Caves, Megalithism and Tumuli - Three diachronic realities in funerary archaeology from Alto...

Rendering Death:Ideological and Archaeological

Narratives from Recent Prehistory (Iberia)

Proceedings of the conference held in Abrantes, Portugal, 11 May 2013

Edited by

Ana Cruz Enrique Cerrillo-CuencaPrimitiva Bueno Ramírez

João Carlos CaninasCarlos Batata

BAR International Series 26482014

Published by

ArchaeopressPublishers of British Archaeological ReportsGordon House276 Banbury RoadOxford OX2 [email protected]

BAR S2648

Rendering Death: Ideological and Archaeological Narratives from Recent Prehistory (Iberia)

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2014

ISBN 978 1 4073 1287 3

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Contents

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS .............................................................................................................................................................. II

LIST OF FIGURES, MAPS, TABLES AND GRAPHICS .............................................................................................................. IV

RENDERING DEATH - IDEOLOGICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SPEECHES FROM RECENT PREHISTORY (IBERIA)

ANA CRUZ ......................................................................................................................................................................... 1

CUSTODIAN STONES: HUMAN IMAGES IN THE MEGALITHISM OF THE SOUTHERN IBERIAN PENINSULA.

P. BUENO RAMIREZ, R. DE BALBÍN BEHRMANN, R. BARROSO BERMEJO ........................................................................................ 3

THE CONTRIBUTION OF MANUEL HELENO TO THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE FUNERARY MEGALITHIC IN ALENTEJO

LEONOR ROCHA ................................................................................................................................................................ 13

MEGALITHIC RITES OF NORTH ALENTEJO – PORTUGAL

JORGE DE OLIVEIRA ............................................................................................................................................................ 23

DEATH AS “LIFE’S MIRROR”?

FUNERARY PRACTICES AND TRAJECTORIES OF COMPLEXITY IN THE PREHISTORY OF PEASANT SOCIETIES OF IBERIA.

JOÃO CARLOS SENNA‐MARTINEZ ..................................................................................................................................... 35

THE MOUND AT CIMO DOS VALEIROS (SERRA VERMELHA, OLEIROS, CASTELO BRANCO). A NEOLITHIC BURIAL SITE IN THE CENTRAL CORDILLERA, SOUTH OF SERRA DA ESTRELA

JOÃO CARLOS CANINAS, MÁRIO MONTEIRO, ANDRÉ PEREIRA, EMANUEL CARVALHO, FRANCISCO HENRIQUES,

JOÃO ARAÚJO GOMES & LÍDIA FERNANDES, ÁLVARO BATISTA ................................................................................................... 45

CAVES, MEGALITHISM AND TUMULI – THREE DIACHRONIC REALITIES IN FUNERARY ARCHAEOGRAPHY FROM ALTO RIBATEJO –

ANA CRUZ, ANA GRAÇA, LUIZ OOSTERBEEK ........................................................................................................................... 61

COLLECTIVE BURIAL CAVES IN SPANISH EXTREMADURA: CHRONOLOGY, LANDSCAPES AND IDENTITIES

ENRIQUE CERRILLO CUENCA, ANTONIO GONZÁLEZ CORDERO .................................................................................................... 77

BETWEEN DEAD AND ALIVE - THE RECENT PREHISTORY OF THE MUNICIPALITY OF PAMPILHOSA DA SERRA (PORTUGAL CENTER)

CARLOS BATATA, FILOMENA GASPAR .................................................................................................................................... 91

BETWEEN NORM AND VARIATION IN THE SEMIOTIC OF THE FUNERARY WORLD: EXAMPLES AND DISCUSSION OF SOME ABNORMAL GRAVES IN THE BRONZE AGE EUROPE

DAVIDE DELFINO ............................................................................................................................................................. 105

THE POLIMORPHISM OF GRAVES AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF ARCHEOLOGICAL REMAINS IN THE SOUTHWEST BRONZE AGE NECROPOLIS OF SOALHEIRONAS (ALCOUTIM)

JOÃO LUÍS CARDOSO, ALEXANDRA GRADIM ......................................................................................................................... 119

THE FACES OF DEATH: FROM BRONZE TO IRON AGE, BETWEEN THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH OF THE PORTUGUESE TERRITORY

RAQUEL VILAÇA .............................................................................................................................................................. 125

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Caves, Megalithism and Tumuli – Three diachronic realities in funerary archaeography from Alto Ribatejo –

Ana Cruz, Ana Graça, Luiz Oosterbeek

Abstract North Ribatejo is a geographic region in which three different geomorphological units meet. This reality provides to the Holocene communities different approaches to death. Within these units are karstic caves in the western ridge, where the Nabão River flows, menhirs and dolmens in the old massif where the Zêzere River flows. We aim to present the different modalities of dealing and of approaching death in a diachronic period since Middle Neolithic to the late Bronze age. Keywords: Death, Caves, Megalithism, Tumuli Resumo O Alto Ribatejo é uma zona geográfica onde convergem três tipos diferentes de unidades geomorfológicas. Essa realidade favorece diferentes abordagens das comunidades holocénicas ao fenómeno da morte. Dispomos de cavidades cársicas na Bordadura Ocidental onde se localiza o rio Nabão e de monumentos dolménicos e meníricos no Maciço Antigo banhado pelo rio Zêzere. Este artigo pretende apresentar estas diversas modalidades de tratamento e de abordagem à morte num período cronológico diacrónico que medeia o Neolítico Antigo e a Idade do Bronze Final. Palavras-Chave: Morte, Grutas, Megalitismo, Tumuli The Geomorphological Framework Nabão River The Nabão River is a Zêzere River tributary, born in Ansião in Sicó and Lousã mountain chains and disembogues in Zêzere River margin. It flows from North to South. During its extension of 66 kilometres and along its course crosses the Western Rim/Western Boundary, area of karstic cavities with Holocene human occupation. This area is part of the carbon sedimentary rocks formed in Jurassic and Cretaceous in Mesozoic era, where relief is divided in elevations and middle height hills ripped by river valleys, sometimes steeped. The Canteirões area, more precisely, is a meander type formation, where the Nabão river valley dovetails, formed in the Jurassic period (Félix, 1993: 241). Its genesis assigns characteristics, such as poor agricultural soil, F class and a lack of humidity typically from the limestone soils. The rocks in the area are mainly limestones, marls, argillaceous sandstones and kaolinitic sandstones (Ferreira, n.d.: 49).

Zêzere River Zêzere River is born in Serra da Estrela, has a 214 kilometre extension and is a Tagus tributary in Constância village. It has a medium flow running through its rocky margins with a fairly steep slope and is placed in the Iberian Central Zone of the Old or Hesperic Massif within our subject geographically area. The dominant lithography is the argillaceous schist’s, gneisses, greywacke and quartzite from Pre-Cambrian formation; interspersed by eruptive rocks and punctually covered by Mio-Pliocene formations (Félix, 1993: 242; Ferreira, n.d.: 37).

Figure 6.1: Localization of rivers Nabão and Zêzere within the Iberia Peninsula hydrography.

Ritualizing gestures supported by archaeography Nabão River valley Therefore, is in a very deep meander of the Nabão River, known by the local populations as Canteirões that we will find the karstic cavities now presented: Gruta do Cadaval, Gruta dos Ossos, Gruta de Nª. Srª das Lapas e Gruta do Morgado Superior. Gruta do Cadaval is a horizontal cavity open in the pinkish, compact, with crystalline aspect limestone. It has two contiguous rooms, both used as burial areas during Holocene.

Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium

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Figure 6.2: Localization of the Canteirões do Nabão karstic cavities. 1. Gruta do Caldeirão, 2. Gruta do Cadaval, 3. Gruta dos Ossos, 4. Gruta de Nª. Srª. das Lapas, 5. Gruta do Morgado Superior.

The room 1 has a Norwest-southeast orientation and, in it, collective burials were found without any anatomic connection. The bones collected in the C layer were unstructured emerging dispersal by an area of about 4 square meters, without any trace of a burial pit formation. This layer has a date between V and IV millennium B.C.E. In it were gathered some dozens of vases, including fluted decorated ceramics, ceramics with incision marks decoration, with linear motifs and zigzag, indented rims in high necked recipients and carinated vases. The lithic industry included polished axes with oval and trapezoidal section, a weaving piece, blades and bladelets without retouches and crescent form microliths. The D layer has provided an individual burial and, also in this case, any kind of built structure was found, instead was observed the use of the stalagmite formation, separating the two rooms, to place the body ending up by being covered with a big fallen block. This layer has a date placing the grave in V millennium B.C.E. It was associated to more than a dozen vases, including some with decoration within Early Neolithic patterns, together with polished stone tools of circular or oval section, blades and bladelets without retouches and trapezoidal microliths. The burial area does not exceed in plan, to

West, the longitudinal band named with J letter and, to South, the transverse band designated by 29, therefore we may deduce a complete separation between the two room burial areas, despite their proximity and material resemblance. The room 2 is oriented from Southwest to Northeast and was possible to recover a rocky structure, in limestone, with sub-squared plan, without cover, where the human remains were gathered (Cruz, Oosterbeek, 1985; Oosterbeek, 1987a; Oosterbeek, Cruz, 1990; Oosterbeek, 1997; Cruz, 2011). Gruta dos Ossos is a horizontal cavity open in the Jurassic limestone, in the Nabão river right margin that sheltered a secondary inhumation ossuary having one particularity from the bones arrangement point of view. It has a date placing its utilization in the IV millennium B.C.E. Resuming, were detected three moments in the ritual operatory chain: I – inhumation near the cavity back wall at Northeast; II – the bones were uplift after being fleshless; III – straighten the rocky soil over the level 4, near the entrance. This ritual gestures took place in a not churned area, where was possible to find a depositional stratigraphy of bone types, being, in the base


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Figure 6.3: Plan from the surface of the excavation area from Gruta do Cadaval.

the pelvis area (sacrum and iliac bones) covered with sediment, over whose were placed the femurs, tibias, fibulas, patella, calcaneus, astragal and metatarsal also covered with sediment, a third deposition with humerus, radius and ulna, metacarpals, ribs and vertebrae covered with earth and, in top, crowning the ossuary and forming a semi-lunar shape, the seven skulls in the Southwest sector, not covered with sediment. These depositions are crossed by an amount of fallen rocks. It was possible to draw a limit in the ossuary at south, west and northwest, being the east limit defined by the wall and the northeast the zone over the wall. The same limits were marked, in irregular shape, by big blocks. Any cover was put over the bone elements, once the superior part of the materials and the top set of the layer, testimonies a long exposition to the stalactites precipitations. We must highlight the possible existence of an individual inhumation given the partial presence of an inferior member in anatomical connection – patella, tibia, fibula and part of the metatarsals. The non osteological materials are rare: friable clay body ceramics, with a unique rim fragment and fluted decorated ceramic; lithic industry represented by flint blades and bladelets, microliths, polished stone axes with rectangular section, an oblong triangle and bone industry (Oosterbeek, 1987b; Oosterbeek, 1993a; Oosterbeek, 1997; Cruz, 1997; Cruz, 2011).

Gruta de Nª. Srª. das Lapas is in Nabão river right margin and is a small cavity roughly orientated at Northeast/Southwest, with the entrance towards Southeast. We have observed 3 occupation moments: 1 – the most recent, between III and II millennium B.C.E., defined with typological criteria (bell-beaker ceramic and a copper flat axe); 2 – the V, IV millennium B.C.E. occupation exists in a pit burial limited by limestone blocks, lately dated by radiocarbon, having at least two vases, twelve bone discoid (rounded) necklace beads, eleven necklace beads made of an undetermined shell and one perforated Pecten maximus; 3 – the VI, V millennium B.C.E. occupation was identified through the excavation of a stony circular structure from an individual burial at Northwest. The lithic industry consists in lithic tools such as scrappers, burins, tips, blades, bladelets and occasionally nucleus of macrolithic industry (Oosterbeek, 1993b; Oosterbeek, 1997; Cruz, 1997; Cruz, 2011). Gruta do Morgado Superior is in Sicó limestone formations and oolitic limestone of Santo António e Candeeiros. It borders the Fetal stream in its valley marginal limestone walls. It was possible, until now, to define two big human bones concentrations in what we call the burial pit 1 and the burial pit 2. Despite some fallen blocks within the sediment there isn’t any stone built structure defined. We think that a pit was open in the sediment each time an individual was to be buried, does emerging the bones without anatomical connection


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Figure 6.4: Plan from the base of the excavation of Gruta dos Ossos.

Figure 6.5: Plan of Gruta de Nª. Srª. das Lapas.


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.

Figure 6.6: Plan of Gruta do Morgado.

and any type of bone stratigraphical organization. We discard the possibility of being a second inhumation ossuary once we have bones that seldom occur in similar situations. It gives the idea that the bodies were merely placed in the “pit” (as well as votive materials) without any body specific preparation or process of moving the body after decomposition. The evidences come from the presence of bones like sesamoid and pisiform, minimal size bones that wouldn’t appear in case of bones translation. Thus, without consolidate stone structures and a plan, strikes us as a burial “pit” (this structure doesn’t have a defined area and plan) similar to the C layer burial “pit” of Gruta do CadavalWe have exhumed diverse artefacts since flint arrowheads, arsenical copper arrowhead, to ceramic, adornments, bone industry and mobile art (a lagomorph shaped statuette), typically Early Calcolithic and Early Bronze Age materials. Widening our perspectives beyond these specific area we can compare it to other cavities in Portuguese Estremadura region, like, for example, Lugar do Canto (Ferreira e Leitão, 1981), Lapa da Galinha and Lapa dos Carrascos (Gonçalves, 1978), and also the lower Zêzere valley studied Megalithism. The Canteirões do Nabão area strikes, thus, as involved in the convergence process

between the caves traditions and the dolmens tradition, already recorded in other limestone areas, as Alvaiázere or Torres Novas (Oosterbeek, 1994; Cruz, 1997; Cruz, 2011; Cruz, Graça, Oosterbeek, Almeida, Delfino, 2013). Indeed, we have been able to demonstrate that the Neolithization in Alto Ribatejo follows two originally autonomous processes yet related: a cave Neolithic, placeable in the Mediterranean tradition Early Neolithic, with impressed ceramic, and other Neolithic, which we are going to refer below, and were we lay the Megalithism origins. The works developed since 2010 allowed the suggestion that the karstic region tradition would have kept “Neolithic” (changing thus to the Bronze Age) and the megalithic tradition had evolved to full Calcolithic. The Rego da Murta megalithic set, in Alvaiázere (also in Nabão river basin), installed in the karstic landscape, would mark in a later moment the convergence between the two traditions, assuming the megalithic archetype. However Gruta do Morgado excavations demonstrate that the same phenomenon occurred in the cave burial contexts, what not implying a change in the global interpretation model turns it more complex and diversified.


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Figure 6.7: Megalithic monuments plant topographically. 1. Pedras Negras Dolmen; 2. Dolmen 1 de Vale da

Laje; 3. Pedra da Encavalada; 4. Dolmens from Jogada; 5. Dolmens from Vale Chãos; 6. Alqueidão Orthostats.

Zêzere River valley Dolmen 1 de Val da Laje is placed in a central hill, visually dominant over the Vale do Casalinho small village, as well as the Zêzere river valley. This monument was well preserved, with the tumulus almost intact. The chamber was churned; the top flat capstone (table) was fallen over one of its prop stones (orthostat). The monument is roughly turned to East, surrounded by a barrow with a gap of 150 to 160 centimetres, from centre to periphery. The mound is cut by paths, at north and south, being at origin probably sub-circular, with about 16 meters

diameter. The tumulus is built with sediment and greywacke slabs, and still quartz and quartzite pebbles. It was possible to identify several distinctive monument structures constructive phases: 1st phase – D layer, beginning of III millennium B.C.E.; 2nd phase – C layer, beginning of IV millennium B.C.E.; 3rd phase – C layer top, first third of III millennium B.C.E.; 4th phase – C layer top, first third of III millennium B.C.E.; 5th phase – B layer, last third of III millennium B.C.E.; 6th phase – B layer top, final of III millennium B.C.E.; 7th phase – A layer, first third of II millennium B.C.E. The tumulus excavation revealed two lithic rings of quartz pebbles. So, the monument seems to be formed,


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Figure 6.8: Plan of the top of dolmen 1 de Vale da Laje.

from centre to periphery, by the dolmen, followed by a first lithic ring about two metres from the dolmen, also followed by a second lithic ring in periphery and a small earth mound and greywacke slabs (this arranged in stairs) covering all structure (tumulus), meanwhile fallen and partially eroded (Oosterbeek, 1997; Oosterbeek, Cruz, Félix, 1992; Drewett, Oosterbeek, Cruz, Félix, 1992; Cruz, 1997; Cruz, 2011). Pedra da Encavalada is an “atypical” megalithic monument, in the Aldeia do Mato stream left margin, a Zêzere river tributary and implanted almost facing Val da Laje dolmen. Reflecting over the paleoenvironmental data analysis obtained, for the moment, to this period (IV – III millennium B.C.E.), is observed the Arbustus unedo dominance associated with Ericaceae gender and few Quercus, Pinus, Alnus and Olea europaea (ALLUÉ, 2000), and combined with cereals presence. It is built at a hillside with the Old Massif (gneiss) lithological landscape as background, with very steep slopes, ending suddenly in Zêzere River. This monument outstanding characteristic is without doubt, the fact of; its builders have recycled also to funerary purposes the big bedrock block visible in the landscape, eventually a benchmark of the communities. In architectonic terms was possible to distinguish three of the monument constructive-occupation phases, which might, however, be coeval: Phase 0 – gneiss natural bedrock – stone quarry and subsequent monolith extraction;

Phase 1 – structure I – monument build directly over the bedrock with a single chamber in a triangle-oval plan and entrance towards Southeast; it is formed by a rounded orthostat at West side being the big bedrock its eastern complement. The capstone (table), fragmented, named the monument as “the mounted stone”. At south, there is a small closing slab. If there was, in the north side, any slab closing the chamber, it was gone. It was found very churned, being the gathered materials, mostly, potter’s wheel made ceramics; Phase 2 – structure III – building of the circular monument addorsed to the big bedrock block, at structure I east side. This structure is composed of big orthostats fallen as “dominos”; in an about ten meter diameter area. These orthostats, as well as the structure I lateral stay, were found placed transversally occupying the entire east front. It had circular plan, but due to post-depositional phenomenon during centuries it was completely churned. it is used the bedrock base to support the stays in transversal position, what may be attributed for a logical, practical or empirical reason to the fact the extreme difficulty of raising an artificial platform in the terrain steep slope; Phase 3 – structure II – stone limited pit burials structures, whose plans have sub circular/oval shapes with a headboard never over two meter square area, in all the structure I mound perimeter, interrupted by structure III. It corresponds to what commonly in a dolmen is classified as barrow having the same functions in terms of sustaining the monolith slabs (Cruz, Oosterbeek, 1998; Cruz, 1997; Cruz, 2011).


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Figure 6.9: Pedra da Encavalada stratigraphic profiles, where we can see the tree monument composing

structures.

Figure 6.10: Souto necropolis location. 1. Souto Tumulus 1; 2. Souto Tumulus 2; 3. Souto Tumulus 3; 4. Souto

Tumulus 4; 5. Souto Tumulus 5; 6. Porto Escuro Tumulus.

Souto necropolis is formed by five tumuli located nearby each other. It is word mentioning that Souto 1 tumulus; the only preserved in good conditions and that provided a cinerary urn, is at six meters from Souto 2 tumulus. This had a substantial difference from the first. Instead of have an urn placed in a pit at centre and covered by pebbles; it had a central square plan cist composed by granite fragments and, we believe, that inside of it must have been placed an also incineration urn. This assumption is

produced by the fact of having found some manually made ceramic fragments inside the cist. The 3, 4 and 6 tumuli are located about 100 meters distant from those and were built side by side with each other, becoming difficult to evaluate its effective diameter. Although excavated until the geological base only the tumulus 3 had some small manually made ceramic fragments. So, we may only draw a ritual operatory chain style for Souto tumulus 1 construction.


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Figure 6.11: Plan of the Souto tumulus 1 surface.

The Souto 1 tumulus is a monument with a circular plan with around six meters diameter. It is built by a stone shell (mound) of different size pebbles of quartz and quartzite. From the funerary structure excavation records we think it is possible reconstitute a proposal of the tumulus ritual construction operatory chain. The first step would have been the gather and storage of raw material to the mound. Next, the soil must have been clean and straighten in an area of about six meter diameter where a central pit had to be open to put the urn; a third step would be to carry the funerary urn containing the cinerary remains with the respective votive offerings. The fourth step must have been to place the urn within the open pit, with a schist slab placed slightly at northeast. The urn rim was surrounded by pebbles and finally the mound was built hiding the urn with the mound of quartz and quartzite pebbles of about ten centimetres high in which where randomly placed small ceramic vases. The mound mustn’t have been covered with sediment becoming a marker to the coeval communities (Cruz, 2011). Data discussion A problem that can be raised at social level, relates with the question: does each type of funerary modality corresponds to a different society? If we accept this question as a statement than we shall see through the V, IV and III millennium B.C.E. a change in the burial rituals either in Nabão river valley, either in the Zêzere river valley megalithic monuments, what makes us think in different types of burials, so different types of lives, however we have to consider it in a wider agro-pastoral plan. Perhaps these communities that used caves

and dolmens as burial places have had tendency towards a pastoral economy, using the agricultural system as subsidiary. Although we ought to not undervalue the presence in Early Neolithic of individual burials as is Gruta de Nª. Srª. das Lapas case. The fauna and botanical data from archaeological layers confirms clearly the presence of domesticated fauna in caves Early Neolithic contexts (Bos, Sus, Capra, Ovis) followed apparently by untamed fauna dominance (particularly Cervidae), resuming up and generalizing the domestic fauna to common use (mainly capra) in Late Neolithic or Calcolithic (Allué, 2000; Almeida, 2010). There aren’t clear markers of cereals and other plants domestication in early Neolithic phases. This entire context suggests communities in sedentarization process more based in gather, in hunt and, so, with a high degree of mobility. On one hand, through Portuguese Bronze Age and according to the diverse funerary solutions, as the Souto tumuli cases (in this later phase chronological period), we will have equal matches in diversely societies according with their funerary operatory chains. If, on other side, the option is to accept a common model at identity and social level, the perspective about the different ways of dealing with death seems to be pragmatic regionalisms adapted to the local geomorphology. Does the use of the same burial space, or the same funerary modality, implies the existence of a dominant ideology reflected in the social and economic structure?


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Or otherwise, what seems to be continuity or a rupture reflex, hides’ big changes in the communities? In recent prehistory research there are no written fonts what increase the difficulty in interpreting the funerary ideal, so, the characteristic feeling of a community towards death is only shown by its materialities; other manifestations are kept from us like music instruments, costume, dance, and culinary, ritual languages. However, that material culture and architectures are provided with a sense which we may call cultural emotional aspect (Cerrillo-Cuenca, 1990: 190). It will be difficult to isolate, materially speaking, the concept itself of religious phenomenon once it concerns to abstraction, conceptualization and organization (idem, ibid.em). We will try to discuss these assumptions through materialities (records), on one hand, the funerary places and, on the other, the votive objects. The space, selected, to perform the funerary act, or simply site, as known by archaeologists, will have to be analysed, once their components are physiographic and topographic elements. Within this natural category we must observe the visibility and intervisibility aspects trying to identify the places, or sites network, where they fit in, either of funerary or habitat nature. Other level of importance is expressed in the passage ways as in people and goods movements (Santos Estevez, Parcero Oibiña, Criado Boado, 1997: 63). We have, therefore, as established point that funerary rituals are a manifestation of a certain ideology in which the collective ideal as a firm position in social processes and, perhaps, political of the communities. To understand these ideological mechanisms Lewis Binford (1971: 19–20) generated the concept of “social persona”, implying that there is two forms of understanding it. By one side, the ritual gestures and believes are the individual social identity representation, by other, the community elements acknowledge responsibilities in the dead person. The funerary modalities study and analysis makes us think that the connection to the ancestors may well have been used to legalize or negotiate power. Ian Hodder (1982) analysis three aspects related with funerary practices a) the neighbouring of cemeteries with the settlements, b) the depositions dispersal pattern, and c) the burial pattern. The Canteirões funerary rituals as, previously mentioned, may be divided into individual burials and in big areas of bones distribution, seem to obey an existing rule, not only to the individual burials but also to the collective ones. It is, however, obviously a change in the social status that initially gives priority to individualize death and that, soon after, still in the V millennium B.C.E. breaks through with a different ontological nature preparing the burial places towards collectivization, as given dominance to a place that for generations has been a burial place, either with as secondary burial for the bones or simply by placing a single body in fetal position. At the Bell-beaker period there is a change in the death

collectivization pattern and, again, it becomes individual, as seen in Gruta de Nª. Srª. das Lapas. The megalithic funerary rituals as observed in Dolmen 1 de Val da Laje and in the monument recuperation and reuse not only in Neolithic and Calcolithic but also in Early Bronze Age where, in this case, we have an individual burial pit in the short corridor and other in the chamber. The Souto funerary rituals imply a ritual operatory chains process. Part of them, however, and for that reason we attain ourselves to those we can identify, are not visible in the archaeological record. In any of the three cases, the settlements are not near the burial places and, the argument of few systematic prospection is not valid, once this are very well known areas, what does mean that Hodder argument is not applied to our particular regional case. Van Gennep (1977) understands that in transition phases may have been a break in a previously social structure, followed by a waiting period and subsequently aggregation rituals towards a new structural line with incorporation of the new social status. According with Hertz (1960) there are several communities where death is not an instantaneous phenomenon. Instead, it conveys a transition process assisted with the proper ritual procedures. Turner (1967) sees that the decomposition of the flesh implies a kind of transition that the society itself has to go through. The death becomes, thus, after Huntington and Metcalf (1991) in a slow process allowing the community reorganization following the traumatic event that in some cases can cause a communitarian rupture considering, for example, the death of the leader. Observing the spatial relation between settlement and funerary area we observe in Souto case a segregation, being the tumulus isolated as Porto Escuro and Souto 5, or grouped with some few meters between, as in Souto tumulus 1 and 2, or grouped without spaces between the mounds as in Souto 3, 4 and 6 cases. Still the relations between tumuli itself, its landscape dispersion, the relation with the neighbouring settlements and with the soil use capacity, may be important to identify social identities and the choice of territory natural resources. The artefacts placed and now gathered inside the urn may be an indicative of social hierarchy or of goods exchange. The degree of information collected in the intervened sites can gives us a clue about the relation, on one hand of the caves landscape localization (all of them turned to Nabão river) so, to the water, and this element might have come determinant to the burial ritual; also in the megalithic monuments, with a great landscape location, with the possibility of being seen from far, mainly from the Zêzere river left margin. It is likely we are towards a situation in which the power comes from the social group in the way as Renfrew (1976) called chiefdoms grouped oriented. As suggested by Hodder (1982) is also possible that the three branches


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mentioned by him are not as revealing of the represented social relations. The architecture is seen in a determined pattern of materializing the sites spatial organization. It reveals us a malleable interpretation once is assumed an interaction between the dominant Man and the dominated Space. In this aspect, the chronological time as also as ally the societies degree of technological development as well as the function type, either pragmatic or transcendental. At the same time the human activity expresses about ideology, over communication turning traditions and social relations conditioned to a chronological context. The architecture is then conceived as a human way of spatial integration and socialization and, then, also a materiality to account for in space and time contextualization. The space organized needs the society’s direct action over the environment and Nature revealing in each action or process a historical sense. Several authors approach the Architecture and Space problem (Kent, 1990; Criado Boado, 1993a and 1993b; Tilley 1994; Bradley, 1998; Sanches, 2000; Valera, 2000; Jorge, et. al., 1998-1999) seeing the Architectural integration as humanized element that, might have a practical as well as a symbolic sense. Concerning the theme under analysis we must induce that funerary monuments implantation either in cave, in megalithic monuments and in tumuli, were conceptually forecast, having been assessed and selected the local, or site. In this way it has a landscape topographically reading, the visibility or intervisibility, even a geological substrate assessment, or the presence/absence of the water lines establishing thus a reading and communication of an element that might have been considered transcendental. It really seems to have had one preoccupation in the use of forms and raw materials as in the case of the megaliths construction. The death causes in human being a sense of vulnerability that, joined with the unknown fear causes a unique treatment towards the deceased relative. Parallel to this insecurity there is a will of organize in a systematic manner the place of the dead, either in ostensive mode, as in the case of the megalithic monuments, either in a landscape concealment, as in the case of the necropolis-caves and tumuli. It is in a society defined by certain parameters that we observe the death treatment as a privileged individually management, although remaining the concept of collective death. That approach may have assumed forms of religiosity were the individual is increasingly important, and this attribute, is shown in the way as the body is handled. However, archaeography reveals us that the body was always important in the process, independently from the type of burial, collective, pit or ossuary. Looks as if, in Megalithism, during the Neolithic and Calcolithic, we revere the common ancestor hosting him in the chambers and corridors, whereas when we observe

the individual treatment of the body we reflexively honour the person. We are obliged to reflect on the possibility of, when we see the body individually treated; to be facing a system where the propriety is important and related with inheritance transmission, in which society is controlled increasingly by parental ties. If we choose to consider the funerary monuments as memory keepers (collective or individual) we may be facing a situation as referred by Bradley (1993) in which there is a difference between the daily time and the ritual time. The ritual time will be a time existing in non-measurable abstract, imposing a causal nexus between the past and present becoming a transmitter of tradition and culture. In the majority of megalithic funerary chambers and in cave human bones were found. The bodies were laid and after natural decomposition, the human bones were reorganized spatially in the chamber making a real bone assets archive (Thomas, 1993: 35). The “decadence” and “death” of the megalithic phenomenon meaning must occur around the Bronze Age, towards the structures preservation or rebuilt. It is, however, to be noted, traces of votive and funerary occupation within the Bronze Age. We think that such occurrence is responsible for the loss of identity from the communities relatively to the megalithic cult places, turning it secondary, persisting, however, over the old ideological notions a new line of thought in death management. At the Megalithism climax we see that exists a sense or a message transmitted through monumental constructions; sense that can be revealed through territorial appropriation by the Neolithic agro-pastoral communities. If by one side, was an attitude of impose territoriality, we also see that their density and clear visibility transformed and invented a new landscape. It is highly probable that a new ideology (Final Bronze Age), when transforming the landscape, not only in the monumental aspect, as also made a reading of the physical space through the necessity of opening cultivation and grazing areas. We think that Bronze Age communities, as Souto, have inherited a system of believes based in Neolithic ones and also a specific territory planning markedly Neolithic and Calcolithic. This inheritance was so strong that influenced the continuation, in some cases, of burials in the megaliths. It is likely that the sense of ownership was reflected in oral tradition and in symbolic associations with death. As observed, the burials in megalithic monuments are not compatible with the system of believes in the Bronze Age populations, yet, a new form of seeing the world comes without doubt not only with incineration but, and once more in Souto case, also with a new monument invisibility of the funerary space translating those new conceptions of the symbolic and of the form of interpreting death although architectonically the mound notion is maintained.


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The megalithic monument case is not an exception; we will go, in other areas, to see the continuation of funerary use of the caves within this period. The case of the natural cavities becomes, on other hand, very interesting once it is related directly and in a first plan with our sensorial activity. Immediately, entering in these spaces, sometimes dark and silent, and often very humid, a psychological “preparation” is required to leave the light behind and enter inside, also it is need an emotional preparation to face the adaptation and orientation that will differ from that we are used to outside. It is, therefore, a thin line dividing the outer plan from the caves inner plan showing the existence of two different kinds of nature. The past contexts studies given by archaeography transmits us a perception of how the believes system and the symbolic universe was built generating one possible comprehension of the manner as death was seen in recent prehistory. We may deduce, before all, that a common participation from the community and close relates was present, so, we will be towards a participative and active attitude from all the group members in every stages of the event, that is, since the moment of death, including all the posterior moments, until all the rituals were completed. In Souto the attention provided to the body instils a particular bond towards the family and community in a way that the ritual process sets a new postmortem solidary stage, until the moment in which the body is recycled trough fire. Perhaps was for it that the “places of dead” were raised, sometimes nearby the community, sometimes in specific places apart from the living environment (caves, dolmens, tumuli), but present in the social and symbolic memory of the group. The umbilical cord that unites the living community to that deceased persona is highlight trough processed mourning rituals, we think, by the closest family and by all community members tied with him by brotherhood. Towards conclusion, or maybe not? Finally and, beyond the remarks over field data and symbolic characters that we have made, we would like to relate the natural carved structures with the ones built by Man in its environment, and also with the colour. Now let us approach the relation that we may establish between caves-necropolis and its environment. In this frame, we may observe sedimentary formations compact, fissured, with variable permeability, in rift areas proximity, belonging to the alpine orogeny cycle. The soils are classified as lithosols associated with luvisoils; they are soils mainly alkaline in the F agricultural usage scale, in a phytoclimate Atlantic Mediterranean area, characteristics common to the entire Canteirões area. Beyond this global physiographic analysis, common and scientific, another strand must be studied and it is directly connected with the funerary imaginary and with the fact that all the cavities entrances are faced to Nabão River.

Thus, water, primarily element in species survival, where sapiens is included, it is, so we think, the primordial element of live, that transforms, shapes, not only the karstic cavities in the literal sense of the word but also, in figurative speech and, periodically, gives back live. There is a symbolic relation in the possibility of matching the functional site (cave-necropolis) with water (the Nabão river), that is to relate death in the mythological plan, donating the body to a life given place. This relation is quite intelligible, so, without a tight separation between the living world and the mythological universe of dead. The water would have been necessarily related to the ritual gestures of the body deposition, gestures unfortunately lost for us but, that we can foresee some through the archaeological record, that is, a pit opened in the sediment to place a body, maybe in foetal position and its subsequent covering with the initial removed sediments. If by one hand, it is possible to extrapolate minimally obviously conclusions related to man and its environment, and with water to a funerary imaginary world, relating it with colour is a problem considering that in terms of field data wasn’t found a human bone painted with ochre. However, we have recovered some ochre nodules with red pigmentation in the Gruta do Cadaval C layer, in the first and second room. The presence of these nodules just by itself can give us another dimension of this raw material use as supporting element of the votive elements collected in these collective burials layer. So, in Canteirões, there is a primordial and direct relation of the burials with water, by one hand and with colour, by other. Following to East venturing into the megalithic world we have our monuments placed in the lower Zêzere valley. This area is formed by ridges relatively high not over 400 meters (higher than limestone area) of small mountain type, with very steep abrupt slopes, going directly towards the river. In it we find in the Zêzere right margin Dolmen 1 de Val da Laje and Dolmen das Pedras Negras and in the left margin the Alqueidão orthostats, Vale Chãos necropolis, Jogada necropolis, Pedra da Encavalada and Medroa menhir. Here Man’s relation with death is made, not through symbioses with sculpted nature, but through massive construction using gneiss bedrocks abundantly present in the area. We know that this region has porous, very low permeability formations, with schist-greywacke sedimentary rocks and metamorphic series geologically formed in Pre-Cambrian era. The soils classification is orthic podzols in association with eutric cambisoils, acid and from F class, being the natural region globally a basal phytoclimate one. These physiographic characteristics give us one possible tendency to its use as forest within the megalithic main


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area in a phase where, we think, the cattle and some incipient agricultural would have been already expanded throughout the valley. The relation between stone receptacles construction with a morphology similar to an habitat, with a mound made of sediment and a stone ring, makes us rethink this new style of considering and elaborate death with roots in other natural elements, also primordial to the agro-pastoral communities, the land. So, the megalithic death of the lower Zêzere valley would be inevitably rendered to the earth element from where live that feeds the human beings is extracted. Once more we find death strictly connected to life through the reborn and cycle renovations of the seasons. Also here we see a direct relation to a natural element that allows the existence of several life forms, being death and life included in the same cycle. Walking further northeast of this geographical area we come across with Souto necropolis, which is not apart. In topographic terms the small mountain chains geomorphologic modelling is maintained and precisely in the small plateau we find these monuments discrete relatively to the landscape visibility and also built by Man. At this point was chosen, by final Bronze Age communities, a new element. We are not only facing the evidence of the earth element, to this is added another element, the fire. the fire.

The relation is naturally established by the body recycling in ashes that later are transferred to ceramic urns. This new ritual gestures procedure, maybe even more complex, once also the community becomes more complex adding to the agro-pastoral economy the metallurgic work with fire and using it as purifying element by itself. We may then, as end, to understand the bi univocally, cyclical and inescapable relation between the living “world” and the dead “world” adding the connotative elements present in nature (water, earth and fire) and supporting at an imaginary level all these human communities mythology. Thus the Alto Ribatejo men in recent prehistory raised myths, histories, legends where the intrinsic relation between Man and Nature stays alive during millenniums. Those myths and legends are inaccessible to us; even when grammatical study of rock art or burial patterns can give indict evidence of its presence. Although, is possible to record in all this process, marked by differences that cross socio-economical very distinct contexts (from early Neolithic to final Bronze), interesting convergences and continuities that, far from any environmental determinism, seems to express the relevance of the territory in the human behaviour organization.

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