Byzantine Nicosia

TASSOS PAPACOSTAS

BYZANTINE NICOSIA 650-1191

CHAPTER II- Papacostas fadiaNicosia Book 24x30 FINAL MASTER 24072012 2028 Page 77

1

St Sophia

Bedesten

Church AChurch B

Chrysaliniotissa

St George of Mangana


IntroductionIn early 1091 or shortly before this date a revolt bythe troops stationed on Cyprus and led byRhapsomates erupted against the Byzantinegovernment The description by Anna Komnene inher Alexiad of the ensuing military campaign to oustthe rebel and recover the island for the Empire leavesno doubt that by this date Nicosia was the base of theprovincial administration1 When the Lusignankingdom was established on Cyprus in the late 12th

century Nicosia was again chosen to be the seat ofroyal power and the Latin Church hierarchy Thisdecision is very telling as far as the state of Cypriottowns towards the end of Byzantine rule is concernedOn the one hand it shows that the more obviouschoice namely Famagusta with its harbour on theeast coast facing the Crusader States where theLusignans maintained substantial interests was notsufficiently developed yet2 More importantlyhowever it suggests that Nicosia was already providedwith the infrastructure of a capital city in terms ofboth buildings and economic and other functionsleaving no other option to the new regime but toestablish itself there The period that preceded theseevents is therefore crucial to the history of the city

Cyprus was still a reasonably prosperous province ofthe Late Roman Empire in the mid-7th century whenit fell victim to the Arabsrsquo first naval expeditions aftertheir swift conquest of Palestine and Syria A shortperiod of Arab rule was followed in 688 by theestablishment of a curious status (usually referred toas the lsquocondominiumrsquo) whereby the islandrsquos taxes wereto be shared between the Caliphate and the Empire

This obscure period of neutrality lasted until 965when Byzantine troops re-established imperial ruleAfter more than two centuries under Constantinopleand following the seven-year rule of the islandrsquos self-proclaimed Emperor Isaac Komnenos (1184-1191)Cyprus was rather accidentally but irrevocably lost tothe Empire in May 1191 when captured by RichardLionheart during the Third Crusade

The history of Nicosia during this long period has notattracted much attention3 This is largely due to thedearth of evidence both archaeological and textualaffording minimal insights into the evolution andtopography of the Byzantine settlement The lack ofarchaeological material is not difficult to explainNicosia was greatly developed under the Lusignansobliterating much of the earlier fabric while later onthe construction of a new fortification wall by theVenetians in the 16th century required the destructionof large parts of the townrsquos southern sector that mayhave included buildings of the Byzantine period It isalso related to the continuous occupation of the sitethrough to our days a factor that has hindered theundertaking of major archaeological investigations4

The paucity of source evidence is not limited toNicosia it concerns the whole of Cyprus for the earlyMedieval period and is also characteristic of mostByzantine provinces The bulk of the survivingdocumentation on Medieval Byzantium emanatesfrom Constantinople whose chroniclers andhistorians expressed little if any interest at all in theaffairs of the provinces unless an exceptional eventsuch as a threat to imperial power or the statersquosstability was deemed important enough to berecorded As we saw above it is in the context of suchan incident that we first hear of Nicosia as theadministrative capital of Cyprus in the late 11th

century This state of affairs does not allow the

CHAPTER II

1 Topographical map of Byzantine Nicosia


79

1 Reinsch and Kambylis 2001 261-63 and Leib 1967 vol 2 162-63for the dates of the rebellion and its suppression see Cheynet 1990 97-98 and for a revised chronology Frankopan 20042 Although Famagusta is mentioned in the 7th-century story ofPhilentolos (Halkin 1945 63) it is not recorded again until the 11th

century in an Arabic cosmographical treatise (Book of CuriositiesBodleian Library Department of Oriental Collections MS Arab c 90fol 36b) it appears shortly thereafter in the Crusader period in ananonymous pilgrimrsquos account (12th century) advising prospectivetravellers that ldquothe shortest way to the Holy Land is from Famagustardquo(Stewart 1894 17) and in accounts of the events of 1191 (Paris 1897 356Stubbs 1864 199) It is also mentioned as a city (ldquoFamagosta ciuitasrdquo) inan early 13th-century navigation manual (Gautier Dalcheacute 1995 129 171on the date see Jacoby 2007 685-86) According to Wilbrand von

Oldenburg (1211) it had a good harbour but was only slightly fortified(ldquonon multum munitardquo) (Laurent 1864 182 Cobham 1908 14)3 George Jeffery has nothing to say about Byzantine Nicosia in nofewer than 80 pages devoted to the history of the city and its monuments(Jeffery 1918 18-100) while Rupert Gunnis does not fare much better(Gunnis 1936 26-78) Maratheftis in his monograph on the urbandevelopment of Nicosia concentrates mainly on the events of 119192 asfar as this period is concerned (Maratheftis 1977 35-45) The bestavailable introduction to the subject can be found in the ΜεγάληΚυπριακή Εγκυκλοπαίδεια vol 9 93-94 For the cityrsquos emergence and thewider historical context see now Metcalf 2009 511-164 As we shall see below however some recent rescue excavations areyielding promising material that leads one to hope that such work will becarried out with more frequency in the future

BYZANTINE NICOSIA650-1191


HISTORIC NICOSIA

reconstruction of a narrative relating the cityrsquos historyWhat will be attempted below is an assessment and interpretation of the limited and mostlycircumstantial evidence the ultimate aim being toprovide answers to two main questions that need tobe posed concerning pre-Lusignan Nicosia firstwhen and most importantly why was the Byzantineprovincial administration established there Andsecond how important was the town by the time ofthe Third Crusade and what functions did it fulfilwithin the islandrsquos economy and society

The capital cities of Cyprus in Hellenistic Roman andLate Antique times had been coastal settlements withas good a harbour as nature provided the island withThe choice of capital seems to have been dictated notso much by the settlementrsquos position within Cyprusitself but more by considerations related to theeconomic or political links of the island with thesurrounding mainland Thus Paphos nearer toAlexandria than any other Cypriot port became thebase of Ptolemaic rule despite its relative isolationfrom the rest of Cyprus It maintained itsadministrative role throughout most of the Romanperiod until the mid-4th century when it wassuperseded by SalamisConstantia on the islandrsquos eastcoast facing Syria-Palestine5 The latter was also the

islandrsquos metropolitan see a function that as we shallsee below Nicosia was to inherit in due course

SalamisConstantiaThe rise of Nicosia as administrative and ecclesiasticalcentre is directly related to the fate of SalamisConstantia after Late Antiquity The mid-7th centuryArab raids which have been somewhat unfairlyblamed for the demise of urban civilisation onCyprus affected Constantia too The city was sackedand its main shrine the cathedral of Saint Epiphanioswas probably damaged6 There is however botharchaeological and written evidence showing thatalthough no longer a provincial capital since thewithdrawal of the Byzantine administrationConstantia was not abandoned until some time afterthe 8th century in the 720s the English pilgrimWillibald spent several weeks there on his way to theHoly Land a few decades later the archbishop ofCyprus related to the prelates gathered at Nicaea forthe Ecumenical Council of 787 a recent miracle thathad occurred in a church dedicated to the Virgin inConstantia apparently still an inhabited settlement7

Contemporary archaeological evidence corroboratesthe source information the excavation of the so-called ldquoHuilerierdquo complex has shown that althoughthe opulent Late Antique mansion lay in ruins people

80

5 Kyrris 1984 21-22 discusses the possibility that Salamis may haveserved as capital for short periods in Roman times too see also Mitford1980a 1309-12 On the Hellenistic and Roman capital of Cyprus seeMichaelides and Pilides p 34 above6 The sacking is reported by Theophanes the Confessor in his early 9th

century chronicle (Boor 1883-1885 vol 1 343-44) and in later Syriac

sources (Palmer 1993 174-75) while the destruction of St Epiphanios ismentioned in a much later but usually reliable source namely the 13th-century Armenian version of Michael the Syrianrsquos chronicle(Oberhummer 1903 34)7 Wilkinson 1977 126 Mansi 1901-1927 vol XIII 78-80 alsoDikigoropoulos 196566 268

2 Late Antiquemansion known asldquolrsquohuilerierdquo SalamisConstantia plans ofthe complex in the 5th

century and in theMedieval period

2


were still living on the site which they developed withthe construction of dwellings and an olive pressoccupied at least until the mid-8th century (Fig 2)8 Alamp found at the cityrsquos Gymnasium perhaps suggestssome activity or at least occupation of the site in thesame period while a 9th-century lead seal discoveredduring the excavation of the basilica of SaintEpiphanios in 1959 and belonging to an imperialspatharios and strategos of the Kibyrrhaiotai (theByzantine theme on the south coast of Asia Minor)may suggest that Constantia was at that time still asettlement of some importance maintaining contactswith Byzantine officials outside the island9

This was definitely no longer the case by the 12th

century however when the aqueduct supplyingConstantia with water from the springs ofChytroiKythrea had ceased functioning by that dateone of the 7th-century inscriptions put up tocommemorate the completion of parts of the workhad been taken away presumably together with otherstone blocks from the ruined aqueduct and was usedin the construction of the church of the Theotokos at

nearby Trikomo (Fig 3)10 During the same periodarchitectural elements were being removed from theabandoned Campanopetra basilica to decorate themonastery of Saint John Chrysostom at Koutsovendisand were even exported beyond the islandrsquos shores11

The German pilgrim Wilbrand von Oldenburgrsquosaccount of his visit to Cyprus in 1211 confirms thatthe city lay in ruins (ldquocivitas destructardquo)12 althoughthe pilgrimage shrines of both Saint Barnabas outsidethe city and Saint Epiphanios in its centre were beingrebuilt and maintained throughout the Medievalperiod the latter admittedly on a much reduced scalecompared to its large late 4th-century predecessor13

Early Medieval NicosiaAccording to Constantine Porphyrogennetosrsquo DeThematibus Cyprus came briefly under directConstantinopolitan rule during the reign of Basil I(867-886) and became a theme for at least seven yearsunder a strategos14 Leaving aside the issue of theprecise date of this interlude which remains difficultto establish it also remains unclear where the short-lived Byzantine administration was based CouldNicosia have fulfilled such a role at this early dateNotwithstanding the general demographic decline allover the Byzantine Empire after the 7th century thesettlement perhaps grew somewhat during the earlyMedieval period with populations abandoning theinsecure coastal cities15 If a protected inland base wasrequired for the administration of the island theme inthe 9th century then perhaps Nicosia was by this timesufficiently important to be selected among thesettlements of the central plain

In the past the growth of settlements away from thecoastal regions of Cyprus had been prompted by theavailability on or very near their site of naturalresources whose exploitation supported the localeconomy Tamasos was situated in a mining areawhile ChytroiKythrea grew around the mostimportant water springs on the island The lack ofimportant natural resources in the area of Nicosia on

3 Church of thePanagia Trikomoeast wall with the 7th-century inscriptionfrom the Salamisaqueduct


81

8 Or perhaps even later according to Argoud Callot and Helly 1980 50-539 Dikigoropoulos 1961 Appendix II no 58 and Metcalf 2004 286 no271 see also Megaw 1986 508-509 and Metcalf 2009 418-2210 Sodini 1998 628 the inscription is built into the masonry of the eastwall to the south of the apse11 Papacostas 2007 11212 Laurent 1864 182 Cobham 1908 1413 Papacostas 1999a vol 2 19-20 27-28 Papageorgiou 2008 47-50 Thewider region of Constantia did not lay abandoned either for in 1197 itsrevenues were disputed between the Latin archbishop of Nicosia and his

suffragan of Famagusta (Hiestand 1985 363 see also Coureas 1997 85)Although the ancient harbour is thought to have silted by Medievaltimes an anchorage and intriguingly a fortress are neverthelessmentioned in the 11th-century Book of Curiosities (Bodleian LibraryDepartment of Oriental Collections MS Arab c 90 fol 36b) while aslate as 1425 the Mamelukes managed to disembark ldquoat Constantiardquo(Darrouzegraves 1958 240)14 Pertusi 1952 81 for brief discussions of the issue see Bryer 197022-23 Guillou 1998 22 and Asdracha 2005 201-20215 As already suggested in Maratheftis 1977 40-42

3


HISTORIC NICOSIA

the other hand and the chronology of itsdevelopment point towards a different reason clearlyrelated to the gradual decline of the coastalsettlements and a shift towards an inward-lookingeconomy in the early Medieval period Indeed thegrowth of a settlement on a site such as Nicosiarsquos issurely indicative of the degree to which the nature ofthe islandrsquos economy changed after Late Antiquity

The nearest harbour to landlocked Nicosia is Kyreniaon the north coast (22 km away) guarded by afortress whose surviving buildings date largely fromthe Lusignan and Venetian eras Excavations alongthe south part of the castle however have revealed anearlier defensive wall with three pentagonal towers atclose intervals (10-12 m) Although the interruptionof the excavation in the mid-1950s did not allow theinvestigation to reach the foundations where con-clusive dating evidence might be found it would seemthat the structure dates from the early Medievalperiod and could very well be a 9th-century additionto an already existing earlier fort (Fig 4)16 The closestparallel to Kyreniarsquos defences is provided by the innercircuit at Ankara here a multitude of pentagonaltowers at equally short intervals (8-11 m) dot the wallsof the citadel dated on historical grounds to the reignof Constans II (641-668) and according to severalsurviving inscriptions rebuilt under Michael III (842-867) in 85917

Kyrenia although cut off from the rest of Cyprus bythe wall-like Pentadaktylos mountains that run alongthe islandrsquos north coast is accessible from Nicosiawithout much difficulty through a low (381 m asl)but narrow mountain pass that was to play a leadingrole during many a military campaign in latercenturies (Figs 5 6) Kyrenia was also easily accessiblefrom those territories still under Byzantine controland in particular from the south coast of Asia Minorand its most important city and naval base Attaleiafrom where communications with Cyprus are welldocumented during this period18 Although clearlynot a major commercial port (Limassol and Paphoswere far more important at least in the 12th century)Kyrenia was important for contacts related to theadministration and military affairs of ByzantineCyprus In view of its proximity to Nicosia and itsprimary role as the entry point to the island fromsouthern Asia Minor it is conceivable that thestrengthening of its fortifications may be related tothe undocumented rise of Nicosia during the earlyMiddle Ages and especially at the time of the themeand therefore well before the reintegration of Cypruswithin the Empire in the 10th century

4 Kyrenia castle planof the southern sectorwith pentagonal towers

5 Map of the region of Nicosia

82

16 Megaw 1985 210-14 a date after 965 based on historical groundshas also been suggested (Laurence 1983 215) the prow-shapedpentagonal tower was extensively used in Byzantine militaryarchitecture and became its hallmark especially during the 7th to 10th

century period

17 Foss and Winfield 1986 30-31 133-36 143-44 with earlier biblio-graphy 18 Galatariotou 1991 48-49 and Malamut 1988 vol 2 545-47 alsoPapacostas 1999a vol 1 68-69

4

5



83

6 Kyrenia pass byMaurice Feuillet 1903

Topography - LocationThere should be little doubt that after 965 the newlyarrived administration was established at Nicosia It isfairly certain that by this time Constantia at best anagricultural settlement over the ruins of the onceflourishing city was not in a state to recover its earlierrole and clearly no attempt was ever made to revivethe old capital Nor was a purpose-built new capitalcreated although the foundation of new settlementsserving either administrative or military purposes isadequately documented in Medieval Byzantium afterthe destructive siege of Cretersquos capital Chandaxduring the islandrsquos reconquest in 961 a new inlandcapital was built on top of a nearby hill to the southThe new town Temenos never succeeded insuperseding the old capital however which waseventually rebuilt and regained its previous status19

In 11th-century Apulia several new fortified cities

(kastra) were founded in order to defend the borderagainst the Lombards the best-documented examplebeing Troia populated with settlers from nearby areaswho were given incentives to move in and where anepiscopal see was also established20 In Cyprus there isno documented case of such new foundationspresumably because there was no need for themNicosia an already existing settlement was taken overand developed accordingly

The reintegration of Cyprus in the Empire is treatedvery summarily in Byzantine sources21 In view of theabsence of documentary evidence we are reduced tomere speculation concerning the reasons thatprompted the choice of Nicosia as the newadministrative capital These must be the same asthose that had led to the occupation of the site in thefirst place and to the subsequent growth of thesettlement They are of course related not only toeconomic developments as mentioned above butalso to the topography of the site The easily tappedwater table of the region and a combination of springsoutside the town and wells within assured Nicosiarsquoswater supply The springs of Kythrea which in thepast had supplied SalamisConstantia are not knownto have been diverted to Nicosia only a short distance(15 km) away The city was obviously self-sufficientin water resources and this must have surely played akey role in its development

For the first time the islandrsquos chief settlement was farfrom the coast This is perhaps a unique case in thehistory of the islands of the Mediterranean basinNicosia lies on a low plateau (c 140 m asl) to theeast of the watershed separating the two halves of theMesaoria the islandrsquos central plain Its distance fromthe east and west coasts (gulfs of Famagusta andMorphou respectively) provided some immunityfrom seaborne attacks while the Pentadaktylos rangeprotected it from the not-so-distant north coastIndeed so secure did its inland position seem that noeffort was made to fortify it until after the end ofByzantine rule Wilbrand von Oldenburgrsquos testimonysuggests that in 1211 Nicosia was still not walled22

This is also borne out by the events of May 1191 inwhich the islandrsquos capital played no significant role

19 Malamut 1988 vol 1 193-96 208 Tsougarakis 1988 65-7220 Falkenhausen 1967 135-36 Martin 1984 94-9521 For the meagre information on the immediate post-965 period seePapacostas 2002 42-4522 ldquonullam habens munitionemrdquo (Laurent 1864 181 Cobham 1908 14)

Malamutrsquos claim (on which Cheynet 1995 72 relies) that Nicosia wasfortified after Rhapsomatesrsquo revolt is not based on any textual orarchaeological evidence whatsoever (Malamut 1988 vol 1 252) On theclaim (but lack of evidence) for the existence of earlier walls aroundNicosia see Michaelides and Pilides p 53 above

6


HISTORIC NICOSIA

Isaac Komnenos had preferred to send his daughterand treasury to the fortress of Kyrenia insteaddeemed much more secure than Nicosia which wassimply handed over to Richard by the Cypriotmagnates The fort which stood in the city (it isattested one year later in April 1192 when theTemplar garrison barricaded itself in it and wasbesieged by an angry mob23) was clearly not strongenough It is possible that what Wilbrand vonOldenburg described some twenty years later as arecently built castle (ldquocastrumrdquo) is this Byzantine fortperhaps strengthened after 119224

The Byzantine expansion into Cilicia and Syria at thesame time as the uneventful return of Cyprus into thefold of the Empire made the island secure and issurely the reason why its main urban centresremained only slightly fortified25 Thus Cyprus doesnot appear to have benefitted from state investmentin building projects such as the forts erected inneighbouring frontier provinces in the later 10th

century26 The islandrsquos strategic importance did notbecome obvious until the later 11th century as a resultof the Seljuk advance into Asia Minor and the regionof Antioch and the arrival of the Crusaders in theEastern Mediterranean It is also reflected in theincreased interest shown by the imperial governmentin its protection from enemy attack during the reignof Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118)

The lack of fortifications around Nicosia meant thatits defence depended entirely on that of the mostlikely invasion route When in c 1095 Rhapsomatesheard that the imperial troops sent to quell his revolthad already landed at Kyrenia he chose to face themnot in or anywhere near Nicosia but on higherground almost certainly near the mountain passthrough the Pentadaktylos27 The approaches to this

defile are still guarded by the castle of Saint Hilarionbuilt in the late 11th or early 12th century on a steeprocky outcrop to its west (725m asl) (Fig 7)28 Thegarrison at Saint Hilarion together with that stationedat Buffavento on one of the peaks directly to the northof Nicosia (Fig 8) kept an eye on the Kyrenia coast aswell and could inform the military leadership in theprovincial capital as soon as enemy ships appeared onthe horizon A further slight deterrent against attackfrom the north was the position of Nicosia on theeastsouth bank of the Pediaios interposing anadditional albeit easily overcome natural barrierbetween the town and the Kyrenia coast Althoughturning its back to the sea by virtue of its inlandlocation the position of Nicosia on the Pediaios at thepoint where this comes closer to the mountain passacross the Pentadaktylos mountains and the harbourof Kyrenia below shows that access to the sea was stillof paramount importance (Fig 5)29

The rural settlements known to have existed along ornear the Pentadaktylos pass attest to the importanceof the road linking Nicosia to Kyrenia Dikomo to theeast is first recorded by Neophytos the Recluse in hisdescription of the raid carried out by Renaud deChacirctillon in 115556 after some initial success theByzantine troops stationed on Cyprus wereannihilated at a place called Choletrio near Dikomoby the invading force that presumably landedsomewhere along the north coast before advancingthrough the pass towards Nicosia30 Agridi at thesouthern entrance to the defile and the nowabandoned village of ldquoPlaissieacuterdquo (Plessia) near Pilerifurther to the west are both mentioned within thecontext of the civil war of the early 1230s whosedecisive battle was fought near Agridi betraying oncemore the military significance of the road31 Anothervillage near Pileri is mentioned somewhat earlier in

7 Saint Hilarioncastle looking east

84

23 In this context the castle is described as ldquofeiblerdquo and ldquopovrerdquo it musthave contained a chapel where the Templars attended mass before theirsortie (Recueil des Historiens des Croisades Historiens Occidentaux volII 190)24 Edbury 1991 13 Galatariotou 1991 50 Note however that Nicosiais described in the Itinerarium perhaps anachronistically (the relevantsection was probably written some time after the Third Crusade) as avery strong castle (ldquocastellum quoddam firmissimumrdquo Stubbs 1864194) see the discussion of the problems concerning the date andauthorship of this source in the introduction to the translated text byHelen Nicholson (1997 1-21) On the Castrum of Nicosia see CoureasGrivaud and Schabel pp 137-38 below25 The evidence for fortifications in middle Byzantine Cyprus issummarised in Galatariotou 1991 48-5126 On the conversion of the Late Antique shrine of Symeon the ElderStylite at Qalrsquoat Semrsquoan into a fort and the construction of other defensive

works in northern Syria see Tchalenko 1953-1958 vol 1 242-47 andSanders 198327 Reinsch and Kambylis 2001 262 and Leib 1967 vol 2 162 on thedate see Frankopan 200428 Discussion of the date and the reasons which may have promptedthe construction of St Hilarion and the other Pentadaktylos castles inPapacostas 1999a vol 1 44-4929 The course of the branch of the river which used to cross the citycentre was diverted in the 16th century see Coureas Grivaud andSchabel pp 116-17 206 below30 Galatariotou 1991 51-52 187-88 Choletrio no longer survives as atoponym it is however recorded in mid-16th century sources and is alsomarked as lsquoColetrarsquo on a map of c 1570 to the south-west of Dikomo(Grivaud 1998 175 465)31 Melani 1994 184 192 Raynaud 1887 100 101 103 106


7


8


the late 11th12th-century inventory of the propertiesbelonging to the monastery of the Theotokos ofKrinia near Lapethos ldquoKalaphatesrdquo has beenidentified by Gilles Grivaud with Kalapakki on thesouth-west slope of the peak where the castle of SaintHilarion stands32

The new Kyrenia-Nicosia axis marks a shift in theMedieval period towards the north-west in thedirection of Byzantium in the same way that thetransfer of the capital from Paphos to Salamis earlierhad marked a reorientation from Egypt towardsSyria-Palestine But a road also linked Nicosia to thesouth coast Rhapsomates pursued by ManuelBoutoumites took it in his failed attempt to reachLimassol in order to board a ship and flee to Syria33

Unlike Kyrenia whose harbour was important mainlyfor administrative and military purposes Limassolwas the islandrsquos most important commercial portduring the last century of Byzantine rule and it is onlynatural that it would have been linked to the capital34

The development of Nicosia surely reflects theeconomic importance of the Mesaoria the islandrsquosbreadbasket and foremost agricultural region By the12th century the plain and in particular its easternpart was heavily settled and boasted a dense networkof rural settlements35 The exploitation of Mesaoriarsquosresources which the existence of these settlementstestifies to betrays the parallel growth of Nicosiaundoubtedly their principal outlet

ToponymOne of the most fascinating sources for the history of Medieval Cyprus Etienne de Lusignanrsquos expandedFrench version of his earlier Italian Chorograffiapublished in 1580 claims that a mosque had beenbuilt in Nicosia at the time of Charlemagne (768-

814)36 This unconfirmed report by an author writingseveral centuries after the event he describes hasprompted the suggestion that Nicosia may have beenfounded by the Arabs in order to house the garrisonleft to secure the island for the Caliphate during itsbrief period of rule in the second half of the 7th

century37 Archaeological finds at Paphos howeversuggest that the Arab garrison was most probablyestablished there several (mostly unpublished) Kuficinscriptions have been excavated at the sites of theChrysopolitissa and the Limeniotissa basilicas38

What is more the toponymic development of Nicosiadoes not betray any Arab involvement whatsoever

Nicosia could not have been an altogether newfoundation of the early Medieval period anyway forthere is ample archaeological and textual evidencedemonstrating that its site had been occupied in earlyChristian times too It is presumably of this earlysettlement the successor to ancient Ledra whosename it maintained that Triphyllios mentioned inseveral Late Antique sources became bishop in the4th century39 It is also in these same sources thatvariations of the cityrsquos later name Leukosia appearfor the first time inaugurating as George Hill put ita toponymic puzzle40 Triphylliosrsquo near-contemporaryJerome calls him ldquoCypri Ledrensis sive Leucontheonepiscopusrdquo while the 7th-century Life of SaintSpyridon also a contemporary of Triphyllios refers to him as bishop ldquoτῆς τῶν Καλλινικησέων πόλεωςἤτοι Λευκῶν Θεῶνrdquo41

The vast majority of middle Byzantine authorsincluding Anna Komnene and John Kinnamos callthe city Λευκουσία42 most probably deriving fromλευκὴ οὐσία (white propertyestate) as suggested byTerence Bruce Mitford43 This variant of the toponymfirst appears in some versions of the 6th-century

8 Pentadaktylos fromBuffavento castlelooking west towardsSaint Hilarion theKyrenia coast is to theright Nicosia on the left


87

32 Grivaud 1998 170 175-76 on the date of the inventory with furtherbibliography see Papacostas 1999b 48033 Reinsch and Kambylis 2001 262 and Leib 1967 vol 2 16334 Papacostas 1999b 497-50035 These are first recorded in a papal document of 1196 enumeratingthe properties of the newly established Latin cathedral of Nicosia and ina later land grant (1234) Milea Peristeronopiyi Maratha lsquoAuramiquersquonear the latter Sandalaris Styllos Sivouri and Sinda to the east a placecalled lsquoBriemrsquo presumably in the same area and further west closer toNicosia Asha Aphania and Ornithi (Coureas and Schabel 1997 86165) In addition a few other settlements - Mora Paradisi - are recordedin other sources of the period (list with bibliography in Papacostas1999a vol 2 137-58)36 ldquoAnciennement y auoit vn Temple de Mahomet edifieacute du temps queles Sarrasins occuperent ceste Isle par lrsquoespace de quinze ans viuant

lrsquoEmpereur Charlemaignerdquo (Lusignan 1580 31v)37 Mango 1976 12 n 45 Malamut 1988 vol 1 252 the Arabic sourcesmentioning the building of a new city for this purpose are discussed inOikonomakes 1984 271ff38 Megaw 1986 513-15 and 1988 145-47 Christides 2006 53-58 113-2239 Halkin 1948 11-12 On St Triphyllios see also Triantaphyllopoulosand Christodoulou 2007 and Michaelides and Pilides pp 54-55 above40 Hill 193839 379-81 source references also in Oberhummer 192541 Van den Ven 1953 44-45 63 77 16242 Reinsch and Kambylis 2001 262 and Leib 1967 vol 2 162ffMeineke 1836 178-79 mentions also in a manuscript colophon of 1193(Constantinides and Browning 1993 95) and in the early 13th-centurytypikon of the monastery of Makhairas (Tsiknopoullos 1969 16)43 Mitford 1980b 35 n 9


HISTORIC NICOSIA

geographical list of cities in the Eastern Empireknown as the Synekdemos of Hierokles44 The earliestsurviving manuscripts of this work however datefrom the 12th century only strengthening thesuspicion that the inclusion of ldquoLeukousiardquo (togetherwith Tremithus) may be nothing but a Medievalinterpolation ldquoLeukousiardquo appears again in anothergeographical work partly derived from Hieroklesnamely the 10th-century De Thematibus ofConstantine Porphyrogennetos45 it also occurs in theproblematic notitia 3 a list of ecclesiastical diocesesprobably compiled in the 9th century perhapsindicating that there may have been a bishop stillbased there at that time despite the total lack ofinformation on individual local prelates afterTriphyllios46 Other Medieval authors echo earliersources by employing names presumably no longerwidely used Neophytos the Recluse in his encomiumof Saint Diomedes (written in c 1176) uses the variantΛευκούπολις while the late 13th-century patriarch ofConstantinople Gregory II of Cyprus chooses to callthe town which he had left for a better education anda career abroad Καλλινίκησις the name used in theLife of Saint Spyridon47

The earliest Arab author to mention the city is the12th-century geographer al-Idrisi who calls itldquoLifqusīyaldquo48 while in western sources the toponymfirst appears slightly later as ldquoNicosiardquo initially inaccounts of the conquest by Richard the Lionheart butalso in early 13th-century texts with countless variantspellings (Nicossia Nichosia Leccosum Cossia etc)49

clearly derived from a corruption of the Greek name50

Although the evolution of the toponym does not shedmuch light on the historical development of thesettlement the increasing frequency with which it

appears in sources clearly betrays the importanceacquired by Nicosia in the middle Byzantine period as opposed to its obscurity in Late Antiquityilluminated only very dimly by the figure ofTriphyllios

The Metropolitan SeeThe development of the cult of Nicosiarsquos only knownearly Christian bishop in the Medieval period mayreflect the slow rise of the settlement itself Triphylliosstarts appearing in monumental decorations amongbetter known Cypriot prelates in the 12th century first at Asinou and later at Lagoudera (Fig 9) and Antiphonetes51 The 12th-century synodikon(episcopal list) of the Church of Cyprus also includesthe saintly bishop A 14th-century synaxarion (churchcalendar of saintsrsquo feasts) contains his only survivingvita first composed in the 12th or perhaps the 13th

century Franccedilois Halkin bases his dating of this texton the terms used to describe Nicosia as not only thegreatest city of Cyprus but also its metropolitan seeThis highlights an important issue that needs to beelucidated namely the transfer of the seat of theprimates of the Church of Cyprus from SalamisConstantia to Nicosia I shall argue below that thishappened much earlier than usually assumed and atany rate before the 12th century53 Most modernliterature maintains that the archbishops of Cyprusmoved to Nicosia only in the early Lusignan periodeither from SalamisConstantia or from Famagustawhere they had allegedly transferred their base afterthe demise of the former54 The basis for this assertionis Etienne de Lusignanrsquos statement that in c1212 or1216 Queen Alice requested that the pope transfer theArchbishopric from Famagusta where it had beenmoved because of the destruction of Salamis to

88

44 Honigmann 1939 3845 Pertusi 1952 8046 Darrouzegraves 1981 234 33847 Delehaye 1907 212 Yiangou 1999 335 Galatariotou 1991 35-36Lameere 1937 17748 Idrisi vol 5 643-4449 See for example Morgan 1982 118ff Mas Latrie 1871 272 285 303Paris 1897 48ff Stubbs 1864 192ff and 1868-1871 vol 3 110 Laurent1864 181 Horoy 1879-1880 vol 2 61050 Nicosia clearly has nothing to do with the town of the same name incentral Sicily which al-Idrisi describes briefly as a populous fortifiedplace late 11th-century Greek documents from Sicily already attest to theexistence of a river ldquoτῶν νικοσαίωννικοσέωνrdquo while 12th-century Arabicsources also contain references to the ldquoNahrrsquoan Nīqursquosīnrdquo (Amari188081 110 Cusa 1868-1882 290 318 see also Hill 193839 380)51 Mouriki 1993 242-43 A church dedicated to St Triphyllios inNicosia is attested in a manuscript note of 1396 concerning theordination of a deacon (Ambros gr 399) and is also mentioned byFlorio Bustron in the 16th century (Darrouzegraves 1956 40 Mas Latrie 1886

26) The saintrsquos relic however was kept at the Hodegetria according toLeontios Makhairas (Dawkins 1932 vol 1 34) See Michaelides andPilides pp 54-55 above52 Halkin 1948 20 24-25 Halkinrsquos assertion that the Russian monkDaniil (who visited Cyprus during his pilgrimage to the Holy Land in c 1106-1108) lists among the relics venerated on the island those ofTriphyllios ldquowho was baptised by the apostle Paulrdquo is based onKhitroworsquos French translation of Daniilrsquos account (Khitrowo 1889 9 alsoin Oberhummer 1903 68) Although this is indeed what the vastmajority of the surviving manuscripts tell us (none earlier than the 15th

century) other versions of Daniilrsquos text correctly have Philagrios adisciple of St Peter instead of the 4th century Triphyllios (see thetranslated text in Wilkinson 1988 125-26 and Garzaniti 1991 79-80)53 As already implied in Englezakis 1996 10354 Louis de Mas Latrie (1847 855) appears to be the first to haveexpressed this view he was then followed by several later authors(Hackett and Papaioannou 1923-1932 vol 2 18 Kirmitses 1940 91-96and 1983 7 Hill 1940-1952 vol 1 286 Maratheftis 1977 41 Kyrris1967 5 and more recently Papadopoullos 1995 600)



89

Nicosia and to hand it over to the Latins55 The sameobservation that was made above concerning thealleged construction of a mosque in Nicosia in earlyMedieval times also applies to this piece of inform-ation our author lived several centuries later and noearlier source confirms his statement The evidencepresented below will hopefully prove beyond doubtthat Nicosia served as archiepiscopal residence at leastsince the 12th century

Let us first start with some evidence from which onemight surmise that the islandrsquos metropolitans in themiddle Byzantine period were still based at SalamisConstantia The notitiae (lists of ecclesiasticaldioceses) of this period maintain the set-up of theirearlier versions listing Constantia as the islandrsquosmetropolitan see their conservative character is wellknown however and does not necessarily reflectcontemporary reality57 Similarly the list included in

the treatise on the patriarchates by the 12th-centurycanonist Neilos Doxopatres is hardly more reliablefor it clearly copies that of the 7th-century geographerGeorge of Cyprus with Constantia maintaining her primacy58

There is also further circumstantial evidence In thevita of Bishop Demetrianos of ChytroiKythreacomposed shortly after the saintrsquos death in the early10th century we still hear of ldquothe archbishop of themetropolis of the Salaminiansrdquo59 The mid-11th-century Georgian vita of John and Euthymiosfounders of the monastery of Iveron on Mount Athosrefers to the metropolitan see of Cyprus as the ldquosee ofSaint Epiphaniosrdquo which was offered by Basil II toEuthymios in c 1019-1025 after its occupant haddied60 And it is the Salaminian Epiphanios and notTriphyllios of Nicosia who is depicted on two out offive known 11th and 12th century lead seals belonging

55 The date differs in the Italian and French editions of the text(Lusignan 1573 31r and 1580 85r-v) Kyprianos who summarizes thesame information gives yet another much later date (1255 Kyprianos1788 31-32)56 The reliability of Lusignanrsquos account of these events is discussed bySchabel 20022003 345-46 and 2006 262-64

57 Darrouzegraves 1981 338 Malamut 1988 vol 1 361-6258 Parthey 1967 28559 Greacutegoire 1907 228 on the date see also Rydeacuten 1993 20060 Martin-Hisard 1991 112 also Papacostas 1999a vol 1 114-15 andPapacostas 2002 58-59

9 Fresco of SaintTriphyllios church of Panagia of ArakasLagoudera 1192

9


10 Church of SaintBarnabas SalamisConstantia view fromthe west

HISTORIC NICOSIA

to archbishops of Cyprus ndash the remaining seals bearfigures of Saint Stephen and the Virgin61 What theabove evidence shows is of course nothing more thanthe attachment of the metropolitan see regardless ofwhere the archbishop resided to its glorious earlyhistory with Epiphanios of Salamis at the helm of theislandrsquos Church We have seen that archaeologyprovides unambiguous evidence that the oldprovincial capital and archiepiscopal seat was alreadyin ruins by this period Although this does not excludethe possibility that its two surviving pilgrimage shrines(Saint Epiphanios Saint Barnabas Fig 10) may havehoused the metropolitan in early Medieval times62 aswe shall see below this cannot have been the case inthe 11th12th-century period For positive evidenceconcerning the archiepiscopal seat in the Comnenianperiod we have to turn to the earliest version of thesynodikon of the Church of Cyprus This is ascribed tothe 12th century and survives in a manuscript copied inthe following century where the list of episcopal seesis headed by Nicosia63 More evidence comes from one

of the manuscripts of the French continuation toWilliam of Tyrersquos chronicle relating the events of1191 when Isaac Komnenos was being pursued byRichard the Lionheart this source describes Nicosiaas an Archbishopric and the islandrsquos main city64

Never-theless it has to be noted that this source isconsiderably later than the events it describes andtherefore the reference to Nicosia in these terms mayvery well be an anachronism prompted by its laterstatus as a Latin archiepiscopal see and capital of theLusignan kingdom

A more compelling argument concerns the arch-bishops of Cyprus themselves and their involvementwith events on the island Although our episcopal lists(p 104 Appendix 1) are far from complete theyclearly show that the administration of the CypriotChurch was not a purely local affair65 Metropolitansoften came from beyond the islandrsquos shores66

appointed by the emperor The case of the GeorgianEuthymios of Iveron who declined Basil IIrsquos offer of

90

61 Metcalf 2004 372-7462 As suggested in Megaw 1974 7863 Gouillard 1967 11264 ldquoarcevescheacute et la maistre citeacute de Chyprerdquo (Recueil des Historiensdes Croisades Historiens Occidentaux vol II 167)65 Lists in Malamut 1988 vol 1 371 Papageorgiou 1995 xxiv-xxv and

Guillou 1998 28 see also Englezakis 1996 90-9366 This is also true of some provincial bishops known 12th centuryexamples include Basil Kinnamos of Paphos the Cretan Barnabas ofLapethos and possibly Niketas Hagiostephanites of Tamasos (Mango1976 7-8 Tsougarakis 1993 126)

10


archbishops must have had their seat and cathedralFinally a marginal note dated to 113536 in an 11th-century manuscript of homilies by John Chrysostomcontains the most unambiguous evidence of all (ParGr 625 fol 282v) It is worth translating here in itsentirety

ldquoThis volume that is the Hexaemeros was boughtby the most saintly hegumen of the monastery ofKykkos the monk kyr David from the monk LukeAblepes residing at the archbishopric before themost pious priest Panagiotes and the calligrapherand custodian of Saint Sophia kyr LeonAigaiopelagites who procured this volume too tothe above-mentioned hegumen in three-headednomismata of the appropriate cut of our mightlyemperor that is eight hagiogeorgata in the reignof kyr John Komnenos the porphyrogennetos and[when] Constantine [was] doux of Cyprus in [theyear] 6644 [AD 113536]rdquo

This note was published twice first by VitalienLaurent who was mostly concerned with thenumismatic information contained therein and morerecently by Costas Chatzipsaltes who picked up thevarious details concerning the otherwise unattestedhegumen David and the doux Constantine72 Neitherauthor however commented on what is the mostsignificant contribution of this short text as far as thehistory of Cyprus is concerned The place where thetransaction took place is not named although thiswas obviously on the island But the mention of SaintSophia whose custodian (prosmonarios) was one ofthe witnesses73 leaves no doubt that this was Nicosiafor nowhere else on the island is a church with thisdedication attested in Medieval times The unusualdedication of Nicosiarsquos Latin cathedral to Saint Sophiawas long suspected to have been inherited from anearlier Greek shrine Our manuscript note containsthe only mention of the latter in a source of theByzantine period and confirms this assumption

Even more importantly however the mention of theArchbishopric whose bureaucracy the monk Luke


91

67 Tsougarakis 1993 2-668 Malamut 1988 vol 2 511-12 with bibliography see alsoChatzipsaltes 1988 349-51 on John the Cretan69 Mango 1976 7 Cheynet 1995 73 also Papacostas 1999a vol 1 20270 Mango and Hawkins 1964 339 Papacostas 2007 73-7471 Tsougarakis 1993 124-26 Hill 1940-1952 vol 1 313 n 1 alsoEnglezakis 1996 646-4772 Laurent 1951 97-98 Chatzipsaltes 1988 347 on the doux

Constantine see Cheynet 1995 76 n 4773 According to Laurentrsquos interpretation of the text there was only onewitness namely Leon Aigaiopelagites who was a priest of the church ofAll Saints a calligrapher and custodian of St Sophia ldquoΠαναγιώτηldquohowever which Laurent transcribes with a lower-case π as an epithet (ldquoofAll Saintsrdquo) is more likely to be a Christian name For the office ofprosmonarios see Mango 1991 299

the vacant see was mentioned above When havingdeclined the metropolitan see of Kiev HegumenLeontios of Saint John the Theologian on Patmos wasoffered that of Cyprus by Manuel I (1143-1180) healso turned it down to become patriarch of Jerusaleminstead67 Other equally renowned prelates thoughtook up the challenge and one is known to havesubsequently given up his post the case of NicholasMouzalon whose accession to the patriarchal throneof Constantinople in 1147 was successfully challengedbecause he had earlier abdicated from themetropolitan see of Cyprus (c 1110) is well knownLater in the century the Cypriot see was againoccupied by a prelate of non-Cypriot origin John the Cretan68

It is hard to imagine that prelates from outside theisland sometimes belonging to prominent families ofthe Empire would reside and direct the affairs of the Cypriot Church from either the ruins ofSalamisConstantia or from the still insignificantsettlement at Famagusta they had to be present at the very centre of power the seat of the pro-vincial administration also entrusted to members of distinguished families (p 104 Αppendix 2)69

Mouzalonrsquos invective against the governor of CyprusEumathios Philokales suggests that the two strong-minded men were in frequent contact something thatwould not have been easy unless the archbishopresided in Nicosia too70 On his way to the Holy Landand his Latin-held see the aforementioned Leontiosof Jerusalem spent the winter of 117677 in Cyprus inorder to inspect the properties of the Holy Sepulchreon the island During his stay he was invited byArchbishop Barnabas II to celebrate mass togetherwith other prelates (Theophylact of Tremithus andBarnabas of Lapethos) Barely a decade later IsaacKomnenos was crowned emperor by the patriarchelected at his orders by the bishops of the Cypriotsynod for this very purpose71 Our sources fail to giveany details on the venue for these two events but wecan be fairly sure that both the patriarchal mass andthe coronation cannot have taken place anywhere elsebut in the islandrsquos provincial capital where the


HISTORIC NICOSIA

92

11 Plan of thecathedral complexshowing Saint Sophiaand the BedestenHodegetria (markedSaint Nikolaos)

12 BedestenHodegetria plan ofthe church showingbuilding phases

13 BedestenHodegetria view ofthe main apse withthe porch of SaintSophia in thebackground

11

12

13



93

presumably served implies that Nicosia was by thisdate the seat of the metropolitans of Cyprus Thus theabove note provides a secure terminus ante quem in113536 for the presence of the Archbishopric inNicosia The islandrsquos most ancient and reveredinstitution undoubtedly followed the secularadministration when this was established thereWhen exactly the move took place however isimpossible to determine74 The fortunes of the Churchof Cyprus between its return from the ill-fatedadventure on the shores of the Sea of Marmara in c700 and the 10th century remain little known despitethe patchy evidence for continuous activitythroughout these centuries75

Churches Monasteries and PropertiesThe manuscript note examined above implies that theByzantine cathedral of Nicosia was dedicated to SaintSophia I have suggested elsewhere that the long lostbuilding must have stood on the site of the ruinouslate Medieval church known today as the Bedestenright next to the Gothic Saint Sophia (Figs 11-13)The Byzantine cathedral was probably a domed(perhaps cross-in-square) structure with a belfryincorporating parts of an earlier Late Antiquebasilica Following the establishment of the Lusignankingdom and of a Latin Church on the island in the1190s it was taken over by the Latin clergy and usedas their cathedral until perhaps the middle of the 13th

century when work on the Gothic Saint Sophia wassufficiently advanced to allow the consecration of thenew building In the meantime the Greek prelateswere driven out of their urban seat although in 1260they were granted use of a church within Nicosiadedicated to Saint Barnabas which the popesrecognized as a cathedral The latter is still recorded asa Greek cathedral in 130576 The following decadeswitnessed the rise of the Orthodox Church and it isduring this period that the Greek prelates surelyconsolidated their presence in the city for by the1340s they had reclaimed the Byzantine building on

the site of the Bedesten The Byzantine Saint Sophiabecame once more their cathedral church nowdedicated to the Hodegetria according to the sourcesof the period77 It subsequently witnessed successivebuilding campaigns lasting through the Venetian eraand was converted into a market after the Ottomanconquest before its final abandonment and collapse(Fig 13)78 This tentative reconstruction of the eventssurrounding the original location takeover andsubsequent fate of the Byzantine cathedral can onlybe tested of course if the site of the Bedesten isproperly investigated79 It also raises the question ofthe neighbouring large site occupied by the GothicSaint Sophia (Fig 14) This presumably belonged tothe Orthodox Church too and must have changedhands at the same time as the Byzantine cathedral Itsuse before 1191 however remains unknown

The dedication of Nicosiarsquos Byzantine cathedral toSaint Sophia is not surprising Many a provincialByzantine city in both Late Antiquity and theMedieval period adopted it for their main shrinefollowing of course the example of Constantinople80

14 Saint Sophia viewfrom the north-east

74 A comparable problem exists concerning the transfer of themetropolitan see of Crete from Gortyna to Chandax in the middleByzantine period (Tsougarakis 1988 234-36 Malamut 1988 vol 1 350-52) In the case of Pamphylia the old metropolitan see was transferredfrom Perge to Syllaion by the 9th century before moving in 1084 toAttaleia the regionrsquos most important city a major naval base and capitalof the Kibyrrhaiotai theme (Foss 1996 20)75 Dikigoropoulos 196566 on this period in general On the Sea ofMarmara incident see Englezakis 1996 105-34 It has been arguedwithout any supporting evidence that Famagusta may have served asarchiepiscopal seat right after the return from Cyzicus in 699 (Kyrris1967 5)

76 Papacostas 2005 14-15 Leventis 2005 355 Nothing is known aboutthe location architecture and date of this church77 The dedication to the Hodegetria for the Greek archbishoprsquos churchis first recorded in 1343 (Acta Clementis VI 40)78 For a detailed discussion of the evidence see Papacostas 2005 mostof the source references to the Hodegetria are collected in Leventis 2005364-6579 This looks increasingly unlikely in view of the recent (2007-2008)ill-advised and irreversible interventions to the fabric of the structurecarried out under the auspices of the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme with EU funding80 Papacostas 2005 11 with further bibliography

14


HISTORIC NICOSIA

In addition to Saint Sophia however Nicosia boasteda number of other landmarks that recalled theByzantine capital81 As far as one can tell theiroccurrence was the result of unrelated developmentsand not of a conscious choice at a particular point intime Thus the townrsquos main thoroughfare in lateMedieval times was called Mese (like the main streetof Constantinople) first attested in 15th-centurysources that may repeat a nomenclature inheritedfrom the Byzantine period82 There was a monasteryof Saint George of Mangana too discussed below Thechurch of the Virgin Hodegetria has also beenmentioned in this context As we just saw howeverits dedication is not recorded until the 1340s andthere is no indication that it goes back to the pre-Lusignan era indeed if the scenario proposed abovefor the structures on the Bedesten site is acceptedthen the Hodegetria dedication is clearly a 14th-century development83 A recurrent feature of ourevidence for the churches and monasteries ofByzantine Nicosia is that they are very often recordedonly in later sources This is of course a result of therelatively abundant source material preserved fromthe Lusignan period compared to what has survivedfrom the Byzantine centuries Below we shall be concerned with foundations attested until the middle of the 13th century only The relevant textsunfortunately provide no information whatsoever ontheir early history the decision to ascribe them to theByzantine period is therefore based mainly on howsoon after the change of rule they are attested andsometimes on their dedication84

A good example of both is the monastery of SaintGeorge of Mangana It first appears in the diegesis ofthe Kantara monks martyred in 1231 and isfrequently mentioned in various later documents85 Itis rightly assumed that it was a metochion(dependency) of the monastery of the same namefounded at great expense by Constantine IXMonomachos (1042-1055) in Constantinople

although Cyprus is not mentioned among the placeswhere the latter is known to have owned estates (nearEphesos on Chios in the region of Thebes andpossibly near Halmyros in central Greece)The Constantinopolitan monastery having beenoccupied by Latin monks after 1204 its Cypriotdependency must have been founded before this dateand presumably before the change of rule on theisland itself in 119186

The extensive demolitions necessitated by theconstruction of the new fortifications of Nicosia in the1560s wiped out all traces of the monastery whoselocation remains uncertain87 According to 14th-century sources it stood outside the Lusignan wallsand therefore at some distance from the core of theByzantine settlement Accounts of the siege in 1570relate how the Ottoman artillery used the low hills tothe south of Nicosia including the hill of theMangana monastery in order to attack the town88 andit is probably to be identified with the (monastic)complex of buildings shown to the south of Nicosiabetween ldquoStrovilordquo and ldquoAglangiardquo and marked withthe initials S Z (San Zorzi) on the 1542 map ofCyprus by Leonida Attar (Fig 15)89 The excavationwhich started in 1999 at the proposed site of the newparliament building on PASYDY hill to the south-west of the Venetian walls has revealed threesuccessive Medieval churches over a Late Antiquebasilica () and pending the study and publication ofthe finds may provide evidence for the identificationof these structures with Mangana90 In spite of theuncertainty surrounding the identity of this site itsexcavation is a most welcome development Its primeimportance for Medieval archaeology lies in the factthat not only is there a strong possibility that it may beidentified with a relatively well-documented religiousestablishment with a Constantinopolitan connectionbut moreover it is one of only a handful of majorrecent excavations in a Medieval urban context on thewhole of Cyprus

94

81 Megaw 1974 80 Galatariotou 1991 5082 Richard 1962 126 and n 483 Papacostas 2005 1784 It has been suggested that the 13th-century Cistercian nunnery of StTheodore may have taken over the site of an earlier Greek shrine (Edbury1999 6 n17) apart from the evidence of the dedication however there isno other indication that this was the case The location of the nunnery wasestablished in 2004 after the discovery of a funerary slab belonging to anabbess of St Theodore on the site of the new buildings of the SupremeCourt (see Flourentzos 2006b and Coureas Grivaud and Schabel p 175 below)85 Papadopoullos 1975 327-28 Schabel 2001 333-39 340 351-58 360370 Coureas 1994 Source references collected in Leventis 2005 368-69

86 On the Constantinopolitan Mangana see The Oxford Dictionary ofByzantium vol 2 1283-84 with bibliography on its propertiesPapacostas 1999a vol 2 93-9487 The demolition is reported in Lusignan (1580 32v) although BNogierorsquos letter of 1567 that lists some forty destroyed churches does notinclude the monastery (Grivaud 1992 290)88 Lusignan 1580 250r Cobham 1908 82 and 133 Jeffery 1918 28Hill 1940-1952 vol 3 969 Grivaud and Patapiou 1996 5089 Cavazzana Romanelli and Grivaud 2006 94 fig 2890 Preliminary reports in Pilides 2000 686-87 and Flourentzos 2004-2005 1678-79 for a plan Pilides et al 2003 fig 1 See also the shortaccount by D Pilides in Coureas Grivaud and Schabel pp 212-14 below


Indeed the record of Medieval archaeology on theisland is disappointingly poor the few investigationsundertaken in urban settlements in the past haveeither not been fully published yet (Chrysopolitissaand Saranda Kolones excavations at Paphos) or weremerely the result of limited excavations that revealedonly a small part of the structures discovered(Limassol mosque Kyrenia castle) It is therefore amost welcome development that another extensivearchaeological investigation crucial for the history ofByzantine Nicosia has been taking place since 2002 atthe proposed site of the new Town Hall in the veryheart of the city91 This site has revealed (amongbuildings of various periods) two ecclesiasticalstructures with more than one building phaseChurch A consists of a single-aisle naos perhaps ofmiddle Byzantine date to which a south chapel wassubsequently attached (after the middle of the 12th

century) Church B was initially erected perhaps as across-in-square structure probably in the middle

Byzantine period too and was later rebuilt (inLusignan times) as a single-aisled church Althoughit has not been possible so far to identify thesechurches with shrines attested in the written recordthey do add valuable anchor points on the patchyarchaeological map of the Byzantine city

Together the two excavated sites provide a uniqueopportunity to study properly the finds and successivestructural phases of several buildings that will surelyshed new light and may allow novel insights into thedevelopment of Byzantine and Lusignan NicosiaDespite their invaluable contribution however thecityrsquos Medieval history still suffers from a distinct lackof archaeological evidence although there is noshortage of potentially very important sites that couldbe investigated There is no better illustration of thisfrustrating state of affairs than the churches andmonasteries mentioned below which are knownexclusively from the written sources

15 Map of Cyprus byLeonida Attar 1542(Civico Museo CorrerVenice) detail showingthe region of Nicosia


95

91 For a preliminary report see Violaris 2004 and Flourentzos 2004-2005 1681-85 and 2006a 2007a 2007b I wish to thank wholeheartedlythe archaeologists in charge of both excavations for kindly showing me

around their sites (Despo Pilides in October 1999 and Yiannis Violarisin September 2005)

15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96

92 Tsougarakis 1993 112-26 Papacostas 1999a vol 1 137-38 vol 2 3993 Papadopoullos 1975 321 32394 It is clearly distinct from the homonymous male monastery in thediocese of Amathous mentioned in 1287 (Constantinides and Browning1993 157 with bibliography)95 Lusignan 1580 32v (where Pallouriotissa is presumably one of thetwo demolished nunneries mentioned on 31v and 85r) Richard 196228 Grivaud 1992 286 305 also Papacostas 1999a vol 2 114-15 andLeventis 2005 372 for the source references Nogiero was the chaplainof the Venetian governor of Cyprus and an eye-witness to thedemolitions96 Coureas and Schabel 1997 163 also Coureas 1997 289 Thepatronymic is attested outside Cyprus too during the middle Byzantineperiod for example in 11th-century Calabria (Guillou 1974 174)although the origin of the Nicosia family should be sought within theisland itself perhaps in the region of Lapethos where a village called

Petomeni is recorded in the 15th16th century (Grivaud 1998 171 466) oron the southern foothills of the Pentadaktylos where the toponym isattested in modern times (near Sykhari and Dikomo Christodoulou andKonstantinidis 1987 989)97 Richard 1962 125 and 1986 70 n 31 see also Leventis 2005 2198 It is not known in which Nicosia church took place the incidentdescribed by Constantine Manasses in his Hodoiporikon (116162)during which the Constantinopolitan emissary was compelled to strike afoul-smelling member of the congregation who refused to move away(Galatariotou 1991 222-24 with further bibliography)99 Recueil des Historiens des Croisades Historiens Occidentaux vol II190-91100 Coureas and Schabel 1997 141-42101 Darrouzegraves 1979 30-31102 ldquoapud Leccosum ecclesiam sancti Nicolai cum hospitali pomeriis terriset pertinentiis suisrdquo (Horoy 1879-1880 vol 2 608-11 Richard 1986 63)

Besides the Constantinopolitan Mangana otheroverseas establishments also owned properties onCyprus and in Nicosia The Holy Sepulchre ofJerusalem is known to have possessed estates and ametochion on the island although their location is notgiven in our source which is none other than the vitaof Patriarch Leontios mentioned earlier A disputewith the young bishop of Amathous over hisappropriation of some properties in the mid-12th

century however suggests that at least some of thesewere in the region of Limassol although thepatriarchate must have owned a property in Nicosiatoo where Leontios stayed during his visit and wherehis colourful encounters with local tax officials surelytook place92

The diegesis of the Kantara monks contains two morereferences to monasteries in Nicosia which we maysafely assume are foundations of the Byzantineperiod93 The nunnery dedicated to the Theotokosand called ldquoΜεγάληΜονήrdquo (Great Monastery) is notrecorded in any other Medieval source and itslocation within the town remains totally unknown94

That of the Theotokos Pallouriotissa on the otherhand whose priest and prosmonarios was one of theKantara monks is mentioned in later sources toowhich specify that it was also a nunnery Like SaintGeorge of Mangana it was demolished in 1567 andaccording to Bartholomeo Nogierorsquos letter of that yearit stood in the area of the Davila Bastion (modernMunicipality bastion)95 The monastery referred to inthe sources as ldquotou Petomenordquo on the other hand wassituated in the very heart of Nicosia All we knowabout this establishment is that it had already ceasedfunctioning by 1245 when the Latin archbishopgranted houses which stood on its site to the childrenof Nicholas tou Petomeno apparently descendants of the monasteryrsquos founder96 The archbishoprsquos

jurisdiction over the site may suggest that this came tothe possession of the Latin Church Such a hypothesisis further enhanced by a later source according towhich the church called ldquoNostra Dona de Petomenyrdquopresumably a relic of the old monastery was situatednear the (Latin) Archbishopric97 next to Saint Sophia

As far as parish churches are concerned we haveagain to wait for the post-1191 period in order to findsome limited information in the sources whichusually fail to provide any clues concerning thelocation of these shrines98 During the rebellionagainst Templar rule in 1192 the insurgents arereported to have sought refuge in a church of OurLady (ldquoiglize de Nostre Damerdquo)99 This may or maynot be identical to a chapel dedicated to the Virgin(ldquocapella Beate Marierdquo) and situated within a court-yard recorded in a document of 1195 when it wasgranted by Amaury de Lusignan to the Temple100 Thelatter is surely distinct from the Greek church of theTheotokos where a certain Manuel was buried in1235 according to his epitaph surviving in a letter ofarchbishop Neophytos I101

The inventory of estates preserved in a papaldocument of 1216 and belonging to the monastery ofSaint Theodosios in the Judean desert lists among itsextensive Cypriot possessions (mainly in the south-west of the island) a church of Saint Nicholas inNicosia This was surely destined to cater for theneeds of visiting monks from Saint Theodosiosrsquometochion and its numerous estates in the region ofPaphos it may very well have also functioned as aparish church The Palestinian establishment ownedother properties in town presumably acquired before1191 These included an orchard some land and ahospital probably for visiting monks too102 SaintTheodosios would have required a base in Nicosia in



97

order to conduct its affairs with the provincialadministration Cyprus was after all the Byzantineprovince nearest to Palestine Indeed the presence of a Judean monastery in Nicosia may indicate that the Byzantine authorities maintained some involve-ment in the religious affairs of the mainland throughtheir local representatives on Cyprus

A different church of Saint Nicholas in Nicosia isrecorded in the report of Marsilio Zorzi (Venetianbailo in the Crusader states) a document compiled inc 1242-1244 and listing Venetian properties onCyprus confiscated by the new regime shortly after1192103 It is unclear whether this church was an olderbuilding granted to the Venetians or if as in the caseof San Marco of Limassol it was newly constructedfor the use of their community What seems certainis that the expropriations took place very soon afterthe establishment of Lusignan rule and that theVenetian landowners and merchants mentioned inthe report had acquired their Cypriot propertiesincluding the Nicosia church during the second halfof the 12th century before the change of rule104 Notsurprisingly the location of both the Theodosian andthe Venetian Saint Nicholas eludes us It is unclear ifeither of the two can be identified with shrines havingthe same dedication and attested later

The Augustinian canonesses are known to havepossessed a convent with a church of Saint Nicholas asearly as 1237105 This may possibly be the Venetianchurch confiscated and then granted to themalthough Marsilio Zorzirsquos report which usually givesthe name of the new owner for each property fails todo so in this case The tentative identification of thischurch with another Saint Nicholas that of the Orderof Saint Thomas mentioned in the 14th century andwith the Bedesten106 remains uncertain to say theleast Equally uncertain is the relationship with otherhomonymous churches recorded in the 15th centuryand with ldquoSanto Nicolordquo near the DrsquoAvila Bastion(Municipality bastion) demolished in 1567107

Among the churches standing today in Nicosia onlyone seems to preserve parts of a building which maydate from the middle Byzantine period TheChrysaliniotissa stands on what was the north bank ofthe branch of the Pediaios which used to crossNicosia some 500 m to the east of Saint Sophia (Fig16) The building has undergone various alterationsand extensions through the centuries making itsstructural history difficult to disentangle Its core issurely the earliest part The main polygonal apse restson an earlier round apse next to which the lowercourses of the earlier buildingrsquos north-east corner arevisible (Fig 17) indicating that the latter waspresumably a single-aisled barrel-vaulted or domedchurch108 As in the case of Saint Sophia only

103 Papadopoulou 1983 314 Berggoumltz 1991 190104 Papacostas 1999b 487ff105 Coureas 1997 242106 The often repeated claim that the Bedesten may have beendedicated to St Nicholas is unfounded see Papacostas 2005 16 andLeventis 2005 285

107 Grivaud 1992 293 source references to the various shrines of StNicholas in Leventis 2005 371-72108 On the restricted bibliography concerning the Chrysaliniotissa seePapacostas 1999a vol 2 22 for the later phases see Coureas Grivaudand Schabel p 162 below

16 Church of theChrysaliniotissa

17 Church of theChrysaliniotissamain apse

16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98

excavation may shed more light by providing muchneeded evidence

Despite its growth 12th-century Nicosia described asone of the three cities of Cyprus by al-Idrisi109 wasprobably not very densely populated Surely thehighest density of occupation occurred in its corearound the cathedral complex The lack of a wallcircuit allowed the settlement to spread amonggardens and orchards such as those belonging toSaint Theodosios of Judea and to the Crown domainsand perhaps to extend as far to the south as thePASYDY (Mangana) hill about one mile from SaintSophia110 Obviously there is no demographic data forthis period nor do we know anything about theislandrsquos total population111 Although the largest citiesof the eastern Mediterranean during the Crusaderperiod (Constantinople Antioch) had populationsconsidered large by Medieval standards and reachingtens of thousands the average middle Byzantine townis thought to have been much smaller112 In theVenetian period Nicosiarsquos population ranged from c15000 in the early 16th century to 20000-25000 onthe eve of the Ottoman conquest following decades ofsustained demographic growth113 The number ofinhabitants in the 12th century was almost certainlysmaller although it is impossible to tell by how muchAs the islandrsquos administrative and religious centreNicosia attracted foreign residents Those aboutwhom we have most information are of course theVenetians courtesy of Marsilio Zorzirsquos report114 Wehave seen that the Venetian merchants of Nicosiaowned a church dedicated to Saint Nicholas togetherwith its dependencies Various individuals possessedhouses in the city They include Nicolaus Felus and

two members of the Sabatini family that also ownedproperties in the Troodos The house belonging toLeonardus Sabatinus must have been rathersumptuous for it was later used as a royal residencewhile one of Johannes Sabatinusrsquo houses is referred toas a ldquopalaciumrdquo115 Wilbrand von Oldenburg describedthe dwellings of Nicosia in 1211 as being similar tothose of Antioch in their interior decoration andpaintings This implies some degree of opulence foraccording to the German pilgrim although theexterior of the latter was dirty their interior wasglistening with gold116

SuburbsMarsilio Zorzirsquos report does not provide anyadditional information on the buildings of Nicosia instark contrast to Limassol where the existence of aseparate Venetian quarter and numerous buildingsbelonging to the Venetian community is recorded117

It does nevertheless contain information on Venetianproperties around Nicosia Leonardus Sabatinus andJohannes Michaelis the latter belonging to a familywith extensive interests on Cyprus (at Limassol andin the southern Troodos) owned agricultural estatesat ldquoMisechilesirdquo (Kaimakli-Omorphita area) andAglantzia respectively118 The growth of Nicosiarsquossuburbs testifies to the rise of the town itself and oncemore it is attested in the written rather than thearchaeological record The earliest reference to asettlement near Nicosia namely Yeri to its southoccurs in a manuscript note in October 1091 afterRhapsomates had already rebelled against the centralgovernment the magistros Epiphanios Paschalesdonated an uncial gospel lectionary to the monasteryof the Virgin Alypos ldquoof Yerirdquo which he had founded

109 The other two being Limassol and Kyrenia (Idrisi vol 5 634-44)110 The crown domains are attested in the late 12th century when IsaacII (1185-1195) granted a garden to the monastery of Makhairas(Tsiknopoullos 1969 16) On the evidence for Crown estates on Cyprussee Papacostas 1999b 481-82 There is no other information on theestates of Cypriot monasteries in Nicosia during this period althoughthe presence of the hegumen of Kykkos in town in 113536 when hebought the manuscript mentioned above may indicate that themonastery owned property there it is not known when the monastery ofHiereonHagia Mone in the mountains of Paphos acquired its Nicosiametochion not attested until 1308 (Darrouzegraves 1951 31)111 For a discussion of demographic trends in middle ByzantineCyprus with the stress on decline see Grivaud 1998 269-71 and for adifferent assessment Papacostas 1999a vol 1 23-25 see also CoureasGrivaud and Schabel pp 118-19 below112 The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium vol 1 607-608 Antioch isbelieved to have had as many as c 40000 and Constantinople c 100000inhabitants (Russell 1985 303-306)113 Arbel 1984 196-98114 The presence in Cyprus of other Westerners (Normans Genoese)

as well as Armenians Georgians Jews Maronites and Muslims isrecorded in the sources although not specifically in Nicosia (Papacostas1999a vol 1 114-17 173-75 and 1999b 482-84)115 Papadopoulou 1983 314-15 Berggoumltz 1991 190 Papacostas1999b 495 A number of properties whose location is not specified inthe report (an agricultural estate and mills owned by Nicolaus Zirinushouses belonging to Marcus Matus and Martinus Pillizarius) may havealso been located in Nicosia116 Laurent 1864 172 181 Cobham 1908 14117 A public bath a hospice two churches a baptistery workshopsdozens of shops and houses some of them concentrated around asquare by the sea (Papadopoulou 1983 309-12 Berggoumltz 1991 184-88see also Papacostas 1999b)118 Papadopoulou 1983 315 Berggoumltz 1991 191 On the Michaelissee Papacostas 1999b 493-94 On the location of ldquoMisechilesirdquo recordedin 16th-century documents see Grivaud 1998 186 194 461 it alsoappears in the mid-14th century as ldquoMethokelepsirdquo in the accounts ofGautier IV count of Brienne who owned a property there (Poncelet1934 6 17)


presumably shortly before this date119 Loukkomatis(in the territory of modern Aglantzia) is mentionedby Neophytos the Recluse as the village near whichthe pilgrimage shrine of Saint Diomedes stood It wasthe priest of this church who had asked Neophytos tocompose an encomium telling him of the recentmiracles performed by the saint120 Trachonas and itschurch dedicated to Saint John the Almsgiver (the 7th-century Cypriot patriarch of Alexandria) arementioned in yet another manuscript (Fig 18) Thiswas copied by the deacon and prosmonarios of thevillage church shortly before January 1193 only a fewmonths after the revolt against Templar rule (April1192) and the establishment of Guy de Lusignan inNicosia121More settlements in the periphery of thecity are mentioned in sources of the early 13th

century122 The agricultural estate of ldquoPallorumrdquoappears among the properties of the Latin cathedral ina papal letter of 1206 and is almost certainly modernPallouriotissa to the east of Nicosia123 A place calledldquoCrionerourdquo is recorded in 1210 in a documentconcerning a land grant to the HospitallersAccording to later sources it was located nearLoukkomates124 Omorphita or ldquoMorfitesrdquo accordingto Medieval sources is mentioned in 1239 as a villagewhose revenues were granted to the Latin Church125

The network of rural settlements that formedNicosiarsquos immediate hinterland grew to the north eastand south-east of the town within the curve of themain branch of the Pediaios The river clearly formeda natural barrier which shaped the pattern ofsettlement around Nicosia

Economic FunctionThe town must have functioned as an outlet for theagricultural produce of the central and presumablythe eastern Mesaoria as well The economic role of

18 Subscription writtenby the deacon Thomasof Trachonas (1193)Berlin StaatsbibliothekMS 287 Fol 51 (f 272v)


99

119 Darrouzegraves 1956 44 Although the manuscript note mentions Yerimerely as a toponym it is very likely that the village of that name firstattested in the mid-15th century (Richard 1981 105) was already inexistence in the Byzantine period120 ldquoκώμη ΛευκομιάδοςΛευκομιάδουrdquo (Delehaye 1907 212-20Yiangou 1999 335-46 see also Grivaud 1998 181 462 and Michaelidesand Pilides p 96 n 165 99 above)121 Constantinides and Browning 1993 95 Trachonas is mentionedagain in 1232 as ldquoune place amp j leu qui a nom le Trahona ougrave il y avoitjardins drsquoune part amp une petite foserdquo (Melani 1994 182 Raynaud 1887100)122 The location of the agricultural estate of Timios Stavros bought in1233 by the Latin archbishop of Nicosia Eustorge de Montaigu isunknown (Coureas and Schabel 1997 154) it is very likely that it also laynear Nicosia123 Coureas and Schabel 1997 101 Note however that the monasterydedicated to the Virgin Pallouriotissa stood in the area of the Davila

Bastion further to the south-west124 Edbury 1978 175 Kryonero is recorded again in the 15th and 16th

century as a village (Richard 1962 146 Grivaud 1998 180 190 462)125 Coureas and Schabel 1997 155 For mentions in 14th15th centurysources see Poncelet 1934 6 Richard 1962 146 and 1981 113 119 Thename of the village (ldquoMorfitesLi omorfitirdquo) may suggest that its originalsettlers had come from Morphou as suggested in Menardos 1970 61perhaps during the period of Nicosiarsquos growth in middle Byzantinetimes The evidence for Morphoursquos occupation before the Lusignanperiod (when it is securely attested as a village Richard 1983 36) islimited to the Late Antique and early Medieval building phases of thechurch of St Mamas identified during a brief excavation in 1958(Dikigoropoulos 1961 185) when a 12th-century coin hoard was alsofound nearby (Metcalf 1991 238-39) and to the mention of thetoponym ldquoTheomorpho(u)rdquo in a Greek colophon of 97071(Chatzipsaltes 1993 245 249-51) and in a Georgian manuscript of 977(Garitte 1966 401 n 1)

18


HISTORIC NICOSIA

middle Byzantine Nicosia can be gauged from anumber of additional elements One such is theinformation concerning Venetian merchants in thesecond half of the 12th century Landlocked Nicosiawas clearly not as important to their mercantileactivities as Limassol with its harbour and hillyhinterland where Venetian families owned extensiveagricultural estates Their establishment in Nicosiajust like that of representatives of overseasecclesiastical institutions is probably related to thepresence of the provincial administration there

The distribution of stray finds and coin hoards of thesecond half of the 12th century found in and aroundNicosia betray according to Michael Metcalf a newemphasis on its region with increased governmentexpenditure more money circulating and con-sequently ldquoa period of development and prosperityrdquofor the town126 But the 12th century was also markedby a series of violent events which may have affectedthe islandrsquos capital A revolt during which thegovernor was assassinated erupted in 1123 In the1150s60s there were three successive raids by Renaudde Chacirctillon (115556) the Egyptian fleet (1158) andRaymond III of Antioch (1161) Then followed Isaacrsquosaccession to power in 1184 The Byzantine expeditionto recover the island for the Empire failed miserablywhen the Norman fleet hastened to Isaacrsquos aid Hisunpopular rule was terminated by Richardrsquos conquestwhich was followed by revolts against English andTemplar rule in 1191 and 1192127 Thus theconcealment of the hoards also shows the degree ofinsecurity in unfortified Nicosia during a period ofimportant upheavals

The presence of the provincial administration theislandrsquos magnates the ecclesiastical hierarchy andseveral monasteries in Nicosia automatically createda demand however limited for luxury items Thetownrsquos markets must have included workshopsinvolved with the production of metalware Despitethe lack of surviving objects specifically linked withNicosia this is suggested by the reference to Isaac

Komnenos putting up gold and silver ldquostatuesrdquo ofhimself in churches certainly produced locally128

Isaac was able to set up a mint in Nicosia after allindicating that the necessary know-how was avail-able in town129 More tangible evidence for locallymanufactured objects comes from the afore-mentioned excavation on the site of the proposed newTown Hall Finds including a mould an unfinishedcross and picrolite fragments appear to indicate theoperation in the course of the 12th century of aworkshop next to one of the excavated structures(church B) producing small carved objects130

More evidence for the production of luxury itemscomes from manuscripts Sometime between 1107and 1118 the priest John Tarsites copied a Job catenafor the doux of Cyprus Leon Nikerites (Figs 19 20)In July 1156 another priest Manuel BoukellarosHagiostephanites completed a volume of gospels forArchbishop John the Cretan (Fig 21) the same scribehad produced another gospel volume a few yearsearlier (1153) (Figs 22 23) In 1193 Thomas thedeacon of Saint John the Almsgiver of Trachonascopied a gospel lectionary for the priests and villagersof Sivouri in the eastern Mesaoria131 Although onlyin the last case is the place where the scribe workedcertain it is very likely that the other manuscriptswere also written in or near Nicosia That manuscriptswere indeed circulating in the town is shown by theexample of the volume bought by the hegumen ofKykkos in 113536 mentioned above in relation to themetropolitan see

ConclusionComing back to the questions posed at the beginningof this chapter their tentative answers may besummarised as follows The small Late Antiquesettlement on the banks of the Pediaios acquired someimportance in the course of the early Medievalperiod This was a result of a combination of factorsthe decline of the islandrsquos coastal cities after the 7th

century coupled with the general conditionsprevailing in the wider region after the appearance of

100

126 Metcalf 1991 250 see also Metcalf 2009 515-16127 Galatariotou 1991 51-52 and Grivaud 1998 270 with bibliographyOn the revolts see Richard 1997128 ldquoet quod majoris dementiae erat statuas ad imaginem etsimilitudinem suam de auro et argento fecit fabricari et in singulisecclesiis terrae suae eas adorari fecitrdquo (Stubbs 1867 vol 1 261-62 seealso Hill 1940-1952 vol 1 313 n 1) In view of the undisputed declineof sculpture in the round after the early Byzantine period these may

have been mere images of the new ruler put up in order to be acclaimed(as suggested by Rudt de Collenberg 1968 137 n 1)129 Hendy 1969 136-42130 Flourentzos 2004-2005 1684131 Constantinides and Browning 1993 68 81-85 95 See howeverthe doubts expressed over the Cypriot origin of some of thesemanuscripts in Gamillscheg 1997 241

19 and 20 Catena onJob written by thepriest John Tarsites (c 1107-1118)Biblioteca ApostolicaVaticana MS Gr1231 (f 214r ff 456vand 457r)

CHAPTER II- Papacostas fadiaNicosia Book 24x30 FINAL MASTER 24072012 2028 00

19

20


21

22


the Arabs on the Mediterranean scene prompted ashift in the islandrsquos economy which became muchmore inward-looking Only under such conditionscould inland settlements whose economy was basedmore on their role as markets for the agriculturalproduce of their immediate hinterland rather than onthe manufacture and export of commodities witnesssome growth Nicosiarsquos site enjoyed moreover theadvantage of good water resources and a relativelyprotected location It is the latter which may haveencouraged the movement of populations from lesssecure coastal sites By the 10th century the town was sufficiently developed to be selected by theByzantine administration as its base This decisionbolstered considerable growth especially during theComnenian era

What Richard found in May 1191 when he arrived inNicosia was an unfortified town seat of the secularadministration (and for the last couple of years of aself-proclaimed emperor) fully integrated within the

islandrsquos settlement pattern and road system with anagricultural hinterland dotted with rural settlementsand access to the harbour of Kyrenia via a mountainpass protected by an impregnable castle It was alsothe seat of the islandrsquos Church and boasted a cathedraldedicated to Saint Sophia in addition to numerousother churches monasteries and properties belongingto both overseas establishments and foreign merchantsthat testify to its development

It consequently fulfilled a key role within the islandrsquoseconomy that is strongly suggested by the numismaticevidence Guy de Lusignan and his successors hadclearly no other option but to make it their capital

Tassos Papacostas

21 Subscriptionwritten by ManuelBoukellarosHagiostephanites(1153) New York HPKraus Four Gospels (f341r)

22 Four Gospelswritten by ManuelBoukellarosHagiostephanites(1153) BibliotecaApostolica VaticanaMS Barberinianus Gr 449 (f 118v)

23 Headpiece of theGospel of Saint LukeFour Gospels writtenby Manuel BoukellarosHagiostephanites(1153) BibliotecaApostolica VaticanaMS Barberinianus Gr 449 (f 119r)


103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1

LIST OF METROPOLITANS OF CYPRUS8th-12th CENTURY(according to Papageorgiou 1995 withemendations)

Eeodore I 8th centuryJohn I 8th centuryDamianos 8th centurySophronios I 8th centuryEeodore II 8th centuryEomas 8th centuryConstantine II c 783-87Christopher 8th-9th centuryEeophanes 9th centuryAlexios 9th centuryEpiphanios III c 870Eustathios c 890Basil late 10th-early 11th centuryNicholas Mouzalon c 1110John II the Cretan c 1152-1174Barnabas II c 1175Sophronios II c 1191

APPENDIX 2

LIST OF GOVERNORS OF CYPRUS 965-1191(based on Cheynet 1995 with emendations)

Eeodotos Diogenes (strategos) late 10th-early 11th centuryEeophilos Erotikos (strategos) c 104243Constantine (katepano) 11th-12th centuryMichael (katepano) mid-11th centuryNikephoros Melissenos

(katepano) mid-11th century[Nikephoros Botaneiates c 1060]Michael (katepano) c 1060-80Leon Pleures (doux) c 1075-80Elpidios Brachamios (doux) c 1080-85[Manuel Boutoumites (doux) late 11th century][George (doux) late 11th century]Constantine Katakalon

Euphorbenos (doux) c 1085-90[Rhapsomates c 1090-95]Eumathios Philokales (doux) c 1095-11023Constantine Katakalon

Euphorbenos (doux) c 1103Leon Nikerites (doux) early 12th centuryKamytzes (doux) before 1110Eumathios Philokales (doux) c 1111-12Constantine (doux) c 113536John Komnenos (doux) c 1155Alexios Doukas Bryennios

(doux) c 1160Alexios Kassianos (doux) between 1152-74Andronikos Synadenos (doux) before 1172Kyriakos (doux) c 1176(Isaac Komnenos 1184-91)

104

Both this and the following list are tentative the dates andchronological sequence of incumbents are both uncertainespecially in the numerous cases where the evidence is restricted tothe sigillographic record Particularly problematic or dubiouscases appear in square brackets []

APPENDICES

The same uncertainties exist here as for the metropolitans ofmiddle Byzantine Cyprus


1 Topographical map of Byzantine Nicosia (A Agapiou basedon Google image)2 Late Antique mansion known as ldquolrsquohuilerierdquo SalamisConstantia plans of the complex in the 5th century and in theMedieval period (Argoud et al 1980 pl 46 and pl 49)3 Church of the Panagia Trikomo east wall with the 7th-century inscription from the Salamis aqueduct (T Papacostas)4 Kyrenia castle plan of the southern sector with pentagonaltowers (Megaw 1985 215 fig 14)5 Map of the region of Nicosia (T Papacostas)6 Kyrenia pass by Maurice Feuillet 1903 (Severis 2000 189)7 Saint Hilarion castle looking east (T Papacostas)8 Pentadaktylos from Buffavento castle looking west towardsSaint Hilarion the Kyrenia coast is to the right Nicosia on theleft (T Papacostas)9 Fresco of Saint Triphyllios church of Panagia of ArakasLagoudera 1192 (Department of Antiquities)10 Church of Saint Barnabas SalamisConstantia view fromthe west (T Papacostas)11 Plan of the cathedral complex showing Saint Sophia and theBedestenHodegetria (marked Saint Nikolaos) (Department ofLands and Surveys)12 BedestenHodegetria plan of the church showing buildingphases (Plagnieux and Soulard 2006 fig 2)13 BedestenHodegetria view of the main apse with the porchof Saint Sophia in the background (T Papacostas)14 Saint Sophia view from the north-east (T Papacostas)15 Map of Cyprus by Leonida Attar 1542 (Civico MuseoCorrer Venice) detail showing the region of Nicosia (CavazzanaRomanelli and Grivaud 2006 fig 28)16 Church of the Chrysaliniotissa (D Michaelides)17 Church of the Chrysaliniotissa main apse (T Papacostas)18 Subscription written by the deacon Thomas of Trachonas(1193) Berlin Staatsbibliothek MS 287 Fol 51 (f 272v)(Constantinides and Browning 1993 pl 178) 19 Catena on Job written by the priest John Tarsites (c 1107-1118) Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS Gr 1231 (f 214r)(Constantinides and Browning 1993 pl 9)20 Subscription written by the priest John Tarsites (c 1107-1118) Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS Gr 1231 (ff 456v and457r) (Constantinides and Browning 1993 pl 174)21 Subscription written by Manuel BoukellarosHagiostephanites (1156) New York HP Kraus Four Gospels (f341r) (Constantinides and Browning 1993 pl 176b)22 Four Gospels written by Manuel Boukellaros Hagio-stephanites (1153) Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MSBarberinianus Gr 449 (f 118v) (Constantinides and Browning1993 pl 12)23 Headpiece of the Gospel of Saint Luke Four Gospels writtenby Manuel Boukellaros Hagiostephanites (1153) BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana MS Barberinianus Gr 449 (f 119r)(Constantinides and Browning 1993 pl 163)


105

ILLUSTRATIONSamp CREDITS


HISTORIC NICOSIA

Acta Clementis VI A L Tautu Acta Clementis VI (1342-1352)Vatican 1960

Amari 188081 M Amari Biblioteca Arabo-Sicula Turin-Rome188081

Arbel 1984 B Arbel ldquoCypriot population under Venetian rule(1473-1571) A demographic studyrdquo Μελέται καιΥπομνήματa 1 1984 183-215

Argoud Callot and Helly 1980 G Argoud O Callot and BHelly Une reacutesidence byzantine ldquolrsquoHuilerierdquo (Salamine deChypre XI) Paris 1980

Asdracha 2005 Αικ Ασδραχά ldquoΤο θέμα Κύπρουrdquo in ΘΠαπαδόπουλος (επιμ) Ιστορία της Κύπρου vol 3 Nicosia2005 199-233

BCH Bulletin de Correspondance HelleacuteniqueBerggoumltz 1991 O Berggoumltz Der Bericht des Marsilio Zorzi

Codex Querini-Stampalia IV 3 (1064) Frankfurt-am-Main1991

Book of Curiosities E Savage-Smith and Y Rapoport (eds) lteBook of Curiosities A critical edition Internet publicationMarch 2007 (wwwbodleyoxacukbookofcuriosities)

Boor 1883-1885 C De Boor lteophanis chronographia 2 volsLeipzig 1883-1885

Bryer 1970 A Bryer ldquoA seal of Epiphanios archbishop ofCyprusrdquo Κυπριακαί Σπουδαί 34 1970 19-24

Cavazzana Romanelli and Grivaud 2006 F CavazzanaRomanelli and G Grivaud Cyprus 1542 lte Great Map ofthe island by Leonida Attar Nicosia 2006

Chatzipsaltes 1988 Κ Χατζηψάλτης ldquoΣημειώσεις αναφερόμεναιεις τήν ιστορίαν τής βυζαντινής Κύπρουrdquo in J Chryso-stomides (ed) Καθηγήτρια Essays presented to Joan HusseyCamberley 1988 345-51

Chatzipsaltes 1993 Κ Χατζηψάλτης ldquoΒυζαντινά και κυπριακάτου 10ου μΧ αιώνος μοναστηριακάrdquo Επετηρίδα ΚέντρουΜελετών Ιεράς Μονής Κύκκου 2 1993 245-56

Cheynet 1990 J-C Cheynet Pouvoir et contestations agrave Byzance(963-1210) (Byzantina Sorbonensia 9) Paris 1990

Cheynet 1995 J-C Cheynet ldquoChypre agrave la veille de la conquecirctefranquerdquo in Actes du colloque lsquoLes Lusignans et lrsquoOutre-merrsquoPoitiers-Lusignan 20-24 Octobre 1993 Poitiers 1995 67-77

Christides 2006 V Christides lte image of Cyprus in the Arabicsources Nicosia 2006

Christodoulou and Konstantinidis 1987 MN Christodoulouand K Konstantinidis A complete gazetteer of Cyprus 2vols Nicosia 1987

Cobham 1908 CD Cobham Excerpta Cypria Cambridge 1908Constantinides and Browning 1993 CN Constantinides and R

Browning Dated Greek manuscripts from Cyprus to the year1570 Nicosia 1993

Coureas 1994 Ν Κουρέας ldquoΗ μονή Αγίου Γεωργίου τωνΜαγγάνων επί Φραγκοκρατίαςrdquo Επιστημονική ΕπετηρίςΚυπριακής Εταιρίας Ιστορικών Σπουδών 2 1994 275-86

Coureas 1997 N Coureas lte Latin Church in Cyprus 1195-1312 Aldershot 1997

Coureas and Schabel 1997 N Coureas and C Schabel lteCartulary of the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom of NicosiaNicosia 1997

Cusa 1868-1882 S Cusa I diplomi greci ed arabi di SiciliaPalermo 1868-1882

Darrouzegraves 1951 J Darrouzegraves ldquoUn obituaire chypriote le Parisinus Graeligcus 1588rdquo Κυπριακαί Σπουδαί 15 1951 25-62

Darrouzegraves 1956 J Darrouzegraves ldquoNotes pour servir agrave lrsquohistoire deChypre 2rdquo Κυπριακαί Σπουδαί 20 1956 31-63


Darrouzegraves 1979 J Darrouzegraves ldquoTextes synodaux chypriotesrdquoRevue des Eacutetudes Byzantines 37 1979 5-122

Darrouzegraves 1981 J Darrouzegraves Notitiae episcopatuum EcclesiaeConstantinopolitanae Paris 1981

Dawkins 1932 RM Dawkins Leontios Makhairas Recitalconcerning the Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled lsquoChroniclersquo 2vols Oxford 1932

Delehaye 1907 H Delehaye ldquoSaints de Chyprerdquo AnalectaBollandiana 26 1907 161-301

Dikigoropoulos 1961 AI Dikigoropoulos Cyprus ldquoBetwixtGreeks and Saracensrdquo AD 647-965 thesis submitted for thedegree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Oxford1961

Dikigoropoulos 196566 AI Dikigoropoulos ldquoEe Church ofCyprus during the period of the Arab wars AD 649-965rdquoGreek Orthodox lteological Review 112 196566 237-79

Edbury 1978 P Edbury ldquoEe lsquoCartulaire de Manosquersquo a grantto the Templars in Latin Syria and a charter of King Hugh Iof Cyprusrdquo Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 511978 174-81

Edbury 1991 P Edbury lte kingdom of Cyprus and theCrusades 1191-1374 Cambridge 1991

Edbury 1999 P Edbury ldquoEe Lusignan regime in Cyprus andthe indigenous populationrdquo in idem Kingdoms of theCrusaders From Jerusalem to Cyprus Aldershot 1999 articleno XX

Englezakis 1996 Β Εγγλεζάκης Είκοσι μελέται διά τηνΕκκλησίαν Κύπρου (4ος έως 20ός αιών) Athens 1996

Falkenhausen 1967 V von Falkenhausen Untersuchungen uumlberdie byzantinische HerrschaB in Suumlditalien vom 9 bis ins 11Jahrhundert Wiesbaden 1967

Flourentzos 2004-2005 P Flourentzos ldquoChronique des fouilleset deacutecouvertes archeacuteologiques agrave Chypre en 2003 et 2004rdquoBCH 128-129 2004-2005

Flourentzos 2006a P Flourentzos ldquoExcavations at PalaionDemarcheion LeVosiardquo Annual Report of the Director ofAntiquities for 2004 Nicosia 2006 84-86

Flourentzos 2006b P Flourentzos ldquoExcavations at theCistercian monastery of Agios Eeodoros LeVosiardquoAnnual Report of the Director of Antiquities for 2004 Nicosia2006 86-90


Flourentzos 2007b P Flourentzos ldquoExcavations at PalaionDemarcheion LeVosiardquo Annual Report of the Director ofAntiquities for 2005 Nicosia 2007 73-74

Foss 1996 C Foss ldquoEe cities of Pamphylia in the Byzantineagerdquo in idem Cities fortresses and villages of Byzantine AsiaMinor Aldershot 1996 article no IV

Foss and WinWeld 1986 C Foss and D WinWeld ByzantinefortiCcations An introduction Pretoria 1986

Frankopan 2004 P Frankopan ldquoChallenges to imperialauthority in Byzantium revolts on Crete and Cyprus at theend of the 11th crdquo Byzantion 74 2004 382-402

Galatariotou 1991 C Galatariotou lte making of a saint ltelife times and sanctiCcation of Neophytos the RecluseCambridge 1991

Gamillscheg 1997 E Gamillscheg ldquoZypern oder nichtZypernrdquo Jahrbuch der Oumlsterreichischen Byzantinistik 471997 239-43

106

BIBLIOGRAPHY


Garitte 1966 G Garitte ldquoHistoires eacutediWantes geacuteorgiennesrdquoByzantion 36 1966 396-423

Garzaniti 1991 M Garzaniti Daniil egumeno Itinerario in TerraSanta Rome 1991

Gautier Dalcheacute 1995 P Gautier Dalcheacute Carte marine etportulan au XIIe siegravecle Le lsquoLiber de existencia riveriarum etforma maris nostri Mediterraneirsquo Rome 1995

Gouillard 1967 J Gouillard ldquoLe synodikon de lrsquoOrthodoxieeacutedition et commentairerdquo Travaux et Meacutemoires 2 1967 1-316

Greacutegoire 1907 H Greacutegoire ldquoSaint Deacutemeacutetrianos eacutevecircque deChytri (icircle de Chypre)rdquo Byzantinische ZeitschriB 16 1907204-40

Grivaud 1992 G Grivaud ldquoNicosie remodeleacutee (1567)Contribution agrave la topographie de la ville meacutedieacutevalerdquoΕπετηρίδα Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 19 1992 281-306

Grivaud 1998 G Grivaud Villages deacuteserteacutes agrave Chypre (Cn XIIe-Cn XIXe siegravecle) Nicosia 1998

Grivaud and Patapiou 1996 G Grivaud and N Patapiou PietroValderio La Guerra di Cipro Nicosia 1996

Guillou 1974 A Guillou Le breacutebion de la meacutetropole byzantinede Regravegion (vers 1050) (Corpus des actes grecs drsquoItalie du sudet de Sicile 4) Vatican 1974

Guillou 1998 A Guillou ldquoLa geacuteographie historique de lrsquoicircle deChypre pendant la peacuteriode byzantinerdquo Mateacuteriaux pour unehistoire de Chypre (IVe-XXe s) Eacutetudes Balkaniques 5 19989-32

Gunnis 1936 R Gunnis Historic Cyprus A Guide to its townsand villages monasteries and castles London 1936 (withseveral reprints)

Hackett and Papaioannou 1923-1932 J Hackett and CPapaioannou Ιστορία της Ορθοδόξου Εκκλησίας τηςΚύπρου 3 vols Athens 1923-1932

Halkin 1945 F Halkin ldquoLa vision de Kaioumos et le sort eacuteternelde Philentolos Olympiourdquo Analecta Bollandiana 63 194556-64

Halkin 1948 F Halkin ldquoDistiques et notices propres ausynaxaire de ChiXetrdquo Analecta Bollandiana 66 1948 5-32

Hendy 1969 MF Hendy Coinage and money in the ByzantineEmpire 1081-1261 (Dumbarton Oaks Studies 12)Washington DC 1969

Hiestand 1985 R Hiestand Papsturkunden fuumlr Kirchen imHeilige Lande (Abhandlungen der Akademie derWissenschaYen in Goumlttingen Philologisch-HistorischeKlasse dritte Folge nr 136) Goumlttingen 1985

Hill 193839 G Hill ldquoTwo toponymic puzzlesrdquo Journal of theWarburg Institute 2 193839 375-81

Hill 1940-1952 G Hill A History of Cyprus 4 vols Cambridge1940-1952

Honigmann 1939 E Honigmann Le Synekdegravemos drsquoHieacuteroklegraves etlrsquoopuscule de Georges de Chypre Brussels 1939

Horoy 1879-1980 CA Horoy Medii aevi bibliotheca patristicaHonorii Romani pontiCcis opera omnia quae existantParis 1879-1980

Idrisi al-Idrīsī Opus geographicum sive lsquoLiber ad eorumdelectationem qui terras peragrare studeantrsquo ed E Cerulli etal 9 vols Naples ndash Rome 1970-1984

Jacoby 2007 D Jacoby ldquoByzantium the Italian maritimepowers and the Black Sea before 1204rdquo ByzantinischeZeitschriB 100 2007 677-99

JeZery 1918 G JeZery A description of the historic monumentsof Cyprus Nicosia 1918 (repr London 1983)

Khitrowo 1889 B de Khitrowo Itineacuteraires russes en Orienttraduits pour la Socieacuteteacute de lrsquoOrient Latin Geneva 1889

Kirmitses 1940 ἸΠ Κιρμίτσης ldquo Ὶστορικαὶ εἰδήσεις περὶκαθέδρας καὶ καθεδρικοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ ὀρθοδόξουἀρχιεπισκόπου Κύπρουrdquo Κυπριακαὶ Σπουδαὶ 4 1940 87-112

Kirmitses 1983 ἸΠ Κιρμίτσης ldquo Ὴ ὀρθόδοξος ἐκκλησία τῆςΚύπρου ἐπὶ φραγκοκρατίαςrdquo Κυπριακαὶ Σπουδαὶ 47 19831-108

Kyprianos 1788 Ἀρχιμαδρίτης Κυπριανός Ἱστορία χρονολογικὴτῆς νήσου Κύπρου Venice 1788 (repr Nicosia 1971)

Kyrris 1967 ΚΠ Κύρρης Ἱστορία τῆς μέσης ἐκπαιδεύσεωςἈμμοχώστου 1191-1955 Nicosia 1967

Kyrris 1984 ΚΠ Κύρρης ldquoΧαρακτηριστικά της κυπριακήςιστορίας κατά την πρώιμη βυζαντινή περίοδοrdquo in ΚΚωνσταντινίδης (επιμ) Πρακτικά συμποσίου κυπριακήςιστορίας Λευκωσία 2-3 Μαΐου 1983 Ioannina 1984 17-40

Lameere 1937 W Lameere La tradition manuscrite de la correspondance de Greacutegoire de Chypre Brussels - Rome1937

Laurence 1983 AW Laurence ldquoA skeletal history of ByzantinefortiWcationrdquo Annual of the British School at Athens 781983 171-227

Laurent 1864 JCM Laurent Peregrinatores medii aevi quatorBurchardus de Monte Sion Ricoldus de Monte CrucisOdoricus de Foro Julii Wilbrandus de Oldenborg Leipzig1864 (second ed Leipzig 1873)

Laurent 1951 V Laurent ldquoLes monnaies triceacutephales de JeanComnegravene Notes de numismatique byzantine et drsquo histoirechyprioterdquo Revue Numismatique 5 1951 97-107

Leib 1967 B Leib Anne Comnegravene Alexiade 3 vols Paris 1967Leventis 2005 P Leventis Twelve times in Nicosia Nicosia

Cyprus 1192-1570 Topography architecture and urbanexperience in a diversiCed capital city Nicosia 2005

Lusignan 1573 E de Lusignan ChorograPa e breve historiauniversale dellrsquo isola de Cipro Bologna 1573

Lusignan 1580 E de Lusignan Description de toute lrsquoisle deCypre Paris 1580

Malamut 1988 E Malamut Les icircles de lrsquoempire byzantin VIIIe-XIIe siegravecles 2 vols Paris 1988

Mango 1976 C Mango ldquoChypre carrefour du mondebyzantinrdquo XVe Congregraves international drsquoeacutetudes byzantinesRapports et co-rapports V 5 Athens 1976 3-13 (repr inidem Byzantium and its image London 1984)

Mango 1991 C Mango ldquoGermia A postscriptrdquo Jahrbuch derOumlsterreichischen Byzantinistik 41 1991 297-300

Mango and Hawkins 1964 C Mango and E Hawkins ldquoFieldwork in Istanbul and Cyprus 1962-63rdquo Dumbarton OaksPapers 18 1964 333-40

Mansi 1901-1927 GD Mansi Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova etAmplissima Collectio 53 vols Paris - Leipzig 1901-1927

MaratheYis 1977 FS MaratheYis Location and development ofthe town of Leucosia (Nicosia) Cyprus (thesis submitted in1958 to the University of Bristol) Nicosia 1977

Martin 1984 JM Martin ldquoModaliteacutes de lrsquolaquoincastellamentoraquo ettypologie castrale en Italie meacuteridionale (Xe-XIIe siegravecles)rdquo inR Comba and AA Settia (eds) Castelli Storia earcheologia Relazioni e comunicazioni al Convegno tenuto aCuneo il 6-8 dicembre 1981 Turin 1984 89-104


107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA

Martin-Hisard 1991 B Martin-Hisard ldquoLa Vie de Jean etEuthyme et le statut du monastegravere des Ibegraveres sur lrsquoAthosrdquoRevue des Eacutetudes Byzantines 49 1991 67-142

Mas Latrie 1847 L de Mas Latrie ldquoNicosie ses souvenirshistoriques et sa situation preacutesente (extrait drsquoun voyage enChypre 1845-1846)rdquo Le Correspondant 18 25 Juin 1847852-83

Mas Latrie 1871 L de Mas Latrie Chronique drsquoErnoul et deBernard le Treacutesorier Paris 1871

Mas Latrie 1886 R de Mas Latrie Chronique de lrsquoicircle de Chyprepar Florio Bustron Paris 1886 (repr Nicosia 1998)

Megaw 1974 AHS Megaw ldquoByzantine architecture anddecoration in Cyprus metropolitan or provincialrdquoDumbarton Oaks Papers 28 1974 57-88

Megaw 1985 AHS Megaw ldquoLe fortiWcazioni bizantine aCiprordquo Corso di cultura sullrsquoarte ravennate e bizantina 321985 199-231

Megaw 1986 AHS Megaw ldquoBetwixt Greeks and Saracensrdquo inV Karageorghis (ed) Acts of the internationalarchaeological symposium lsquoCyprus between the Orient andthe Occidentrsquo Nicosia 8-14 September 1985 Nicosia 1986505-19

Megaw 1988 AHS Megaw ldquoRegections on Byzantine Paphosrdquoin J Chrysostomides (ed) Καθηγήτρια Essays presented toJoan Hussey Camberley 1988 135-50

Meineke 1836 A Meineke Ioannis Cinnami Epitome Bonn1836

Melani 1994 S Melani Filippo da Novara Guerra de Federico IIin Oriente (1223-1242) Naples 1994

Metcalf 1991 M Metcalf ldquoEe Morphou hoard of 1958 andgovernmental spending in Cyprus under John II andManuel I Comnenusrdquo RDAC 1991 237-54

Metcalf 2004 M Metcalf Byzantine lead seals from Cyprus(Texts and Studies of the History of Cyprus 47) Nicosia2004

Metcalf 2009 M Metcalf Byzantine Cyprus 491-1191 (Textsand Studies of the History of Cyprus 62) Nicosia 2009

Mitford 1980a ΤΒ Mitford ldquoRoman Cyprusrdquo in H Temporiniand W Haase (eds) Aufstieg und Niedergang der RoumlmischenWelt II vol 7 Berlin - New York 1980 1285-1384

Mitford 1980b TB Mitford lte Nymphaeum of KaCzin lteinscribed pottery Berlin - New York 1980

Morgan 1982 MR Morgan La Continuation de Guillaume deTyr (1184-1197) Paris 1982

Mouriki 1993 D Mouriki ldquoEe cult of Cypriot saints inmedieval Cyprus as attested by church decoration and iconpaintingrdquo in AAM Bryer and GS Georghallides (eds)lsquolte sweet land of Cyprusrsquo Papers given at the twenty-CBhjubilee spring symposium of Byzantine studies BirminghamMarch 1991 Nicosia 1993 237-77

Nicholson 1997 H Nicholson Chronicle of the ltird Crusade Atranslation of the Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regisRicardi Aldershot 1997

Oberhummer 1903 E Oberhummer Die Insel Cypern eineLandeskunde auf historischer Grundlage Munich 1903

Oberhummer 1925 E Oberhummer ldquoLeukusiardquo in PaulysReal-Encyclopaumldie vol 12 1925 cols 2308-11

Oikonomakes 1984 Ν Ἐμμ Οἰκονομάκης ldquoΗ Κύπρος και οιΆραβες (622-965 μΧ)rdquo Μελέται και Υπομνήματα 1 1984218-374

Palmer 1993 A Palmer lte seventh century in the West-Syrianchronicles Liverpool 1993

Papacostas 1999a T Papacostas Byzantine Cyprus thetestimony of its churches 650-1200 thesis submitted for thedegree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Oxford1999

Papacostas 1999b T Papacostas ldquoSecular landholdings andVenetians in 12th century Cyprusrdquo Byzantinische ZeitschriB92 1999 479-501

Papacostas 2002 T Papacostas ldquoA tenth century inscriptionfrom Syngrasis Cyprusrdquo Byzantine and Modern GreekStudies 26 2002 42-64

Papacostas 2005 T Papacostas ldquoIn search of a lost Byzantinemonument Saint Sophia of Nicosiardquo Επετηρίδα ΚέντρουΕπιστημονικών Ερευνών 31 2005 11-37

Papacostas 2007 T Papacostas ldquoEe history and architecture ofthe monastery of Saint John Chrysostomos at KoutsovendisCyprusrdquo Dumbarton Oaks Papers 61 2007 25-156

Papadopoullos 1975 ΘΠαπαδόπουλος ldquoΜαρτύριον ΚυπρίωνrdquoΤόμος αναμνηστικὸς ἐπὶ τῆ 50ετηρίδι τοῦ περιοδικοῦldquoἈπόστολος Βαρνάβαςrdquo (1918-1968) Nicosia 1975 307-37

Papadopoullos 1995 Θ Παπαδόπουλος ldquoἩ Ἐκκλησία Κύπρουκατὰ τὴν περίοδο τῆς Φραγκοκρατίαςrdquo in T Papadopoullos(ed) Ἱστορία τῆς Κύπρου vol 4 Nicosia 1995 543-665

Papadopoulou 1983 Θ Παπαδόπουλος ldquoΟἱ πρῶτες ἐγκα-ταστάσεις Βενετῶν στην Κύπροrdquo Σύμμεικτα 5 1983 303-32

Papageorgiou 1995 Α Παπαγεωργίου Η αυτοκέφαλοςεκκλησία της Κύπρου Κατάλογος της έκθεσης Nicosia 1995

Papageorgiou 2008 Α Παπαγεωργίου ldquoΗ βασιλική του ΑγίουΕπιφανίου στη Σαλαμίναrdquo Επετηρίδα του Κέντρου Μελέτώντης Ιεράς Μονής Κύκκου 8 2008 35-58

Paris 1897 G Paris Ambroise LrsquoEstoire de la Guerre SainteParis 1897

Parthey 1967 G Parthey Hierocles Synecdemus et NotitiaeGraecae Episcopatuum Amsterdam 1967

Paulys Real-Encyclopaumldie der classischen AltertumswissenschaBNeue Bearbeitung edited by G Wissowa Stuttgart

Pertusi 1952 A Pertusi De thematibus Vatican 1952Pilides 2000 D Pilides ldquoNicosieldquo in S Hadjisavvas ldquoChronique

des fouilles et deacutecouvertes archeacuteologiques agrave Chypre en1999rdquo BCH 124 2000 685-88

Pilides et al 2003 D Pilides (with an Appendix by A Berlin andJ Pilacinski) ldquoExcavations at the Hill of Agios Georgios(PASYDY) Nicosia 2002 Season ndash Preliminary ReportrdquoRDAC 2003 181-237

Plagnieux and Soulard 2006 P Plagnieux and T Soulard ldquoLeBeacutedestan (catheacutedrale grecque de Nicosie)rdquo in JB de Vaivreand P Plagnieux (eds) Lrsquoart gothique en Chypre Meacutemoirsde lAcadeacutemie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres XXXIV Paris2006 181-89

Poncelet 1934 E Poncelet ldquoCompte du domaine de Gautier deBrienne au royaume de Chyprerdquo Bulletin de la CommissionRoyale drsquoHistoire 98 1934 1-28 (Compte rendu des seacuteancesde la Commission Royale drsquoHistoire seacuterie 5 Acadeacutemie deBelgique)

Raynaud 1887 G Raynaud Les Gestes des Chiprois Recueil de chroniques franccedilaises eacutecrites en Orient aux XIIIe et XIVesiegravecles (Philippe de Navarre et Geacuterard de Monreacuteal) Geneva1887

RDAC Report of the Department of Antiquities CyprusRecueils des Historiens des Croisades Acadeacutemie des Inscriptions

et Belles Lettres ParisReinsch and Kambylis 2001 DR Reinsch and A Kambylis

Annae Comnenae Alexias (Corpus Fontium HistoriaeByzantinae XL1) Berlin - New York 2001

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Richard 1962 J Richard Chypre sous les Lusignans Documentschypriotes des archives du Vatican (XIVe et XVe siegravecles)Paris 1962

Richard 1981 J Richard ldquoUne famille de lsquoVeacutenitiens Blancsrsquodans le royaume de Chypre au milieu du XVegraveme siegravecle lesAudeth et la seigneurie du Marethasserdquo Rivista di studibizantini e slavi 1 (Miscellanea Agostino Pertusi I) Bologna1981 89-129 (repr in idem Croiseacutes missionnaires etvoyageurs Les perspectives orientales du monde latinmeacutedieacuteval London 1983)

Richard 1983 J Richard Le livre des Remembrances de la secregravetedu royaume de Chypre (1468-1469) Nicosia 1983

Richard 1986 J Richard ldquoUn monastegravere grec de Palestine et son domaine chypriote le monachisme orthodoxe etlrsquoeacutetablissement de la domination franquerdquo in TPapadopoullos and B Englezakis (eds) Πρακτικὰ ΔευτέρουΚυπρολογικοῦ Συνεδρίου Λευκωσία 20-25 Ἀπριλίου 1982Τόμος Β΄ Μεσαιωνικὸν Τμῆμα Nicosia 1986 61-75

Richard 1997 J Richard ldquoLes reacutevoltes chypriotes de 1191-1192et les infeacuteodations de Guy de Lusignanrdquo in BZ Kedar JRiley-Smith and R Hiestand (eds) Montjoie Studies inCrusade history in honour of Hans Eberhard MayerAldershot 1997 123-28

Rudt de Collenberg 1968 WH Rudt de CollenbergldquoLrsquoempereur Isaac de Chypre et sa Wlle (1155-1207)rdquoByzantion 38 1968 123-79

Russell 1985 JC Russell ldquoEe population of the Crusaderstatesrdquo in KM Setton (general ed) A history of theCrusades vol 5 ed by NB Zacour and HW HazardMadison Wisconsin 1985 295-314

Rydeacuten 1993 L Rydeacuten ldquoCyprus at the time of the condominiumas regected in the lives of Sts Demetrianos and Constantinethe Jewrdquo in AAM Bryer amp GS Georghallides (eds) lsquoltesweet land of Cyprusrsquo Papers given at the twenty-CBh jubileespring symposium of Byzantine studies Birmingham March1991 Nicosia 1993 189-202

Sanders 1983 W Sanders ldquoQalrsquoat Seman a frontier fort of thetenth and eleventh centuriesrdquo in S Mitchell (ed) Armiesand frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia Oxford1983 291-303

Schabel 2001 C Schabel lte Synodicum Nicosiense and otherdocuments of the Latin Church of Cyprus 1196-1373 Nicosia2001

Schabel 20022003 C Schabel ldquoEtienne de LusignanrsquosChorograPa and the ecclesiastical history of FrankishCyprus notes on a recent reprint and English translationrdquoModern Greek Studies Yearbook 1819 20022003 339-53

Schabel 2006 C Schabel ldquoEe myth of Queen Alice and thesubjugation of the Greek clergy on Cyprusrdquo in S Fourrierand G Grivaud (eds) Identiteacutes croiseacutees en un milieumeacutediterraneacuteen le cas de Chypre (Antiquiteacute ndash Moyen Acircge)Mont-Saint-Aignan 2006 257-77

Severis 2000 R Severis Travelling artists in Cyprus 1700-1960London 2000

Sodini 1998 J-P Sodini ldquoLes inscriptions de lrsquoaqueduc deKythrea agrave Salamine de Chyprerdquo in Ευψυχία Meacutelanges o]ertsagrave Heacutelegravene Ahrweiler (Byzantina Sorbonensia 16) Paris 1998619-34

Stewart 1894 A Stewart Anonymous pilgrims (PalestinePilgrimsrsquo Text Society 24) London 1894

Stubbs 1864 W Stubbs Chronicles and memorials of the reign ofRichard I vol 1 Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regisRicardi London 1864

Stubbs 1867 W Stubbs lte chronicle of the reigns of Henry IIand Richard I AD 1169-1192 known commonly under thename of Benedict of Peterborough 2 vols London 1867

Stubbs 1868-1871 W Stubbs Chronica Magistri Rogeri deHouedene 4 vols London 1868-1871

Tchalenko 1953-1958 G Tchalenko Villages antiques de laSyrie du nord 3 vols Paris 1953-1958

lte Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 3 vols ed by A Kazhdanet al New York ndash Oxford 1991

Triantaphyllopoulos and Christodoulou 2007 DTriantaphyllopoulos and G Christodoulou ldquoEarly Christianand early Byzantine Leucosia Ledra Ledroi Nicosia Anessay on historical topography and hagio-topographyrdquo in KBelke E Kislinger A Kuumllzer and M Stassinopoulou (eds)Byzantina Mediterranea FestschriB fuumlr Johannes Koder zum65 Geburtstag Vienna ndash Cologne ndash Weimar 2007 671-91

Tsiknopoullos 1969 ἸΠ Τσικνόπουλος Κυπριακὰ ΤυπικάNicosia 1969

Tsougarakis 1988 D Tsougarakis Byzantine Crete from the 5th

century to the Venetian conquest Athens 1988Tsougarakis 1993 D Tsougarakis lte Life of Leontios patriarch

of Jerusalem Text translation commentary Leiden - NewYork - Cologne 1993

Van den Ven 1953 P Van den Ven La leacutegende de SaintSpyridon eacutevecircque de Trimithonte (Bibliothegraveque du Museacuteon33) Louvain 1953

Violaris 2004 Y Violaris ldquoExcavations at the site of PalaionDemarcheion LeVosiardquo Cahier du Centre drsquoEtudesChypriotes 34 2004 69-80

Wilkinson 1977 J Wilkinson Jerusalem pilgrims before theCrusades Warminster 1977

Wilkinson 1988 J Wilkinson Jerusalem pilgrimage 1099-1185London 1988

Yiangou 1999 Θ Γιάγκου ldquoΕγκώμιο στον όσιο Διομήδηrdquo inΑγίου Νεοφύτου του Εγκλείστου Συγγράμματα 5 volsPaphos 1996-2005 vol 3 335-46


109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


1

St Sophia

Bedesten

Church AChurch B

Chrysaliniotissa

St George of Mangana









CHAPTER II



79






HISTORIC NICOSIA






80






2











81



3


HISTORIC NICOSIA






82


century period


4

5



83










6


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY









CHAPTER II



79






HISTORIC NICOSIA






80






2











81



3


HISTORIC NICOSIA






82


century period


4

5



83










6


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA






80






2











81



3


HISTORIC NICOSIA






82


century period


4

5



83










6


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY











81



3


HISTORIC NICOSIA






82


century period


4

5



83










6


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA






82


century period


4

5



83










6


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY



83










6


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA








84




7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


7


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


8














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY














87




HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA








88






89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY



89








9



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY



HISTORIC NICOSIA






90



10







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY







91







HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA

92




11

12

13



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY



93









14


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA





94










95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY








95



15


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA

96












97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY



97









16

17


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA

98















99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY








99




18


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA









100





19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


19

20


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


21

22






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY






Tassos Papacostas





103

23


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA

APPENDIX 1



APPENDIX 2







104


APPENDICES





105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY




105



HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA
















































106

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY















































107

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


HISTORIC NICOSIA













































108

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY

































109

BIBLIOGRAPHY


Byzantine Nicosia

Documents

Transcript of Byzantine Nicosia