in Ethiopia, and re-ferred to Portugal with the admiring term of a "hero nation". A fewyears later, Desborough Cooley, one of the founders of the RoyalGeographical and the Hakluyt Societies, raised attention towards theimportant work carried out by the Jesuit missionaries Paez andManuel de Almeida. Towards the turn of the century, FranciscoMaria Esteves Pereira, major in the Portuguese army and member ofseveral geographical cum colonial societies, began to produce a se-

3 Vol. 1lI, Book VI, eh. XIlI: "Attempts to diseover the Souree ofthe Nile-No evidenee of the lesuits having arrived there - Kirehner's fabulous ae-eount - Diseovery". Let it be mentioned that Bruee was wrong, as PedroPaez cIearly informed that on 21 April 1618 he had been at this famousspot; Histuria da Etiopia, ed. Camillo Beeeari, Romae: C. de Luigi, 1903(Rerum aethiopiearum seriptores oeeidentales inediti a saeeulo XVI ad XIX,II), Livro I, eh. XXVI.

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ries of works related to the Portuguese-Jesuit period. Chief amongthem was his annotated translation into Portuguese of the chronicleof the 'Catholic' nagus Sus;)nyos. The Italian Orientalist FrancescoGallina from the Istituto Orientale di Napoli and the Frenchman P.Chaix offered as weil contributions to the same topics, the latter inthe journal Le Globe, organ of the Saint-Simonian movement.

Occupation of

Ethiopia by Italy50

454035

30 Foundation ofthe Colonia Eritrea

25201510

5

o +-......:;:=-.---..--.----r-~__._-,...--.---.---r---.~-r---.----..,

Figure: Publications on Portuguese and Jesuits in Ethiopia, 1860-2007

Soon, the growing interest for this episode stimulated the edi-tion of other primary sources. Towards the late 19th century, aseriesof editions of the account written by Castanhoso on the military ex-pedition of Christovao da Gama from 1541-43 came to light: in1888, an edition was prepared by the Italian Major Stafr; in 1898,the original Portuguese version was edited by Francisco Maria Este-ves Pereira (Lisbon 1898i; an English edition was issued in 1902 byRichard Stephen Whiteway (London 1902), retired officer of theBengal civil service; and a German edition was prepared by the Ori-

4 Corpo di Stato Maggiore (1° reparto - 3° Ufficio). Storia della spedizioneportoghese in Abissinia nel secolo XVI narrata da Micheie da Castagnoso,Roma 1888.5 Of this text there existed already an earlier edition, Lisboa: Academia dasSciencias de Lisboa, 1855.

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entalist Enno Littmann (Berlin 1907). Similarly, other importantsources were also reedited, such as Bermudes' and Alvares,6.

At the turn ofthe 20th century, publications increased. The 'ex-ploratory' interest remained, as exemplified by works such as thoseby Kurt Krause. However, authors began as weil to gain interest inthe more religious aspects concerning the Jesuit mission. Among thecontributions ofthis period should be mentioned those by Aldo Bles-sick, which appeared in the Boltettino delta Societa Africana d'Italiaand by Pietro Tacchi Venturi, in La Civilta Cattolica, the influentialmedia of the Society of Jesus in Italy. Most remarkable was, how-ever, the publication of fifteen volumes of sources on the Jesuit mis-sion prepared by the Italian Jesuit Camillo Beccari, which appearedbetween 1902 and 1917. Such a gigantic effort was the product of itstime. At its background there were the joint efforts of the Society ofJesus and the Italian Ministry of the Colonies. On the one hand, theCatholic missionary world enjoyed of a revival under the papacy ofLeo XIll (1878-1903). Moreover, the Capuchins and Lazarists wereleading in Ethiopia important missions that had gained prominenceunder such charismatic figures as Guiglelmo Massaja (1809-89) andGiustino Oe Jacobis (l800-60f, The Society of Jesus, then led by a

6 Joao Bermudes, Breve re/a9iio da embaixada que 0 Patriarcha D. JoiioBerml/dez trOl/xe do lmperador da Ethiopia vl//garmente chamado PresteJoiio dirigida a e/-Rei D. Sebastiiio, Lisboa: Typographia da Academia,1875 (l sI ed. Lisboa: Francisco Correa lmpressor do Cardea1 Inffante,1565); Francisco Alvares, Verdadeira informa9iio das terras do Preste Joiiodas lndias, Lisboa: lmprensa Nacional, 1883 (1sI ed. Lisboa: Luis Rodri-guez, 1540).7 Both figures enjoyed of great popularity in Europe. Massaja received, in1884, the red hat from Leo XIlI, who also encouraged hirn to write the best-seller to be 1 miei 35 anni di missione ne/l'a/ta Etiopia, Roma: TipografiaPo1igotta di Propaganda Fide-Tip. S. Giuseppe, 1885-95, (new ed.: Memoirestoriche dei Vicariato aposto/ico dei Galla: /845-1880, ed. A. Rosso,Padova: Edizioni Messaggero, 1984). De Jacobis's death in Ethiopia, whichwas preceded by considerable hardships, sparked an important hagiographi-cal production and in 1904 canonical processes for his beatification wereopened. These were concluded with his beatification in 1939 and canoniza-tion in 1975. Another Lazarist, abba Gäbrä Michael (1791-1855), was pro-claimed beato in 1926.

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Superior General with a strong penchant for historiographical re-search, the Spaniard Luis Martin (1892-1906), wanted to join themomentum and began to unbury memories from the past Jesuit mis-sion in Ethiopia. The Jesuit Beccari was put in charge of gatheringall the existing documentation and evidence in order to postulate aprocess of beatification for the six Jesuits 'martyred' in Ethiopia inthe 1630s. On the other hand, the work appeared at the time ofmounting Italian interventionism in the Horn of Africa, when thecolonia Eritrea had been secured thus turning into the most importantItalian colony overseas. The Italian Foreign Ministry, together withthe recently-born colonial government of Eritrea, funded the costs ofthe publication8

•

Beccari's collection had an impact in making the wider publicaware ofthe Jesuit mission. Thereafter, the production of articles andtexts on the mission and Portuguese activities increased. In theinterwar period, European religious magazines and journals becamefavoured forums where the achievements and shortcomings of theJesuits in Ethiopia were presented and discussed. Among the Jesuit-related journals that included studies on the mission should be men-tioned: La Civilta Cattolica, Studies, Broteria and Missioni dellaCompagnia di Gesu. At the same time, the second wave of Italiancolonial expansion in the Horn of Africa led by Mussolini, whichended in the full-scale invasion of Haile Sellasie's Ethiopia in 1935-36, brought a number of Italian colonial agents, such as Conti Ros-sini, to study the Portuguese and Jesuit period.

With the end of World War 11and the decolonisation of Africacolonial media ceased to exist and in consequence so did colonialhistoriography. Studies of the Portuguese and Jesuit activities con-tinued to grow, but they took other channels of expression andadopted another rhetoric.

8 See introduction to Emmanuel Barradas, Il Tigre descritto da IInmissionario gesliita deI secolo XVIJ, ed. Camillo Beccari, Roma: Casaeditrice italiana, 1912, xiv.

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3. Colonialism and memoryWhat was the connection between the colonial endeavour and

the study of Portuguese and Jesuit contacts with Ethiopia? Why didcolonial scholars study the Portuguese and Jesuit adventures inEthiopia? What was the role that Jesuit and Portuguese narrativesplayed in colonial ideology and policy making?

As it has appeared above, a large part of the authors who wroteon these episodes had tight connections with colonialism. A numberof them - such as Beke, Markham, Desborough Cooley, Whiteway,Conti Rossini, Krause and Esteves Pereira - were part of the colonialintelligentsia and had elose contacts with the different colonial insti-tutions that promoted colonial ideology in the 19th and early 20th

century, such as the British Royal Geographical Society. Further-more, the early articles and works often appeared in colonial mediaor were sponsored by colonial institutions: thus in Portugal the Re-vista das sciencias militares, Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia deLisboa and Revista portuguesa colonial maritima; in England theJournal 0/ the Royal Geographical Society and Bulletin 0/ the School0/ Griental and A/rican Studies; in France, Bulletin de la Societe deGeographie, Journal Asiatique; and in Italy, Bollettino della SocietaGeografica Italiana and Civilta Cattolica. In the first half of the 20th

century, 'coioniai' interests were balanced by a growing awarenessof the "missiological" aspects of the Jesuit and Portuguese adven-tures, though the interest for exploratory and geopolitical issues re-mained still vivid.

The people engaged in European colonial expansion consid-ered with admiration the quests of missionaries and Portugueseagents in the early modern times. Accordingly, the Lusitans wereseen as 'pioneers' in exploring areas that colonial nations were cov-eting. The British and French saw in the Old Portuguese Empire inIndia something similar to what they were trying to form in the nine-teenth century. The fact that Portugal was no longer a political playerin the Red Sea and India certainly helped to foster these positiveviews. Besides, Portuguese colonial intentions in the Orient hadnever had a territorial character, a factor that might have as weilpushed modern colonial nations to see their activities as benign andharmless. Unlike what happened with the case of Spanish America,there was no need to invent an Eastern "black legend".

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At the same time, the topics most of the authors focused on -warf are tactics, explorations, and geographical surveys - reflectedthe practical interests of colonialism. Such a bias shaped the wayauthors presented the past as it is reflected in the debate that was setoff by Bruce on the Portuguese discoveries and explorations of thesources of the Nile. In the 19th century these words had a specialmeaning. 'Discover' and 'explore' were not meant to be ordinaryacts but ones c1aiming pos session of a site. The wanderings of theJesuits and Portuguese in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa werethus believed to have similar goals though in reality this does notseem to have been the case. The Jesuits never tried to 'explore cumconquer' Ethiopia, although they did produce excellent descriptionsof its land and peoples. Similarly, the missionaries were never muchinterested in being known as the first Europeans in reaching thesources of the Blue Nile for their main concern was to show to theEuropean public the progresses of conversion in the Ethiopian king-dom.

Similarly, the publications from this period considered that thePortuguese and Jesuits would have been the first in breaking Ethio-pia's alleged isolationism, thus foreseeing what modern colonialismwas to do with the assistance of modern war machinery9. In 1940, inhis seminal chapter on Portuguese-Ethiopian contacts Conti Rossinireferred to the famous embassy of Rodrigo da Lima to Lebna Dengelfrom 1520 as an event, "that marked the return of Ethiopia into thesphere of European interests and that also inaugurated the great pe-riod that culminated with the Italian annexation ofEthiopia"lO.

9 Edward Gibbon accounts for the perennity ofthe myth in modern scholar-ship; in his famous work he added: "Encompassed on all sides by enemiesoftheir religion, the Ethiopians slept for near a thousand years, forgotten bythe world by whom they were forgotten; Edward Gibbon, The Dec/ine andFaIl olthe Roman Empire, London: Campbell, 1993 [1788], chapt. 47.10 "Quella legazione segna il ritorno deli 'Etiopia nello scacehiere dellagrande politica europea, inizia - puo dirsi - 10 storico periodo ehe dovevasfociare nell'annessione dell'Etiopia all'Italia" (73), 325.

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Finally, the Jesuit and Portuguese narratives had an impact incolonial ideology and policy making though the assessment of howlarge this impact was is not an easy task. On the one hand, it can beargued that colonial ideology incorporated within its discourse theold Portuguese and Jesuit memories from Ethiopia. This seems to besupported by the case of British and Italian colonial scholarship. TheBritish were the first in bringing awareness of Portuguese and Jesuitactivities in Ethiopia and they did it in the context of the formation ofcolonial India. The study of past 'coionial' encounters as weil as thecollection of written sources from the Portuguese period in India wasa cherished pass-time of British civil servants and at the same time itserved, I suggest, to reflect on and to be aware of the importance ofthe colonial endeavour. For their part, the Italians got interested inthis endeavour at the moment of their growing involvement in theHorn of Africa. Colonial officers reached the new possessions andbegan studying its past. The Portuguese experiences in Ethiopia werean inspiring history for them and fuelled ideas of coloniallegitimacy.These old experiences turned, I believe, the Italian occupation ofEritrea into a 'reoccupation' of aland that, to an extent, had oncealready belong to a Catholic power, as the above quotation by ContiRossini seems to suggest. The ephemeral presence of the Jesuits inEthiopia made it so that the land the Italians were occupying was notstrange. Other men like them (some indeed coming from Italy, likesix of the Jesuit missionaries) had in the past stepped on the samespots, built on the same hills and worked on the same valleys. Italiancolonialism connected its project to that of the Jesuit mission for asimilar reason that made the Jesuits claim that before being corruptedby Alexandria, Ethiopia had professed a truly Roman Catholic faith.If the past had 'belong' to the claiming power (the papacy or Italy)the violent project of conversion or of military conquest was justi-fied: it was restitution rather than a violent take over; it was bringingback rather than changing.

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ConclusionsThe recovery of a memory of the Jesuit and Portuguese activi-

ties in Ethiopia occurred during coloniaI times. Colonial intelligent-sia came to be interested in these activities for different reasons.Members of the colonial milieu focused on their exploratory andgeopolitical character; following the Catholic missionary revivaloccurred under Pope Leo XIII a great number of scholars related tothe Church also became interested in the Jesuit mission: some saw itas a mishap, others as an important, though short-lived, achievement.Current historiographieal discussion has taken other views but itlargely Iives from the heritage produced during colonial times. Thegathering and edition of most of the sources used today has its originin the colonial period. The collection edited by Camillo Beccari it-self, an indispensable tool for research today, would have been un-thinkable was it not for the great interest that colonial Italy had inlooking for friendly memories in lands it wanted to dominate. At thesame time, a few points made by colonial or missionary historiogra-phy have been assumed into modern historiography without havingendured much revision or criticism. The architectural role attributedto the Portuguese in Ethiopia is here a case in point. The attributionto the Portuguese in Ethiopia of the origin of Gondärine architecturewas probably first done by James Bruce but gained force thanks tothree artieIes issued in the 1920s and 1930s, one of them by ContiRossini. In current historiographieal discussion this has remained avalid, when not the dominant, hypothesis to explain the origins of theGondärine style despite the fact that it could never be confirmed byhistorical evidence nor could it be supported by formal aestheticexaminations.

The study of the origins of current historiographie discus-sions is an important task of historieal research. The awareness of thecolonial origin of modern historiography does not necessarily implythat arguments and ideas having a colonial origin are invalid. Yet,knowing the context in which sources were gathered and brought tothe public knowledge and historical enquiries set off can help to un-derstand how discussions have developed and bring a more criticalunderstanding ofthe historieal topic under scrutiny.

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Appendix: Publications on the Jesuit and Portuguese presence inEthiopia, 1847-1947 (in chronological order; encyclopaedia anddictionary entries have been excluded)

Beke CharIes Tilstone, 1847, "A description of the ruins of theChurch of Martula Mariam, in Abessinia", Archaeologia [Lon-don] 32,38-57

Id., 1848, "Memoire justificatif en rehabilitation des peres PierrePaez et Jeröme Lobo, missionnaires en Abyssinie, en ce quiconcerne leurs visites cl la source de I'Abai (Ie Nil) et cl lacataracte d' Alata", Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie de Paris,sero3,9,145-86,209-39

Markham Clements Robert, 1867-68, "On the Early Portuguese Ex-peditions to Abyssinia", Proceedings 0/ the Royal GeographicalSociety 0/ London 12, I, 11-19

Id., 1868, "The Portuguese Expeditions to Abyssinia in the Fifteenth,Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Centuries", Journal o/the Royal Geo-graphical Society 0/ London 38, 1-12

Cooley W. Desborough, 1872, "Notice sur le pere Pedro Paez suivied'extraits du manuscrit d' Almeida intitule Historia de Ethiopia aalta", Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie de Paris, ser. 6, 3,532-53

Pereira Francisco Maria Esteves, 1886, Notice sur le MagsephAssetat du P. Antonio Fernandes, tr. Rene Basset, Aiger,Imprimerie de I'Association ouvriere

Chaix P., 1888, "Communication sur les voyages du P. Jeröme Loboet desjesuites en Abyssinie", Le Globe 27, 1,35-37

Pereira Francisco Maria Esteves, 1889, "Os Portuguezes em Maryuanos seculos XVI e XVII", Revista das sciencias mi/itares 9, 49-50.

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Conti Rossini Carlo, 1903, "Recensione di Beccari, Notizie eSaggi. ..", Bollettino della Reale Societa Geograjica Italiana 40,804-06

Gallina Francesco, 1890, "I Portoghesi a Massaua nei secoli XVI eXVII", Bollettino della Societa Geograjica Italiana, sero 3, vol.27,3,223-32

Pereira Francisco Maria Esteves (tr., ed.), 1892, Chronica deSusenyos, rei de Ethiopia, vol. I, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, i-xlvi

Deramey 1., 1893, "Une lettre d'lgnace de Loyola cl Claudius, roid'Ethiopie ou d' Abyssinie", Revue de I 'histoire des religions 27,37-75

Blessick Aldo, 1895, "Le prime missioni cattoliche In Etiopia",Bollettino della Societa Africana d 'Italia 14, 21 1-16

Peragallo D. Prospero, 1897, "Documenti Abissinici tradotti inPortoghese: comunicazione di Don Prospero Peragallo",Bollettino della Societa Geograjica Italiana, sero 3, vol. 34, 10,217-24

Beccari Camillo, 1903, Notizia e saggi di opere e documenti ineditiriguardanti la storia di Etiopia durante i secoli XVI, XVII e XVIII,Parte Prima: Eleneo delle opere e dei documenti; Parte Seconda:Breve analisi dei manoscritti principali, Romae, Casa EditriceItaliana, 3-74; 76-226

Pereira Francisco Maria Esteves, 1904, "Os trabalhos da geografia eda cartografa de Ethiopia na primeira metade do seculo XVII: Aproposito de um Iivro recentemente publicado", Revistaportuguesa colonial marltima 14, 79, 7. anno, 193-97

Tacchi Venturi Pietro, 1904, "Rivista della stampa: Per la storiadeli' Abissinia nei secoli XVI, XVII e XVIII", Civilta Cattolica 2,79-84

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Beccari Camillo, 1905, Rerum aethiopicarum scriptores occidentalesinediti a saeculo XVI ad XIX [RASO], vol. ll, Romae, CasaEditrice Italiana, vii-xli

Conti Rossini Carlo, 1905, "Recensione di Beccari, ll: <PetriPaez ...>", Bollettino della Reale Societa Geografica Italiana, 42,561-66

Pereira Francisco Maria Esteves, 1905, "A fonte do Nilo Azul.Descrilfao do Padre Pero Paes, da Companhia de Jesus", Revistaportuguesa colonial maritima 16, 91, 8. anno, 193-200

Tacchi Venturi Pietro, 1905, "Pietro Paez: Apostolo delI' Abissinia alprincipio dei sec. XVII", Civilta Cattolica 3,560-81

Beccari Camillo, 1906, "In vitam et opera p. Emmanuelis BarradasCritica Introductio", in: RASo, vol. IV, iii-xxxii

Id., 1907, "In Historiam Aethiopiae p. Emm. d'Almeida CriticaIntroductio", in: RASo, vol. V, iii-Ixiv

Id., 1908, "In opus' Expeditio Aethiopica' patriarchae Alph. MendezCritica lntroductio", in: RASo, vol. VIIl, iii-Ix

Chaine Marius, 1909, "Le patriarche Jean Bermudez d'Ethiopie(1540-1570)", Revue de ['orient chretien, ser. 2, 4, 14, 321-29

Almeida Fortunato de, 1912, Historia da Igreja em Portugal, TomoIIl: Desde 0 Principio do Reinado de D. Manuel I ate ao firn doreinada de D. JOGa V (1495-1750), Parte I, Coimbra: ImprensaAcademica, 57-71; 1915, Parte ll, Coimbra, ImprensaAcademica, 996-1002 (New edition by Damiao Peres, Porto:Portucalense Editora, 1967-7 I)

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Beccari Camillo (ed., tr.), 1912, 11Tigre descritto da un missionariogesuita dei secolo XVII, Roma, Casa editrice italiana, v-xiv[introduzione]

Krause Kurt, 1912, Die Portugiesen in Abessinien: Ein Beitrag zurEntdeckungsgeschichte von Afrika, Dresden, Buchdruckerei derWilhe1m und Bertha v. Baensch Stiftung, (Portuguese tr.: Lisboa1915)

Id., 1913, "Os Portugueses na Abissinia", Boletim da Sociedade deGeografia de Lisboa 31, 355-93

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Id., 1914, "Os Portugueses na Abissinia", Boletim da Sociedade deGeografia de Lisboa 32, 75-132

Mechinau Lucien, 1917, "L'histoire re1igieuse de l'Abyssinie auxXVI" et XVII" sieeies", Etudes: revue de culture contemporaine152, 786-93

Huonder Anton, 1918, "Das Missionstheathers in Äthiopien (Abessi-nien)", in: Id., Zur Geschichte des Missionstheathers, Aachen,Xaverius-Verlag, 76-80

Rodrigues Francisco, 1919, "Mestre Joäo Bermudes", Revista deHist6ria 3, 119-37

Figuera Francisco, 1920, "Tres heroes sin ejemplo", Almas 1, 33-39,63-70, 113-18

Gover M. B., 1921, "An Abyssinian vocabulary of the seventeenthcentury", Bulletin ofthe School ofOriental and African Studies 2,763-82

Ross E. Denison, 1921, "A1meida's 'History of Ethiopia': Recoveryof the preliminary matter", Bulletin of the School of Oriental andAfrican studies 2, 4, 783-804

Ross E. Denison, 1921, "The manuscripts collected by WilliamMarsden with special reference to two copies of Almeida's 'His-tory of Ethiopia"', Bulletin of the School 01Griental and Africanstudies 2, 3, 513-38

Huonder Anton, 1922, "Ein Yerstoss nach dem Kongo und nachAbessinien", in: Id., Der hl. Ignatius von Loyola und der Missi-onsberul der Gesellschaft Jesu, Aachen, Xaverius Yerlag, 45-61

Wesseis C., 1922, "Pedro Paez, 1622-1922. Het brongebied van denBlauwen Nijil, 1618", Studies 98,17-36

Id., "Pedro Paez, 1922, "1622-1922. Op weg naar Aethiopie, 1589-1603", Studies 92, 1-20

Guidi Ignazio, 1922, "La chiesa Abissina", Griente moderno 2, 186-90

Barbera Mafio, 1924, "Meriggio d'Etiopia. Racconto storico dellemissioni della Compagnia di Gest! in Etiopia nel secolo XYlI",Civilta cattolica 288

Basto A. de Magalhäes, 1924 "Os portugueses na Abisinia", in:Joaquim Pedro de Oliveira Martins (ed.), Portugal nos Mares,Lisboa, 273-96, (reed. Guimaräes Editores 1994)

Yasconcellos Ernesto de, 1927, "Castelos portugueses na Abissinia",Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, ser. 45, 7-8, 257-62

Coulbeaux, Jean B., 1929, Histoire Politique et Religieuse del'Abyssinie. Depuis les temps les plus recules jllsqll'a l'avenementde Menelick 11,2 vols, Paris, Geuthner, vol. 2, 132-47, 165-233

Da Leonessa Mauro, 1929, S. Stefano Maggiore degli Abissini e lerelazioni romano-etiopiche, Citta dei Yaticano, TipogfafiaPoliglotta Yaticana

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Rey CharIes F., 1929, The romance 0/ the Portuguese in Abyssinia,London: H. F. & G. Witherby

Rousseau D., 1931, "Infruetueux essais de rapproehement enEthiopie au XVII siecle", IrI?nikon8, 27-36

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