1

Chronology of Events: Conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts

The Chittagong Hill Tracts (hereafter CHT), located in the south eastern part of Bangladesh was wracked by intense armed conflict for nearly two and a half decades. The conflict between the tribal communities who live in these hill tracts and the government of Bangladesh, which began in 1972 finally ended in 1997 after the conclusion of a peace agreement popularly known as the “CHT Peace Treaty”. However, even after one and half decades, most of the provisions of the treaty remain unimplemented. The land of the local people which was taken over and distributed to state sponsored Bengali settlers, has not been returned. The promise of withdrawal of cases against the members of the guerrilla force has not been fulfilled and regional council which was to govern the CHT remains in a limbo. It has raised serious concerns about the sustainability of the peace process initiated through the Peace treaty of 1997.

The main parties to the conflict were Parbattya Chhatagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), the political organisation of the local tribes, who collectively call themselves as the “Jumma People” and the government of Bangladesh. The conflict began after the formation of Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign republic which adopted constitution that set up a unitary system of government which did not recognise the multi ethnic and multi-lingual character of the people. The Jumma people saw this as an attempt to impose homogeneity and establish hegemony of the majority Bengali community.

The CHT Peace Treaty/Accord The Parbattya Chhattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), the political platform of the Jumma people signed a treaty with the Bangladesh government on 2 December, 1997

The accord addressed five major issues in the CHT. 1. Devolution of power to the Hill District Councils; 2. Setting up a Regional Councils and CHT Ministry as the units of self-government in the CHT; 3. Establishment of a land commission to deal with conflicts over land and natural resource rights; 4. Recognition of the cultural integrity of the indigenous peoples and 5. Withdrawal of military forces from CHT and the de-commissioning and rehabilitation of JSS forces.

The treaty was opposed by several groups of Jumma people Pahari Gano Parishad (PGP or Hill Peoples Council), Pahari Chattra Parishad (PCP or Hill Students Council) and Hill Women Federation (HWF). The disaffected groups argued that the accord failed to reflect the genuine hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and has failed to fulfil the main demands of the Jumma people namely, constitutional recognition to the national ethnic minorities of the CHT with guarantee for “Full Autonomy”, restoration of traditional land rights, demilitarisation of the area, and withdrawal and resettlement of the Bengali settlers in the plain land.

In December 1998, the groups opposed to the Peace Treaty formed a regional political party in the CHT, It was named United People's Democratic Front (UPDF). The main objective of the UPDF was to establish full autonomy in the Chittagong Hill Tracts through peaceful and democratic means. At the founding conference of the party a five member convening committee was formed with Prasit Bikash Khisha as its convener. The UPDF and PCJSS have engaged in retributive kidnappings, extortions, and murders since 1997. In addition, the UPDF is suspected of having conducted the kidnapping of three international workers in an attempt to halt the development seen as necessary to the Bangladesh government's quest for regional legitimacy.

2

Two Danish and British engineers working in the area were held for over a month before being freed in a Bangladeshi army raid in 2001.

Post Accord

Although the process of achieving peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracts began at the time when the government of Bangladesh was under the control of Nationalist Party (BNP), the same party, then in opposition, termed it as a “sell out”. BNP threatened to annul the CHT Treaty after it came to power. However when the BNP came to power in October 2001, it could not cancel the treaty. Under the BNP government, the portfolio of the Ministry of CHT Affairs was retained by the Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia. She appointed a non-indigenous person - from among the state sponsored settlers and a BNP colleague as head of the CHT Development Board. The Jumma people resented this appointment. They saw this as a move to scuttle the treaty.

Central to the accord, was the land issue. The government of Bangladesh had committed to withdraw Bengali settlers from CHT and that these persons were to be resettled to other plains districts of the country. As part of that process, the government had agreed to stop providing rations to the Bengali settlers and dismantle their cluster villages. Unfortunately, the government failed to initiate the necessary steps to implement the withdrawal programme. On the contrary, the government formulated “development” projects like rubber plantation and issued licenses for exploration of natural gas which was seen by the Jaumma people as a process of further alienation of their land and encouraging Bengali settlers.

Under the terms of the peace treaty, a Land Commission was to be set up for settlement of disputes over ownership of land of the Jumma people which was illegally taken over by the settlers from the plains. It was to have full authority to annul the ownership of land by illegal settlers of land in the hill tracts. The government had unilaterally appointed a Land Commission in 1998. The JSS refused to cooperate with this commission. Land Commission remained a contentious issue for nearly twenty years as the law of Bangladesh did not recognise the collective land rights of the Jumma people.

Under the terms of the accord, members of Shanti Bahini were granted amnesty and all old cases against them would be withdrawn. By March 1989, about 2000 members of Shanit Bahini, the armed wing of PCJSS, had surrendered their arms. Until now, only 400 such cases have been withdrawn by the government. On The contrary, tthe government revived old cases against some of the returnees in violation of the terms of the treaty which guaranteed amnesty to returnees.

The provision for the withdrawal of the army camps remains unimplemented. No time limit has been set for the withdrawal of the army and police camps. Out of 230 army camps, more than a 100 BDR (paramilitary) and 80 police camps which were set up in the CHT during conflict period, so far only 32 temporary camps have been dismantled. The army's involvement in civil administration continues as the government order authorising army's involvement in maintenance of law and order remains in force.

In December 2008, the Awami League returned to power in Bangladesh. It captured 267 seats out of a total of 300 seats in Bangladesh Parliament. In its election manifesto, the Awami League promised full implementation of the CHT Peace Treaty. However the Awami League government is yet to amend the land ownership law of Bangladesh to recognise the collective

3

land rights of the Jumma people. In partial fulfilment of its election promises, the Awami League government has reconstituted the CHT Land Commission and set up a task force in 2009.

Looking Ahead: The failure of the implementation of the accord and the hostile attitude of several influential sections of Bangladesh political and defence establishment has the potential to aggravate local issues and increase the tension between the CHT communities inherent in any post-conflict situations. The failure to withdraw the army, the continued occupation of the land of the Jumma people by Bengali settlers, lack of settlement of the returnees and the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and failure to hold election for the Regional Council has created disenchantment among the Jumma people. The lack of progress in the implementation of the treaty has widened divisions in the Jumma community, increased violence and strengthened anti-accord groups. The present Awami League government’s refusal to amend the Constitution of Bangladesh to provide constitutional protection to the CHT Regional Council and the Hill District Councils is being seen by the PCJSS, UPDF and wider sections Jumma peoples as an indication of Awami League’s insincerity. The Jumma people are particularly unhappy about the recently passed 15th Amendment to the Constitution, which has defined all citizens of Bangladesh as “Bengali” and the official classification of the Jumma people as “ethnic minority”. As the benefits of the peace treaty continue to elude the people and the repressive measures introduced before the agreement remain in force, there is every chance that the region will witness greater violence and return of insurgency.

A brief account of the history of the CHT will be useful in understanding the process of the development of the self-consciousness of the ethnic/tribal people of the CHT as Jumma people and its transformation into oppositional consciousness, the nature of this conflict, its trajectory, the response of the government of Bangladesh, the negotiations between the PCJSS and the government, the peace treaty and the post conflict scenario.

The Land and the People: The CHT, an area of 13,295 square kilometers, is the south eastern part of Bangladesh, bordering the Arakan and Chin States of Myanmar (Burma), and Tripura and Mizoram States of India. It is the traditional homeland of thirteen indigenous ethnic groups - Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchangya, Mro, Murung, Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khyang, Bawm, Pankhua, and Reang. The Chakmas constitute the largest tribe in the CHT today. Although no definite historical records are available, ethnographers and anthropologists believe that these ethnic groups had migrated to the Chhitagong Hill Tracts from the Chin hills, Lushai hills, Arakans and Triprura over several centuries. Today, the Chakmas constitute the majority in the CHT. However, various ethnic communities of the area, collectively identify themselves as the Jumma people. The Jumma people are different from the majority Bengali population of Bangladesh in respect of language, culture, religion and ethnicity.

CHT under British Rule: Till late 14th century the hill tracts was ruled by various local chieftains. The rulers of Arakans conquered the region in the 14th century and ruled over the hill tracts till the 16th century when it was conquered by Shaista Khan, the Mughal Governor of Bengal. In 1760, the region was ceded to the British East Indian Company by Mir Kasim the Nawab of Bengal. The East India Company maintained a nominal presence, collected a tribute in cotton leaving the authority of the Chakma chiefs untouched. In 1860, after the Sepoy Mutiny, the British annexed the region and created an autonomous administrative district known as "The Chittagong Hill Tracts" within

4

the undivided British Bengal. In 1900, the British enacted “The CHT Regulation Act” popularly known as the CHT Manual. It laid down detailed rules and regulation for the administration of the CHT. The Regulations included provisions for recognition of the tribal Chiefs and the traditional institutions in the administrative system. It conferred the status of “special” area as it was dominated by tribal communities and imposed restrictions on permanent settlement and acquisition of land by the outsiders in the CHT.

Throughout the British colonial period the act of 1900 functioned as a safeguard for the Jumma people. It prohibited land ownership to non-tribal persons and migrations of non- tribal peoples in the CHT. In 1947 the Indian subcontinent was partitioned on the basis of religion. Two new states were created – India and Pakistan. Pakistan became a Muslim majority state. Despite the fact that 98.5% of the population of the CHT were tribal people, majority of whom were Buddhist, this area was included into Pakistan. The Jummas vehemently protested against the decision, but to no avail. CHT under Pakistan Rule (1947-1971):

Alienation of the non-Muslim ethnic communities of the CHT from Pakistan increased as Pakistan government amended, The CHT Regulation Act of 1900 several times to allow migration of non-indigenous people into the CHT. In the sixties, Pakistan Government built a hydroelectric dam on the river Karnaphuli in the CHT, which flooded nearly 1,036 Square Kilometres of agricultural land, submerged 40% of the best arable land and displaced more than 100,000 Jummas from their ancestral homes. CHT in Bangladesh: Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on 16 December 1971 after nine-month long war. Soon after the withdrawal of the Pakistan Army, the Mukti Bahini (Liberation Force) went on a rampage in the CHT on the charges that during the Liberation War, the Jumma people and the Raja of CHT had supported Pakistani army. On 15 February 1972, Mr. M.N. Larma, the elected representative of the Jumma people called on Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Mr. Larma and a delegation of the Jumma people submitted a written memorandum seeking regional autonomy for the CHT. The memorandum contained four demands 1) Autonomy for the CHT, 2) Retention of the CHT Regulation of 1900, 3) Recognition of the three kings of the Jummas, 4) Ban on the influx of the non-Jummas into the CHT. Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman categorically rejected these demands. He apparently advised the Jumma people to become Bengali. The Beginning of the Conflict: In March 1972, M.N. Larma formed the Jana Samhati Samiti (JSS) to continue the struggle for regional autonomy. The failure of this peaceful movement gave way to the emergence of an armed group named the Shanti Bahini (Peace Brigade). It became a part of the JSS. After the beginning of the armed struggle by the Shanti Bahini, Bangladesh Government launched a counter insurgency programme. A large number of battalions of Bangladesh Army were sent to the Chittagong Hill Tracts and cantonments as well as army barracks were set up in

5

different districts of the CHT. The Jummas were often detained and tortured by the army. Thousands were killed in the armed encounters. Bangladesh security forces regularly resorted to mass detention and torture of villagers and left many of them crippled for life. Hundreds of women were raped. For further consolidating their authority, the security forces uprooted many villages and forcibly kept the people in "cluster villages" which in reality were “concentration camps” where the people lived under constant supervision of the military. Bangladeshi Settlers: In the late 1970s President Zia sponsored migration of Bangladeshi settlers into the CHT, providing land grant, cash and rations. It began as a covert operation. Initially, the government denied the existence of this programme. However, later the government acknowledged that there was a programme of sponsored migration of Bangladeshi settlers. The settlers were allotted agricultural land, given money to build their homes and free ration for a period. By 1981, under the patronage of the army and Bengali civilian administration the Bangladeshis settlers made up nearly one third of the total population of the CHT. Forcible Conversion and Religious Persecution: Forcible conversion was used as a method of assimilation. Al-Rabita, a Saudi government funded NGO, with the support of the military converted thousands of Buddhist Jumma people to Islam. The Jammat-i-Islam, an Islamic fundamentalist party became active. While the number of mosques and Madrashas (Islamic schools) increased rapidly, hundreds of religious places of the Jumma peoples were destroyed by the Bangladesh military. In 1986, within a period of eight months 54 Buddhist temples were destroyed and 22 Hindu temples were burnt down by the Bangladesh military.

Chronology of events:

The CHT Regulation Act of 1990

The British Colonial rulers enact the Chittagong Hill Tracks Regulation Act (also called Chittagong Hill Tracks Manual), It laid down detailed rules and regulation for the administration of the CHT and provisions to address the particular context of the region (e.g. recognition of the Chiefs and the traditional institutions in the administrative system, the region as “special” tribal dominated area and restriction of permanent settlement and acquisition of land by the outsiders). This provision of the special status of the Chittagong Hill Tracts was further underlined with the Government of India Act 1935 that designated the district as a “Totally Excluded Area”. The CHT Manual was revised twice to in 1920 and 1925. The Government of India Act of 1935 recognized the validity of CHT Regulation (1900).

Pakistan Period

1947: The British Indian Empire partitioned; Though the Chhitagong Hill Tracts (CHT) was initially placed in India, it was finally given to Pakistan. The Jumma people of CHT protested against their inclusion into Pakista. To mark their protest and voicing their wish to be party of India - an Indian flag was raised at Rangamati on August 15, 1947.

6

August 21, 1947: The Baluch Regiment arrives in the CHT and forced the protesters to lower the Indian flag and hoist Pakistan flag. The leaders of Chakma and other ethnic groups clash with each other over whether indigenous rights would be protected in Pakistan. Fearful over their rights, a group of indigenous leaders, including Mr. Sneha Kumar Chakma and Mr. Kisto Mohan Chakma, give up their land and cross over into India. Chakma Raja Tridiv Roy accepts accession to Pakistan and remain in Pakistan. 1948: Suspicious over the allegiance of the hill tract people, Pakistan government removes the Chittagong Hill Tracts Police Regulation which has been in force since 1881. In fear of their safety, several thousand tribal people leave their home and seek refuge in India and Burma. Later, when the Indian and Burmese governments attempt to bring international pressure Pakistan agrees to abide by the 1900 Chittagong Hill Tracts Manual. Most of the refugees returned home

1950: Violating the Chittagong Hill Tracts Manual, Pakistan settled several hundred Muslim families in Nanaiachar, Longdu and Bandarban.

1956: The Chittagong Hill Tracts Manual of 1900 is ratified in the first constitution of Pakistan.

1962: Pakistan brought changes in the CHT Regulations Act by replacing the phrase “separate ruled area” with “Tribal (Upajati) Area”.

1957-1962: The Kaptai Hydro Electric Project Dam was built on the Karnaphuli river which inundated nearly 40% of agricultural land in the CHT. Thousands of CHT people lose their only source of income.

1964: The CHT-peoples who lost their lands in the Kaptai Dam project were moved to Rehabilitation Areas. However, dissatisfied with the rehabilitation efforts, 50,000 families took refuge in India. Of those 20,000 were settled by the government of India in the North East Frontier Agency area which later became Arunachal Pradesh. The remainder primarily settled in Tripura and other Indian states.

1964: The special status of the CHT as a tribal area was entirely repealed in Pakistan’s constitution. Bangladesh Period March 26, 1971: Liberation war broke out in East Pakistan when west-Pakistani army units launch a military operation against Bengali civilians, students, intelligentsia, and armed personnel who were demanding separation of the East from West Pakistan. Major Ziaur Rahman, pronounced Bangladesh’s independence on radio from CHT. Two prominent CHT figures, the Chakma Raja and the brother of the Bohmong Raja, sided with Pakistan in the War of Liberation.

December 5, 1971: After Pakistani soldiers vacate Chittagong’s Panchori region, Bengali fighters kill 14 CHT people. Tribal members of the Mukti Bahini (freedom fighters) are prevented by the government they tried to intervene to stop the attacks on the local people.

7

January 29, 1972: Newly independent Bangladesh’s leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, assures Chakma representatives that Chakmas would get their due share of government jobs.

February 15, 1972: The Parbattaya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samity (PCJSS, also Solidarity Party) was founded with Manobendra Narayan Larma at the helm. Representatives of the Chakma King submit a 4-point manifesto to Sheikh Mujib, asking for the autonomy of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

April 24, 1972: Manobendro Narayan Larma, member of the King’s council, presents the 4-point manifesto to the committee that drafts Bangladesh’s constitution. This manifesto seeks:

1. The autonomy of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the creation of a own legislative assembly;

2. Inclusion of a statute similar to the Regulation of 1900, which safeguarded the identity and rights of the people of the Hill Tracts in the Constitution of Bangladesh;

3. Preservation of the positions of tribal chiefs and tribal customs and laws; 4. Prohibition of amendments to the statute enshrining the Regulation of 1900.

1972: A CHT people's delegation, headed by Manobendra Narayan Larma, meets with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to demand a guarantee for the CHT peoples being granted special rights and status in the constitution. This meeting turns out a failure as all demands are summarily dismissed. January 7, 1973: Formation of Shanti Bahini (Peace Corps), a military wing of the PCJSS. The name was given by indigenous peoples when PCJSS insurgents tried to establish Shanti (peace) by controlling the local bandits.

February 13, 1973: During a tour through the Hill Tracts, Sheikh Mujib is quoted to have said, “From today, there are no tribal sub-groups in Bangladesh; everyone is a Bengali.”

March 7, 1973: In the general elections of 1973, the PCJSS wins two seats in the Parliament for Larma and Chai Thowai Rowaza.

August 15, 1975: Sheikh Mujib’s assassination shakes the political landscape of Bangladesh. Khondaker Mustaq Ahmed assumes the presidency with the participating army officers being the de facto leaders of the country.

1976: The Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board is created, under the leadership of Ziaur Rahman and with the Area Commander of Chittagong Cantonment as Chairman. The Board sets up a plan to rehabilitate poor Bengali peasants in Chittagong. Chakma land taken over, redistributed among Bengali settlers, and they also receive government loans to cover their basic food expenses.

1976: The Parbattaya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samity (PCJSS) goes underground. An insurgency of the indigenous peoples starts.

8

1976-86: Demographic changes in the CHT region; it turns the region's indigenous peoples into minority.

May 29, 1977: The Shanti Bahini launches a lethal attack on local armed forces. In response, both the Army and Navy in the area are fortified to the extent that the ratio of armed forces to CHT residents is one to five. Manobendro Narayan Larma goes underground and into hiding from state security forces.

1977: A tribal convention holds four rounds of talks with the PCJSS during July 1977 and December 1978 with the objective of preparing the ground for political dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the PCJSS.

December 26, 1977: In a direct warning to Shanti Bahini and Chakmas, the Chittagong Cantonment Area Commander Major General Manzur announces, “We don’t want you. You can go off wherever you please. We just want your land.” 1979: Professor R.I. Chowdhury of Chittagong University leads a survey team to interview tribalpeople. The results are uniformly critical of the Kaptai Dam project as in fact 93% feel they were economically self-sufficient before the flooding, 89% claim they lost their homes due to flooding, and 69% said the compensation they received was insufficient.

March 25, 1980: In a massacre in Kalampati/Kaukhali 200-300 indigenous people die at the hands of Bangladesh’s army. MP Upendra Lal Chakma subsequently organizes a press conference demanding justice. He further accompanies two oppositional MPs, Mr. Shahjahan Shiraj and Mr Rashed Khan Menon, on a site visit.

April 25, 1980: In a press conference, these three MPs demand immediate inclusion of Chakma (Jumma) autonomy into the constitution, curtailing the army’s presence and the cessation of “non-tribal” resettlement in the area.

December 1980: After some criticism with regard to the Kalampati massacre, the Ziaur Rahman government passes the Disturbed Area Bill, warranting the Chittagong Police Sub-Inspector and any Non-Commissioned Army Officers the right to shoot individuals suspected of illegal activities as well as the right to raid any home suspected of storing weapons.

July 29, 1980: Following an earlier closed-door meeting with Chakma leaders, President Ziaur Rahman is quoted in the Guardian (London) as saying “We are doing some wrong there. We are being unfair to the tribes. It is a political problem that is being dealt with by Police and Army action. Yet it can be settled politically very easily. We have no basis for taking over these lands and pushing these people into a corner. We should at least call a meeting of these tribal leaders and ask them their demands.”

Massacres: Since 1980 there have been 13 major instances of massacre of the Jummas by the Bangladeshi settlers and the Bangladeshi security personnel. These are: Kaukhali-Kalampati Massacre, 25 March 1980 - Bangladesh Army and the Bangladeshi settlers

9

gunned down 300 Jummas. Banraibari-Beltali-Belchari Massacre, 26 June 1981: - Bangladeshi settlers under the protection of the Bangladesh Army, murdered hundreds of Jummas. Telafang-Ashalong-Tabalchari Massacre, 19 September 1981: - The Bangladesh Army and the settlers invaded the Jumma villages of Feni valley and murdered hundreds of Jummas. Golakpatimachara-Machyachara-Tarabanchari Massacre, June-August 1983: - The Bangladesh Army and the settlers executed months long campaign against the Jumma villages and murdered 800 Jummas. Bhusanchara Massacre, 31 May 1984 - the massacre was carried out jointly by the 26 Bengal Regiment of the Bangladesh Army and the Bangladeshi settlers. At least 400 Jummas were killed. Many women were gang raped and later shot dead. Panchari Massacre, 1 May 1986 - hundreds of Jummas (actual number not known) were killed and injured by the Bangladesh Army. 80,000 Jummas fled across the border to India. Matiranga Massacre, May 1986 - The Bangladesh Army gunned down at least 70 Jumma civilians in reprisal to fighting with the Shanti Bahini. Comillatilla, Taindong Massacre, 18-19 May 1986 -the Bangladesh Rifles (a paramilitary force) intercepted 200 Jummas while fleeing across the border to India and opened fired on them. Hirarchar, Sarbotali, Khagrachari, Pablakhali Massacres, 8,9,10 August, 1988 - The Bangladesh Army along with the Bangladeshi settlers killed hundreds of Jumma civilians and gang raped Jumma women. Langadu Massacre, 4 May 1989 - the Bangladeshi settlers murdered 40 Jummas, dead bodies never recovered. Malya Massacre, 2 February 1992 - the Bangladeshi settlers murdered another 30 Jummas. Logang Massacre, 10 April 1992 - 400 Jummas killed by the Bangladeshi military and the Bangladeshi settlers. Naniachar Massacre, 17 November 1993 - about 100 Jummas killed by the Bangladeshi settlers. May 30, 1981: President Ziaur Rahman is assassinated in Chittagong in a coup led by Major General Manzur.

June 1981: Violence in Matiranga causes 25,000 hill people to flee to India. India, however, forcibly repatriates them to Bangladesh.

February 5, 1982: Led by the President’s Secretary on Tribal Affairs, a group of tribal and non-tribal representatives (Subimol Dewan) meet with President Abdus Sattar. The Sattar regime, however, does not see any further resolution of the tribal problem; the few educational and occupational quotas created under President Ziaur Rahman were revoked.

10

July 27, 1982: After coming to power, General Ershad meets with three Jumma leaders. He sends Chittagong Cantonment Area Commander Major Genernal Mannaf as his representative to Rangamati.

1982: The Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) splits into Lamba (long) and Badi (short) over the party's strategic and tactical questions. One faction (Badi) led by Babatosh Dhewan and Priti Kumar Chakma opposes the idea of a guerrilla war and advocates that the party should try to separate the CHT from Bangladesh with the support of the Indian government. Lamba, led by Manobendra Narayan Larma, however, seeks to achieve the right to self-determination through a protracted guerilla war.

October 3, 1983: General Ershad proposes a package deal to resolve the Hill Tracts crisis.

November 10, 1983: A rift within the Solidarity Party leads to the assassination of Manabendro Narayan Larma by supporters of his rival Priti Kumar Chakma. Later another seven persons were killed. November 1983: President Ershad declares a first amnesty for Shanti Bahini members who surrender. May 31, 1984: One of the worst massacres takes place in the Barkal area (Rangamati District): A Shanti Bahini attack was followed by reprisal attacks on hill peoples at Barkal. Six or seven thousand tribal people cross the border and seek refuge in the Indian state of Mizoram. They were forcibly returned in February 1985

1984: In their report to the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations (WGIP), the Anti-Slavery Society of London criticizes the Bangladesh delegation’s report at previous year’s session. In particular, the claim that “Bangladesh has no indigenous population” comes under attack.

1985: President Ershad announced a second amnesty following which allegedly upto 5,000 Shanti Bahini members, including sizable number of non-Chakmas, surrendered, leaving the Shanti Bahini somewhat isolated from other tribal groups in the CHT.

May 1985: The Asian Conference On Religion and Peace (South Korea) presents a report on “The crisis of the Chittagong Hill Tracts” which accuses Bangladesh of violating the ILO Convention 107 on Tribal and Indigenous Populations.

August 2, 1985: The Bangladesh delegation to UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations strongly attacks London-based Anti-Slavery Society’s report on Hill Tracts. The delegation calls the report “baseless allegations” and “attempts to tarnish the image” of Bangladesh.

October 21, 1985: President Ershad forms a Dialogue Committee for first negotiations with the PCJSS; a second meeting scheduled for Christmas, however, falls through and the ongoing settlement of non-tribal people continues.

11

1986: The first International Conference on the Chittagong Hill Tracts is held in Amsterdam during which a resolution is passed to establish an independent commission that is to investigate all allegations of human rights violations in the hill region. April 29 – July 27, 1986: The Shanti Bahini attacks several army camps and settlements of Bengali immigrants. In turn, Bengali settlers and government forces carry out reprisals on tribal villages forcing the people there to flee to India on an unprecedented scale. As a consequence, six refugee camps are set up in Tripura. In the meanwhile, the Government of Bangladesh claims there are only 30,000 non-tribal settlers in CHT while Jumma activists report a number as high as 50,000. September 19, 1987: In an effort to restore peace to the area, General Ershad formulates a National Committee headed by the Planning Minister A. K. Khondokar to continue negotiation processes with the PCJSS. Tribal leaders meet with him aiming to find a political solution to the Chakma problem, as opposed to the Shanti Bahini’s search for a solution through violence.

December 1987: The CHT Commission is formed by UN International Working Group on Indigenous Affairs in Netherlands. The Commission later brings out the influential “Life Is Not Ours” report, which criticizes the Bangladesh government for failing to enter Peace Talks with tribal leaders.

December 17, 1987 – June 19, 1988: Four summit meetings between the government and the PCJSS fail to come up with any concrete proposal. A 5-point manifesto for regional autonomy is rejected on the ground that it was untenable under a one-party government. Political solutions circumventing the subject of CHT autonomy, including a bid to include Chakma representatives within the government, were rejected by the PCJSS.

The PCJSS's 5-point agenda which submitted to the government seeks:

(i) autonomy for the CHT with its own legislature, renaming of the region as Jumma land, and constitutional recognition of the Jumma nation's right to self-determination;

(ii) removal of non-tribal settlers who had entered the CHT after August 1947 (iii) withdrawal of Bangladeshi security forces from the CHT; (iv) retention of the CHT Manual of 1900 and a constitutional provision restricting

any amendments to it; and (v) deployment of a UN peacekeeping force.

August 8, 1988: Army troops attack tribal villages in retaliation for a Shanti Bahini attack. This will be known as the Bagaichari Massacre.

December 14/ 15, 1988: The 6th meeting with the PCJSS breaks down in spite of the former’s compromise in changing the terminology from “regional” to “local” autonomy.

February 28, 1989: The parliament passes a bill that allows the creation of local governments in all three districts. These local governments shall be led by a “tribal” elected by all members of the Local Government Council.

12

March 2, 1989: The Repeal and Application of Laws and Special Regulation Act (Act XVI) is passed which is “an Act made to repeal the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation, 1900, to apply some existing laws in the Hill Districts, and to make some special regulations in the said districts” (Bangladesh Gazette Extraordinary); it may also be called the Hill Districts Act. Following Acts (Acts XIX, XX, XXI) acknowledge the districts Rangamati, Khagrachari, Bandarban as “special area(s) inhabited by several backward tribes and it is, therefore, expedient to provide for the establishment of a Parishad for it for the purpose of its comprehensive development”

May 4, 1989: The Shanti Bahini launches an armed response to sabotage the local governments and their electoral process, leading to the assassination of Sub-District Committee Chairman Abdur Rashid Sarkar. In retaliation, settlers attack local Chakma villages, reducing them to asheses. This incident becomes known as the Longdu Massacre. The martial law government takes over the electoral process, installing its own representatives.

1990: About 1200 refugees from the camps in Tripura return to the CHT area. However, the sporadic incidences of violence carried out by both sides - the Shanti Bahini and the army – does not subside. By the end of May, the government of Bangladesh claimed that the majority of the refugees - 19,000 out of a total of 29,000 -- had already returned home. Later, however, following the breakdown of talks between the government and representatives of the refugees, the return process was discontinued. May 14 -21, 1990: During the week, the Xinhua News Agency reports that about 7,000 refugees had died of diseases and malnutrition in Tripura camps. A food riot breaks out in the camps in which the refugees protested the irregularities and insufficiency in the distribution of food at the camps. Six refugees were reportedlly killed by Indian Border Security Forces during these riots. July 1990: The Military Commander of the CHT, General Salam, claims that the government spent about $300 million to develop the socio-economic infrastructure in the CHT area. Further, he states a total of 2,300 guerrillas have surrendered to the army. He believes that the insurgency has been significantly contained, but not fully quelled, because the Shanti Bahani guerrillas arwere given sanctuary on the other side of the border.

July-August 1990: The UN Economic & Social Council Commission on Human Rights (Working Group on Indigenous Populations) reviews the state of Chittagong Hill Tracts. The number of Hill Tracts refugees in India was reported to be 70,000.

December 6, 1990: General Ershad toppled from power by a popular uprising. In the ensuing melee, a Committee of tribal students stage a press conference demanding the removal of the local governments.

The last quarter of 1990 is marked by intensifying anti-government demonstrations against Bangladesh's military regime led by General Ershad. Refugee leaders indicate their support for the opposition. Immediately after the fall of the Ershad regime, the new caretaker government dissolves the District Councils except the three in the CHT area. But the Shanti Bahini continue to press their demand for the dissolution of the Councils, regarding them as a `planted agency' of government (UNHCR).

13

1991: The cycle of violence and counter -violence continues throughout the year. The rebels use different strategies - planting bombs in places frequented by Bengali settlers and the army; raiding the settlers' villages at night, burning their homes and killing them; abducting the settlers; and killing `collaborators' among the tribal peoples which forced some tribal people to flee to the refugee camps in neighbouring India. The new caretaker government continues to grant the District Councils limited autonomy in the management of local affairs. However, the Hill Student Federation, backed by the Shanti Bahini, continues to demand the dissolution of the District Councils, and their replacement by new ‘representative’ organizations. They allege the government had failed to deliver on its promise to make the Councils really ‘autonomous’ and powerful. (UNHCR). December 31, 1991: The Bangladesh government continues its offer of amnesty for those Shanti Bahini guerrillas who surrender. The government also announces rewards for surrendering: 5 acres (2 ha) of land and 45 pounds of food a week for a year. In addition, monetary rewards of Tk. 30,000 ($800) were offered for each light machine gun/mortar surrendered to the army. Following this offer of amnesty and rewards, about 60 rebels were reported to have surrendered by the end of the year. The CHT Student Council, a rival of the Student Federation, submitted a memorandum to the Indian High Commission at Dhaka, urging the Indian government not to patronize the Chakma ‘miscreants’. April 10, 1992: Bengali settler Kabir Ahmed is killed, allegedly for the attempted rape of a Jumma woman. In retaliation, settlers and law enforcement authorities devastate the Chakma village of Logang, in which 300 persons were killed. A wave of international condemnation follows. In Japan, 130 NGOs and individuals organize a protest against the incident. Later this coalition forms “Japan Committee on CHT Issues”. Anti-Slavery Society, Survival International and Amnesty International send protest letters to Bangladesh High Commission in London. Khaleda Zia’s government forms an inquiry committee to investigate the massacre.

April 22, 1992: At Bangladesh Aid Consortium meeting in Paris, Finance Minister Saifur Rahman is greeted by protests against Logang massacre by European human rights organizations.

May 20 – 31, 1992: The Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Begum Khaleda Zia, visits New Delhi to discuss with her counterpart pending bilateral issues like the sharing of Ganges water and the return of the CHT refugees. The two leaders establish a Joint Task Force, to deal with, among other issues, the safe return and rehabilitation of the Bangladeshi refugees residing in the six camps in Tripura. They further agree on not to interfere in each other's internal affairs and provide sanctuary to the insurgency movements of either country.

Meanwhile, Reuters quotes Bangladeshi officials claiming that about 4000 young girls were missing from the refugee camps. They are believed to have been sold for prostitution in India. A human rights group, Save the Mother and Child, supports the Bangladeshi contention, claiming that more than 3000 girls from the refugee camps have been sold to different brothels in India. (UNHCR)

14

May 1992: Amnesty International issues a report on the Logang killings and sends letters to the Bangladesh government asking for full inquiry into tribal deaths.

May 19, 1992: Violence escalates in the area when yet another youth fracas leads to the formation of a non-tribal Greater Chittagong Committee for Student Uprising.

May 20, 1992: Frustrated over the government’s inaction over local violence, Gautam Dewan, Chairman of the Rangamati Local Government submits his resignation.

July 1992: The BNP government under Khaleda Zia establishes the Parbattay Chattagram Affairs Parliamentary Committee led by Communication Minister Col (rtd.) Oli Ahmed.

July 8, 1992: The BNP government presents a bill in Parliament to increase the life-spans of the local governments. Despite vehement opposition from tribal members among the rival Awami League party, the bill is passed.

July 10, 1992: The government creates a Committee to resolve the Chakma problem, led by Communications Minister Oli Ahmed. Leaders of the three local governments question legitimacy of the Committee for not including elected MPs.

August 1, 1992: The Shanti Bahini unilaterally declares a cease-fire for 3 months until November 10, which during the negotiations was made into a mutual cease-fire agreement. The PCJSS once again expresses its willingness to negotiate unconditionally about a political settlement and urged the government to include an MP from the CHT in the government committee. Mr. Kalparanjan Chakma, MP from Khagrachari District, is included in the government committee in mid-August. September 17, 1992: The European Parliament asks the government of Bangladesh to withdraw from the Hill areas and requests the UN to name a special rapporteur for the region. In another development, 15 people injured when hundreds of angry Hindu tribal people set fire to two Christian centres in the CHT, protesting alleged attempts to forcibly convert Hindus to Christianity.

October 7, 1992: Justice S. H. Khan’s “Logang Disturbances Inquiry Commission” released its report which blamed the Shanti Bahini for causing the Logang massacre. The report is criticized for biased findings. On page 24, the report states “[Bengali settlers] must raise their own security force namely village defense party who should be given arms and training for protection of the village”– this statement is widely seen as condoning Bengali violence against Jumma people.

November 5, 1992: A first meeting between the Committee and PCJSS takes place but ends unresolved. Until 1995, both Committees meet for seven times at the Committee level and thirteen times at the sub-Committee level.

November 17, 1992: A tribal student protest meeting attacked army in the village of Naniarchar in which 90 tribal persons are killed. Although an inquiry committee is formed by the government, its report remains unpublished.

15

December 1992: The government initiates the second round of peace talks with the Shanti Bahini forces. The result is an extension of a truce for a further three months. No significant headway could be made, since the government refused to accede to rebel demands that included the expulsion of the Bengali settlers, the withdrawal of the army from the area, and the formation of an independent tribal police force.

December 10, 1992: International Year of World’s Indigenous People begins. A Minister in the government of Bangladesh declared “Bangladesh has no indigenous people”. The statement is condemned by NGO’s, activists and Jumma leaders. NGOs organized “Indigenous Peoples Day”.

1993: The release of a report by Amnesty International on human rights violations in Bangladesh coincided with the scheduled meeting of the AID Consortium in Paris in late April. However, the report had little impact on the major donors during the financial year 1993-94. The government of Bangladesh dubbed the report as ‘wrong’. May 1993: The government initiates another round of meetings with the Shanti Bahini which took place in Khagrachori, in the northern part of the CHT. This was the third meeting between the government and the Shanti Bahini; the previous two meetings were held in May and December of 1992. The two sides discuss issues relating to the return and rehabilitation of the refugees including a land survey of the area, the question of regional autonomy and the withdrawal of settlers from the area. May 31, 1993: In breach of the agreement on the non-use of violence, Shanti Bahini members attacked a government security patrol, killing one soldier and wounding another. A Bangladeshi parliamentary delegation headed by the Communications Minister again visits New Delhi to meet Indian Home Ministry officials and Chakma leaders to finalize the issue of the return of the refugees. As a result of all these diplomatic initiatives, the return of the refugees was finally slated to begin on June 8, 1993. The process was expected to be completed in a month. The government of Bangladesh decided to provide the returnees with food for six months and money for the rehabilitation in the area. However, discord still remained regarding the total number of refugees -- the Bangladesh side claiming the number was around 30,000; on the other hand, the Indians insisted that the number was over 50,000 and it handed over a list of 53,405 refugees to Bangladeshi officials June 8, 1993: However, on the appointed day only about 32 refugees turned up at the reception centers at the stipulated time. The refugees allegedly refuse to return until they were backed by UN protection, lest they again faced persecution and harassment at the hands of the army. India pledged not to forcibly repatriate the refugees. November 1993: Violence erupted in the CHT when a demonstrating tribal group was attacked, apparently by a non-tribal settler group. The bloody clash left 27 tribal persons dead and almost 100 injured. January 1994: The Shanti Bahini rebels agreed to extend ceasefire until April 15 and to hold more peace talks aimed at ending the long-running insurgency. The leaders of the tribal refugees said they would begin returning home from February 15, 1994.

16

February 1994: The repatriation of refugees began amid fanfare on both sides of the border. The long-awaited event, twice postponed in the past, once in 1987 and again in 1993. However, a section of the rebels attacked a Bangladeshi army camp and seized a dozen buses. The violence was aimed at disrupting the repatriation process. May 1994: J. B. Larma, top leader of the insurgents and Chief of PCJSS, said they would take up arms again if current peace negotiations failed. The PCJSS demanded amendment of the Bangladesh constitution to grant autonomy to the CHT. "We cannot give up our basic demand for a separate entity of the tribal people," but, "we may consider the question of the outsiders (non-tribals)," he said, which indicated some flexibility in their demand for the expulsion of Muslim settlers from the area. August 1994: A top strategist of the insurgency, Nishit Dewan, a graduate from Pakistan's Lahore University and later the head of Information and Publicity for the Shanti Bahini's political wing (the PCJSS), surrendered to Bangladesh army. He was quoted as saying, "I am here to give myself up. I am fed up with the activities of the Shanti Bahini. They don't want peace..." October 1994: Military sources stated that on October 11 more than 40 people were injured when tribal rebels battled each other in a dispute over the leadership of the PCJSS, the political wing of the Shanti Bahini. An insurgent was killed and a soldier wounded in an armed encounter in the CHT . November 1994: The government extended a truce with tribal rebels for another month (until Dec 31) to allow for the repatriation of thousands of refugees from India. Only 6000 of an estimated 50,000 have returned home since February under an agreement between Bangladesh and India.

December 1994: The PCJSS agreed to extend the truce with the government until the end of March in order to give mediators more time to pursue peace initiatives.

February 1995: The Bangladesh government offered new incentives to entice CHT refugees to return home from their refugee camps in Tripura. These included free rations and financial grants along with an offer to restore jobs for the returnees.

March 15, 1995: Tribal refugee leaders visiting the CHT said they were unhappy with Bangladesh's efforts to resettle refugees returning from India. They accused the Bangladesh government of failing to fulfill pledges made before the repatriation began.

March 23, 1995: 45 Bangladeshi intellectuals sign a statement accusing Bandarban Police of organizing attacks on tribal students. They include Justice K.M. Sobhan, Dr. Kamal Hossain, Abdul Mannan Chowdhury, Dr. Humayun Azad, and Meghna Guha Thakurata.

March 31, 1995: The leader of the Shanti Bahini, Shantu Larma, stated that his group would continue negotiations with the government but that if a settlement was not reached soon, armed struggle would ensue. Larma asserted that PCJSS was seeking autonomy within Bangladesh along with the expulsion of some 300,000 Bengali settlers from the CHT.

17

June 30, 1995: Tripura's governor urged the CHT refugees in the refugee camps to be prepared to leave after the monsoon. He also stated that Bangladesh needed to create a conducive atmosphere for the return. August 23, 1995: According to intelligence sources, tribal rebels from Bangladesh and Myanmar's Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) had agreed to wage a joint campaign against their governments to press for political autonomy. August 28, 1995: CHT rebels attack a Christian village, killing one person and wounding three others, according to the police. The Christians in the Hill Tracts were opposed to the Shanti Bahini's demand for autonomy. December 26, 1995: Sporadic clashes between the Hill Students Council and the police led to over 50 injuries in the CHT. Meanwhile, the Shanti Bahini agreed to extend the ceasefire until January 20, 1996.

1996: The Jumma People’s Network of Asia Pacific Australia (JUMNAPA) published a paper on militarization of Hill Tracts. According to this, there was one army officer for every 15 Jumma in 1994.

January 19, 1996: The Shanti Bahini extended the ceasefire until February 15. The rebels reportedly attacked a military camp in the Rangamati hills twice during the ceasefire. The government claimed that taking advantage of the ceasefire, the Shanti Bahini was training and arming its supporters including members of the Hill Students Federation and the Hill Women's Federation. March 10, 1996: The CHT National Coordination and Peace Council accused the Indian government and the Shanti Bahini of preventing Chakma refugees in Tripura from returning home. June 12, 1996: Kalpana Chakma, the organising secretary of the CHT Hill Women’s Federation, was abducted from her home. Her body was never found.

June 23, 1996: The Awami League returned to power. It promised to work towards solving the tribal problem. Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the daughter of the country’s first leader, Mujibur Rahman, became Prime Minister. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government steped down in March amid protracted shutdowns and violent protests that left 130 dead and thousands injured. Post-election, however, there was consternation at government inaction. The Shanti Bahini killed a group of 28 Bengali woodcutters.

July 18, 1996: Government said that about 8,000 tribal persons, soldiers and civilians had been killed to date. Tribal activists challenged the government’s figures claiming the number is much higher.

September 11, 1996: The Shanti Bahini allegedly abducted and subsequently killed 30 Bengalis settlers near the town of Rangamati. This was reported to be the worst massacre since 1986.

18

September 12, 1996: Hundreds of people demonstrate in Dhaka to press the government to take stern action to curb rebel attacks in the CHT . September 30, 1996: The PCJSS unilaterally extends the truce until October 31 to promote discussion with the government. The government formed a National Committee with the aim of resolving the Chakma crisis.

1997: In the third update to “Life Is Not Ours” report, CHT Commission (Netherlands) said “negotiations can be successful only if the traditional systems of land rights in CHT are acknowledged”.

January 6, 1997: Bangladesh and India agree to cooperate to fight insurgents in their border regions. January 25, 1997: Another round of peace talk was held. This was the first time that the PCJSS and the government's negotiating team met in Dhaka. This was seen as a sign of progress as all the previous meetings were held in the CHT. January 27, 1997: Significant progress was reported: The committee included members of all the major political parties, with the exception of the BNP which refused to participate. The government was apparently ready to provide some form of regional autonomy but the rebels continued to demand that the settlers must be expelled and an immediate withdrawal of army from the region. February 24, 1997: Bangladesh expressed its concern to Thailand about hosting of an upcoming international peace conference on the CHT. Dhaka feared that it might jeopardize the peace process. The conference was being organized by various NGOs including the Australia-based Jumma People Network of the Asia-Pacific. Some 25 Bangladeshi intellectuals and human rights activists, who were to attend the conference, were refused Thai visas. March 6, 1997: India ordered demolition of Shanti Bahini camps in Tripura. March 7, 1997: A little-known rebel group, the North-Eastern Liberation Tigers warned that it would blow up the main port city of Chittagong if Bangladesh participated in security operations with the Indian army against insurgents in their border areas. March 9, 1997: Beginning on March 28, some 5000 Chakma refugees were to begin returning home from refugee camps in Tripura. Dhaka promised to provide them with money and food rations to facilitate their resettlement. March 13, 1997: Two days of peace talk end in Dhaka: ceasefire was extended. The two sides decided to meet again on April 30. A general strike, called by the BNP, the Islamic Jamaat-i-Islami Party and the Parbattyo Bangalee Gano Parishad (which represented settlers in the CHT), was held to protest against the ongoing peace talks which the organizations believed were against the interests of the Bengali settlers. April 4, 1997: Up to 6700 Chakmas living in refugee camps in Tripura returned to the CHT.

19

May 12, 1997: A tribal Awami League MP was appointed as Chairman of a task force to oversee the rehabilitation of the Chakma refugees. July 19, 1997: A round of talks between the PCJSS and the parliamentary national committee ends with a decision to prepare a draft agreement. A new group, the New CHT Council was formed by Priti Kumar Chakma which insisted on total autonomy or independence September 14, 1997: After holding several rounds high level meetings with Bangladesh government, Indian government put pressure on Shanti Bahini to end fighting. PCJSS chairman Jyotirindriyo Bodhipriya Larma, alias Shantu Larma, went to Dhaka for first time since beginning of insurgency to begin talks with the government.

September 18, 1997: Shantu Larma announces a draft agreement to end the insurgency, which included; 1) an elected regional hill council for the CHT responsible for local administration and law and order; 2) the closure of several military camps and a reduction in security forces in the region; 3) the creation of a separate federal government ministry to speed up development in the region; 4) the government to evict only illegal settlers.

October 14, 1997: At held in Bogra, BNP leader Khaleda Zia accused government of Sheikh Hasina of conspiring to hand CHT over to India. She also accused the government of planning to withdraw the army from the area.

October 16, 1997: The PCJSS ratified the peace deal. Around 15,000 Bengali settlers in the CHT protest against the settlement. Opposition parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Jamaat-i-Islami also express their opposition, stating that the deal was a threat to the country's security and a sell-out to India.

October 17, 1997: A large rally by tribal peoples was held in the CHT to support the peace agreement. Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina assured that the army won’t be withdrawn from CHT. She further said: ‘We don’t want our people, the citizens of a sovereign country, to stay as refugees in other countries.’ Five days later, the region witnesses a general strike called by the BNP and other right parties.

October 30, 1997: The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Jamaat-i-Islami agree to launch a united movement to oppose the peace agreement.

November 27, 1997: Talks between the two sides resume, along with the repatriation of Chakmas in refugee camps in Tripura. December 2, 1997: Representatives of the parliamentary national committee and Shanti Bahini leader Jyotindra Bodhipriyo Larma formally sign the peace accord. The agreement provided for broad autonomous powers to administer the three hill districts of Rangamati, Khagrachari, and Bandarban, an area of around 14,000 sq. km. Its provisions include:

1) The region will be governed by a 22-member regional council; two-thirds of its members will be tribal.. It will be led by a tribal chairperson who will have the status of a Minister of State. The council will be responsible for public administration, law and order, and promoting the region’s development;

20

2) The Shanti Bahini rebels will surrender their arms under a general amnesty. They will receive financial assistance to return to normal life;

3) Bengali settlers will not be expelled from the region; 4) The government will withdraw security outposts manned by the army and paramilitary

forces; 5) Laws will be developed to ban the sale of tribal lands to non-tribal settlers unless the

regional council gives its permission (Deutsche Presse-Agentur). In Khagrachari district, both tribals and non-tribals hold a march to celebrate the signing ceremony. The BNP and 7 other opposition parties hold 4 days of protests and strikes to oppose the accord. December 22, 1997: The government formally ratified the peace accord CHT Regional Council Act (Act XXII)-Establishment of CHT Regional council to coordinate and supervise the activities of the three Hill District Councils. The BNP and the Jamaat-i-Islami continue their protests in Dhaka and Chittagong to oppose the accord. The BNP also maintained its boycott on attending Parliament (in effect since August, until March 4 1998). December 1997: Several groups of Jumma people - Pahari Gano Parishad (PGP or Hill Peoples Council), Pahari Chattra Parishad (PCP or Hill Students Council) and Hill Women Federation (HWF) oppose the peace treaty. They argued that the accord failed to fulfil the main demands of the Jumma people namely, constitutional recognition to the national ethnic minorities of the CHT with guarantee for “Full Autonomy”, restoration of traditional land rights, demilitarisation of the area, and withdrawal and resettlement of the Bengali settlers in the plain land.

Post- Peace Accord Period February 6, 1998: The government announces an amnesty for all tribal rebels who turn in their arms. February 10, 1998: Thousands of people attend a formal surrender ceremony at a football stadium in the town of Khagrachari. Led by PCJSS and Shanti Bahini leader Jyotindra Bodhipriyo (Shantu) Larma, some 740 rebels hand in their weapons. Larma announced the formal disbandment of the Shanti Bahini, the military wing of the PCJSS. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina pledged a $470 million development package for the region. A small group representing the Hill Students Council protested against the deal. They wanted full autonomy and the expulsion of the Bengali settlers. April 23, 1998: The PCJSS and the government hold three days of talks to clarify the bills that were before parliament. Three tribal groups the Pahari Chhatra Parishad, the Pahari Gano Parishad, and the Hill Women's Federation opposed the accord. May 11, 1998: The Supreme Court rejected a BNP member's petition that challenged the legality of the peace treaty. The parliament passed the four bills needed to implement the accord September 7, 1998: The government appointed the leader of the PCJSS, Jyotindra Bodhipriyo Larma, as Chairman of the CHT Regional Council. The government also announced the names of other 21 members of the interim council which would govern CHT until elections were held.

21

October 3, 1998: A rift emerged between the government and the PCJSS. The tribal organisation said that the government had previously agreed to appoint the three Bengali settlers to the regional council but instead it nominated members from its own political party. The PCJSS rejected the regional council. November 23, 1998: India vows that it will not allow any CHT insurgents to operate from its territory. New Delhi expressed full supports the peace agreement reached last year. November 30, 1998: The PCJSS and the government remained deadlocked over the formation of the regional council. PCJSS leader Jyotindra Larma blamed the government for not adhering to its commitments on dismantling temporary army camps and releasing detained Shanti Bahini rebels. December 1, 1998: More than 90 deaths and abductions were reported in the CHT in 1998. Most of these involved settlers and tribals and were usually linked to land disputes or extortion. Meanwhile, the government claimed that some army camps has been closed and former rebels were being integrated into the police forces. The government recently ensured the residence and voting rights of the region’s Bengali settlers. The PCJSS announceed that it would contest the next general elections, likely to be held in 2001. December 1998: The groups opposed to the Peace Treaty formed a regional political party in the CHT, It was named United People's Democratic Front (UPDF). The main objective of the UPDF was to establish full autonomy in the Chittagong Hill Tracts through peaceful and democratic means. At the founding conference of the party a five member convening committee was formed with Prasit Bikash Khisha as its convener. May 10, 1999: The PCJSS said that it would immediately take charge of the regional council. The tribal organization's decision followed governmental assurances of speedy implementation of the peace accord. May 25, 1999: Some 50,000 Chakmas returned to the CHT from refugee camps in India's Tripura state. May 27, 1999: A formal ceremony was held to install PCJSS leader Larma as Chairman of the Regional Council. June 3, 1999: The Land Commission was formed under the Chairmanship of retired High Court justice AM Mahmudur Rahman. 2000: A Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs was established through the amendment of the applicable rules of business, transferring power from a Special Affairs Division of the Prime Minister's Office (Cabinet Division notification). The United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) which has been engaged in armed clashes with the activists of PCJSS dedodes to suspend its hostile activities and call for dialogue with PCJSS. UPDF pledged full support to the efforts of PCJSS for full implementation of the peace accord.

22

December 21, 2000: In a reversal of the terms of the peace agreement, the Ministry of CHT Affairs issued a notification, No. 62/99-587 empowering the Deputy Commissioners of the three hill districts in the CHTs to issue "permanent resident certificate" to the illegal plain settlers. June 2001: Burning down 277 houses belonging to Marma community in 7 villages in Ramgarh under Khagrachari district. The attack left more than a hundred Jummas wounded and thousands homeless. October 1, 2001: Eighth round of parliamentary elections take place in Bangladesh. The BNP- led 4-party alliance wins in the elections. UPDF takes part in the parliamentary elections held in October 2001.Its Chairman, Prasit Bikash Khisha contested from Rangamati and Khagrachari constituencies. The UPDF was defeated. However, the candidates of UPDF received significant number of votes indicating loss of popularity of PCJSS February 2002: BNP MP, Wadud Bhuia from the Khagrachari constituency appointed as the Chairman of the CHT Development Board as per the CHT Accord. March 14, 2002: The International Jumma Community, Paris, in association with the French Section of Survival International and the Peace Campaign Group, New Delhi, organized a demonstration in Paris against the government of Bangladesh for the violation of the CHT Peace Accord in front of the office of Bangladesh Development Forum. August 26, 2003: On 26 August 2003, Bengali settlers launched a horrendous communal attack on the indigenous Jumma people of Mahalchari Upazila under Khagrachari Hill District of the CHT. According to press reports, more than 350 Jumma households of 14 villages under five Moujas were burnt to ashes. Four Buddhist temples, one UNICEF run primary school, a good number of shops and statues of Lord Buddha were also destroyed, ransacked and looted. Valuables worth over Taka 30 million was destroyed. Two Jumma people including one eight-month-old child were killed. Ten Jumma women were reported to have been raped by the Bengali settlers. September 2003: The government announced a plan to give permanent resident status to 26,000 families of Bangali settlers living in cluster villages in the CHTs. April 2, 2003: 100-150 Bengali settlers from Joysen Karbari Para go to Saprue Karbari Para and start to build houses on a land owned by the indigenous Jumma villagers. Some indigenous Jumma women of Saprue Karbari Para resist the settlers. Following the incident, the settlers attack three Jumma villages on 3 April at around 8.30 am. 2 Jumma girls are raped and more than 50 Jummas are injured. About 100 Jumma houses are looted. April 2006: The Parliamentary Committee on the CHTs Affairs confirmed that number of people living in the cluster-villages in the three hill districts - Rangamati, Bandarban and Khagrachari - had doubled to 50,000. January 2007: A state of Emergency was declared in Bangladesh by the Caretaker Government. Initially, the Caretaker government was supported by the people as it began to crack its whip

23

on corrupt politicians and curb crimes. However, soon the army-backed Caretaker Government went too far and took over the powers and functions of the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. According to a human rights group, Odhikar, 50 persons were killed by the security forces and 95,825 persons were arrested under the Bangladesh Emergency Power Rules of 2007 between 12 Januaryb and 12 March 2007 The indigenous Jumma people of the CHT, became the worst victims of the state of emergency. The emergency was used to increase military operations and oppressions against the Jumma peoples. According to reports the security forces let loose a reign of terror. Nine senior office bearers of the sub-district level committees of PCJSS were arbitrarily arrested by the army. Another nine leaders of UPDF were also put in jail. Two Jumma villagers were killed by the army personnel from Ghilachari camp under Naniachar zone in Rangamati district. The army also tortured more than 10 Jumma villagers in different villages in Rangamati district. In February 2007, Trinamul Unnayan Sangstha (TUS), a non-governmental organisation run by indigenous peoples for rural development was closed down. During the period of Emergency, forcible evictions of the indigenous Jumma peoples continue unabated. Bangladesh army forcibly evicted villagers of more than 62 villages under Sualok and Tangkabati Unions in Bandarban Hill District. These villages were, inhabited by Mro indigenous communities. March 2007: The Caretaker Government’s Foreign and Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Affairs Advisor, Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, at a meeting with the chairmen of CHT Councils assured that government would initiate actions to ensure sustainable peace and overall development in the CHT region. September 2007: Two leaders of PCJSS were abducted by armed cadres of the United People's Democratic Front (UPDF) from the remote Chhoto Pilak village under Guimara police station in Khagrachhari district. December 2007: The Law and Information Adviser Barrister Mainul Hosein said that the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Peace Accord of December 2, 1997, could be reviewed. April 20, 2008: In a clash between Bangali settlers and Jumma peoples seven Jumma villages namely Nursery Para, Baibachara, Purba Para, Nangal Mura, Retkaba, Simana para and Gangaram Mukh in Rangamati district are severely damaged. 2008: The Election Commission withdrew recognition from both PCJSS and UPDF as political party to compete in the parliamentary elections. Decenber 2008: National Parliamentary Election is held in Bangladesh. The election resulted in a landslide victory for the Awami League-led grand alliance, which bagged 263 seats out 300. Ccord”.

24

April 8, 2009: Only few weeks after the International Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission (CHTC), led by British parliamentarian Lord Avebury, the state minister for CHT Affairs, Mr Dipankar Talukder stated that the government formed a committee to work out ways to implement the 1997 accord. He further said the government would bring in long awaited amendments to the land commission law in order to ensure ‘the indigenous people's right to land’. The commission also called on the Bangladeshi government to demilitarize the CHT and return land to its tribal owners. June 17, 2009: EU officials visiting the country called on the government to implement the 1997 Peace Accord it signed with the Jumma peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). They noted that more than 11 years after the treaty, many displace indigenous people still have not returned to their land. July 2009: The government decides to withdraw one brigade and 35 temporary army camps by September 2009 According to the government, 200 security camps have so far been withdrawn in phases since the accord was signed between the then Awami League government and Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity on December 2, 1997. December 2009: Fighting erupts between PCJSS and UPDF in Moner Manush area at Dighinala upazila (Sub-District) in Khagrachhari District. February 19, 2010: Violent land dispute between local indigenous people and Bengali settlers in Baghaihat Gangaramukh area. About 450 houses of indigenous people and 23 houses of Bengali settlers were burnt and 2 Jummas were killed and over 100 were injured in these attacks. April 2010: The High Court declares the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council Act, 1998 illegal but rules that the peace accord was legal. The HC bench of Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed and Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury pass the order upon two writ petitions filed by Badiuzzaman, a Bengali settler in and Tajul Islam, a lawyer. April 2010: 38 years after its formation, the PCJSS splits as the seven-members convening committee indicated a clear rift in the former insurgent outfit at a conference at Dighinala in Khagrachair of leaders who were opposing Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma September 2010: The International CHT Commission (CHTC) conducted a mission to Bangladesh from 4 to 10 September 2010, including a visit to the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The purpose of this mission was to assess the overall political developments related to the CHT Accord and follow up on issues raised in the CHTC’s memo to the Prime Minister following its visit to the CHT in June 2010. CHT Commission recommended Amendment of the CHT Land Dispute Settlement Commission Act 2001 in accordance with the articles of the CHT Accord and the recommendations put forward by the Regional Council, and ensure that all future decisions of the Land Commission were made with the agreement of Jumma members of the Commission.

25

February 28, 2011: Critics have raised the question of the reason for conducting a census in Bangladesh if the number of ethnic groups is already determined and individuals of more than 40 ethnicities will not have the ability to categorize themselves as their respective ethnicity. March 16, 2011: A parliamentary committee agreed on recognizing the Jumma peoples as Tribal or small national minorities but refused to recognize them as indigenous people. March 31, 2011: Rashed Khan Menon, chairman of the parliamentary caucus on indigenous affairs said land disputes and other problems involving indigenous communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts could not be resolved unless those people were given constitutional recognition. May 2, 2011: A 2010 study by UN Rapporteur Lars-Anders Baer found extensive military presence and ongoing land disputes in the CHT. The study was presented to the UN's Economic and Social Council. During a discussion on the UN Rapporteur’s report, the Bangladesh delegation stressed that there were no 'indigenous' people in Bangladesh. June 23, 2011: PCJSS rejects the proposals for amending the constitution of Bangladesh which did not recognise the indigenous people of Bangladesh. It demands that the proposed amendment must provide constitutional recognition of the indigenous or Adivasi people.

July 1, 2011: The 15th amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh is passed. It made every citizen of Bangladesh a “Bengali”.

July 10, 2011: The reformist group of PCJSS calls upon all regional political parties for a united movement to ensure rights of indigenous peoples of Chittagong Hill Tracts

July 13, 2011: The European Commission adopted a €24-million programme to support local development in the CHT. The EU contribution, which would be implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) - managed by CHT Development Facility aimed at building capacity in regional, local and traditional institutions as well as communities with a view to delivering better services and managing development activities. By empowering local institutions, the EU seeks to facilitate the implementation of the governance provisions as foreseen in the Peace Accord of 1997. (Kapaeeng Foundation)

July 21, 2011: The Jumma people under the leadership of the PCJSS launch protest rallies against the 15th Amendment to the Bangladeshi constitution which did not recognise the country’s indigenous population. Access routes to districts were blocked. The UPDF demanded the annulment of the 15th Amendment to the Constitution, as it brought the indigenous people under the definitions of tribal, making them part of minor races, ethnic sects and communities.

July 27, 2011: Chakma chief and member of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Devasish Roy in a written statement refuted the Foreign Minister Dipu Moni's claim that non-Bangalee hill-people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts were not “indigenous" but "ethnic minorities". As the minister termed the hill-people as economic migrants, Raja Devasish said political, social, and economic causes of migration cannot be the basis of disentitlement to "indigenous" status. Devasish, who is also a member of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, referred to the ILO Convention No 107 that Bangladesh ratified, and said to be qualified as

26

"indigenous" a community does not have to have resided in a place for millennia. A community need to have merely settled or lived in a place "at the time of conquest or colonisation" and need to have lived in conformity with the political, social and cultural institutions of pre-colonial times to qualify as "indigenous" (ILO Convention).

August 8, 2011: Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) Prof Dr Mizanur Rahman said the human rights situation in the CHT region was worsening due to the strict security policy executed by successive governments. He called upon the government not to consider the issues of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) from a security perspective, as was done in the past. “We have failed to acknowledge the people of CHT in the Constitution as per their demand. Now it is time to implement the CHT accord,” he said. August 22, 2011: The Bangladeshi government replaced the word Adivasi (indigenous) with Khudro Nritattik Jonogosthi (ethnic minorities) in all laws, policies and government publications thereby reducing the legal status and protection of the Chittagong Hill Tracts people. The Foreign Ministry opined that all the people living in Bangladesh territory were indigenous. As the British did not settle down just like in America or Australia, there was no option of mentioning any particular group of population separately as ‘Adivasi’. It pointed out that the word Adivasi was not used in CHT Peace Accord. Instead, the term upajati (sub-nation) had been used. Consequently, in the light of 15th Amendment the phrase ‘khudro Nritattik Jonogosthi should be used instead. October 4, 2011: According to the results of the MBBS/BDS admission test published on the national Bangla daily ‘Jugantor’, tribal students of CHT were asked to submit resident certificate issued by both circle chief of concerned circle and deputy commissioner of concerned district while non-tribal Bengali students of CHT were asked to submit resident certificate issued by either circle chief or deputy commissioner.

November 14, 2011: For the Cultural Diversity Festival 2011 the UNDP-CHTDF uses the words ‘ethnic minorities’, ‘small ethnic group’ and ‘tribal’ in its Concept Note, instead “indigenous peoples” as in the years before. Indigenous leaders protested against the term ‘ethnic minorities’, ‘small ethnic group’ and ‘tribal’ saying that it undermined indigenous peoples’ rights. Indigenous leaders pointed out that UNDP was using words like ‘ethnic minorities’, ‘small ethnic group’ and ‘tribal’ to comply with the recent government stance on indigenous issues undermining its Policy of Engagement with Indigenous Peoples and UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Apparetly no indigenous peoples’ organistion (IPO) including Bangladesh Indigenous Peoples Forum was consulted by the UNDF-CHTDF in organising the event.

December 1, 2011: PCJSS declares continuous mass demonstration in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) demanding a speedy and effective implementation of CHT Accord signed with government of Bangladesh on December 21997. Jotirindhro Bodhipriya Larma alias Santu Larma, PCJSS chairman, accused the authorities for spreading ill-motivated propaganda against the CHT people claiming they were demanding recognition of indigenous people to establish an independent state. He, however, said, “We never said so. This quarter is spreading such misinformation as they want to curb the CHT

27

people’s rights and continue with their oppression. (…) We demand of the government to declare effective and appropriate timeframe immediately for implementing Chittagong Hill Tracts peace accord.” Larma protested the government’s denial to recognize the non-Muslim ethnic communities as indigenous people as well as threatened to initiate a non-violent movement in 2012 in order to press home their 19 points charter of demands, which included regional autonomy, withdrawal of military troops and special status of the indigenous people. December 6, 2011: The International CHT commission in a report claimed that a culture of impunity prevailed in the three hill districts, where crimes like killing and violence against women including rape remained unaddressed. Newspaper reports said at least 21 women were raped, three of whom were killed afterwards, and eight others were physically tortured in the last three years after the Awami League government assumed power in Bangladesh. December 12, 2011: The Parliamentary Caucus on Indigenous People proposed that a “National Commission” should be set up to ensure the rights of indigenous communities on their ancestral lands.The proposed “Bangladesh Indigenous People's Rights Bill” was put forward is to urged the government to formulate a law ensuring indigenous people's economic wellbeing and protect their socio-cultural heritage. December 13, 2011: A statement issued by the PCJSS on December 13, 2011said that the PCJSS as well as the demand of hill people and the civic society of the country had made a strong demand for inclusion of the CHTRC Act and the three HDC Acts, enacted in light of the Accord, as ‘Existing Laws’ in the First Schedule to provide legal saving for these laws. The statement pointed out that when the demand for constitutional guarantee of the CHT Accord was raised during the signing of the CHT Accord in 1997, the then Awami League-led government had claimed they did not have required majority in the Parliament to amend the Constitution to ensure constitutional guarantee for the Accord. It also said that the Awami League leadership had promised that in future they would ensure the constitutional guarantee of the Accord, if they could secure required majority in the Parliament. The statement lamented that during the 15th amendment to the constitution, the Awami League-led current government kept themselves far off their assurance and promise and commitment. December 15, 2011: In response to the unsolved death of a settler, Bengalese settlers indiscriminately attacked indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, demonstrating once more the persistence of tension and mistrust in the area. December 22, 2011: The officer in charge of Naikhyangchari upazila (sub district), Mr. Shamim called on Mr. Chata Aung Chakma, headman of 268 no Reju Mouza, and ordered him to evict the indigenous villagers who lived on the lands and to hand over the land to the ‘owners’ for rubber plantation within seven days. He wanted to reinstate 22 plots of land leases (25 acre of land per plot) which were cancelled recently as per provision of CHT Accord signed in 1997. Back in 2009 the Parliamentary Standing Committee on the CHT Affairs Ministry had decided to cancel those plots which had remained unutilized for more than ten years. Accordingly, about 593 plantation plots had been cancelled but recently mostly been reinstated by the Deputy Commissioner of Bandarban district to the owners. The move put indigenous peoples in Reju Mouza in Naikhyangchari on the verge of total eviction from their ancestral land.

28

December 28, 2011: In the context of the 13th founding anniversary of United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF), president Prosit Khisha in a press statement urged Santu Larma to join forces in the united movement that was pushing for the rights of the people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. He demanded full autonomy as the only permanent solution to the conflict as well as a fair judgment of all incidents of tyranny and violence in the region and the assurance of the people’s basic rights to land, language and education.

January 2, 2012: The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) published a report stating that after twenty years of armed struggle and despite the CHT Peace Accord from 1997 granting cultural recognition and a certain degree of self-government to indigenous people, high levels of insecurity continues to generate displacements. January 19, 2012: Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina asserted that the Awami League government would implement the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Peace Accord from 1997. She invited all Awami League leaders and workers to discuss development issues of the area as well as organizational matters renewing hopes of an end to the persistent insecurities in the region and of recognition of indigenous people’s rights. Sources.: Mohaiemen, Naeem (2010): Between Ashes and Hop. Chittagong Hill Tracts in the Blind Spot of Bangladesh Nationalism. Bangladesh:Drishtipat Writer’s Collective. The Heidelberg Bangladesh Law Translation Project: http://www.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/workgroups/bdlaw/tc.htm UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,MARP,,BGD,,469f38681e,0.html http://www.iwgia.org/iwgia_files_publications_files/0129_Life_is_not_ours_-_UPDATE_2.pdf http://indigenouspeoplesissues.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=6961:bangladesh-international-cht-commission-statement-on-mission-to-bangladesh&catid=33&Itemid=66 UNPO website. www.unpo.org