Brother Jonathan’s Images, No. 9 No. 9. St. George’s Virginia Rifleman Artist: Richard St George Mansergh St George, 52d Regiment of Foot, 1777 Year: 1777 Collection: Harlan Crow Library, Dallas, Texas (purchased from the estate of Arthur E. Bye, Bucks County, Pennsylvania)

“A Virginian Rifleman,” 1777

With thanks to Sam Fore, librarian at the Harlan Crow Library, and Gregory J.W. Urwin for his biography of Richard St. George in Redcoat Images, No. 83 (Revisited).

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Contents

1. Background

2. Virginia Rifleman, 1777 3. “Chosen Men Selected from the Army at large …”: Rifle-Armed Companies, Battalions, and Regiments, 1775-1779.

Appendices A. “A Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts …”: Proper Terminology: Hunting shirt, Rifle Shirt, Rifle Frock … B. Letter by Jesse Lukens, describing Pennsylvania riflemen and service at the siege of Boston, 1775. C. Capt. William Dansey, 33d Regiment, describes two encounters with rifle troops. D. Morgan’s Rifle Corps: Selected Documents Not Included in the Narrative E. “We returned them a very brisk fire …”: A Rifleman’s View of Two Campaigns F. “He was in that noted Battel in the Bukwheat field with Morgan …” Riflemen’s Pension Service Narratives, 1775-1779

G. The Rebels (Sung to the tune, Black Joak), originally published in the Pennsylvania Ledger, 1778

Background. In 2007 a collection of 18th century drawings and documents were offered for sale by Sothebys. The images portrayed scenes from the early years of the War for American Independence, particularly the 1776 and 1777 summer/autumn campaigns. (Stephen Gilbert notes that the Germantown drawing was done during the artist’s convalescence following his wounding in that action, all the others were likely done while aboard ship enroute to the Chesapeake Bay in late July and August 1777.) Almost too good to be true, many at first thought them forgeries, but eventually they were confirmed to be as advertised. For some time the artist’s identity remained unknown, there being no signature or other identifying mark on any of the documents. Eventually, enough clues were gleaned to mark Richard St. George Mansergh St. George as the culprit. St. George was first an ensign in the 4th Regiment, dating from 15 April 1776, then lieutenant as of 23 December 1776 in the 52d Regiment, light infantry company (later captain, 31 January 1778). Fortunately, he was mentioned a number of times by his friend Lt. Martin Hunter, of the same regiment and company, in his journal (see The Journal of Gen. Sir Martin Hunter, Edinburgh, The Edinburgh Press, 1894). It was Hunter who wrote of St. George’s artistic abilities, as well as his character:

St. George and I were great friends. He was a fine, high-spirited, gentleman-like young man, but uncommonly passionate. He had a little Irish servant, the most extraordinary creature that ever was. He had been a servant in the family a long time, and was the ugliest little fellow I ever beheld. He was very much marked with the smallpox, had a

broad white face, little blue eyes, and lank long hair. St. George always called him the Irish priest. This little man was to the full as passionate as his master, and frequently provoked him to such a degree that I often expected he would have killed him. St. George was quite military mad, and the man copied the master in everything. When the man was fully equipped for action, he was a most laughable figure as was ever seen. He wore one of his master’s old regimental jackets, a set of American accoutrements, a long rifle and sword, with a brace of horse pistols, and was attended by two runaway Negroes equipped in the same way. On a shot being fired at any of the advanced posts, master and man set off immediately – the master attended by a man of the Company named [Corporal George] Peacock, who had been a great deal with the Indians in Canada, and a famous good soldier. I have often been surprised that they were not killed. St. George drew caricatures uncommonly well, and I prevailed on him one day to draw himself and man in a violent passion, which he did so well, and so like, that everybody knew it immediately. Bernard, his servant, was lying on his back, and St. George, with one foot on his breast, flourishing a sabre over his head, telling him to say a short prayer, for that he had not more than a minute to live.

One of the drawings sold by Sothebys shows wounded British soldiers carried in a two-wheeled cart. At the bottom is written, ““My Triumphant entry into Philadelphia.” One of two narratives in the collection begins, “My Dear Friend West met me in ye Cart as he was marching with the Grenadiers to support us and took me by the Hand – and wept as I have been since told – The figure I intended for West is execrable I endeavoured to blot out his face but coud not the paper being too thin

– General Washington attacked our Lines with a body of about Twelve to fourteen Thousand Men with all his field artillery at German Town the 4th of October at four in the morning 1777.” The aforementioned friend was Capt. John West, grenadier company, 4th Regiment. West’s company was in the 1st Battalion British Grenadiers in 1777. Martin Hunter wrote of St. George’s wounding,

On the first shots being fired at our piquet the battalion was out and under arms in a minute; so much had they in recollection of Wayne’s affair [Paoli] that many of them rushed out at the back part of the [brush] huts. At this time the day had broke about five minutes, but it was a very thick, foggy morning, and so dark that we could not see a hundred yards before us. Just as the battalion had formed the piquet ran in and said the enemy were advancing in force. They had not well joined the battalion when we heard a loud cry of ‘Have at the Bloodhounds! Revenge Wayne’s affair!’ and immediately fired a volley. We gave them another in return, a cheer, and charged. As it was at the close of the campaign, our battalion was very weak. They did not consist of more than three hundred and fifty men, and there was no support nearer then Germantown, a mile in our rear. On our charging they gave way on all sides, but again and again renewed the attack with fresh troops and greater force. We charged them twice, till the battalion was so reduced by killed and wounded that the bugle was sounded to retreat; indeed, had we not retreated at the very time we did, we

Portrait of Richard St. George as an ensign in the 4th Regiment of Foot, 1776.

Thomas Gainsborough, artist. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia

should have been all taken or killed, as two columns of the enemy had nearly got round our flanks. This was the first time we had ever retreated from the Americans, and it was with great difficulty that we could prevail on the men to obey our orders. It was in the first volley that poor St. George was so badly wounded in the head.

Lieutenant Hunter also recounted that after St. George’s wounding, he “was carried off the field by [Corporal] Peacock.” For anyone familiar with the Xavier della Gatta paintings of the battles of Paoli and Germantown, Richard St. George has long been considered the man who commissioned them. They were obviously done at the direction of someone intimately familiar with those actions, given the inclusion of details only a participant would have known. One example is the portrayal of Corporal Peacock carrying St. George off the field (see below).

(For more on della Gatta’s Germantown see, Stephen R. Gilbert, “An Analysis of the Xavier della Gatta Paintings of the Battles of Paoli and Germantown, 1777: Part II,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. XLVII, no. 4 (Winter 1995), 146-162. http://www.scribd.com/doc/209914033/%E2%80%9CThe-Battle-of-Germantown%E2%80%9D-by-Xavier-della-Gatta-Stephen-R-Gilbert-%E2%80%9CAn-Analysis-of-the-Xavier-della-Gatta-Paintings-of-the-Battles-of-Paoli-and-Ger

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Virginia Rifleman, 1777. That said, we now have some context for Richard St. George’s several extant drawings, for now focusing on his “Virginian Rifleman.” Given that St. George served in both the 1776 and 1777 campaigns, just when he made his rifleman image would be unknown, except for one detail he chose to include. The soldier’s wooden canteen is marked “U.S.” and conceivably could be meant to portray “U.States,” one of the brands commonly used. The original directive on marking equipment was issued by the Continental Congress on 24 February 1777:

The arms and accouterments belonging to the United States shall be stamped with the words “United States”; all arms already made to be stamped on such parts as will receive the impressions, and those hereinafter to be manufactured to be stamped with the said words on every part comprising the stand.

An original staved canteen owned by the Museum of the American Revolution is marked similarly, though the St. George rendering has larger lettering.

(Courtesy of the Museum of the American Revolution)

St. George’s rifleman, like the rest of his work, is crudely drawn, but, based on what we already know of Continental Army clothing and gear, is a relatively accurate portrayal. In addition to the marked wooden canteen, the rifleman carries a hunting pouch, over which is slung a powder horn with the slogan “Death or Liberty” engraved on it. All his accoutrements are slung on black leather straps, and the image shows one shoulder belt leading to something unseen hanging at his left side, possibly a leather frog holding a tomahawk, the usual personal defense weapon of rifle-armed troops. His clothing consists of a linen hunting shirt (possibly with pleated sleeves), trousers (with what looks like fringe), and wide-brimmed black felt hat, with a light blue hat band. In the left background is a redoubt (so marked in the image) with a soldier inside on guard. At the redoubt’s left side stands a pole flying a striped flag. (For further discussion of hunting shirt terminology see Appendix A.) Given the timeframe for this drawing, doubtless based on observations of captured or dead riflemen, the man pictured perhaps belonged to Col. Daniel Morgan’s (Provisional) Rifle Corps, composed of picked men, and formed in June 1777, but could just as easily have been from one of the other Virginia rifle companies not assigned to Morgan.

Continental soldier wearing a hunting shirt and fringed trousers or overalls, similar to the garments worn by St. George’s Virginian. Note the short length of the shirt and what might be a gathered cuff on the sleeve. Detail from Xavier della Gatta’s Battle of Paoli. (Courtesy of the Museum of the American Revolution)

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“Chosen Men Selected from the Army at large …” Rifle-Armed Companies, Battalions, and Regiments, 1775-1779.

The first rifle troops to join the newly formed Continental Army, then investing British-held Boston, were Col. William Thompson’s Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion (nine companies) and four rifle companies from Maryland and Virginia (two from each province). That they were hardy men is certain, as proved by the relatively short time it took them to reach Cambridge. Capt. Michael Cresap’s Maryland company was typical, having traveled approximately five hundred and fifty miles in twenty-two days, at twenty-five miles a day. Unfortunately, they chafed under the discipline and inaction of camp life and, according to some accounts, not every rifleman lived up to their reputation as unparalleled sharpshooters. (Loyalist Benjamin Thompson noted on 4 November 1775, “Of all the useless sets of men that ever encumbered an army, surely the boasted riflemen are certainly the most so. When they came to the camp they had every liberty and indulgence allowed them … They had more pay than any other soldiers, did no duty; were under no restraint from … their officers … and did almost intirely as they pleased in every respect

whatever. But they have not answered the end for which they were designed in any one article whatever. For instead of being the best marksmen in the world, and picking off every regular that was to be seen, there is scarsely a regiment in camp but can produce men that can beat them at shooting, and the army is now convinced that the continual fire which they kept up by the week and month has had no other effect than to waste their ammunition and convince the King’s troops that they are not really so formidable adversaries as they would wish to be thought.”) Still, rifle armed troops proved effective in the field, given training, discipline, and good leaders, and were valued by commanders till the war’s end. (For two views of American riflemen see Appendices B and C.) Of the twelve original rifle companies that marched to Boston in 1775, Daniel Morgan’s Virginia company, and William Hendricks’ and Matthew Smith’s Pennsylvania companies, were chosen to join Col. Benedict Arnold’s command on an overland march through the Maine wilderness to Quebec. Their fate may be read in Kenneth Roberts’ March to Quebec: Journals of the Members of Arnold’s Expedition (Doubleday, 1946). Meanwhile, to the southward, Pennsylvania and Virginia were authorizing new battalions raised on the Continental establishment. Virginia’s two battalions each had two rifle companies, filling the role of light infantry. Of the five battalions apportioned to Pennsylvania, all but the first contained a rifle company, while the 1st Battalion had Nelson’s (Berks County) Independent Rifle Company attached to it for much of 1776. The first enlistments having expired, 1776 saw a reorganization of the army, reenlistment (and renaming) of existing units, and the creation of new ones. Thompson’s Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion, was renamed the 1st Continental Regiment, now commanded by Col. Edward Hand, retaining their rifles, a good portion of its officer corps, and many enlisted men from the previous year. Rifle troops were still considered by some an elite corps within the army. Maj. Gen. Charles Lee’s Guard comprised over one hundred men in 1776. Of the four company officers, the captain commanding, James Grier, and one ensign came from Hand’s 1st Continental (Rifle) Regiment, as did four of twelve non-commissioned officers. Forty one of eighty-seven private soldiers in Lee’s Guard were also riflemen from Hand’s unit. Charles Lee himself owned a rifle, likely purchased in 1775 or 1776. In January 1778 General Washington told Jacob Morris, “I would have you comply with Genl. Lee's several requests for his Horses, and for the Hunting Shirt and Rifle” (Lee was then a prisoner of the British in New York city) The Maryland and Virginia rifle companies formed the core of Col. Hugh Stephenson’s Maryland and Virginia Rifle Battalion (after Stephenson’s death in autumn 1776, Lt. Col. Moses Rawlings took command; Otho Holland Williams was major); only six of the nine authorized companies are known to have been raised (five Virginia, one Maryland). Enlisted for three years, the unit was captured at Fort Washington on 16 November 1776 and never fully reconstituted. Three companies were not present at Fort Washington when it was taken, and a number of surviving officers and men served with Morgan’s Rifle Corps in 1777 and 1778. (For further details see, Tucker F. Hentz, “Unit History of the Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment (1776–1781): Insights from the Service Record of Capt. Adamson Tannehill” (Richmond, Historical Society, 2007) http://www.vahistorical.org/research/tann.pdf )

Powder horn carried by William Waller (Wallar), with several mottos engraved on it, including “Liberty or Death, “Appeal to Heaven,” and “Kill or be Killd.” Waller was a private in Stephenson’s (later Rawlings’) Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment in 1776. His unit was captured at Fort Washington on 16 November 1776, but William Wallar was not present being “prevented from crossing the river with his Regiment by some reason which he does not now distinctly recollect, but thinks he was then on the sick list with yellow jaundice.” He later enlisted for three years in the 11th Virginia Regiment, and was discharged July 1779. (1832 pension declaration, W6396.) Courtesy of the Museum of the American Revolution.

In 1776 the Philadelphia Associators raised five battalions, three musket, one light infantry, and one armed with rifles (Pennsylvania had no militia law until 1777, so Military Associations were formed to supply the need). Timothy Matlack commanded the 5th (Rifle) Battalion from 1775 to 1777. One or several companies of Matlack’s Rifle Battalion may have served with the Flying Camp in New Jersey in the summer and autumn of 1776. On 27 December of that year Col. Matlack’s riflemen crossed the Delaware River to New Jersey, part of a larger contingent of Pennsylvania Associators, arriving at Trenton in time to participate in the Battle of the Assunpink (Second Battle of Trenton) on January 2d. They then marched with Washington’s forces in the early hours of January 3d, fought at the Battle of Princeton later that morning, and marched to Somerset and Morristown, New Jersey, leaving the army at the end of the month. Pennsylvania authorized a State Rifle Regiment on 5 March 1776. Commanded by Col. Samuel Miles, this unit consisted of two battalions with six companies each. At the Battle of Long Island the Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment suffered severe losses and its commander was captured. Following that action Miles’ Regiment was merged with Col. Samuel Atlee’s State Musketry Battalion as a provisional battalion

under Lt. Col. Daniel Brodhead (Atlee was also captured at Long Island). The Pennsylvania Council of Safety then created the State Regiment on 25 October 1776 in order to consolidate the remains of Miles’ and Atlee’s remaining men into a single regiment on the state establishment. Of the Pennsylvania State Regiment’s ten companies, two were armed with rifles; the unit was placed on the state’s Continental establishment as of 10 June 1777. Shortly thereafter the unit became unofficially known as the 13th Pennsylvania Regiment, and with the expiration of many enlistments, on 1 July 1778, it was disbanded and the remaining men absorbed by the 2d Pennsylvania Regiment. The year 1777 brought a comprehensive reorganization of the Continental Army, with the eighty-eight battalion resolve and the implementation of long-term enlistments, for three years or “for the war.” In this modified army there were no standing battalions armed completely with rifles, and generally fewer rifle-armed troops. The firearms still had their place, though, with rifle companies or sharpshooter contingents existing within some regiments. Two such companies were Capt. John Paul Schott’s Independent Rifle Company (established 6 September 1776) and Capt. Antoni Selin’s Rifle Company (10 December 1776), both slated to form part of Nicholas Dietrich, Baron Ottendorf’s three company partisan corps, which itself was authorized on 5 December 1776. Ottendorf’s Corps was to consist “of 150 privates, serjeants and corporals included … divided as follows: The first company of 60 men, light infantry, one captain and two lieutenants; two companies of hunters [riflemen], 45 privates each, to be commanded each by a captain and two lieutenants … Captain Ottendorf [to] have the rank of major, that he be captain of the light infantry company, and command the whole.” Col. Charles Armand-Tuffin, Marquis de La Rouerie, took command of Ottendorf’s Corps in mid-June 1777, and likely commanded it in the Battle of Short Hills on 26 June. Captain Schott was captured in that action and the remains of the two rifle companies, and likely the musket company as well, were consolidated under Selin. After Short Hills Colonel Armand continued to command the remnants of Ottendorf’s unit, now called Armand’s Independent Corps. Captain Selin continued in charge of the rifle company until October 1778 when Captain Schott returned from his captivity and resumed command. At that time relations between Armand and Schott were strained at best, and the captain began to petition General Washington and others to make his company an independent command. On 3 August 1779 Schott’s and Selin’s rifle company was assigned to Brig. Gen. Edward Hand’s brigade and embarked on Maj. Gen. John Sullivan’s campaign against the Iroquois in northern Pennsylvania and central New York. At the end of those operations the company joined the garrison at Wyoming, Pennsylvania, and in February 1780, when Armand was authorized to raise a Legionary Corps, Schott’s

The only known detailed map of the Battle of Short Hills by Lt. Friedrich von Wangenheim, Hessian

Jaeger Corps. The “Avante Garde des Riflemen d’Ottendorff” is placed on two hills straddling the road a

short distance in advance of the “Corps du Gen’l Stirling” (Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling’s

Division. “Plan de l'affaire de Westfield & du camp de Raway,” 26-27 June 1777. Friedrich Adam Julius

von Wangenheim, pen-and-ink watercolor on tracing paper (38 X 40 cm). Shows troop dispositions in

modern Essex and Union Counties, New Jersey, and location of camps near Rahway, 26 and 27 June 1777.

Call number G3813.E7S3 1777 .W3 LOC Catalog number Gm71000668. Library of Congress Geography and

Map Division, Washington, D.C. http://www.loc.gov/item/gm71000668

company was not included. The command remained in Wyoming under Captain Schott to the end of the war. In January 1781 Captain Selin was transferred to the Canadian Regiment. The Pennsylvania Continental regiments still retained rifle troops, some whole rifle companies, after the spring 1777 reorganization. In that process the 1st Continental Regiment of 1776 (formerly Thompson’s Rifle Battalion), was added to its home state’s Continental line, becoming the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment (all the other regiments shifted their designation by one; the 1st Battalion of 1776, became the 2d Regiment in 1777, etc.). Given its origins the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment

retained the greatest number of rifles, but that would change. On 3 June 1777 Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne noted:

…I now send Major Miller for Arms & Clothing for the first Penn’a Regiment Commanded by Col. [James] Chambers – they never Rec’d any Uniform except hunting Shirts which are worn out – and Altho a body of fine men – yet from being in Rags and badly armed – they are viewed with Comtempt by the Other troops, and begin to Despise themselves…The Conduct of the Pennsylvanians the Other day in forcing [British Maj.] Gen’l [James] Grant to Retire…has gained them the Esteem and Confidence of His Excellency – who wishes to have Our Rifles exchanged for good muskets & Bayonets – experience has taught us that [rifles] are not fit for the field – a few only will be Retained in each Regiment and those placed in the hands of Real marksmen….

Col. James Dunlap’s Rifle Regiment was formed for the autumn 1777 campaign around Philadelphia. (This was likely James Dunlop/Dunlap former major of the 6th Pennsylvania Battalion as of January 1776, and that October promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 10th Pennsylvania Regiment, resigned from Continental service 23 January 1777.) Pennsylvania militia general John Armstrong wrote state President Thomas Wharton, “In concert with Genl. Potter I have formed a Rifle Regt, and put Coll. Dunlap at the head of it, a prudent man, and not unacquainted with the business of a Partizan … This Battn. marches to morrow from Hooke. This morning Genl Potter sets out to command the first Brigade [of Pennsylvania militia]. One hundred & sixty from Billingsport to pass this day to Wilmington [Delaware], whom with the Rifle Battn of 300 privates are exclusive of the number [1,800 militia] mentioned above.” In his 1833 pension application James Patten, who served with Dunlap’s regiment, testified

That in July 1777 he entered the service of the United States as a private soldier in the militia of Pennsylvania … under the command of Capt John Williams as a drafted militia man. He rendezvoused with the troops at Carlisle and was marched to Marcus Hook a little town below Philadelphia on the delaware River. At this point there was a call for men to volunteer from the ranks of the infantry as Rifle-men & he volunteered and joined a rifle commanded by Captain [George] Crawford – Dunlap was the colonel of this Rifle Reigt. … He was then marched in this Rifle reigt to Wilmington in Delaware and was then stationed in the Brandy wine Mills about one mile from Wilmington. General Maxwell had command of this corpse of the militia. [New Jersey Brig. Gen. William Maxwell commanded the newly formed Light Infantry Corps, consisting of “one Field Officer, two Captains, six Subalterns, eight Serjeants and 100 Rank and File from each brigade” of Washington’s army, plus the aforementioned Pennsylvania militia.]That while the troops he belonged to were so quarte[re]d in the mills parties were continually kept out upon the scout watching the movements of the British & preventing them as far as possible from foraging in the country. The troops to which this applicant belonged had frequent skirmishes with the British and amongst the rest a considerable fight at a place called Iron Hill in which this applicant was engaged [Battle of Cooch’s Bridge, 3 September]. The British succeeded in this conflict in driving the American troops and the latter retreated to a place called Christiana a few miles from Iron Hill. The British just

before that time had landed near the Head of Elk. After that skirmish at Iron Hill this applicant with the corpse to which he belonged was marched to Chadd’s ford on the Brandywine and there encamped all night on the next day the battle of Brandywine was fought … The corpse to which this applicant belonged assisted at this battle in covering the retreat of General Wayne and aided in drawing his cannon up a hill or steep to the heighths of that place. After the Battle of Brandywine and during the same night they retreated to Chester below Philada.

General Washington wrote President of Congress John Hancock about the action at Cooch’s Bridge:

This morning the Enemy came out with considerable force and three pieces of Artillery, against our Light advanced Corps, and after some pretty smart skirmishing obliged them to retreat, being far inferior to them in number and without Cannon. The loss on either side is not yet ascertain'd. Ours, tho' not exactly known is not very considerable; Their's, we have reason to believe, was much greater, as some of our parties composed of expert Marksmen, had opportunities of giving them several close, well directed Fires, more particularly in one instance, when a body of Riflemen formed a kind of Ambuscade. They advanced about two Miles this side of Iron Hill, and then withdrew to that place, leaving a Picket at Couch's Mill about a Mile in front. Our parties now lie at White Clay Creek, except the advanced Pickets, which are at Christiana Bridge.

Dunlap’s Rifles went on to fight at the abortive Battle of the Clouds (White Horse Tavern) and at Germantown. Patten noted of his service, “he knew but few of the regular officers because he was generally kept out upon the wings and in stations distinct from the regular troops.” Following Germantown, “The corpse to which he belonged again retreated to ‘the Trapp’ and there he remained until he was duly discharged which he thinks was about the last day of October 1777 and during all this time he served as a private militia soldier. He thinks it was as early as the 15th of July that he entered the service as above stated & ... his services during this tour exceeded three months all of which service he performed as a volunteer Rifleman …” Col. Daniel Morgan’s Rifle Corps, a provisional organization, was the apogee of rifle units formed during the war. From its inception in June 1777 to the October 1778 disbandment, the Rifle Corps served under competent field officers, Colonel Morgan (11th Virginia Regiment) being seconded by Lt. Col. Richard Butler (9th Pennsylvania Regiment), and New Jerseyian Major Joseph Morris (1st Regiment; Morris died in January 1778 of wounds received in action with the Rifle Corps at White Marsh on 5 December 1777). Following is an overview of the Corps’ origin and service. 1777. Embodied in early June 1777, on the first of that month army orders directed, “The commanding officer of every Corps is to make a report early to morrow morning, to his Brigadier, of the number of Rifle-men under his command -- In doing which, he is to include none but such as are known to be perfectly skilled in the use of these guns, and who are known to be active and orderly in their behaviour -- Each

Brigadier to make a collective Return to the Adjutant General of these men.” Daniel Morgan’s Corps was organized as follows:

1st Company Capt. Hawkins Boone (12th Pennsylvania Regiment) 2d Company Capt. Samuel Cabell (6th Virginia Regiment) 3d Company Capt. William Henderson (9th Virginia Regiment),

(Henderson resigned 30 May 1778) 4th Company Capt. James Knox (8th Virginia Regiment) 5th Company Capt. Gabriel Long (Virginia)+ 6th Company Capt. James Parr (1st Pennsylvania Regiment) 7th Company Capt. Thomas Posey (7th Virginia Regiment),

(Posey promoted to major of the 2d Virginia Regiment 30 April 1778)

8th Company Capt. Van Swearingen (8th Pennsylvania Regiment), (Swearingen was captured 19 September 1777

+ Long, his company officers, and many of his men had served with Rawlings’ Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment, and had escaped capture at Fort Washington on 16 November 1776. (Note: The above organization stands for the 1777 campaign. Capts. Michael Simpson, 1st Pennsylvania Regiment, and Benjamin Taliaferro, 6th Virginia, commanded Rifle Corps companies after the wounding and capture of Swearingen at Saratoga, the promotion of Posey, and Henderson’s resignation. Lt. Philip Slaughter is also noted to have commanded a rifle detachment, possibly due to one company not being full strength in 1778.

Correspondence and general orders reveal some interesting details. On 13 June General Washington informed Morgan, “The Corps of Rangers newly formed, and under your Command, are to be considered as a body of light Infantry and are to Act as such … It occurs to me that if you were to dress a Company or two of true Woods Men in the right Indian Style and let them make the Attack accompanied with screaming and yelling as the Indians do, it would have very good consequences especially if as little as possible was said, or known of the matter beforehand.” The commander-in-chief also noted, “I have sent for Spears, which I expect shortly to receive and deliver you, as a defence against Horse; till you are furnished with these, take care not to be caught in such a Situation as to give them any advantage over you.” On the 20th of the month Washington discussed several modifications with the Board of War: “The Spears have come to hand, and are very handy and will be useful to the Rifle Men. But they would be more conveniently carried, if they had a sling fixed to them, they should also have a spike in the but[t] end to fix them in the ground and they would then serve as a rest for the Rifle. The Iron plates which fix the spear head to the shaft, should be at least eighteen inches long to prevent the Shaft from being cut through, with a stroke of a Horseman's Sword. Those only, intended for the Rifle Men, should be fixed with Slings and Spikes in the end, those for the Light Horse need neither. There will be 500 wanting for the Rifle Men, as quick as possible.” Proper firearms were also needed for Morgan’s men, as 13 June army after orders attest: “Head-Quarters, Middle-Brook … Such rifles as belong to the States, in the different brigades, to be immediately exchanged with Col. Morgan for musquets. Officers commanding brigades are desired to pay attention to this matter, as the nature of the service requires the utmost dispatch. If a sufficient number of rifles (public property) can not be procured, the Brigadiers are requested to assist Col.

Morgan, either by exchanging, or purchasing those that are private property. Those brigades that have not furnished the number of riflemen, returned to the Adjutant General, for Colonel Morgan's Corps, are desired to send them immediately.”

Jacob Bower rifle, circa 1765. “This pre-Revolutionary War American rifle is attributed to gunsmith George Schroyer, working in Reading, PA until about 1768. Based on the inscription found on the underside of the patchbox door, we know it was carried by Capt. Jacob Bower, [6th Regiment] of the Pennsylvania Line, during the war.” Partial gift of Wallace B. and Elizabeth P. Gusler; acquisition funded by the Friends of Colonial Williamsburg Collections, Acc. No. 2010-130. (Courtesy of Colonial Williamsburg).

Below: Inscription inside patchbox cover, "Jacob Bower Sept. 6, 1777."

Board of War letter to Gen. George Washington, 23 June 1777, with sketch and

description of the rifleman’s folding pike.

Drawing of folding pike. Detail from 23 June 1777 Board of War letter.

Morgan’s Rifle Corps skirmished with Crown forces in north Jersey, between Amboy and New Brunswick, and as far east as Van Nest’s Mill on the Millstone River. It also saw action at the Battle of Short Hills on June 26th. In August the Continental Congress directed that Morgan and his men be sent to northern New York:

In Congress 16 August 1777 Resolved That general Washington be inform’d that in the opinion of Congress, five hundred riflemen under the command of an active & experienced officer should immediately be sent into the Northern department to assist in opposing the incursion of the enemy in that quarter.

Extract from the minutes Chas Thomson jur. By order of Congress John Hancock Presidt. Washington informed Gov. George Clinton of New York the same day “In addition to the two Regiments that are gone from Peekskill, I am forwarding, as fast as possible, to join the Northern Army, Col. Morgan's Corps of Riflemen, amounting to about 500 Men. These are all chosen Men Selected from the Army at large; well acquainted with, the use of Rifles and with that mode of Fighting, which is Necessary to make them a good Counterpoise to the Indians, and have distinguished themselves on a variety of occasions Since the formation of the Corps, in Skirmishes with the Enemy. I expect the most eminent Services from them and I shall be mistaken, if their presence does not go far towards producing a general Desertion among the Savages. I should think it would be well, even before their arrival to begin to circulate these Ideas, with proper Embellishments, throughout the Country, and in the army and to take pains to communicate them to the Enemy. It would not be amiss, among other Things, to magnify Numbers.” In the coming days and weeks the commanding

general would regret sending the Rifle Corps north; on 24 September he wrote General Gates, “This Army has not been able to oppose Genl. Howe's with the success that was wished and needs a Reinforcement. I therefore request … that you will order Colo. Morgan to join me again with his Corps. I sent him up, when I thought you materially wanted him, and if his services can be dispensed with now, you will direct his immediate return. You will perceive, I do not mention this by way of command, but leave you to determine upon it according to your situation.” Gates sent back, “Since the Action of the 19th Instant, the Enemy have kept the Ground they Occupied the Morning of that Day; and fortified their Camp. The Advanced Centrys of my picquets, are posted within Shot, And Opposite the Enemy's; neither side have given Ground an Inch. In this Situation, Your Excellency would not wish me to part with the Corps the Army of General Burgoyne are most Afraid of." Colonel Morgan and his rifle troops did indeed prove themselves invaluable in the actions leading to the surrender of Lt. Gen. John Burgoyne’s army in mid-October. Of the Freeman’s Farm battle (First Saratoga) on 19 September 1777, Lt. William Digby, grenadier company, 53d Regiment of Foot, noted,

19th. At day break intelligence was received, that Colonel Morgan, with the advance party of the enemy, consisting of a corps of rifle men, were strong about 3 miles from us; their main body amounting to great numbers encamped on a very strong post about half a mile in their rear; and about 9 o'clock we began our march, every man prepared with 60 rounds of cartridge and ready for instant action. We moved in 3 colums, ours to the right on the heights and farthest from the river in thick woods. A little after 12 our advanced picquets came up with Colonel Morgan and engaged, but from the great superiority of fire received from him—his numbers being much greater—they were obliged to fall back, every officer being either killed or wounded except one, when the line came up to their support and obliged Morgan in his turn to retreat with loss. About half past one, the fire seemed to slacken a little; but it was only to come on with double force, as between 2 & 3 the action became general on their side. From the situation of the ground, and their being perfectly acquainted with it, the whole of our troops could not be brought to engage together, which was a very material disadvantage, though everything possible was tried to remedy that inconvenience, but to no effect, such an explosion of fire I never had any idea of before, and the heavy artillery joining in concert like great peals of thunder, assisted by the echoes of the woods, almost deafened us with the noise. To an unconcerned spectator, it must have had the most awful and glorious appearance, the different Battalions moving to relieve each other, some being pressed and almost broke by their superior numbers. This crash of cannon and musketry never ceased till darkness parted us, when they retired to their camp, leaving us masters of the field; but it was a dear bought victory if I can give it that name, as we lost many brave men, The 62nd had scarce 10 men a company left, and other regiments suffered much, and no very great advantage, honor excepted, was gained by the day.

At Freeman’s Farm British officers were singled out as special targets. General Burgoyne noted later, “The enemy had with their army great numbers of marksmen, armed with rife-barrel pieces. These, during an engagement, hovered upon the flanks in small detachments, and were very expert in securing themselves, and in

shifting their ground. In this action, many placed themselves in high trees in the rear of their own lines, and there was seldom a minute’s interval of smoke in any part of our line without officers being taken off by [a] single shot.”

(Previous page) Situation at the close of the Battle of Freeman’s Farm, 19 September 1777. The positions of Morgan’s Rifle Corps and Dearborn’s Light Infantry are

marked by clusters of blue dots. _________________________

The culminating clash of the campaign, called the Battle of Bemis Heights or Barber’s Wheatfield, occurred a week and a half later. Lt. Col. James Wilkinson, of Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates’ staff, noted of this second action,

on the afternoon of the 7th October, the advanced guard of the centre beat to arms; the alarm was repeated throughout the line, and the troops repaired to their alarm-posts. I was at head-quarters when this happened, and with the approbation of the General, mounted my horse to inquire the cause … some person had reported the enemy to be advancing against our left. I proceeded over open ground, and, ascending a gentle acclivity in front of the guard, I perceived, about half a mile from the line of our encampment, several columns of the enemy, sixty or seventy rods from me, entering a wheat-field which had not been cut, and was separated from me by a small rivulet … I could distinctly mark their every movement. After entering the field, they displayed, formed the line, and sat down in double ranks with their arms between their legs. Foragers then proceeded to cut the wheat or standing straw, and I soon after observed several officers, mounted on the top of a cabin, from whence with their glasses they were endeavouring to reconnoitre our left, which was concealed from their view by intervening woods. Having satisfied myself, after fifteen minutes' attentive observation, that no attack was meditated, I returned and reported to the General, who asked me what appeared to be the intentions of the enemy. 'They are foraging, and endeavouring to reconnoitre your left; and I think, sir, they offer you battle.' 'What is the nature of the ground, and what your opinions?” 'Their front is open, and their flanks rest on woods, under cover of which they may be attacked; their right is skirted by a lofty height. I would indulge them.' 'Well, then, order on Morgan to begin the game.' I waited on the colonel, whose corps was formed in front of our centre, and delivered the order; he knew the ground, and inquired the position of the enemy: they were formed across a newly cultivated field, their grenadiers with several field-pieces on the left, bordering on a wood and a small ravine formed by the rivulet before alluded to; their light infantry on the right covered by a worm-fence at the foot of the hill before mentioned, thickly covered with wood; their centre composed of British and German battalions. Colonel Morgan, with his usual sagacity, proposed to make a circuit with his corps by our left, and under cover of the wood to gain the height on the right of the enemy, and from thence commence his attack, so soon as our fire should be opened against their left; the plan was the best which could be devised, and no doubt contributed essentially to the prompt and decisive victory we gained.

This proposition was approved by the General, and it was concerted that time should be allowed the Colonel to make the proposed circuit, and gain his station on the enemy's right before the attack should be made on their left; Poor's brigade was ordered for this service, and the attack was commenced in due season on the flank and front of the British grenadiers, by the New Hampshire and New York troops. True to his .purpose, Morgan, at this critical moment, poured down like a torrent from the hill, and attacked the right of the enemy in front and flank. Dearborn [with his light infantry], at the moment when the enemy's light infantry were attempting

to change front, pressed forward with ardour, and delivered a close fire; then leaped the fence, shouted, charged, and gallantly forced them to retire in disorder; yet, headed by that intrepid soldier, the Earl of Balcarras, they were immediately rallied, and re-formed behind a fence in rear of their first position; but being now attacked with great audacity in front and flank by superior numbers, resistance became vain; and the whole line, commanded by Burgoyne in person, gave way, and made a precipitate and disorderly retreat to his camp, leaving 2 twelve, and 6 six-pounders on the field, with the loss of more than 400 officers and men killed, wounded, and captured … The ground which had been occupied by the British grenadiers, presented a scene of complicated horror and exultation. In the square space of twelve or fifteen yards, lay eighteen grenadiers in the agonies of death, and three officers propped up against stumps of trees, two of them mortally wounded, bleeding, and almost speechless … I then proceeded to the scene of renewed action, which embraced Burgoyne's rightflank defence, and extending to his left, crossed a hollow, covered with wood, about forty rods to the entrenchments of the light infantry: the roar of cannon and small-arms at this juncture was sublime, between the enemy, behind their works, and our troops, entirely exposed or partially sheltered by trees, stumps, or hollows, at various distances, not exceeding 120 yards. This right-flank defence of the enemy, occupied by the German corps of Breyman, consisted of a breastwork of rails, piled horizontally between perpendicular pickets, driven into the earth, formed en potencc to the rest of the line, and extended about 250 yards across an open field, and was covered on the right by a battery of two guns. The interval from the left to the British light infantry, was committed to the defence of the provincialists, who occupied a couple of log-cabins. The Germans were encamped immediately behind the rail breast-work, and the ground in front of it declined in a very gentle slope for about 120 yards, when it sunk abruptly; our troops had formed a line under this declivity, and, covered breast-high, were warmly engaged with the Germans. From this position, about sunset, I perceived Brigadier-General Learned advancing towards the enemy with his brigade, in open column; I think with Colonel M. Jackson's regiment in front, as I saw Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, who commanded it, near the General when I rode up to him: on saluting this brave old soldier, he inquired, 'Where can I put in with most advantage?' I had particularly examined the ground between the left of the Germans and the light infantry, occupied by the provincialists, from whence I had observed a slack fire; I therefore recommended to General Learned to incline to his right, and attack at this point: he did so with great gallantry; the provincialists abandoned their position and fled; the German flank was by this means uncovered; they were assaulted vigorously, overturned in five minutes, and retreated in disorder, leaving their gallant commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman, dead on the field. By dislodging this corps, the whole British encampment was laid open to us; but the extreme darkness of the night, the fatigue of the men, and the disorder incident to undisciplined troops after so desultory an action, put it out of our power to improve the advantage; and in the course of the night General Burgoyne broke up his camp, and retired to his original position, which he had fortified, behind the great ravine.

Of the first part of this action, Thomas Tipton (pension S16274) recalled being in the “noted Battel [battle] in the Buckwheat field with Morgan and had Severel Bulet hols shot through his hat that day.”

Sgt. James Selkirk, of Col. James Livingston's Battalion (formerly known as the 1st Canadian Regiment),

…that memorable day the seventh of October when our army was again rallied for battele about twelve o’clock our tents wer struck and baggage wagons loaded and every thing made ready every man drawed a gill of rum and were ordred to march for the field of action which had already commenced we hurried on with all speed till we came where the battle was flying thick and fast we made a short halt in a meadow where we were wholly exposed to the fier of the enemy we immeadiatly marched on jumped over a brush fence and commenced fier the smoke was very thick and the enemy was just before us we had not fiered above two shot the man before mentioned who wished to be killed the first engagement he was in received a ball in his arm which went through his body he turned round on his feet and fell down deadclose by where I stood the battele became severe a field peace was taken and retaken two or three times with great bravery every man at it being killed at last our brave men keept it the battele by this time became generale we wer reinforced and the militia coming on in the rear and with their fiering and holloring made the woods resound from right to left the enemy terified now began to retreat with great precipitancy faling behind logs and getting behind tress to save their lives many wer killed and wounded of the enemy a house where they keept their picquete guard was filled with men we took them prisoners and we pursued the retreating army till they got into their camp and behind their breast works but our officers and men was in high spirits when the enemy got into their works we took our stand on a small hill in front of their batteries and fiered into their works nothing could exceed the bravery of both officers and men standing on this eminence and exposed to the goling fier of the enemy ball and grape shott flying thick upon us but night coming on something more valient must yet be don the brave Colonele Morgan with his rifel men was ordered to flank them on their right the command was no sooner given then it was executed the infantry was ordered to go right on and storm them the command was obeyed the workes was stormed and we possession of their cannon tents and baggage General Arnold was wounded through the leg and his horse shot under him the hessians retreated into Burgoyns camp and we keept possesion of the works it was now near dark many wounded officers and men was in camp a hessian Major being mortally wounded informed us if they could have possibly got away they would have been with us long ago I went and spoke to a poor hessian grenadier that was very badly wounded through the groine looking wistfully at me asked me in broken language if I had any water seeing a canteen about my neck he said he was almost faint I told him I had some rum if he would drink some of that I should make him welcom he thankfully accepted my offer and drank what he pleased but I never seen a man so thankfull as he was quite refreshed and offred to give me his grenadiers cap for he had nothing else to give me now returned to our camp victorious although greatly fatigued…

The Battle of Barber’s Wheatfield, also known as the Battle of Bemis Heights or

Second Saratoga. Morgan’s men finally marched south on 18 October, the day after the British surrender, but were held by Maj. Gen. Israel Putnam in the Hudson Highlands. The reason for the halt was the October 6th Crown forces capture of Forts Montgomery and Clinton, and their movement upriver to Esopus [modern-day Kingston], which they burned on the 15th. British general Sir Henry Clinton’s forces remained in the area until 16 October, but their intentions were uncertain, and Colonel Morgan’s Corp was not released to march south until the 31st. The exact date of their reunion

with Washington’s army is uncertain, but likely not before 10 November. On the 22d of the month the commander-in-chief informed Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene, “There are not more than one hundred and Seventy of Morgan's Corps fit to march, as they in general want Shoes, they went Yesterday and will join you I suppose this day,” and the day after wrote President Hancock, “Genl Greene is still in Jersey and when Glover's Brigade joins him, if an Attack can be made on Lord Cornwallis with a prospect of success, I am persuaded it will be done. About a Hundred and Seventy of Morgans Corps are also gone to reinforce him.” (“A General Return of the Army Commanded by Major Genl. Gates at the Convention of Saratoga Octor. 17 1777” shows Morgan’s detachment with one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, two majors, eight captains, twenty subalterns, one adjutant, two quartermasters, one surgeon, thirty seven sergeants, and four hundred seventy seven corporals and privates present fit for duty. Also listed we sixty five sick present, one hundred sixty two sick absent, seven on command, and one on furlough, for a total of seven hundred and twelve rank and file. It is not known if numbers of men left the corps on the march from New York, or upon arrival returned to their parent units.) Nothing came of Greene’s late November operations in New Jersey, but Morgan’s Corps did see action the following month at White Marsh, Pennsylvania. General Washington to Hancock, 10 December 1777:

in the course of last Week from a variety of intelligence I had reason to expect that General Howe was preparing to give us a general Action. Accordingly on Thursday night [December 4th] he moved from the City with all his Force, except a very inconsiderable part left in his Lines and Redoubts, and appeared the next Morning on Chesnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from our Right wing. As soon as their possition was discovered, the Pennsylvania Militia were ordered from our Right to skirmish with their Light, advanced parties, and I am sorry to mention, that Brigadr. Genl. Irvine, who led them on, had the misfortune to be wounded and to be made prisoner. Nothing more occurred on that day. On Friday night the Enemy changed their Ground and moved to our left within a mile of our line, where they remained quiet and advantageously posted the whole of the next day. On Sunday [December 7th]they inclined still further to our left, and from every appearance, there was reason to apprehend they were determined on an Action. In this movement their advanced and flanking parties were warmly attacked by Colo. Morgan and his Corps, and also by the Maryland Militia under Colo. Gist. Their loss I cannot ascertain, but I am informed it was considerable, having regard to the number of the Corps who engaged them. About Sun set, after various marches and countermarches they halted, and I still supposed from their disposition and preceding Manoeuvres, that they would attack us in the Night or early the next morning, but in this I was mistaken. On Monday afternoon, they began to move again and instead of advancing filed off from their Right, and the first certain account that I could obtain of their intentions was, that they were in full March towards Philadelphia by Two or Three Routes. I immediately detached light parties after them to fall upon their Rear, but they were not able to come up with them. The Enemy's loss, as I have observed, I cannot ascertain. One account from the City is, that Five hundred wounded had been sent in; Another is that Eighty two Waggons had gone in with Men in this situation. These I fear are both exaggerated and not to be depended upon. We lost Twenty Seven Men in Morgans Corps in killed and

wounded, besides Major [Joseph] Morris [of the Rifle Corps] a Brave and gallant Officer, who is among the latter.

On 19 December Washington’s troops reached the site of their winter cantonment at Valley Forge. A few days afterwards Morgan’s Corps was sent to interdict a mixed force of British and German troops at Darby, across the river from and southwest of Philadelphia. On 22 December Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling, wrote from "Genl. [James] Potters Qrs./Radnor/ ... 5 oClock" that "I have arrived here with my division about an hour ago ..." Lord Stirling's division consisted of Brig. Gen. William Maxwell's New Jersey brigade and Brig. Gen. Thomas Conway's Pennsylvania brigade, and was augmented by a contingent from "Each brigade thro' the line." The added detachments each comprised "a good partizan Captain, two Sub[altern]s, three Serjeants, three Corporals and fifty privates, all picked men, fit for annoying the enemy in light parties." Capt.-Lt. John Peebles, 42d Regimen, noted the force that marched for Darby:

Sunday, 21 December 1777: "... preparing for a forageing party. Orders - The following Corps are to hold themselves in readiness to march by the left on the shortest notice in the followg Order - 1st. & 2d. Light Infantry - British Grenadrs - Hessian do. Half of the Corps of Yagers Mounted & dismounted - 3d. Brigade 17th. 42d. & 44th. with 4 six po[unde]rs. - 4th. Brigade 33d. 46th. & 64th. with 2 6 pors. 5th Brigade 7th. 26th. & 63d. with 4 3 pors. Two Battns. of Anspach with yr. Guns, - 2d. Brigade 5th. & 27th. with 2 6 pors. - 1st. Brigade 28th. & 49th. with 2 6 pors. - 1st Battn. Guards with their Guns Grenr. & Light Infantry Compys. - 4 light 12 pors. from the Park at the head of the 3d. Brigade - 2 howitzers at the head of the Guards - 17th. Dragoons at the head of the British Grrs. - 16th. Dragoons in the rear of the Guards to take with them their Carrabines & swords only an Offr. & 12 from each regt. Dragoons to be left here - Each Corps to take with them the whole of their Waggons, two of which may be loaded with Baggage, ye others empty ... The Genl. Offrs, that march with the Army are Major Genls. Grant & Gray & Brigr. Genl. Leslie, His Excelly Genl. Kniphausen to take the Command of the lines & Garrison with Major Genl. Sterne & Brigr. Mathew - After Orders ... The Troops under Orders of March are to be in readiness to move tomorrow Morng. at day break, the Corps that remain behind are also to send all their Waggons except one pr. Battn or Corps - all the ... Waggons to be drawn up on ... the road leading to Grays ferry ..."

On December 23d Lord Stirling told General Washington, "I find Colonel Morgan went out Early this Morning (with his own Corps, the fifteen parties detached last Night & part of Genl. Potters [Pennsylvania] Militia) towards the Enemy ... by what I can Collect the Enemy are Encamped with their Right at the Sweeds Church, & their left at Darby, which makes a front of about a Mile & [a] Quarter. They keep Close to their line, no Waggons appear on this side of them; on the Whole I believe they are busy Carrying off the Hay & forrage from the Neck & the Islands between Derby Creek & [the] Schuylkill, as their position Covers that part Compleatly. “ What was likely the most exciting incident during the operation occurred on the 24th, when Captain Peebles noted, "this Morng. the Rebels catched 10 or 12 of our Light Dragoons, who were out on a scout, & fell in with a Post of the Rebels, who

pursued them into a swamp ..." Lord Stirling wrote of the incident the same day, "Yesterday Afternoon a party of the Enemy's light horse (abt 10 of them) took two of Capt. [Henry] Lee's light horse [1st Continental Dragoons], one of whom made his Escape, between Darby & Chester; this one gave Intelligence of this party to Col. [Richard] Butler [of the Rifle Corps] who was out with a party in that Quarter, on which he proceeded towards the White Horse on that Road, & discovering a Vadet [vidette] near the House, Col Butler diveded His troops so to shut up every Avenue except towards the Meadows. The Enemy were soon Alarmed, and finding their Retreat Cut off every other Way betook themselves to the Marsh, and passed Several Ditches, but at last Comeing to a Wider One, only five ... Could Clear it, Among whom were the Officers, ten Riders & Eleven Horse were Taken, two Horses remain in the Marsh ... “

Capt. John André’s map of the Darby foraging operation, showing troop dispositions, 25

December 1777.

The Crown forces returned to the city on Sunday, December 28th , as noted by Captain Peebles: "it snow'd all last night & was very cold, - the Troops march'd in the Morng. & after seeing all the Waggons over the Pontoon Bridge at Grays ferry the Bridge was taken up, & the troops with their Guns came by the Bridge at Middle ferry & return'd to their respective old ground at the lines [of redoubts above Philadelphia] - it snow'd all day & it was Eveng. before we got home - a small party of Rebels [was] taken to day / Thus ended the long foraging party which continued a Week, in which time it is suppos'd was carried into Town between 3 & 400 ton of Hay every day, which makes above 2000 ton ..." 1778. The new year found Morgan’s Corps still at Radnor. Their colonel wrote General Washington on January 5th that the Pennsylvania militia and Continental light horse were leaving that day, which “will leave this post very weak.” It seems the Rifle Corps as a whole never quartered at Valley Forge, instead being relegated to outpost duty until the army marched from their winter camp in June 1778. Daniel Morgan took

of absence at the end of January and turned over command to one of his field officers or the senior captain. The commander-in-chief notified Congress on the 29th, “Colo. Morgan, when he left camp, desired to know whether he might engage any good riflemen to serve during the next campaign in the light corps. He thinks he should be able to procure many, under assurances, that they would serve with him and be dismissed at the end of the campaign.” The rifle troops also spent the winter obtaining some portion of much-needed clothing, procured through their regiments of origin. Without doubt Morgan’s Corps was reduced in numbers that winter and needed to be built back up in anticipation of another summer campaign. The Board of War was informed on 23 May that two Continental regiments, the 8th Pennsylvania and 13th Virginia, were ordered to march immediately to Fort Pitt, Washington noting that, “the 8th Pennsylvania Regt. … were also raised to the Westward and are a choice Body of Men about one hundred of them have been constantly in Morgans Rifle Corps,” continuing, “I can very illly spare the Troops which I have sent, especially the 8th Pennsylvania Regt. which composed the greatest part of Morgans Corps …” On 18 June 1778 British, German, and Loyalist forces abandoned Philadelphia and began their march through New Jersey to New York. With his command posted at the Gulph, Morgan was informed that day by the commander-in-chief, “As the Army is to march to morrow morning at 5 O'Clock, towards Coryells ferry, you are to cross the Schuylkill with your detachment and the horse annexed to it, at Matsons ford [present-day Conshohocken], and direct your course in such a manner as to intersect our line of march and fall in on our rear.” After the army crossed the Delaware River into New Jersey, the Rifle Corps was strengthened:

Head Quarters, Coryell's Ferry, Monday, June 22, 1778. Each Brigade is to furnish an active, spirited Officer and twenty five of it's best marksmen immediately; These parties to join Colo. Morgan's Corps and continue under his command 'till the Enemy pass thro' the Jerseys after which they are to rejoin their Regiments without further orders. …

After orders … The Officer and twenty five men from each Brigade who are to be annexed to Colo. Morgan's Corps are to be sent to his quarters early tomorrow morning about a mile in front of the Army. The two Light Infantry Companies in the North Carolina Brigade will be attached to Colo. Morgan's Corps instead of the twenty five therefrom, mention'd in the first order of this day. [Washington noted the Rifle Corps’ augmented field strength in a 1 July letter to Congress, “The Army having proceeded to Coryell's ferry and crossed the Delaware at that place, I immediately sent off Colo. Morgan with a select Corps of 600 Men to reinforce General Maxwell, and marched with the main Body towards Princetown.”]

Pvt. Elijah Fisher of the Commander-in-Chief’s Life Guard noted another small force joining Morgan: “The 23d. [June] Capt. Gibbs, Leut. Grimes, four Sarj. And four Corpl. and seventy-two men of the [Life] guard jined Col. Morgan’s Party and went Down to the Lines.”

General Washington on June 22d told Maj. Gen. Philemon Dickinson, commanding the New Jersey militia, “The whole army is now across the River incamped about three miles from it [at Amwell Meeting, present-day Mount Airy, New Jersey]. Tomorrow morning very early, we march towards Princeton … All the effective horse under Colo. Moylan will instantly march to join you. I am augmenting Colo. Morgans Corps which will also speedily march to your assistance. I need not observe to you that every thing ought to be done to keep up the spirits of your Militia.” Two days later Washington wrote him again.

Head Quarters, Hopewell, June 24, 1778 Sir: As the several detachments of continental troops employed in harrassing the enemy on their march, will have the greatest need of intelligent guides, not only for their own safety but to enable them to direct their offensive operations with greater precision; it will be necessary that among the Militia which you shall think proper to annex to each party, there may be persons perfectly acquainted with the Roads and Communications which it is most interesting to the different commanding officers to know. The disposition for these detachments is as follows -- Morgans corps, to gain the enemy's right flank; Maxwells [New Jersey] brigade to hang on their left. Brigadier Genl. Scott [with a brigade of picked men] is now marching with a very respectable detachment destined to gall the enemys left flank and rear. Two or three hundred Continentals and such Volunteers as Genl. Cadwallader has been able to collect have crossed the Delaware, and are now marching to the enemys rear. Colo. Whites detachment of horse is to join Genl. Scott.

General Dickinson was next informed of yet another detachment of chosen troops in a letter headed “Head Quarters, Kingston, June 25, 1778 … Major General the Marquis de la fayette is preparing to march with a reinfforcement to the light troops already detached under the command of General Scott. it is my desire that he should have a general command over the several detachments as well continental as militia that are employed immediately to interrupt the enemys march …” The same day Washington’s aide Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton wrote Lafayette from Cranbury,

The enemy have all filed off from Allen Town on the Monmouth road. Their rear is said to be a mile Westward of Laurence Taylor's Tavern, six miles from Allen Town. General Maxwell is at Hyde's Town, abt. three miles from this place. General Dickenson is said to be on the enemy's right flank, but where cannot be told. We can hear nothing certain of General Scott but from circumstances he is probably at Allen Town. We shall agreeable to your request consider and appoint some proper place to rendezvous, for the union of our force, which we shall communicate to General Maxwell and Scott and to yourself. In the meantime, I would recommend to you to move towards this place as soon as the convenience of your men will permit. I am told Col. Morgan is on the enemy's right flank. He had a slight skirmish with their rear this forenoon at Robert Montgomery's, on the Monmouth road leading from Allen Town. We shall see General Maxwell immediately and you will here from us again. Send this to the General [Washington]. We are just informed that General Scot passed by Hooper's Tavern, 5 miles from Allen Town, this afternoon at 5 OClock.

On the 27th Morgan wrote from “Squan swamp … 2 OClock … I arrived at this place yesterday encamp’d in the woods – sent out small parties – capt [unclear] fell in with fifteen granadeers and made them prisoners – deserters are continually coming in – I have several small parties out – whom I expect something from – I shall continue on the enemies Right till I have orders to the contrary – They keep in so compact a body that it is impossible to do them much damage – However I will annoy them as much as possible ...” When the armies clashed at Monmouth Courthouse the next day, the Rifle Corps was still on the right flank and unable to take part in the action. General Washington sent Morgan this note at midday on the 28th.

Head Quarters, Sunday, half after 12 0Clock, Sir: I have just received your Letter by the Dragoon; as your Corps is out of supporting Distance I would have you confine yourself to observing the motions of the Enemy, unless an opportunity offers of intercepting some small Parties; and by no means to come to an Engagement with your whole Body unless you are tempted by some very evident advantage. Genl. Greenes Aide de Camp has already written to you to this effect, but the orders are repeated to guard against accidents.

When, on the morning of June 29th, it was discovered the British Army had left Monmouth Courthouse, Morgan’s force was detailed to shadow them. Moving by way of Middletown, Clinton’s columns camped and set up defensive positions in the highlands near Sandy Hook on July 1st; all were aboard ship and bound for New York by July 5th. After the British embarkation the Rifle Corps rejoined the main army and was reduced as the various added detachments rejoined their regiments. A set of instructions to Brig. Gen. James Clinton give evidence to Morgan’s service on the lines in August and September 1778.

Head Quarters at the White plains, July 31, 1778. Sir: With the Detachment under your Command, which is to comprehend the Corps now advanced (by) [with] Colo. Morgan, you are to move towards Kings bridge and the Enemys lines thereabouts. The principal objects in view are, to cover the Engineers and Surveyors, while they reconnoitre, and as far as time will permit, Survey the Ground and Roads in your rear, and in front of this Camp, (Give a spring to) [to countenance] and encourage that Spirit of Desertion which seems so prevalent at present. To discover, if possible, those unfriendly, and ill disposed Inhabitants who make a practice of apprehending, and conveying within the enemy's line, such Deserters from their Army as [happen to] fall into their hands, and (are desirous of leaving their Service; and) with such (evidences) [Witnesses] as are necessary, to illucidate the facts, send them to the head Quarters of this Army, and lastly to try what effect this detachment's approach may have upon the Enemy. I do not mean, or wish that you should incamp very near the Enemy of Nights, but wherever you do incamp, to be [that you do it] in a proper order of Battle, [so] that your Officers and Men may rise at once upon the ground they are to defend. Your Flanks and front should be well secured by Patroles of Horse and foot, sufficiently

A rifleman of one of the remaining two companies of Morgan’s Rifle Corps, then

serving against the Iroquois in New York under Maj. Thomas Posey. Slung at his back is a folding spear for self defense.

(Painting by Don Troiani, www.historicalimagebank.com )

advanced upon every possible approach; always remembring how disgraceful a thing it is for an Officer to be Surprized, and believing that if the Enemy are in force at the Bridge they will certainly attempt it. When I speak of your Flanks, I have an eye particularly to the North River, as the Enemy can, with facility, move with both secrecy and dispatch by Water, if they are provided with Boats at, or near the Bridge, or even at the City, so as to be upon your right flank and even rear, without much difficulty or notice. Have your Evening's position well reconnoitred before hand. Unless there are good reasons to the contrary, I would advise against kindling fires at Night, as the Weather is warm, and your position would be discovered, and advantages taken from the knowledge of it. You may continue out with this Detachment two or three days and Nights according to the state of your provisions and other circumstances and when you return leave an Officer and sixteen dragoons of Colo. Sheldons Regimt. with Colo. Morgan who with the Detachment under his immediate Command are to remain till further Orders.

Daniel Morgan continued in command of what remained of his Rifle Corps until late September 1778, when he rejoined the Virginia Division and assumed temporary command of Brig. Gen. William Woodford’s brigade. In mid-July Capt. Thomas Posey led a portion of the Corps northward. On 18 July General Washington wrote in response to Brig. Gen. John Stark’s plea for reinforcements at Albany and nearby posts in light of recent incursions by the Iroquois.

I this day received your Letter of the 14th. Instant, and am sorry to find you so circumstanced as to render a Reinforcement necessary which I can badly spare in the present critical and interesting State of things; I have however, ordered Colo. [William] Butler with the 4th. Pensylvania Regiment and a part of Morgan's Riffle Corps to March to the Village Wawarsink in Ulster County, from whence they may be call'd either to Albany or farther to the Westward as the Exigency of affairs will point out. These, with the Troops which Genl. Gates informs me, are to March to your assistance, will I expect prove sufficient to repell every attack which may be made upon you, and I hope in a little time to be in a Situation that I can give you every necessary support.

Posey’s portion of the Rifle Corps, two companies totaling approximately eighty men, were in the Albany area until late November or early December 1778, when they marched along with Colonel Butler’s regiment to Wyoming, Pennsylvania. There they remained until the gathering elements of Maj. Gen. John Sullivan’s army began straggling in in June and July of 1779. Then commanded by Major James Parr, formerly a captain commanding one of Morgan’s rifle companies, he led the rifle companies (including Capt. Anthony Selin’s independent company) on Sullivan’s expedition against the Iroquois in late summer and autumn of 1779. In addition to himself, Major Parr’s rifle companies were officered by Capt. Michael Simpson, Lt. Thomas Boyd, and Ensign Benjamin Chambers. Parr’s (late Morgan’s) rifle companies returned to the main army that November. Army orders noted their arrival:

Head Quarters, Moore's House, Sunday, November 7, 1779 ... The officers and privates composing the rifle corps under the command of Major Parr, are all to join their respective regiments. The Major will see that all the rifles and their proper bullet moulds &c., are collected and numbered to prevent their being mixed or seperated, and have them then delivered to the Commissary of Military Stores and take his receipt for the same. The Commissary is to cause the rifles &c. to be carefully boxed up and is not to deliver any of them without an order from the Commander in Chief. Muskets are to be drawn for the men in lieu of the rifles. The General cannot dissolve this corps without offering his particular thanks to the officers and soldiers remaining in it for their long, faithful and important services.

(Note: Selected letters and army orders pertaining to Morgan’s Rifle Corps may be viewed in Appendix D)

Light Infantry Replace Riflemen. After the 1779 campaign, rifle units, standing or provisional, were not again formed for service with Gen. George Washington’s main army in New York and New Jersey. Militia rifleman did serve in considerable numbers in the Carolina and Virginia campaigns of 1781, and, when deployed according to their abilities, performed well. Likely, one reason Continental rifle troops fell out of favor was the difficulty procuring and keeping sufficient numbers of rifled longarms in store. More importantly, after 1778 the embodied Continental light infantry corps made a rifle corps like Morgan’s unnecessary. The Continental Army reorganization of 1778/1779, in conjunction with Maj. Gen. Friedrich Wilhelm de Steuben’s standardized training system, led to a more thoughtful arrangement and use of light infantry. While Dearborn’s Light Corps performed well during the Saratoga campaign, Maxwell’s 1777 Light Infantry seemed to have done less well, being raised quickly, on the fly, and soon after thrown into battle. The Monmouth campaign saw the use of picked, provisional battalions, which, on the whole, did good service, retreating in good order during the early-battle debacle on 28 June, and attacking with effect later that day. While not light infantry, their organization and deployment was similar to those of the ensuing provisional light battalions, and likely had some influence on them. Brig. Gen. Charles Scott’s Light Infantry Corps was the beginning of the new model light corps, and spent the campaign year working on the fundamental and necessary duties of light troops.

Head Quarters, W. Plains, Saturday, August 8, 1778. After Orders For the Safety and Ease of the Army and to be in greater readiness to attack or repel the Enemy, The Commander in Chief for these and many other Reasons orders and directs that a Corps of Light Infantry composed of the best, most hardy and active Marksmen and commanded by good Partizan Officers be draughted from the several Brigades to be commanded by Brigadier General Scott, 'till the Committee of Arrangement shall have established the Light Infantry of the Army agreeable to a late Resolve of Congress … The details of the several Brigades are to be draughted and got in readiness as soon as possible.”

General Washington to Charles Scott, 14 August 1778, “Sir With the detachment of light troops under your command you are to take post in front of our camp and in such a position as may appear best calculated to preserve the security of your own corps and cover this army from surprise.”

For more on the light infantry corps in 1778, see: Peter Comtois, “Development of the Tactical Doctrine of the United States Corps of Light Infantry, 1777-1778” (thesis submitted to the Faculty of State University of New York College at Oneonta, Cooperstown Graduate Program in History, Museum Studies, 1975), Traces the early growth and development of the U. S. Corps of Light Infantry. Although the history of the Corps runs from 1777 to 1783, this paper covers its formative years of 1777 and 1778. The only known study of the light infantry embodied under Brig. Gen. Charles Scott during the summer and autumn of 1778. Also, J.U. Rees, “`Their presence Here … Has Saved this State …’: Continental

Provisional Battalions with Lafayette in Virginia, 1781” Part 1. “`This Detachement is Extremely Good …’: The Light Battalions Move South”

A. “`The Fire of the Light Infantry …cheked the Enemys Progress …’: Light Battalion Composition and Service”

B. “`Ill founded jealousies, and groundless suspicions.” ‘: Unrest in the Light Battalions”

C. “`The Cloathing you … long ago Sent to the light infantry is not Yet Arrived.‘: Apparel and Equipment”

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/light.pdf

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Appendices

Appendix A

“A Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts …” Proper Terminology: Hunting shirt, Rifle Shirt, Rifle Frock …

So, given that the coat pictured on St. George’s “Virginian Rifleman” was the military garment most symbolizing the War for American Independence, and widely worn by Continental soldiers and militia alike, from 1775 to 1783, what was the term most-used when referring to it? The appended study addresses this question by looking at correspondence and army orders in the George Washington Papers (http://international.loc.gov/ammem/gwhtml/gwhome.html), and searching for specific words or phrases. The results are given below.

Search Terms Rifle shirt, no items (Note 1: Don Hagist found a 4th Pennsylvania Regiment deserter notice in the 5 February 1777 Pennsylvania Gazette with rifle shirt; see below.) (Note 2: Eric Schnitzer found the term rifle shirt used exclusively on six 1777 clothing returns for Massachusetts and New Hampshire troops, and three 1777 clothing returns for Massachusetts troops using the terms rifle shirt and hunting shirt interchangeably; see below.) Rifle frock, 1 item (31 July 1779) Hunting frock, 1 item (G.O. 29 February 1780) Frock (only references that definitely or probably refer to hunting shirts), 10 items (6 in 1777; 1 in 1779; 1 in 1780; 2 in 1782) (20 May 1777; 8 June 1777; 10 June 1777; 10 June 1777; 20 June 1777; 23 June 1777; 31 July 1779; 29 February 1780; 5 June 1782; 31 July 1782) Hunting shirt, 38 items (11 in 1775; 2 in 1776; 5 in 1777; 2 in 1778; 11 in 1779; 1 in 1780; 2 in 1781; 5 in 1782) (6 February 1775; 25 April 1775; 10 July 1775; 4 August 1775; 4 August 1775; 7 August 1775; 11 August 1775; 14 August 1775; 23 August 1775; 31 August 1775; 21 September 1775; 6 May 1776; 24 July 1776; 7 June 1777; 8 June 1777; 8 June 1777; 10 June 1777; 13 June 1777; 27 January 1778; 2 June 1778; 20 March 1779; 21 March 1779; 26 March 1779; 8 April 1779; 20 April 1779; 22 April 1779; 23 May 1779; 24 May 1779; 14 June 1779; 21 August 1779; 24 July 1780; 20 April 1781; 22 April 1781; 30 July 1782; 31 July 1782; 3 August 1782; 18 August 1782; 27 August 1782) Dual references in same document 10 June 1777, “hunting shirts” and “frocks” used to refer to same garment. 31 July 1782, “hunting shirts” and “frocks” used to refer to same garment. For more information see, Neal Thomas Hurst, “’Kind of armour, being peculiar to America:’ The American Hunting Shirt” http://www.academia.edu/3336557/_kind_of_armour_being_peculiar_to_America_The_American_Hunting_Shirt

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Appended are selected documents. All the documents located and used in this study may be viewed at:

“A Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts …”

Proper Terminology: Hunting shirt, Rifle Shirt, Rifle Frock … ? http://www.scribd.com/doc/241410261/A-Quantity-of-Tow-Cloth-for-the-Purpose-of-making-of-Indian-or-Hunting-Shirts-Proper-Terminology-Hunting-shirt-Rifle-Shirt-Rifle-Frock?secret_password=B5Ass1zGmYgykkILpBjz

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From Don N. Hagist (http://redcoat76.blogspot.com/ ) “I have a file of several hundred runaway ads (about 1400) from American newspapers all over the colonies, covering the years 1775 through 1783. A quick search of this file reveals the frequency of the following terms: hunting shirt: 74 hunting frock: 4 rifle shirt: 1 (the ad using this term appears below) This is a quick and dirty survey, but it does suggest that "hunting shirt" was the most common terminology, and that "hunting frock" and "rifle shirt" were known terms but seldom used.” Don N. Hagist 22d Regt. F. February 5, 1777 The Pennsylvania Gazette Philadelphia, January 1, 1777 . THIRTY DOLLARS Reward. DESERTED from the fourth Pennsylvania regiment, under the command of Col. ANTHONY WAYNE, a certain WILLIAM BAKER, born in England, about 5 feet 8 inches high, of a fair complexion, short light coloured hair, had been in the British service a short time, is extremely handsome and very active, was inlisted the beginning of last month at Sussex court house, in New Jersey; Had on when he deserted, a rifle shirt, but it is probable may have changed his dress. JOHN STEVENS, born in Culpepper county, Virginia, about 5 feet 8 inches high, of a dark complexion, short black hair, was inlisted in Philadelphia the beginning of last month; had on when deserted, a new brown coat and jacket , leather breeches, and an old felt hat. JOHN LOWE, and Irishman, about 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, of a fair complexion, brown hair, has been formerly in the first regiment of Yorkers, a very likely fellow, was inlisted in Philadelphia the middle of last month; had on when he deserted, a brown broad cloth coat, a pair of white overhauls, &c. Whoever will take up and secure said

deserters, in such a manner that their commanding officer may have them again, shall have the above reward, or Ten Dollars for any one of them. Francis Johnston, Lieut. Col. 4th Pennsylvania Regt.

********************************* Information courtesy of Eric Schnitzer. New Hampshire and Massachusetts clothing issued by the Albany (New York) Public Store, 1777. 1st New Hampshire Regiment: no cloathing return found while battalion was under Cilley's command 1st Massachusetts Regiment: two "rifle shirts" issued 2d New Hampshire Regiment: 51 "rifle shirts" issued 2d Massachusetts Regiment: 102 "hunting shirts" and "rifle shirts" issued (the phrases were used interchangeably on their return) 3d New Hampshire Regiment: 69 "rifle shirts" issued 3d Massachusetts Regiment: none issued 4th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued 5th Massachusetts Regiment: 203 "hunting shirts" issued out of Boston; 94 "hunting shirts" issued out of Fishkill 6th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued 7th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued 8th Massachusetts Regiment: 119 "rifle shirts" issued 9th Massachusetts Regiment: 136 "hunting shirts" and "rifle shirts" issued (the phrases were used interchangeably on their return) 10th Massachusetts Regiment: 48 "rifle shirts" issued 11th Massachusetts Regiment: no cloathing return found yet 12th Massachusetts Regiment: 64 "hunting shirts" and "rifle shirts" issued (the phrases were used interchangeably on their return) 13th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued 14th Massachusetts Regiment: 2 "hunting shirts" issued to every man out of the stores at Boston or Fishkill 15th Massachusetts Regiment: 1 "rifle shirt" issued Note: The information above was gleaned from a number of sources. Most clothing returns are located in The National Archives and Records Administration, Revolutionary War Rolls, 1775-1783 (M246). The documents are filed under their respective corps names, excepting some were misidentified by the National Archives when they assembled the microfilm and guide, which admittedly makes some of these very difficult to track if anyone uses the M246 microfilm guide. For example, in the guide, two 15th MA Regiments were listed simultaneously; the second of the two is actually the 11th MA (Francis's/Tupper's). The Albany Public Store returns for Shepard's (4th MA) and Wesson's (9th MA) Regiments are located in The National Archives and Records Administration, Miscellaneous Numbered Records (the manuscript file) in the War Department collection of Revolutionary War Records, 1775-1790’s (M859).

Rifle Frocks/Hunting Shirts Head Quarters, West point, July 31, 1779. Sir: I duly received your several letters of the 6th. 7th. and 25th Instant. The Batallion Hats mentioned in the first, may remain at Springfield for the present, as I would not wish any more stores to be with the Army than are absolutely essential, and the number is so small that a distribution of them would rather serve to excite uneasiness. It will be well, if you can, to procure more. The Commissary of Hides at Albany was appointed, I imagine, by the Board of War or by the State in consequence of some requisition by Congress, and probably received Instructions from the authority by which he was constituted. It was necessary that the Troops under Genl. Clinton should have been supplied by him. I will write to him and know the footing upon which his appointment stands and the conduct which has been prescribed to him, that I may be able to give any farther directions that may be necessary. You will send on the Rifle Frocks, Shirts and Shoes. The Shirts are most essentially wanted, there being many Soldiers unfit for duty on account of the deficiency. With respect Mr. Henry Pynchon, I have no objection to his remaining with you as an Assistant, as you must have some, and they are so difficult to procure. It will not oblige the state to furnish a Man more. I do not mean however, that this should infringe or counteract in the smallest degree any Law of the State that may affect Mr. Pynchon or subject him to any fine for any previous conduct or non compliance with them and my permission for his staying is to be considered under those restrictions. I am, &c.38 [Note 38: The draft is in the writing of Robert Hanson Harrison. An undated order, in the writing of Harrison, indorsed "July, 1779", to George Measam, desiring him, by Washington's direction, to "deliver Major Benjamin Whitcomb Thirty One Coats, Jackets, Breeches and Blankets, Sixty two Shirts, Sixty Two pair of Shoes, 31 pair Stockings, Thirty one pair of Overalls and Thirty One Hunting Shirts and Thirty one Hats for the Men under his command. 15 Shirts for himself and Officers, 10 pr Stockings, 10 pr Shoes; paying three Hundred pr Cent on the Stirling Cost". is in theWashington Papers, Three hundred per cent on the sterling cost then equaled the dollar estimated at 7 shillings 6 pence for £ 1 stirling.]

********************************** Hunting Frocks Head Quarters, Morristown, Tuesday, February 29, 1780. Parole Lincoln. Countersigns Law, Logic. Regimental returns of cloathing actually wanting, to be made as soon as possible to the Adjutant General. The State Cloathiers or their Assistants are also to make exact returns to the Cloathier General of all cloathing in their hands.9 [Note 9: According to Assistant Clothier Gen. John Moylan's letter of Mar. 1, 1780, to Tench Tilghman, the clothing then in store amounted to: "4050 Coats. 3146 Vests. 2977 Breeches and Overalls. 9330 Hose. 10730 Shoes. 7916 Shirts. 7504 Hatts. 205 Blankets. 340 Pair Boots. 840 Cloaks and Watch Coats. 1422 Leather Breeches. 6856 Wollen Caps. 2794 Mitts. 254 Linnen Caps. 437 Hunting frocks. 2634 Canvas

Overalls. 4834 Pair Buckles. 401 Sword Belts. 6134 Socks, 2396 Stocks." Moylan's letter is in theWashington Papers.]

****************************************** Frocks George Washington to Israel Putnam, June 10, 1777 Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 10, 1777. Dear Sir: This will be delivered to you by Mr. Young who is sent up by the Clothier General to issue Clothing to the Troops at Peeks Kill. I beg you will give him your Countenance and assistance in seeing that none are allowed to draw but such as are really in want. Some Regiments not content with a complete Suit of Uniform, have drawn a Frock, Waistcoat and Overalls, by which means they are doubly clad while others are perishing. This must not be allowed in our present scarcity, and I therefore beg that you will be particularly careful that none but the needy are Supplied. There are among the Clothing 350 Coats, Blue and Red which were made up purposely for Colo. Daytons Regiment of Jersey, and of which they are in great want, they must come on immediately. I am etc. P.S. Yours of the 8th. is just come to hand. Mr. Young will make the necessary inquiry about Clothing, it is very extraordinary that Genl. Gates should undertake to Stop the Clothing of those Regiments that are at Peeks Kill; that accounts for the deficiency. Colo. Saml. B. Webb has drawn a vast deal more than he has men to put them on, I have desired him to bring the overplus to Peeks Kill and deliver it up and I beg you will see it done.27

******************************* George Washington to Charles Young, June 10, 1777 Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 10, 1777. Sir: Upon your arrival at Peeks Kill deliver the inclosed to Genl. Putnam who commands there. I have desired him to see that those Troops, who drew their Cloathing before they marched, do not come in for a share of this, except it may be for Shoes or some few things absolutely necessary. What you are particularly to guard against is, to prevent those who have drawn compleat Suits of Uniforms, from taking another of Hunting Shirt, Waistcoat and Overalls. Some Regiments have done so in a very unwarrantable manner. There are about 350 Coats blue and red intended for Colo. Dayton's Regiment of Jersey, which must come immediately on. Endearour to find out how many of the Troops, coming in from Massachusetts, will want Clothing, and, if possible, reserve Sufficient for them. The Frocks and overalls at this Season, are far preferable to Uniforms which Mr. Mease says he will have ready by the Fall. The State of Rhode Island has not only had a large allowance, but have lately stopped 1000 Blankets and 20 Bales of Cloth; their Troops therefore have no claim, if they want any thing their Officers must send home for it. As Mr. Mease has always assured me that a full proportion of Clothing was left at Boston for Massachusetts, endeavour to find out the reason of their Troops being the only ones who have come on naked. I am etc

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Hunting Shirts George Washington to Continental Congress, July 10, 1775 Camp at Cambridge, July 10, 1775. … I find the Army in general and particularly the Troops raised in Massachusetts Bay very difficient in necessary Clothing: Upon Inquiry it appears there is no Probability of Obtaining any supplies in this Quarter; upon the best consideration of this matter, I am able to form, I am of Opinion that a number of hunting Shirts, not less than 10,000, would in a great Degree remove the difficulty in the cheapest and quickest manner. I know nothing so trivial in a speculative View, that in Practice would have a happy Tendency to unite the men and abolish those Provincial distinctions which lead to Jealousy and Dissatisfaction. …

********************************** George Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, August 4, 1775 August 4, 1775. Sir: … My last Letter from the Honble. Continental Congress, recommends my procuring from the Colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut, a Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts for the Men, many of whom are destitute of Cloathing. A Pattern is herewith sent you; and I must request you, to give the necessary Directions throughout your Government, that all the Cloth of the above kind may be bought up for this Use, and suitable Persons set to work to make it up, As soon as any Number is made, worth the Conveyance, you will please to direct them to be forwarded. It is design'd as a Species of Uniform, both cheap and Convenient.

******************************* Head Quarters, Cambridge, August 7, 1775. Parole Newcastle. Countersign Maldin. … It is in an especial manner recommended to the Commanding Officer of each regiment, to see that a Store of shoes and shirts, are laid in for the Men, as those are at all times necessary. The General also recommends it to the Colonels, to provide Indian Boots, or Leggins, for their men, instead of stockings; as they are not only warmer, and wear longer, but (by getting them of a colour) contribute to uniformity in dress; especially, as the General has hopes of prevailing with the Continental Congress, to give each Man a hunting shirt.

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George Washington to Nicholas Cooke, August 14, 1775 August 14, 1775. Sir … I have sent by this Opportunity a hunting Shirt, as a Pattern. I should be glad you would inform me of the Number you think I may expect.

************************************ George Washington to Continental Congress, September 21, 1775 The Season advances so fast, that I have given Orders to pre pare Barracks and other Accomodations for the Winter. The great Scarcity of Tow Cloth in this Country, I fear, will totally disappoint us in our expectations of procuring Hunting Shirts. Govr. Cooke informs me, few or none to be had in Rhode Island, and Govt. Trumbull gives me little Encouragement to expect many from Connecticut.

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Head Quarters, New York, May 6, 1776. Parole Virginia. Countersign Lee. The Colonels, and commanding Officers of Regiments are again reminded, of the propriety of immediately providing their men with cloathing, and necessaries; that they may be ready to march, or embark, upon the shortest notice; The General wishes to impress this strongly, upon the minds of the Colonels; because no Excuse will be taken to delay their departure, the moment that it becomes necessary. It is recommended to those Corps which are not already supplied with Uniforms, to provide hunting Shirts for their men.

************************************** Head Quarters, New York, July 24, 1776. Parole Virginia. Countersign Wales. … The General being sensible of the dificulty, and expence of providing Cloaths, of almost any kind, for the Troops, feels an unwillingness to recommend, much more to order, any kind of Uniform, but as it is absolutely necessary that men should have Cloaths and appear decent and tight, he earnestly encourages the use of Hunting Shirts, with long Breeches, made of the same Cloth, Gaiter fashion about the Legs, to all those yet unprovided. No Dress can be had cheaper, nor more convenient, as the Wearer may be cool in warm weather, and warm in cool weather by putting on under Cloaths which will not change the outward dress, Winter or Summer--Besides which it is a dress justly supposed to carry no small terror to the enemy, who think every such person a complete Marksman.

*************************************** George Washington to Charles Young, June 10, 1777 Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 10, 1777. Sir: Upon your arrival at Peeks Kill deliver the inclosed to Genl. Putnam who commands there. I have desired him to see that those Troops, who drew their Cloathing before they marched, do not come in for a share of this, except it may be for Shoes or some few things absolutely necessary. What you are particularly to guard against is, to prevent those who have drawn compleat Suits of Uniforms, from taking another of Hunting Shirt, Waistcoat and Overalls. Some Regiments have done so in a very unwarrantable manner. There are about 350 Coats blue and red intended for Colo. Dayton's Regiment of Jersey, which must come immediately on. Endearour to find out how many of the Troops, coming in from Massachusetts, will want Clothing, and, if possible, reserve Sufficient for them. The Frocks and overalls at this Season, are far preferable to Uniforms which Mr. Mease says he will have ready by the Fall. The State of Rhode Island has not only had a large allowance, but have lately stopped 1000 Blankets and 20 Bales of Cloth; their Troops therefore have no claim, if they want any thing their Officers must send home for it. As Mr. Mease has always assured me that a full proportion of Clothing was left at Boston for Massachusetts, endeavour to find out the reason of their Troops being the only ones who have come on naked. I am etc.

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Head Quarters, V. Forge, June 2, 1778. Parole Montgomery. Countersigns Mercer, McClary. At a General Court Martial, Colo. Chambers, Presidt. 29th. May … Lieutt. Webb6 of the 7th. Virginia Regiment was tried for disobedience of Orders for going upon duty in a hunting shirt after confessing he had a Coat and being desired if he had no regard for his own Appearance to have some for the Credit of his Regiment and therefore not to appear in so unofficer like a manner; found guilty and sentenced to be reprimanded by the Officer commanding the Regiment to which he belongs in presence of the officers of the Regimt. [Note 6: Lieut. Isaac Webb, He was transferred to the Fifth Virginia Regiment in September, 1778; promoted to captain in 1781; served to the close of the war.] The General approves the sentence and orders it put in Execution tomorrow morning at Roll Call.

*********************************** Head Quarters, Tuesday, August 27, 1782. Parole Bermuda. Countersigns St. Kitts, Nevis. … Before the troops remove to their new position it will be proper for the mens baggage and effects to be thoroughly inspected and the articles pointed out which they are to carry with them; they may take all their regimentals into the field; but when they are compleated with hunting shirts it is expected the uniform coats will not be worn so long as the warm season continues, except on particular occasions, such as on guards formed on the grand parade, Inspections, reviews &c. To keep the Cloathing in the best possible order has become an object of so much attention that the general thinks it almost superfluous to repeat his recommendations especially as it is now universally considered that not only the comfort and conveniece but even the reputation of a corps depends essentially upon keeping every article belonging to the soldiers in the most perfect state both for service and appearance.

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Appendix B

Letter by Jesse Lukens, describing Pennsylvania riflemen and service at the siege of Boston, 1775.

(My thanks to Steve Rayner for sharing this.) (Note: Jesse Lukens, son of Jesse Lukens was a son of Surveyor General John Lukens. He returned from Boston in the winter of 1775. Thomas Lynch Montgomery, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, 5th series, vol. II (Harrisburg: Harrisburg Publishing Company, State Printer, 1906), 9.) Jesse Lukens to John Shaw, Jr. (From the original manuscript in the Boston Public Library.) "Prospect Hill Septr. 13th 1775 Dear Shaw I had this morning the honor of yours by Mr. Lawrence - Why you dear dog, was there not time enough from the 21st. to the 29th of Augt. to write more than 7 lines? And those 7 to inform me you intended to have sent me 4 1/2 lines by Captain Wharton - If we were not, as I apprehend, on the eve of some important event, you should receive a Rowland for your llVs lines; but as the case now stands & God only knows what a chasm there may be in our Correspondence, will forget your unkind negligence & excuse you on the supposition that the Lovely Widow, had some willing commands for you to execute, & you know I allow every thing to give way to her Supremacy. - I suppose Patton received a confused heap of Lines wrote the Day we took possession of Plow'd Hill, while the thundering of Cannon & whizing of 24 lb. Bullets took up much of the attention of an unfleshed Soldier - he must on that score excuse all faults - That was on Sunday - in the evening the fire of the Artillary ceased and on Monday morning we saw the Red Coats busy in throwing up a Parapet within their former Lines, but so much higher on the Hill that the Cannon mounted there could fire at the same time & over those they had fired with on Sunday - this new l'arapet had six Embrasures - On Monday evening they threw four Bombs from their new Battery & a few Guns from it, the old Battery & the Mud Lark in Mystic River without doing any harm - Over against Bunker Hill on the other side of Mystic River is Winnisimit Hill at the foot [of] wch. stands a large House & Farm called Chelsea, here we have abt. 200 men as a Guard, but no Works or Cannon. On the side of Bunker Hill next here & in full view, is the Regular Tents, being on the opposite side & out of the way of our Guns on Prospect & Plowed Hills - On the Top of this Winnisimmit Hill we had a parcel of straw, etc. to set fire to as a signal whenever they saw the Regulars in motion - Accordingly on Tuesday about 10 o'Clock we saw the Fire, our Drums beat to Arms, all [p. 23.] [p. 24.] our lines were mann'd - & we Riflers were left at full liberty to range at large & take what ground we pleased - Col Thompson therefore posted us in the Seat of honor, that is, between all our Works & Bunker Hill, behind Stone Walls & in the Indian Corn patches, to receive and return with Interest their first fire & I think it impossible for men to behave better than Our Riflers did - 300 of them lay in a meadow, in full View of Bunker hill & with in Point Blank Shot - 'before their Eyes in opposition sat grim death.' altho we lay in this position & the Officers with myself were walking about, viewing and marking the most advantageous ground to act upon they fired but seven large Guns & 30 or 40 Plattoons of Small arms all the Day, some of which knocked the stones about our Ears but hurt none of us except one man a slight wound in the thigh - One 24 Pounder flew over our heads &

killed a poor fellow walking along the Road half a mile behind us - The alarm proving false, we marched home about sunset & our Generals placed a strong Guard of Musket Men in the lines, since which every thing in that Quarter hath been quiet - we call 6, 8 & 10 Guns a Day nothing & 3 or 4 Bombs are only sport, just enough to keep us from falling asleep - We have had several Deserters from Roxbury & from the Mud Lark in Mystic - 4 poor fellows came off at one time & swam to shore unhurt, amidst a thousand Shot, tho' they say it was agreed with their companions left on board to fire over their Heads. - You must now set down a few false alarms wch. took us out of our Beds into the trenches at midnight, & some other matters of no great moment, until last Sunday, & I feel myself blush with shame and indignation at what I am forced to relate. Our Camp is Separate from all others ab1. 100 yards - all our Courts Martial and duty was separate - we were excused from all working parties, Camp Guards, & Camp duty - this indulgence together with the remissness of discipline & care in our young Officers had rendered the men rather insolent for good Soldiers - they had twice before broke open our Guard House & released their Companions who were confined there for small crimes - & once when an Offender was brought to the Post to be whipped, it was with the utmost difficulty they were kept from rescuing him in the presence of all their Officers - They openly Damn'd them & behaved with great insolence - however the Col was pleased to pardon the man & all remained quiet - but on Sunday last the Adjutant having confined a Serjeant for neglect of duty & murmering - the men began again, & threatened to take him out - the Adjutant being a man of Spirit, seized the principal Mutineer & put him in also - & coming to report the matter to the Col, where we all sitting after dinner, were alarmed with a Huzzaing & upon going out found they had broke open the Guard House & taken the man out - The Col & Lieut. Col with several of the Officers & Friends seized the fellow from amongst them & ordered a [p. 24.] [p. 25.] guard to take him to Cambridge at the Main Guard which was done without any violent opposition, but in abl. 20 minutes 32 of Capt Ross's Company with their loaded Rifles, swore by G-d they would go the Main Guard & release the man or loose their lives & set off as hard as they could run - it was in vain to attempt stoping them - We stayed in Camp and kept the others quiet- Sent word to General Washington, who reinforced the Guard to 500 men with fixed Bayonets & loaded pieces - Col Hitchcock's Regt, (being the one next us) was ordered under arms & some part of General Greens Brigade (As the Generals were determined to subdue by force the mutineers & did not know how far it might spread in our Battalion) Generals Washington, Lee, & Green came immediately, & our 32 mutineers who had gone about half a mile towards Cambridge & taken possession of a Hill & Woods, beginning to be frighted at their proceedings, were not so hardened but upon the General's ordering them to Ground their arms they did it immediately - The General then ordered another of our Companys (Capt Nagles) to surround them with their loaded Guns which was immediately done, and did the Company great honor - however to convince our people (as I suppose, mind) that it did not altogether depend upon themselves, he ordered part of Col Hitchcocks and Col Littles Regiments to surround them with their Bayonets fixed and ordered two of the ring leaders to be bound- I was glad to find our men were all true and ready to do their duty except these 32 Rascals - 26 were conveyed to the Quarter Guard on Prospect Hill and 6 of the principals to the Main Guard.- You cannot conceive what disgrace we are all in & how much the General is chagrined that only one Regiment should come from the Southward & that set so infamous an example; and in order that idleness shall not be a further bane to us, the General Orders on Monday were 'that Col Thompsons Regiment shall

be upon all parties of Fatague (working parties) & do all other Camp duty equal with any other Regiment' The men have since been tried by a General Court Martial and convicted of Mutiny - & were only fined 20/. each for the use of the Hospital - too small a punishment for so base a crime - & mitigated no douht on account of their having come so far to serve the Cause & its being the first crime - The Men are returned to their Camp, seem exceedingly sorrow for their misbehaveour & promise amendment. - This will I hope awaken the attention of our officers to their duty (for to their remissness I charge our whole disgrace) & the men being employed will yet no doubt do honor to their province - for this much I can say of them that upon every alarm it was impossible for men to behave with more readiness or attend better to their duty - it is in the Camp only that we cut a poor figure - tomorrow morning or some time in the Day may perhaps restore our honor, if we behave in the Day of Battle as well as I hope we shall - you must [p. 25.] [p. 26.] know that this is a conjecture of my own & founded on no better materials than a poor inexperienced judgement. - On Monday last Col Arnold having chosen 1000 effective men, Consisting of two Companies of Rifle men (about 140) the remainder Musketeers, set off for Quebec as it is given out (& which I really believe to be their destination). for we have intelligence that the Indians except 30 have deserted from General Carleton & that he hath not more than 700 effective men in Canada all which except one Company is at St. John's & Montreal to oppose General Schuyler - If this should be the Case & Col Arnold meet with a ready march, Quebec will undoubtedly fall into our Hands - for those people who have gone to sound the disposition of the Inhabitants report that they are generally in our Favour, & that no opposition will be given by the country to our measures. I accompanied on foot as far as the Town of Lynn (9 miles) Doctr. Coates who goes as Surgeon, Mr. Matt. Duncan, Mr. Melcher & several other Southern gentlemen as Voluntiers - [Hand symbol] here I took leave of them with a wet eye - the Drums beat & away - they go as far as Newberry Port by Land from there they go in Sloops to Kennebeck River, up it in Batteaux & have a carrying place of abt. 40 miles (over which they must carry on their Shoulders their Batteaux & Baggage - Scale the Walls and spend the winter in joy and festivity amongst the sweet Nuns. - Yesterday the wind being high & the Tide driving in, a Boat with a Serjeant & 5 men drove ashore and were taken by our people - the Serjeant seems a very intelligent person for his station - he says a Vessel arived at Boston a few days before & brought answers to letters sent out after the Bunker Hill Battle, but knows nothing of what they contain - he says that he was Orderly Serjeant a few days ago, and saw in Major Sheriffs Office (Muster Master or Commissary) a return of the killed and wounded at Bunker hill, being 1435 men. - It is amazing to me that so many were hurt there - for not more than 700 of our Men were in the Battle, but the most of them fired 30 rounds, as they say - I must from this conclude that they will hardly attempt our Lines in the Day time, or without a very heavy set of Artillary. - Saturday 16th Prospect Hill Here we are yet & all as peaceable as so many Lambs. I began this letter in the evening & as we were ordered to lie on our Arms kept on scribling until 1 o'Clock - On Thursday at firing the morning Gun we were ordered to Plow'd Hill, where we lay all that day - I took my paper & Ink along as you once desired I would, but found so much to do beside writing, that you had only a few lines manufactured (in the face of 18 battering Cannon) on a pile of

timber intended for a Bomb-proof & just where you see the [Hand symbol] a Bullet from the Foway [p. 26.] [p. 27.] disconcerted all my Ideas, altho' it did not come near me. - I tho't the Banquette a safer place & took my station accordingly just in the Angle of a Traverse & was as safe as a thief in a mill - but there was too much noise for writing & the Generals appearing in sight I tho't it not quite so decent a Posture of a SOLDIER, thrust my writing materials under an old Blanket, Shouldered my firelock, and strutted with all the parade of a careful Lad. - a deserter is just taken in to General Greens - I attend & will inform you what he says - a good hearty looking Lad from Limerick - it is deserters intelligence therefore place what Credit to it you please - he informs that there are 3000 men on Bunker hill - that all the Grenedier and Light Infantry Companies are made up to their full complement & encamped there - all the Light-Horse he says are also on the Hill - but that they have no intention of coming out & keep very strong picquets every night to prevent our surprising them - that great numbers of deserters would come over, hut the Soldiers are made to believe that a compact is agreed on between ours and their Generals to give up all deserters at the end of the Campaign, & that they will hang without mercy all such as desert from them - he also says there is a great coolness between the Irish & English Soldiers, but I am apt to believe without any foundation - he says there are Barracks going to be built on Bunker Hill immediately, by wch. we conclude they intend wintering there, & that there is talk of 6 Regiments coming over to reinforce them - but that the people of Ireland have stoped the Artillary & all their recruits - so much for this Lad - One came out this morning from Roxbury & brings nearly the same intelligence except that he say's they are to give us Battle tomorrow, which we are always prepared for but don't believe a word of - they will not catch us asleep come when they please. I hate all hasty conclusions, & therefore am pleased with the modesty of my expressions in regard to the Battle I prophecyed on Thursday last - I had many concuring circumstances in regard to their uncommon movements to suspect something was going on—-but as nothing has been done, shall only say in future what hath been actually done & not what may probably happen. I have many things that I could write & which I know would give you pleasure, or at least a right idea of this Army of 20,000 men - but it would not do that the Letter should fall by accident into the hands of- infidels or the Heathen - such Sermons, such Negroes, such Colonels such Boys & such Great Great Grandfathers. - This I may safely say, that such a cursed set of sharpers cannot be matched - every article of convenience or necessaries, are raised to double the former price - but I hope a proper enquiry will be made before the accounts are passed - and that whatever falsehoods their news-papers may be stuffed with will be disregarded. [p. 27.] [p. 28.] Sunday Evening All's well. - From my Tent door on this Hill I have a full view of all the Enemies Batteries & Works on Boston neck & also our own; about 8 o'Clock this morning I saw a small Cannonade begun by our people with two large Guns & were immediately answered by two from our Antagonists - our people gave them about a dozen more & only received 3 in return. What the matter was, or what occasioned so small a spell of smart firing I have not

had curiosity to enquire - for I have been so busy in hearing a most excellent Sermon from our Dear Mr. [Samuel] Blair & in viewing some works on Leechmore point (I might as well have said Cul de Sac for anything you will understand by it) that I had not before an opportunity of examining with attention - that I am tired & sleepy wch you have no doubt concluded before you were informed. - Monday Morning. I am just informed by one of our Officers that General Schuyler hath taken St. Johns by assault with only the loss of 300 men & that he hath taken 1700 Prisoners - this being post day I set off for Cambridge & if the news is true will put this in the Post Office contrary to my first intention to send it by Mr. Willing, but as there is no knowing when he will set off, cannot keep such good news from you a moment. - Noarth who informs me he is writing to you is to relate all the little nannygotes with that humour wch will make them agreeable - my department is meer matters of fact. Since I wrote the last two lines 20 cannon have been fired at Roxbury & they are firing now ding dong. - Gen. Washingtons 11 o'Clk The above St. Johns account is all a falsehood from first to last, & now I set my nose to Roxbury & will inform you why the Serpents fire so very briskly at Roxbury - Roxbury 1 o'Clock I met on my way hither a Bror Voluntier Mr. Dan'l Dorsey of Maryland who informs me he is going to leave the Camp tomorrow morning for your city - the firing at this place was not occasioned by any uncommon movement but just by the way of Sport - We fired no Guns this morning - nor by 100 Guns wch. they have fired hath one man been killed or hurt, altho' the Guard House & other Houses full of men have been shot thro' & thro' - The wind of a 24 Pounder knocked down a man & horse, struck the Limb of an apple tree & threw it against Dr. Hubley knocked him down & did none of them any kind of harm, except frightening them soundly. - [p. 28.] [p. 29.] Peacock, Jamaica Plains 4 o'Clk The firing at Roxbury hath ceased & all is quiet again. I came here from Roxbury with some of the Rifle Gentn. of that Division to ask Capt Cresap how he does who lies here sick, & for no other reason as Smith can well inform you - Mr. Conner is with me & begs his Complements be put in to you & the Club & if I know any thing of the matter, you might with ALL HIS HEART, present them to, [some words struck out] if mortal man can say which that is - & now to conclude if all this will not draw a line from you I can only say you are a very Lazy fellow, or that the Widow hath an undue influence on the friend of Your Hble Servt Jesse Lukens You need not write as I set off from here before yours can possibly leave Philada. - To Mr. John Shaw Jr Monthly Bulletin of Books added to the Public Library of the City of Boston, vol. 5 (Boston: Published by the Trustees, 1900), 23-29.

Appendix C Capt. William Dansey, 33d Regiment, describes two encounters with rifle troops. William Dansey to his mother, “Hills on Long Island near New York Septr. 3d. 1776” writing of the Battle of Long Island, “I was lucky in my Escape for I had my right hand Man wounded and left hand Man kill’d, I had three kill’d and Six wounded in my Company in about three minuits having fallen in with about 400 Rifle men unawares, they are not so dreadfull as I expected or they must have destroyed me and my whole Company before we were supported by anybody else, afterwards they were all either kill’d or taken, my Company tho’ obliged to Retreat (not having 20 Yards the Start and being only thirty men) kill’d two Officers and two men before we gave way …” William Dansey to his mother, Newport Rhode Island, 10 January 1777, writing of American rifle troops, “tho’ there’s no people in the World can shoot Black Ducks better than they can, but the Ducks carry no Firelocks and Bayonets; its astonishing to think how the Leaders of this Rebellion have made the poor ignorant People believe, because they are brought up to Gunning … that they must be at everything, but now they are convinced that being a good Marksman is only a trifling requisite for a Soldier, indeed I myself saw then beat as Marksmen, at Frogneck [New York] I was engaged (having mine own and another Company under my Command) with a 150 or 200 Riflemen for upwards of seven hours at their favorite Distance about 200 Yards, they were better cover’d than we were having a house a Mill and a Wall we had only Trees, they got the first fire at us before I saw them, I bid my Men cover themselves with the Trees and Rocks and turn out Volunteers among the Soldiers to go to the nearest Trees to the Riflemen and keep up the Fire with the Hessian Riflemen who came to us but did not stay above an Hour, I continued the popping fire at them and they at us we had the Satisfaction of knocking several of them down and had not a Man hurt, this kind of pop[p]ing continued two or three Days between the Light Infantry and rif[lemen] across a Water ‘till we had kil’d an Officer of theirs besides several Men and had not one of ours wounded, and they at last fairly gave up firing finding themselves beat in their own way, which shew’d a cool Soldier with a good Firelock was beyond a Rifleman with all his Skill but such a Bugbear were they at first our good Friends thought we were all to be kill’d with Rifles.”

"The 'Dansey' Letters", part IV, The Iron Duke: The Regimental Magazine of the Duke of Wellington's Regiment, no. 84 (January 1952). Also, Letters of William Dansey (Light Infantry Company, 33rd Regiment of Foot) 1776-1783, Historical Society of Delaware.

Appendix D

Morgan’s Rifle Corps: Selected Documents Not Included in the Narrative Writings of Washington, Vol. 8: To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS “Head Qurs., Middle Brook, 11 O'Clock P.M., June 22, 1777. Sir: I have the honor and pleasure to inform you, that the Enemy evacuated Brunswick this Morning and retired to Amboy, burning many Houses as they went along. Some of them from the appearance of the Flames were considerable Buildings. From several pieces of information and from a variety of Circumstances, it was evident that a move was in agitation, and it was the general Opinion, that it was intended this morning. I therefore detached three Brigades under the command of Major Genl. Greene, to endeavour to fall upon their Rear, and kept the main body of the Army paraded upon the Heights to support them, if there should be occasion. A Party of Colo Morgan's Regt. of light Infantry attacked and drove the Hessian Picket about Sunrise, and upon the appearance of Genl. Wayne's Brigade and Morgan's Regiment (who got first to the ground) opposite Brunswick, the Enemy immediately crossed the Bridge to the East side of the River and threw themselves into Redoubts which they had before constructed. Our Troops, advanced briskly upon them, upon which they quitted the Redoubts without making an opposition and retired by the Amboy Road. As all our Troops, from the difference of their Stations in Camp, had not got up when the Enemy began to move off, it was impossible to check them, as their Numbers were far greater than we had any Reason to expect, being, as we were informed Afterwards, between four and five thousand Men. Our People pursued them as far as Piscataway, but finding it impossible to overtake them, and fearing they might be led on too far from the main Body, they returned to Brunswick. By information of the inhabitants, Genl. Howe, Lord Cornwallis and Genl. Grant were in the Town when the Alarm was first given, but they quitted it very soon after. In the pursuit, Colo Morgan's Rifle Men exchanged several sharp Fires with the Enemy, which it is imagined did them considerable execution. I am in hopes that they afterwards fell in with Genl Maxwell who was detached last Night with a Strong Party, to lay between Brunswick and Amboy to intercept any Convoys or parties that might be passing. But I have yet heard nothing from him. Genl Greene desires me to make mention of the Conduct and bravery of Genl Wayne and Colo. Morgan and of their Officers and Men upon this occasion, as they constantly advanced upon an Enemy far superior to them in numbers and well secured behind strong Redoubts. General Sullivan advanced from Rocky Hill to Brunswick with his division, but as he did not receive his order of March till very late at Night, he did not arrive till the Enemy had been gone some time. I have sent down Lord Stirling's Division, to reinforce Genl. Maxwell, and in the morning I shall move the Main Body of the Army to some secure Post nearer Amboy, from whence we can with more ease annoy the Enemy than from this distance. I am inclined to think they mean to cross to Staten Island, if they do, we may perhaps find an Opportunity of making a stroke upon their Rear. At any rate we shall have a chance of obliging them to make a total evacuation of the State of Jersey. I have the Honor to be &ca.

His Excellency having been on Horseback from 3 o'Clock in the Morning and much fatigued, rather than disturb his Rest, I take the Liberty to close the Letter without his Name. I am etc.”

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 9: To CAPTAIN VAN SWEARINGEN * [* Note: Of the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, He was wounded and taken prisoner at Stillwater, N.Y., on September 19; resigned in August, 1779; captain of Kentucky Militia in 1791; killed at St. Clair's defeat on November 4 of that year.]

“Head Qutrs., Bucks County, August 18, 1777. Sir: It being represented, that several of the men in a Detachment under your Command, as Captain from the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, which composes part of the Corps commanded by Colo. Daniel Morgan, made up of Detachments from Several Regiments, have claims against the United States for Horses and other necessaries furnished the said Regiment, for which they have received no satisfaction; Also, that you and the Officers under you, in the said Detachment, have charges of the like nature and for money advanced some privates of the said Regiment, who have died, been killed, or taken prisoners. And it being impracticable at this time, to examine and adjust the said Claims, as the said Corps Commanded by Colo. Morgan is under orders to march and join the Northern Army. These are to authorize and require you, to state and Settle the said Claims before Colo. Morgan, Lieutt. Colo. Butler and Major Morris, or any two of them, who are empowered to liquidate the same, producing to them such Vouchers, as you are possessed of, and making such proofs to the Account, as may be deemed necessary; Which being done and Certified under the Hands of them, or any two of them, you will advance, of your own Money, to your Officers and Men such Sums, as shall appear to be due them on the said Settlement. And I do hereby agree, on behalf of the United States of America, that the Money so advanced, with what shall appear on the said Settlement to be due yourself, shall be paid to you or your Order.”

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 9: To LIEUTENANT COLONEL ALEXANDER HAMILTON “Head Qurs., Philada. County, October 30, 1777. Dear Sir: It having been judged expedient by the members of a Council of War held Yesterday, that one of the Gentlemen of my family should be sent to Genl. Gates, in order to lay before him the State of this Army and the Situation of the Enemy, and to point out to him the many happy consequences that will accrue from an immediate reinforcement being sent from the Northern Army; I have thought proper to appoint you to that duty, and desire that you will immediately set out for Albany, at which place, or in the neighbourhood, I imagine, you will find General Gates. You are so fully acquainted with the two principal points on which you are sent, namely the "State of our Army and the Situation of the Enemy" that I shall not enlarge on those heads. What you are chiefly to attend to, is to point out, in the clearest and fullest manner, to Genl. Gates, the absolute necessity that there is for his detaching a very considerable part of the Army at present under his command to the reinforcement of this. A measure that will in all probability reduce Genl. Howe to the

same situation in which Genl. Burgoyne now is, should he attempt to remain in Philadelphia without being able to remove the obstructions in Delaware, and opening a free communication with his shipping. … I have understood, that Genl. Gates has already detached Nixon's and Glover's Brigades to join Genl. Putnam, and Genl. Dickinson informs me, that by intelligence, which he thinks may be depended upon, St. Henry Clinton has come down the River with his whole force. If this be a fact, you are to desire Genl. Putnam to send the two Brigades forward with the greatest expedition, as there can be no occasion for them there.* I expect you will meet Colo. Morgan's Corps upon their way down; if you do, let them know how essential their Services are to us and desire the Colo. or commanding Officers to hasten their march, as much as is consistent with the health of the men after their late fatigues. At the request of Govr. Clinton, I have transmitted a Copy of his letter to me, giving an account of Genl. Vaughan's expedition up the North River, after the Capture of Fort Montgomery, and of the destruction committed by his Troops in burning Kingston and the houses and Mills on the River. According to the latest advices, they have returned again, and it is reported, that they have destroyed the Barracks and Forts and gone to New York, But this is not confirmed.” [*Note: On October 26, after demolishing Forts Clinton and Montgomery and burning the barracks at Peekskill, Clinton retreated down the Hudson. Poor's, Warner's, Learned's, and Paterson's brigades were on their march to join Putnam, and these, exclusive of Morgan's riflemen, brought Putnam's total strength to about 9,000. Putnam called a council of war (October 31), which decided that 4,000 should move down to Hayerstraw, 1,000 should remain in the Highlands, and the remainder should move down toward Kings Bridge, while Morgan's corps should join Washington at once. The proceedings of the council are in the Washington Papers in the Library of Congress.]

******************** George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799: Series 4. General Correspondence. 1697-1799 Horatio Gates to George Clinton, November 2, 1777. Making plans in case General William Howe should move his forces into New Jersey, “The Governor of the Jerseys should at the same time, be requested to order the Militia of that state to second the Motions of our Army. If Col. Morgan and his Rifle Regiment are marched it would be right to send an Express to stop them at Van Camps [possibly Van Camps fortified house, along the Old Mine Road, which runs for 40 miles through the Delaware Water Gap National Recreation Area, along the northwestern edges of Warren and Sussex Counties leading to Kingston, New York] and order him to march from thence to Sussex Court House [present-day Newton, Sussex County, New Jersey]and to Morris Town.”

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 10: To GOVERNOR PATRICK HENRY “Head Quarters, White Marsh, December 10, 1777. Sir: I was honored with yours of the 22d Ulto. on Wednesday last; but the Situation, which the Army has since been in, has prevented me from answering it before. Genl Howe had been for some time preparing for a move, which every account from the City, informed me was intended against this Army. On thursday

Evening he advanced as far as Chesnut Hill and in the Morning he appeared upon the Heights about three Miles in our front. There was a small Skirmish between the Enemy's advanced Corps and the Pennsylvania Militia, in which Brigr. General Irvine of that State was unfortunately wounded, thrown from his Horse and taken Prisoner. Having reconnoitred our Situation all that day, and I suppose not liking the appearance of our right Wing, they moved on Friday night about three miles to our left. They lay still on saturday, and on sunday about noon intelligence was brought that they were in full March towards our Camp. As soon as they began to move Colo. Morgan with the light Corps under his Command and the Maryland Militia attacked their right flank, and I am informed did them a good deal of damage, considering the Number of Men that engaged. About sunset they halted again, their left wing being about one Mile from our line. From this Manoevre I expected an Attack in the Night, or by day break and made disposition accordingly. On Monday Afternoon they began to move, but instead of advancing, they filed off from their right, and the first Certain Account, that I could obtain of their intentions was that they were in full March towards Philadelphia; I immediately dispatched light parties after them, but such was the rapidity of their movement, that they could not even come up with their rear.”

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 11: To THE BOARD OF WAR “Head Quarters, Valley Forge, May 23, 1778. Dear Sir: I have been favd. with yours of the 19th with its inclosures on the subject of the Indian ravages upon the Western Frontier. Previous to the Receipt of it, I had put that part of the 13th Virginia Regt. which remained here under marching orders, with an intent of sending them to Fort Pitt, as they were raised in that Country. Immediately upon receiving the account of the alarming situation of the Frontier inhabitants from you, I ordered the 8th Pennsylvania Regt. to march. They were also raised to the Westward and are a choice Body of Men about one hundred of them have been constantly in Morgans Rifle Corps. These two Regiments will march full the number of 250 Men from hence. There are upwards of one hundred of the 13th Virginia now at and near Fort Pitt, and many deserters belonging to both will come in, when they find their Regiments are to do duty in that Country. As Colo. Russell of the 13th Virginia Regiment is already at Fort Pitt and Colo. Brodhead commands and goes up with the 8th Pennsylvania, it was impossible to give the command of the detachment to Lieut. Colo. Butler. Indeed he does not seem to wish to go upon the expedition, as he says his influence is not so great among the Inhabitants of the back Country as the Board imagine. From his knowledge of the Indian Country, their language and manners, he certainly would be very useful and I shall therefore either send him or Colo. John Gibson up, who I am informed can render equal service. I can very lily spare the Troops which I have sent, especially the 8th Pennsylvania Regt. which composed the greatest part of Morgans Corps, as the Draughts and Recruits from the different States, not only fall short of the stipulated numbers, but come in extremely slow. if Colo. John Gibson goes up, he will take the Command of the 13th Virginia Regiment pro tempore, and Colo. Russell will come down to Gibson's. There is a dispute subsisting between Colo. Russell and Colo. William Crawford for the 13th. Virginia Regiment, and I do

not mean, that this temporary appointment of Colo. Gibson, to the command of it, should prejudice Colo. Crawfords claim, should he incline to prosecute it hereafter. If the two Regiments to be raised upon the Frontiers are not disposed of, I would recommend Colo. Crawford to the command of one of them. I know him to be a brave and active officer and of considerable influence upon the Western Frontier of Virginia. I am &ca.”

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 12: To MAJOR GENERAL PHILIP SCHUYLER “Head Quarters, White Plains, July 22, 1778. Dear Sir … The parties of Indians and others, under Butler and Brandt, have already done considerable mischief on the North East corner of Pennsylvania; having cut off the inhabitants, and destroyed the Settlement of Wyoming. Upon a representation from Govt. Clinton, I have sent up Lieutt. Colo, Butler with the 4th. Penna. Regt. and Capt. Posey with a detachment of Morgans Rifle Corps to assist the Militia of New Jersey and New York in repelling their farther incursions. If the expedition agt. the Seneca Country is to be prosecuted, I imagine you and the Gentlemen joined with you in the commission for Indian Affairs will hear more of it from Congress and those who at first had the management of it.” [Note: Maj. John Butler, of Butler's Rangers, and Joseph Brant, the Mohawk chief.]

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 13: To CAPTAIN ASA COBURN [Seventh Massachusetts Regiment.]

“Head Quarters, Fredericksburgh, October 17, 1778. Sir: You will proceed to Springfield and apply to Mr. Measam for the following articles of cloathing, which he is hereby directed to furnish you out of the cloathing at that place. For Col. Aldens Regiment, 300 suits of Uniform, a proportion of Shirts and stockings and 200 blankets and 200 pair of shoes. For the Regiment under the command of Lieut. Col. Butler, 150 suits of Uniform, a proportion of shirts and stockings and 100 blankets, and 100 pair of shoes. For the detachment under the command of Major Posey, 80 suits of Uniform, a proportion of shirts and Stockings and 50 Blankets and fifty pair of shoes. With these you are to proceed with all dispatch to Albany, and deliver the several quantities to their respective regiments; taking proper receipts as vouchers for the delivery; you will have the cloathing packed up in separate parcels and marked for the corps to which they belong. You will apply to the Quartermaster at Springfield for the means of transportation; and will use the greatest care and diligence in getting the cloathing to the place of its destination. I am etc.”

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 13: To LIEUTENANT COLONEL WILLIAM BUTLER “Head Quarters, November 12, 1778. Sir… The arrangements for the winter being not yet complete your regiment will wait further orders. 63 In the mean time I would be glad to know in what time you think your regiment and Colo. Morgan's corps could move to Wyoming; you will

also mention the difficulties and the best course for such a march at this season of the year. In case I find it expedient to remove these two corps to Wyoming, your presence will be necessary during the march. But when this is over, or if it should not take place I have no objection to complying with your visiting your family. This will be ascertained by the time I have your answer, when I shall write you further on this subject.” [Note: Butler was then at Schoharie, N. Y.]

******************** Writings of Washington, Vol. 13: To MAJOR THOMAS POSEY [Seventh Virginia Regiment] “Middle Brook, December 20, 1778. Sir: Your presence with the Regt. to which you belong is now necessary, you will therefore on the receipt of this repair here. I have written to the commanding Officer at Albany, if he thinks the corps you command can be spared to order the Troops that compose it to join their respective Regts. of this you will be informed, but you will lose no time in coming yourself. I am &ca.” [Note: Washington forwarded this letter to Posey, through Brig. Gen. James Clinton, in a short note of this same date (December 20) in which he expressed a desire to have the ranger corps, to which Posey had been detailed, disbanded, if its services could be dispensed with and the detachments composing it returned to their respective regiments, "but this is left for yourself to decide according to the occasion you may see for detaining it. I am however anxious it should take place." This letter is in the Washington Papers.]

******************** To BRIGADIER GENERAL WILLIAM MAXWELL “Head Quarters, West point, November 1, 1779. Sir: I was yesterday favd. with yours of the 30th. by Captain Wool acquainting me with your being upon the upper Road, which is rather unlucky [as it has disconcerted me in many respects]. I yesterday wrote to General Sullivan to detach your Brigade to Westfield to cover the forage in that quarter. Should the troops not have marched from Warwick towards Sufferans when this reaches you, you will be pleased to observe the following directions. March with your own Brigade to Westfield, order the Regiment late Aldens, and the Rifle Corps under the command of Major Parr to [this place by the rout of] New Windsor, and halt all the remainder of the troops at Warwick, [till further orders.] But should you have passed Warwick, you are to continue the march to Sufferans, filing off with your own Brigade to Westfield at the most convenient place. The cover of the forage under the Mountain is to be the principal object of your attention, for which purpose, and as circumstances may require your moving again from thence at a moments warning, you will keep your Officers and Men together, and all things in the most perfect readiness. [If the Scotch plains, or any position thereabouts will afford a better, and more general cover to the forage than West-field, you may make choice of it; the forage Master in that part of the County will be able to give you the necessary information of the places where it principally lays; the State Regiment will (I presume) continue at their present posts; I would not therefore have any part of your Brigade moved down to Elizabeth Town or those places but Posted in such a manner as best to answer the purposes above mentioned.] Wherever this may meet you I would wish you to halt the Troops, and

inform me immediately of it, provided they can be tolerably well supplied with forage. Your own Brigade, Alden's Regt. and the rifle corps will proceed as before directed. “

******************** Appendix E

“We returned them a very brisk fire …”

A Rifleman’s View of Two Campaigns William Grant left a far-ranging account of the first two years of the war as experienced by a Virginia soldier, and a rifleman at that. Sergeant Grant was one of those who remained with main army when Morgan’s Rifle Corps headed north in August 1777, and gives some idea of the number of Virginia riflemen serving in the Philadelphia campaign that September and October. “Narrative of William Grant, late a Serjeant in the Rebel Army, dated 24th Novr 1777, from on board the Queen Indiaman at Gravesend,” Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. 8 (Albany, 1857), 728-734. “Sir, About the beginning of July 1776, the Cherokee Indians, excited by a number of the friends to Government, in that place commonly called Tories, who had fled from North Carolina, fell upon the Western frontiers of Virginia; whereupon the Committees of the several Counties detached severall small parties of militia to stop their progress thro' the Country, untill such time as an army could be raised to oppose them, which at that time was very difficult, as the major part of the youth who were zealous for the cause, were already in the service against the King's troops. In this juncture they were obligated to have recourse to the Militia law, which compels every male from the age of fifteen to sixty, after having settled three months in one place, to take up arms against all enemys, upon their refusal they forfeit the sum of £20 of that currency. By virtue of which law they collected about 1200 men before the middle of August, the chief command of which was conferred upon Col. Smith, a native of that country. He immediately assembled his new Army at Staunton, a small town in Augusta County, lying about 20 miles to the Westward of the South Mountain, from whence he marched August 18th and proceeded directly to Holstein, a settlement upon the frontiers where the Indians were then ravaging, bat upon the approach of the army retreated with their booty. The Col. finding they would not come to a decisive engagement so far from home, determined to pursue them to their towns, to expedite which he encamped his army on an island formed in the river Holstein, generally known by the name of the Long Island, untill such time as he could be reinforced with provisions and men, upon which there were severall draughts taken out of the Militia, General Washington at the same time petitioning for more troops, and a draught of the Militia being granted, it fell to my lot to go as one. At that time I taught a school in Augusta County, but being zealous for government was determined not to go, but finding I was not able to withstand their power, which was very arbitrary in that part, I thought it better to enter into the service against the Indians than to go into actual service against my Countrymen. Accordingly some troops were raising at that time by Act of the Convention of Virginia (to be stationed at the different passes on the Ohio to keep the Shawneese &ca in awe and to prevent their incursions) upon these terms, vizt that they should enlist for the term of two years, that they should not be compelled to leave the said frontiers or be entered into the Continental service without their own mutual consent, as also that of the legislator. Taking this to be the

only method of scree[n]ing myself from being deemed a Tory and also of preventing my being forced into the Continental service, I enlisted the third of Septembr into Capt. Michael Bowyers's Company of Riflemen, to be stationed at the mouth of the Little Kennarah upon the River Ohio. Soon after we marched in company with 150 militia, to the assistance of Coll. Smith, who still continued on the Long Island. We had several skirmishes with the Indians during our march, without any considerable loss on either side. Sept 20th we joined the main body, and on the 22nd decamped and proceeded towards the Cherokee towns. The enemy continued to harrass us in our march with numberless attacks, sometimes appearing on our front, sometimes upon our flank, so giving us a brisk fire for some minutes, would immediately retreat into the woods. Thus we continued our march thro' the woods the space of three weeks, about which time we received intelligence from our spies and from some prisoners that had escaped, that the Indians had removed every thing from their towns into the mountains, had cut down their corn & set fire to every thing they could not carry away which they thought might be of service to the white army. Upon the confirmation of this account Coll. Smith being persuaded they would never hazard a general engagement, and knowing that his army was but badly supplied with provisions, sent severall companys back into the different Settlements where the Savages were still making incursions and murdring the inhabitants; the Company to which I belonged was one of this number. We were sent to a place lying in the Allegany mountains (upon the banks of the River Monongalia) known by the name of Tygar's Valley where we were ordered during the winter, in order both to defend the Inhabitants and to make canoes to carry us down the river to the place where we were to be stationed the ensuing Spring, in which place I was made Sergt' in which I continued during my stay in the army. In the mean time the Indians, finding the Virginians fully bent to search them out and an army of Carolina troops approaching on the other side, sent Deputies to Col. Smith to sue for peace, which was granted upon their delivering up the prisoners, and restoring the goods that they carried out of the Settlements. Hereupon the Militia was disbanded, and the other troops that were enlisted on the aforementioned terms were distributed amongst the frontier settlements during the winter. About this time the war was very hot in the Jerseys, and the Congress determining to recruit their army as soon as possible in the Spring, sent a remonstrance to the Convention of Virginia, alledging that they had a number of troops on their frontiers that were of very little or no service to the country, as the Indians were peacably inclined. Therefore they desired that they should be sent to the assistance of the Continental army as early in the Spring as they possibly could. The Convention immediately repealed the Act on which the troops were raised and directly entered them into the Continental service, and issued forth commissions for the raising of six new Battalions, amongst which the troops formerly raised for the defence of the back frontiers were to be distributed. Agreeable to this new Act we received orders to march to Winchester, there to join the 12th Virga Regt commanded by Col. James Wood in pursuant to which orders we marched from Tygar's Valley in the begining of April, and proceeded with all expedition; which march we compleated in the space of eight days; after having rested a few days at Winchester we proceeded to join the Continental Army, which at that time lay partly in Morristown, partly at Boundbrook a small town on the Rarington river about 6 miles from New Brunswick, where His Excellency Generall Howe had his head quarters. May 19th we joined the grand army which then consisted of 20000 foot (chiefly composed of Virginians, Carolinians, and Pennsylvanians, the major part of whom were volunteers, altho' for the most part disaffected to.the rebel cause, they being for the most part convicts and indented servants, who had entered on purpose to get rid of their masters and of consequence of their commanders the first opportunity they can get of deserting)

and about 300 light horse commanded by General Washington assisted by Lord Stirling, Major Generalls Stephens, Keyn[?], Sullivan, Brigadiers Weeden, Millenberg [Muhlenberg], Scott, Maxwell, Conway, which latter is a French man. Likewise a number of French officers who commanded in the Artillery, whose names or ranks I never had an opportunity of being acquainted with. Nothing worthy of notice happened until the 30th of that Inst on which the Continental Army decamped and retreated about 2 miles into the Blue Mountains and incamped at Middle Broock, where they were joined in a few days by the other part of the army that lay at Morristown. Here they lay for some considerable time, during which they were employed in training their troops who were quite undisciplined and ignorant of every military art. Their Officers in general are equally ignorant as the private men, through which means they make but very little progress in learning. Wherefore it is generally believed by the unprejudiced part of the people that the rebells never will hazard a generall engagement, unless they are so hemmed up that they cannot have an opportunity of waving it; from which reason and the deplorable state the Country in generall is now reduced to, which in many places near to the seat of war is entirely destitute of labourers to cultivate the ground, insomuch that the women are necessitated for their own support to lay aside their wonted delicacy and take up the utensils for agriculture. From these and many other weighty reasons it is generally supposed that they cannot continue the war much longer. Nothing material was transacted on either side till about the 24th of June, when a party of General Howe's army made a movement and advanced as far as Somerset, a small town lying on the Rarington betwixt Boundbroock and Princetown, which they plundered, and set fire to two small churches and several farm houses adjacent. General Washington upon receiving notice of their marching, detached 2 Brigades of Virginia troops and the like number of New Engld to Pluckhimin, a small town about 10 miles from Somerset, lying on the road to Morristown. Here both parties lay for several days, during which time several slight skirmishes happened with their out scouts, without any considerable loss on either side. On the 29th the enemy retreated to Brunswick with their booty and we to our former ground in the Blue Mountain. Next day His Excellency General Howe marched from Brunswick towards Bonumtown with his whole army, which was harassed on the march by Col. Morgan's Riflemen. As soon as General Howe had evacuated Brunswick, Mr Washington threw a body of the Jersey militia into it, and spread a report that he had forced them to leave it. July 2nd there was a detachment of 150 Riflemen chosen from among the Virginia regiments, dispatched under the command of Capt. James Dark a Dutchman, belonging to the eighth Virginia Regt [William Darke was a captain in the 8th Virginia Regiment in 1776, promoted to major of the 4th Virginia in January 1777] to watch the enemy's motions. The same day this party, of which I was one, marched to Quibbleton, and from thence proceeded towards Amboy. July 4th [the date was actually June 25 1777] we had intelligence of the enemy's being encamped within a few miles of Westfield that night we posted ourselves within a little of their camp and sent an officer with 50 men further on the road as a picquet guard, to prevent our being surprised in the night. Next morning a little before sun rise the British army before we suspected them, were upon pretty close on our picquet before they were discovered, and fired at a negroe lad that was fetching some water for the officer of sd guard, and broke his arm. Upon which he ran to the picquet and alarmed them, affirming at the same time that there was not upwards of sixty men in the party that fired at him. This intelligence was directly sent to us, who prepared as quick as possible to receive them and assist our picquet who was then engaged, in order for which, as we were drawing up our men, an advanced guard of the enemy saluted us with several field pieces, which did no damage. We immediately retreated into the woods from whence we returned them a very brisk fire with our rifles, so continued firing and retreating without any reinforcement till

about 10 oCIock, they plying us very warmly both with their artillery and small arms all the time, about which time we were reinforced with about 400 Hessians (who had been taken at sea going over to America & immediately entered into the Continental service) [likely a reference to Ottendorf’s Corps] and three brass field pieces under the command of Lord Stirling. They drew up immediately in order to defend their field pieces and cover our retreat, and in less than an hour and a half were entirely cut off; scarce sixty of them returned safe out of the field, those who did escape were so scattered over the country that a great number of them could not rejoin the Army for five or six days, whilst the Kings troops marched off in triumph with three brass field pieces and a considerable number of prisoners, having sustained but very little loss on their side. [The action described here by Grant was the Battle of Short Hills, 26 June 1777.] This was the last engagement that happened in the Jerseys before General Howe embarked at York. During this time the rebel army advanced as far as Quibbletown where they lay three days, then countermarched back to the Blue Mountains and there continued untill they recd an account of embarkment of the enemy at York. Capt. Dark collected the remains of his shattered party in the best manner he possibly could and continued to execute his orders in reconnoitring and sending intelligence to the Camp, untill Generall Howe crossed over in Strattan Island, at which time we returned to the Camp with scarce two thirds of the men we took away, where we remained 4 or 5 days, then decamped and marched to Morristown and lay there untill we received certain intelligence that, the army had gone on board and stood out to sea bearing to the Northward. Upon this news we instantly decamped and marched toward the North River, and encamped at the Clove, about 12 miles South from King's Ferry, where Generall Sullivan left us with about 5000 men and crossed the Ferry. Soon after we again decamped and proceeded further up the River towards Albany. The weather being excessive rainy we were obliged to halt several days during which time we recd an account of Genl Howe's appearing in the Bay of Delaware, which caused us a very hard and fatiguing march, often marching at the rate of thirty miles per day, which killed a number of the men. It was no uncommon thing for the rear guard to see 10 or 11 men dead on the road in one day occasioned by the insufferable heat and thirst, likewise in almost every town we marched through, their Churches were converted into hospitals. Another great hurt to the army was the scarcity of salt and bread, the former of which was not to be had at any rate, for at that time in the Jerseys it sold for 20 dollars pr bushel, as to the latter they were almost in the same condition, altho' they had plenty of flour they had not time to bake it. Thus we marched till we came to Germantown a village about 6 miles from Philadelphia, where we encamped for severall days, and we[re] reviewed by the Congress. In the interim the British fleet stood out to sea again and steering to the Northward as at first, we again removed and marched to the Cross roads in Bucks County, about 20 miles to the Northward of Philadelphia, and there we pitched our tents, expecting every day to hear of their landing at York, or in some part of the Jerseys. During our stay here we were joined by the 13th Virga Regt a small body of new raised troops to the amount of about 200. About this the Rebel army was very sickly, occasioned greatly by the scarcity of salt, and the great fatigue they had sustained, during the late hard and fatiguing march, which was soon followed by another as hard tho' not so long. August 22nd we recd an account that Generall Howe had landed in Virginia. Next day we decamped and marched 15 miles towards Philadelphia and prepared to march through the City next day, which we did in the best order our circumstances could permit, and proceeded towards Virginia with all expedition; but received soon after a true account of his being at the head of Elk in Maryland. General Washington, being determined to stop his progress towards Philadelphia, posted a body of millitia at Ironhill an eminence about three miles from General Howe's out posts. He also posted three brigades of Virginians with

6 field pieces at Christian Creek about 8 miles from Wilmington, from each of which they detached a party of 100 light armed men, as scouts, under the command of Col. Crawford. Among this number I had the good fortune of being one, as I was determined to embrace the first opportunity of escaping, which I fortunately effected. General Washington with the remainder of his army (which in whole by his own account only consisted of 13000 men) and the artillary park, which consisted of 15 brass field pieces and severall howitts[ers], encamped at Brandywine Creek about 12 miles from Eiktown where General Howe held his head quarters. On Saturday August 30th we received intelligence by some prisoners that General Howe intended to make an attack on Ironhill next day. Accordingly next morning between two and three o'Clock, we marched over the hill, and formed our selves into an ambuscade, in which position we continued till five, when being persuaded that no attack would be made, a party of 150 men was immediately chosen and sent under the command of the aforesd Capt. Dark, to reconnoitre. In this party I went as a volunteer, fully resolved never to return unless as a prisoner. However, marching from thence, took several by roads, untill we had got past several of the Hessians posts undiscovered, and proceeding toward an iron work where they had another post, we discovered a few of the Welch fusileers cooking at a barn in the middle of a large field of Indian Corn. Capt Dark resolved to take them if possible, on which account he divided his men into 6 parties of 25 each, under the command of a Lieut and 2 Serjeants. The party on the left to which I belonged, he ordered to surround the field, which we did, but were discovered by those whom we thought to surprise, who were only a few of a party consisting of fifty that were out foraging. They drew up immediately and marched out of the field, upon which our Lieut and 4 of his men fired upon them, which they returned with a whole volley, and plyed us very warmly from among the trees for some considerable time, untill the other parties came up and attacked them in the rear, whom they also gallantly repulsed and put to flight. The party I belonged to upon the approach of the rest, retreated, at which time I left them, and made the best of my way to the English Camp. In my way I saw severall of the rebells lying dead, and was afterwards informed that a number more of them fell in that action; which in every probability will be the fate of the whole, if they come to a generall engagement, which of necessity they must in a short time, as it is impossible they can sustain the war much longer, the Country being entirely laid waste, the inhabitants disaffected and entirely wearied of the war, and independency; numbers of them are detained from coming to the Royal Standard only through fear of being detected by General Washington's army, the army small, undisciplined, disaffected to the cause, badly paid, in very dull spirits, being certain they are far inferior to the British troops in every point, and entirely destitute of every necessary for carrying on the war, having neither arms nor ammunition, but what they receive from the French or Dutch. From these and many other cogent reasons it is highly probable this unhappy war will soon be terminated to the honour of His Majesty and a terror to all other who may attempt to rebell in like manner for the future. Thus Sir I have given you a short narrative of the facts that came to my knowledge during my stay in the rebell army, and hope it will give your Honour the satisfaction required. I think myself happy in having the honour of serving you in this manner and of subscribing myself

Your most obedient & humble Servt Ship Queen, Indiaman William Grant at Gravesend Novr 24th 1777”

Appendix F “He was in that noted Battel in the Bukwheat field with Morgan …”

Riflemen’s Pension Service Narratives, 1775-1779

All pensions gleaned from Southern Campaign Revolutionary War Pension Statements & Rosters

(World Wide Web) http://www.southerncampaign.org/pen/ ____________________________

Pension application of William White S1735 fn19VA Captain Buford’s Virginia Rifle Company, 1775 (White was 21 years old at the time of his first service in 1775) (Transcribed by Will Graves, last revised 6/3/11) State of Tennessee Lincoln County: County Court: October term, 1832 On this 17th day of October, 1832, personally appeared before the justices of the County Court of Lincoln County, Tennessee, William White, a resident of said county and state, aged about 78 years the 10th of January next, who being duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath, make the following declaration in order to attain

the benefit of a provision made by act of Congress passed June 7th

, 1832. That he entered the service of the United States under the following officers and served as herein stated, viz.: That he volunteered in Colonel Stephen’s Regiment of Minutemen in Fauquier County, Virginia some time in the month of September in the year 1775 (as he thinks), Major Thomas Marshall also commanded in said regiment. The company to which I belonged was commanded by Captain John Shelton who was afterwards killed at the Battle of Brandywine or Germantown (I now forget which) and also by Lieutenant John Marshall, son of Major Thomas Marshall, and now Chief Justice of the United States. In the same month we marched from our county to Culpepper Courthouse in Virginia, where we commenced building barracks, but before we completed them an express arrived for us to go to the lower country where Gov. Dunmore was raising a disturbance. We immediately marched to Williamsburg, and were there stationed in the Capitol three or four weeks during the time our regiment was stationed at Williamsburg. I volunteered and went with a rifle company commanded by a Capt. Bluford [Abraham or Henry Buford] to Hampton Road and at Hampton we had an action with five small British vessels called “tenders” lying in a creek a small distance away from the bay, one of which we took and drove the others off. From Hampton we marched back to Williamsburg and I joined my regiment. We then started towards Norfolk, where Gov. Dunmore had established himself, and came to a bridge about 14 or 15 miles from Norfolk, called at that time “ the long bridge” at which place was a British fort about 5 miles below the bridge at a ferry which was guarded by some Tories and Negroes. Genl. Scott, being with our army at his time, beat up for volunteers to storm the lower fort, and I and several of my company besides others went and stormed the forts dung the night. We completely routed them and took several Negroes and one white man prisoner. We marched back to the long bridge and raised breastworks against

the fort where Fordyce [Charles Fordyce] commanded. In 3 or 4 days afterwards, Fordyce marched out of the fort to storm our breastworks, and we killed, wounded and took prisoner his whole company except one Ensign who made his escape. Capt. Fordyce was shot through the body with ten balls. We then marched to Norfolk against Dunmore who retreated to his vessels and set fire to the town. We lay at Norfolk a few weeks and were then marched back home where we were discharged about the middle of April, having been in service between 7 and 8 months. C. Leon Harris notes: A size roll of noncommissioned officers and privates compiled at Chesterfield Courthouse, Virginia, lists the following: William White, age 24, height 6' 1", dark hair, dark eyes, dark complexion, planter, born and residing in Fauquier County where he enlisted as a substitute on 5 March 1781 for 18 months. Sized on 27 April 1781.

____________________________ Pension application of James Fergus W255731 Lt. Col. Frederick Watts’ Regiment of Cumberland County, Pennsylvania Associators, 1776 (Fergus was 20 years old at the time of his first service in 1776.) (Transcribed and annotated by Will Graves ) Amended Declaration State of Tennessee, Carroll County On this 13th day of June personally appeared in open court before the Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions of said County, now sitting, James Fergus, a resident of said County and State aged 76 years in November last, who being first duly sworn according to law doth on his oath make the following amended declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the act of Congress passed June 7, 1832. … Quest. 1st: When and in what year were you born? Answer: From the account of my parents, I was born in the County of Chester & Province of Pennsylvania in the year 1756 & month of November, the day not recollected. … 3rd Where were you living when called into service? Where have you lived since the Revolutionary War and where do you now live? Answer: I was living with my Father in a part of Cumberland called Sherman's Valley in the State of Pennsylvania & after the summer campaign of '76 & winter campaign of '76-7 (account of which will be given hereafter) I undertook to study Physic under Dr. William Clunie, who at that time boarded at my Father's and in December 1777, I went with the Doctor into Virginia & in Augusta County we stopped. The Small Pox had broke out there & appeared to be fatal. In Augusta & Albemarle Counties, I assisted the Doctor in the Inoculation of the Small Fox of several hundred Persons, none of whom died. In the spring of 1778, we went to South Carolina, where I had a Brother living in what was then called the New Acquisition, Camden District. The Doctor taking to hard drinking, I quit him & returned to Pennsylvania. My Father, at the encouragement of my Brother who lived in Carolina, had sold his land & had determined to move there, which we did in the fall of '78. (At this time the Tories were getting very troublesome). I continued to live in this state until the

death of my Father & Mother. I married in the year 1783. In 1794, I moved to Kentucky near Lexington where I lived three or four years & then moved to Cumberland County Kentucky where I continued to live until December last. I then moved to this place, viz., Carroll County, W. Tennessee where I arrived in March [of] the present year 1832. 4th How were you called into service; were you drafted; did you volunteer, or were you a substitute and if so for whom did you substitute? Answer: The Militia of Pennsylvania; to what Regiment I do not recollect; was called out and out of one Battalion of Colonel Watts' Regiment of Cumberland County of the Pennsylvania Militia Eighty four men of us turned out volunteers to march to camp, no drafted men nor substitutes among us. 5th State the names of some of the Regular Officers who were with the troops where you served, such Continental and Militia Regiments as you can recollect and the general circumstances of your service. Answer: Being in the 76th year of my age, I find my memory very defective & having no written documents preserved of the transactions or campaigns of which I am now about to give an account, after the lapse of so many years, I may in some things be mistaken but I will give a statement of the tours of duty to the best of my recollection in which I have served my country. I think it was in the month of June '76 that we enrolled ourselves as a volunteer Rifle company, 84 in number including Officers in Colonel Frederick Watts' Militia Regiment; every Officer in the Battalion enrolled themselves as privates & then we elected by vote our Officers to command us in the present tour. Our uniform was a dark purple coloured Hunting shirt & pantaloons, a good Rifle & Powder horn & shot pouch, Tomahawk & butt were our equipment, all furnished by ourselves. Our marching Officers were Thomas Clark, Capt; Lieutenants Samuel Ross, James Fisher & a third one I do not now remember for we had no Ensign. From Sherman's Valley we marched to Carlisle Town, the seat of our County. We lay there five days to complete our equipments; thence moved on to Harris's ferry on Susquehanna [River]; thence to Middleton, Lancaster & to Philadelphia; thence went on a sloop up [the] Delaware River to Trenton; thence to Maidenhead, Princeton, Kingston, Brunswick & to Perth Amboy where we joined a number of Troops who lay there watching an English Camp on Staten Island opposite to Amboy. It appeared to me these troops were chiefly Militia. If there were any Regulars I do not now recollect. Col. Watts who commanded our Regiment was here with us. General Roberdeau [Daniel Roberdeau], I think from Philadelphia, is all the general officer whose name I can now recollect. While we lay here one evening we received orders to prepare with the rest of the Troops to march in the night & cross the sound into Staten Island in order to surprise & attacked the British camp. I would here observe that we did not lie in Town but about half a mile out on the West side. About dusk, we moved into Town but a heavy cloud with thunder & a strong wind & torrent of rain put a stop to our going on; the scheme was abandoned, nor was it attempted afterwards while we lay here. The enemy sometimes incommoded us by firing from two Field pieces off the Island into the Town, but fortunately did us little damage. How long we

lay here I cannot now say, it was however until the Battle of Long Island; we heard the firing of the Cannon all day although at 30 miles distance. The next day an express came to us with orders to march to New York & I think in the evening we went on, past Elizabeth Town & Newark & to Bergen where our company was stationed. We here lay until the British took possession of New York, doing duty at Powles Hook. We had a fair view of the British Frigates firing on our boats that were bringing the Ordinance & stores off from Governor's Island in the day. I think two days were spent before the Island was fairly evacuated. We had a Galley stationed to cover our boats who fired incessantly so that the smoke while the air was calm enveloped the boats & they escaped wonderfully. While we lay at the Hook, two Frigates passed us up the River. Our Battery opposite the City opened [fire] on them & they [fired] on us, until they entirely passed; what damage we did them, we knew not, if any & we received none to speak of. When the British took possession of the city, our company was the last on the ground at Bergen & the Hook, the rest of the Troops were gone. While we knew not what to do, a gentleman came to us who announced himself Major Josephs [?], a supernumerary who had no special command; he asked our Captain why we stayed here. The Captain said we were stationed there & could not retreat without orders. The Major replied it was a pity so find a company should be lost which undoubtedly would be the case if we stayed much longer where we were & though he had no special authority, he would take the responsibility on himself to order us off & we accordingly marched off to Hackensack old Town. After we left Bergen & Powles Hook & got to Hackensack old Town, I cannot recollect how we maneuvered about afterwards except I very well remember we were encamped at Newark at the time of the fire in New York. It shone very bright & we were in hopes it was the British fleet on fire but we soon learned otherwise. How long we lay here, or what time we were dismissed, I cannot now recollect. I think it was sometime in October we got home, but what time of the month I cannot say. Before we arrived at home many of the Company were ill of the Yellow Jaundice, myself among the rest, but in course of about three weeks I got it removed. About the last of November, I think it was, news came to us Genl Washington with the Army was flying before the enemy through the Jerseys & for all in Pennsylvania that would volunteer their service to come immediately. No draft was talked of & I think a bounty was offered to such as would be in Philadelphia before Christmas. 30 of us in the Company to which I belonged turned out, most of whom had been out in the summer campaign with our brave Captain Clark at our head. We equipped ourselves for the winter campaign with all the speed in our power & moved on to Philadelphia. The weather was very severe between Carlisle and Susquehanna. We met Genl Mifflin [Thomas Mifflin] on his way through the state to hurry the volunteers on that were on their way & to encourage others to turn out. There was snow on the ground; we crossed the River at a Ferry below Harris's & in the afternoon it came on a thick and heavy snow, but we went on through it till we

got into Middletown. We lay there all night & it continued to snow all night & near the middle of the day it cleared up. This was the deepest snow I ever had seen, it was near 4 feet deep on the level ground. Our baggage wagon could not move till we broke the road before it. We labored on through it with all possible diligence. The first day we went 3 miles, the next 7 miles and the third 9 miles. By this time we got into Lancaster. The snow now got shallower & the road somewhat broke. We arrived in Philadelphia between Christmas and New Year's Day. The Hessian prisoners taken at Trenton were yet in the city, but shortly after they were sent on to Lancaster. The weather [being] severe, we rested a day or two & then moved on to Trenton. The Battle of Princeton was over. Trenton was evacuated & partly desolate, I think it was General Greene [Nathanael Greene] we met here, we lay all night in the Town & next day we were ordered on to a little village or hamlet called Crosswicks where we lay in the snow a few days, perhaps a week, with some Troops & then moved to Princeton & lay under the command of the brave old veteran General Putnam [Israel Putnam] until near spring. There was but one company of Regulars with us here, the rest [were] volunteers or militia. There was some Jersey Artillery with us, also some Light Horse, perhaps 60 or 70. The ground was frozen so hard and deep we could not bury the dead; the sick and wounded some of whom died every day or night, we had to throw in the trenches of the redoubts until the ground thawed in the spring. We however buried Colonel Haslet [John Haslet] of the Delaware line who fell in the Battle of Princeton with the honors of War & I think a Major Fleming [sic, Captain John Fleming] of Virginia, if I mistake not. The British lay at Brunswick that winter & we had a picket guard placed at Kingston then about 3 miles from us on the Road to Brunswick. One day the British drove in our picket & the General expected we would be attacked. The alarm guns were fired, the drums beat to arms, the wagons were quickly loaded with baggage & stores & drove off towards Trenton, all was hurry, but not confusion. We were marched out of Town into the Plain on the side next to Kingston, the way we expected the Enemy to meet us & formed into a line of battle. One company of Regulars with muskets & bayonets; one Regiment & Colonel Tarbott's [?] volunteers with rifles and some others with the Jersey artillery & our few Light Horse comprised our line. We were in expectation of an attack & kept on the ground until dark. No enemy appeared & then returned to our quarters; lay on our arms all light and were in the line of battle in the morning by daylight & continued on the ground till eight or nine o'clock of the day. We continued this course for a week or more. We understood afterwards by deserters what saved us from an attack was the fear that the firing might bring General Washington who lay in Morristown with the Army on their backs & intercept them before they could get back to Brunswick. Numbers of Hessian deserters came to us while we lay here. The spotted Fever & the small Pox prevailed among us & many of our men died. The winter was extremely severe, but we had good quarters in Town, however we frequently went in parties and drove in the British sentries at Brunswick and harassed them more than they did us. What time we were dismissed from here, I do not recollect. Several of our

company died here, two of the smallpox and others of the spotted Fever, one in Philadelphia where the Fever was raging & very fatal, another on the road before we got to Lancaster, some got home with the Fever in them & died shortly afterwards. I think it was sometime in March when we arrived at home, but cannot ascertain the particular time. Of the 30 who marched out of our home Company in December, 16 died, 14 survived. I served as orderly sergeant on this tour. I have no documentary evidence neither of this nor the former tour nor do I know any Person in this part of the country who can testify to my having served the aforesaid tours. There was I understand last summer a Mr. Robinson living not far from Lexington, Kentucky, who if he is alive must be now about 80 years of age, who knows of my serving as above. Lexington is upwards of 300 miles from this place where I now live. A Brother of the said Robinson was living last summer in Tipton County about 100 miles from here, as I have understood, who served with me in the same company the summer campaign of 76. He was about one year older than myself. These are all I have any knowledge of that may yet be living that could testify of my above services & whether they are yet living, I know not. As I went out with Captain Clark in both the aforesaid tours & returned home with him, I received no discharge in writing. The discharge was oral. I do not recollect the names of any of the officers here this winter but what I have mentioned above as they were strangers to me then & perhaps I never saw them afterwards. I find my memory has failed more in recollecting names than any thing else. In the Autumn of the year 1778, my Father moved to South Carolina and settled in what is now York County, then called New Acquisition, Camden District. [Note: James Fergus went on to serve with the South Carolina militia, and in his narrative left descriptions of the 1779 campaign, including the Battle of Briar Creek and the Siege of Savannah.]

___________________________________ Pension application of Jacob Shade S6082 f19VA Capt. Michael Cresap’s Maryland Independent Rifle Company, 1775 and 1st Lt. Adam Grosh’s Independent Rifle Company, Lt. Col. Henry Shryock’s Battalion Maryland Flying Camp. (Shade was 17 years old at the time of his first service in 1775.) (Transcribed by Will Graves 1/29/12) State of Virginia Frederick County Sct. On this 4th day of February 1833 personally appeared in open Court before the Court of the County of Frederick now sitting, Jacob Shade a resident of the County of Frederick and State of Virginia aged seventy-five years, who being first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration, in order to obtain the benefit of the Act of Congress passed June 7th 1832: that he entered the service of the United States in the month of June 1775 in Frederick County Maryland as a volunteer under Captain [Michael] Cresap, who was on his way to Boston – that he marched from Woodstock Frederick County Maryland through York, Lancaster, Philadelphia, New York, Connecticut and part of Massachusetts to the neighborhood of Boston, when they found General

Washington, General Putnam and a number of other Officers whose names he does not recollect any state in several places about Boston until the spring of the year 1776 when they marched to New York where they were discharged in the latter part of the month of May 1776 and then returned home having been gone twelve months. In the beginning of July 1776 he entered the service as a volunteer near Frederick town in Maryland in a Rifle Company under Captain Crush [Adam Grosh]in the Regiment called the Flying Camp commanded by Colonel [Henry] Shryock marched from Fredericktown to Annapolis where we staid several days, and then hearing that the British ship Roebuck lay at the mouth of the Potomac we were ordered there and went to Leonardtown, where they heard that the Roebuck had sailed, returned to Annapolis then went on board a sloop and sailed to the head of Elk [River], and from there went to Philadelphia, then to Trenton in New Jersey then to Brunswick and from thence to New York and marched up the North River 10 or 12 miles to the head it quarters of the Army where General Washington and a number of other Officers were. On this tour we had a skirmish with the enemy. From there we went above Kingsbridge the British having landed about that bridge – from there to the White Plains [October 28, 1776] where an action was fought – from thence we crossed the North River at Peekskill then marched down to Fort Lee from there to the neighborhood of Morristown near Hackensack, then went to Trenton and on to Philadelphia where we were discharged in the month of December 1776. He was at Trenton when the Hessians were taken [December 26, 1776] – he was discharged before that but he volunteered to go to Trenton where he was engaged between three and four weeks late in the month of November 1777 he went with a volunteer Company commanded by Captain Schley in the Regiment commanded by Colonel Beatty from Fredericktown Maryland through York and Lancaster to Philadelphia and from thence to Germantown then to Chestnut Hill and then marched back to Fredericktown where they were dismissed in the month of January after having served just two months.

A solder of one of the 1775 Continental Independent Rifle Companies

(Pennsylvania contributed nine companies, and Maryland and Virginia two each.) (Painting by Don Troiani, www.historicalimagebank.com )

Morgan’s Rifle Corps, 1777-1779 Pension Application of George Key W10162 Also served in the 6th Virginia Regiment 1776 Key was 23 years old at the time of his first service in 1776 (Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris) State of Missouri } County of Callaway } & Callaway Circuit Court } Sct.

On this fifth day of June 1833 personally appeared before the Honorable David Todd, Judge of the circuit court of Callaway County aforsaid George Key a resident of said county of Callaway and State of Missouri aforsaid aged eighty years, who being first duly sworn, according to law, doth on his oath, make the following declaration, in order to obtain the benefit of the provisions made by the act of Congress passed June 7 1832. That he entered the army of the United States in the year seventeen hundred and seventy six with Captain Samuel Jourdan Cabell and served in the sixth Virginia Regiment of Regulars of the continental line, in my first two years of enlistment under said Samuel Jourdan Cabell Alexander Rose 1st Lieutenant & Benjamin Toliver 2nd Lieutenant in s’d. regiment under the command of Colonel Stephens. I resided in Buckingham Amherst County Virginia when I was first enlisted in said company. We commenced our march from Amherst to old Williamsburg, which was our head quarters after remaining at Williamsburgh for some time we marched to Gwynns Island to oppose Lord Dunmore the former Governor of Virginia [Gwynn Island, Dunmore’s base May – July 1776], and after remaining about a month we returned to Williamsburgh where we remained until fall, we then started to go to cross creek [present Fayetteville] North Carolina, where it was supposed the British were, we got as far as Jamestown, & crossed our baggage over the river when we were countermanded to Williamsburgh where we remained until about the 10th of October, when we were ordered to the Jerseys to join General Washington, we marched through Maryland & Pensylvania into Jersey & to Burlingtown [Burlington] after marching about & [illegible word] we were ordered to make our escape from the Brittish, where we retreated through the Jerseys over the Delaware river into Pennsylvania, where we remained until Christmas day when we recrossed the Delaware into the Jerseys marching towards Trenton, we marched most of Christmas night suffering much, but were told we were going for new clothes, we reached Trenton between daylight & sun up, & commenced the attack upon the hessians, & after their surrender on the same evening started back to the former camping ground & reached the Delaware river on the same evening, which we crossed next morning, when we discovered two men had froze to death that night, some short time after this affair we recrossed the Delaware river into the Jerseys, & by a stolen march in the night we reached Princeton [3 Jan 1777], & there defeated a small body of the Brittish army. We remained until in the latter part of spring when I had a three months spell of illness when I was again fit for duty. After this sometime I think in the month of September we were attached to [Col. Daniel] Morgan’s rifle regiment, & was arched beyond Albany to oppose Burgoynes army at still water [Stillwater]. There a party of Morgan’s troops were out scouting, & were attacked by the Brittish, the Brittish killed one man at the first fire, & the party retreated. Morgan rallied his men & was joined by General [Horatio] Gates. An attack was brought on between the two armies about 12 oclock, & the action continued until night parted them. The Brittish kept the ground, & we retired to our old encampment about 2 miles off. Here we lay for some days & Morgans men

went out of the encampment in the afternoon & were met by the Brittish a fight ensued between the two armies, & we beat the brittish back to their temporary encampment or fort. Here the Brittish spiked a part of their cannon, threw some into the river, & endeavoured to retreat to Saratoga to cross the river by night. But when they reached the river they found a part of our army on the other bank ready to oppose their crossing, here there was some slight skirmishing, but the Brittish finding themselves enclosed between the two parts of the army surrendered [formal surrender on 17 Oct 1777]. We then returned to Pennsylvania six miles above Philadelphia to Germantown, where we staid a few days & passed over the Jersey side & went to Hattenfield where we whiped a small part of the yaugers [sic: Jaegers: German riflemen] & that night returned about one or two miles & next morning returned to the battle ground but was driven off by the shipping, we then returned to Germantown. We beat about here for some time watching the Brittish in Philadelphia, who declined giving us battle, & Morgan marched us some distance off to a private house where we remained until our time expired having served two years being discharged by Col. [Richard] Butler under Morgan. I returned home to Amherst County staid a short time & sent to Bedford county where I remained about until I again joined the army under Captain John Rogers of the Light Infantry in November 1779.

____________________________________ Pension Application of Reuben Long: S46457 Also served in the Culpeper Minute Battalion in 1775, Stephenson’s Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment in 1776, and 11th Virginia Regiment of 1777 (Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris) The following statement of facts, are given in corroboration of what is set forth in my declaration hereunto annexed: I was born in St. Maries [sic: St. Marys] County State of Maryland, and at the commencement of the American revolution I lived in Culpepper [sic: Culpeper] County State of Virginia. I entered into service in support of the rights of my country, when I was in my nineteenth year and continued from this period in the discharge of my duty as a soldier in several of the states until the close of the War, as will be shown. In March 1775 I entered as a private in a volunteer company, commanded by Capt’n. Edward Stephens. In this company I continued until the fall following. I then enlisted as a private in a regiment of [the Culpeper] Minute Men, which was raised by the counties of Orange, Fauquier and Culpepper. The period of enlistment was for a year, the company to which I belonged was commanded by Capt’n Jno. Jimison [probably Jameson] & the Reg’t. by Col. Wm. Talafero [William Taliaferro]. We were in the action at the great Bridge [9 Dec 1775], & I done duty through the winter at Norfolk. In April 1776 I returned home and in July following enlisted as a private under Capt’n. John Jimison of Culpepper County, in a Regiment of Cavalry Commanded by Col. Bland on the continental establishment Shortly after I had joined this regiment, I was permitted to withdraw for the purpose of enlisting in a Riffle [Rifle] company commanded by Capt’n. G. Long [Gabriel Long]. Which company was attached to a Reg’t. command by Col. Stinson, Rollins Lieut. Col. and Otho Williams Major.

In November following we were ordered to join the northern army commanded by Gen’l. Washington. We joined the army whilst on its retreat through the state of Jersey near Elizabeth Town. By the fall of Fort Washington [16 Nov 1776] our Reg’t. was greatly reduced by the loss of men, & in consequence of which Cap. G. Long’s company was transfered to the 11th Virginia Reg’t. commanded by Col. Daniel Morgan. In june 1777 I was promoted from the ranks to the rank of a Lieutenant in the line. soon after I was commissioned a Riffle Reg’t. was formed by companies taken from the army & the command given to Col. Morgan. Capt’n. Longs Company (being an old Riffle corps) was enlisted & made a part of this Reg’t. I was with Gen’l. [Horatio] Gates army when Gen’l. Burgoyne surrendered [at Saratoga, 17 Oct 1777]. After this affair we joined the main army under Gen’l. Washington encampted at White Marsh [Whitemarsh PA]. I was with Morgan at the battle of Monmouth [28 Jun 1778] About this time the Reg’t was reduced in consequence of the short enlistments to one company of Riffle men. The command was given to Capt’n. Thos. Posey in it I retained my commission. The company was ordered to join the 4th Pensylvana Reg’t. commanded by Col [William] Butler. We were ordered to the State of New York to guard its frontiers & was stationed at Schoharry [Schoharie] Valley. from this station we were ordered to march to a rendezvous on the Mohawk river. We ascended this river in Batteaus with the Baggage to a certain point then crossed by land to the Otsago [Otsego] Lake, down its waters to the mouth of Tusager [sic: Susquehanna] river to join Gen’l. [John] Sullivan who was on his Western expedition against the Indians. Late in the fall of 1779 we joined the army under Gen’l. Washington & here I was informed that I belonged to the 7th Virginia Reg’t. Dec’r. 1779 I got a furlough and returned home on foot in company with five others among whom was our present Chief Justice, Judge Marshall. Continued at home until Oct’r. 16th 1780 was then ordered with some recruits to join the southern army. I arrived at Hillsborough [NC], about the time Gen’l. Green took the command of the Southern troops [sic: Nathanael Greene, 2 Dec 1780] & took command in a company commanded by Capt. Wallace, which company was a part of what was then called the 1st Virginia Reg’t. of Beaufort. I was at the battle of Gilford [Guilford Courthouse NC, 15 Mar 1781]. the Reg’t. was commanded by Maj’r. Ridley. Soon after this action I was ordered with a detachment to join Col [William] Washingtons Reg’t. of Horse & to act w’t. them as infantry. I was in the action at Hopkirk Hill near Camden [sic: Battle of Hobkirk Hill, 25 Apr 1781], in this action I fought under the command of Capt [Robert] Kirkwood of the Delaware Line, under whom I continued until after the Siege of 96 [Ninety-Six SC, 22 May - 19 Jun 1781]. I was then ordered to join the Reg’t. from which I had been detached, which is now called the 2 Virginia d Reg’t. I was in the action at the Eutaw Spring [Battle of Eutaw Springs SC, 8 Sep 1781]. The Reg’t. in that action was commanded by Maj’r. Sneed [sic: Smith Snead]. In 1782 the Virginia Reg’ts. were much reduced, in consequence of the time for which the men having enlisted being expired, they were permitted to return home, and I was after permitted to return w’h. them & not long after peace was proclaimed. During the War I received three commissions. I was while in

service particularly careful of them, but what has come of them since I cant say. [signed] Reuben Long [25 July 1828]

________________________________________ Pension application of John Ryan S42233 f36PA/VA Also served in the 1st Continental Regiment, 1776 and the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment, 1777-1781 (Ryan was 24 years old at the time of his first service in 1776) (Transcribed by Will Graves 8/21/12) State of Pennsylvania Lycoming County SS On this twenty second day of May in the year of our Lord 1818 before me the subscriber one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas in and for said County personally appears John Ryan aged sixty-six years resident in Lycoming County aforesaid who being by me first duly sworn according to law, doth on his Solemn Oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the provision made by the late act of Congress entitled "an act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service of the United States in the Revolutionary war." That he the said John Ryan enlisted in the year 1776 in the United States Army for three years, and continued therein until the year 1781 (and got my discharge from General Wayne at Trenton) when I enlisted I was put under Captain Matthew Smith in the first Pennsylvania Regiment [then known as the 1st Continental Regiment, a rifle-armed unit] commanded by Colonel Hand. I was at White Plains [October 28, 1776] in a Battle seen several killed & wounded in the fall of 1776. I got wounded in a skirmish at Miles Square New York and sent to the hospital, got well and in the spring of 1777, a Band of Rifle men was made I was put into it under Captain Carr in Colonel Morgan's [Daniel Morgan's] Regmt [sic, Regiment?]

in the course of five weeks we had better than 30

Skirmishes with the Enemy, then orders to march we met our enemy Commanded by Burgoyne where we attacked them at Baymoss Heights [Bemis Heights October 7, 1777], we had two battles with them and the [they] retreated to Saratoga, the [there] he Surrendered to General Gates [Horatio Gates], where he returned to General Washington's Army & had a Battle at Edgehill [Battle of Edge Hill for battle of White Marsh, December 5-8, 1777], there our Major Morris [Joseph Morris of New Jersey] of our Regiment got mortally wounded & died in three days, then nothing memorable until we came to the Battle of Monmouth [June 28, 1778] New Jersey General Washington gave the General Orders General Lee was there & Command [commanded] in the early part of the day we drove the enemy who retreated to Middleton Heights, nearly and under cover of their shipping, our rifle Regiment still kept skirmishing and annoying the enemy, while lying there until the [they] took to their shipping and embarked at Sandy Hook – the Regiment then got divided Two Companies was sent up to Schoharie, N. W. of Albany, Captain Par [James Parr] and Captain Long I was then under Captain Par, we had several scrimmages with the Indians we went and Burnt two Indian towns, Unandilla & Osquaga on the North branch of the Susquehanna

[River], I was at the Battle of the Tiaga called Newtown New York where General Sullivan commanded no other memorables I recollect …

______________________________________ Pension application of William Sudduth (Subbuth) [Sudith, Suddith] S40538 f43VA Also served in the 11th Virginia Regiment 1776 Sudduth was 24 years old at the time of his first service in 1776 (Transcribed by Will Graves 5/25/12) The State of Ohio Pickaway County: SS Personally came before me John Thompson President Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in the second Circuit in said State of Ohio William Sudith [sic] a Citizen of the United States and now a resident of the County aforesaid and with a view of showing and proving that he is entitled to the benefit of a law of the United States entitled "An act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service of the United States in the revolutionary War" made oath to the following facts and statements to wit: That he is sixty-five or six years old, that he was enlisted by Captain William Blackwell of the 11th Virginia Regiment in the month of August 1776 in Fauquier County State of Virginia for the term of three years, that in a short time after his enlistment he was selected by Colonel Daniel Morgan as one of his rifle Regiment and placed under command of Captain Gabriel Long that he was in the battle at Quibble Town [June 22, 1777, now New Market New Jersey] and at the battle at the Bridge near or at Brunswick [June 1777], and at the taking of Burgoyne [Battle of Saratoga, surrender date, October 17, 1777]; that immediately upon the taking of Burgoyne, the Regiment of Morgan was marched to Esopus [modern-day Kingston, burned by the British on 15 October], on the North river, to meet the enemy there; that shortly after the Regiment were marched to the White Marsh Hill [December 5-8, 1777] near German Town where he joined the Army and shortly after was engaged in two battles in one day, In this engagement none but Morgan's Corps was engaged. After this, they encamped for the winter at the White horse while the main Army lay at Valley Forge. The Spring following they went into the Jersey and was engaged with the enemy the day before the battle at Monmouth [June 28, 1778], and was at the battle of Monmouth as a reserved Corps. After this they went to Stony Point under Morgan, where he left them for the Battle. They then went up to Schoharie under Major Posey and took up winter Quarters. Then they joined Colonel William Butler's Regiment. The next summer he joined General Sullivant [Maj. Gen. John Sullivan], at which time, the term of three years, the time for which he was enlisted, had expired. He then enlisted under Colonel Butler for five months and marched under him through the Indian country and was present at the destruction of the Indian Towns & property along the Cayuga Lake – from whence they were marched to Chestnut Hill near Morristown where he joined his old Regiment & was discharged January 1st 1780 which discharge is lost, but how this deponent does not now recollect. That he was in several other skirmishes or fights than

are above enumerated, and during his services was wounded 3 times, and that from his reduced circumstances, advanced age and being destitute of property he needs the assistance of his Country for support. S/ William Su [sic] [attested May 12, 1818

__________________________________________

Rifleman in gaitered trousers (overalls), likely as worn on Sullivan’s 1779

campaign against the Iroquis. (Artwork by Don Troiani, www.historicalimagebank.com )

Pension application of William Moore S16982 f16VA Also served in the 6th Virginia Regiment 1776 Moore was 19 years old at the time of his first service in 1776 (Transcribed by Will Graves 7/4/13) State of Missouri Jackson County: SS On this 7th day of May in the year of our Lord 1833 personally appeared before the Justices of the County Court of the County and State aforesaid, William Moore a resident of the same County & State aged Seventy Six years, who being first duly sworn according to law doth upon his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefits of the provisions made by the Acts of Congress passed June 7th 1832. To wit, That he enlisted in the United States Army on the 14th day of February in the year 1776 under the command of Captain Thomas Patterson, James Burret being Lieutenant in said Company that his enlistment took place in Buckingham County Virginia in which County & State he then resided, from his place of his enlistment he was in march[ed] to Richmond from thence to Williamsburg at which last place the Captain & Lieutenant returned to their respective homes & were both taken sick & died, he the said Moore was then commanded by Samuel Cabel [Samuel Cabell] Captain & Reuben J Cabel [Reuben J Cabell] Lieutenant and was attached to & composed a part of the 6th Virginia Regiment, and was marched to Springfield Camps below Williamsburg from thence to Guinns Island [Gwynn or Gwynn's Island], from thence the Regiment was march[ed] back through Yorktown to Springfield Camp, from which place the Regiment march[ed] to the North, but this applicant being sick with the fever & ague embarked on a Brig at a place not recollected on York River and landed at the mouth [of] Christian Creek in the State of Delaware and marched to Wilmington about seventy-five miles from Philadelphia and was inoculated with the Small pox and wintered at Wilmington in the Spring following being 1777 he the said Moore joined the Army near New York, he was then marched through Philadelphia, crossed the Delaware River & marched through Trenton, Princeton, and several other Towns in the State [of] New Jersey the names of which are not now recollected. In May 1777, the company of the said Moore was detached to Colonel Morgan's Regiment of Rifle men. The Regiment was employed in scouring the country through the State of New Jersey & New York in the month of July as well has now recollected he was march[ed] to Trenton from thence to Hudsons River [Hudson River] to a place called Pitts Kiln, from which last place he went on board of a vessel and sailed up the River to near Albany was landed and march[ed] up to a point called Still Water [Stillwater] near the Mohawk River, at which place he the said Moore was in the two engagements against Burgoyne's Army [Battle of Freeman's Farm September 19, 1777 & Battle of the Bemis Heights October 7, 1777]. After the Surrender of Burgoyne's Army [October 7, 1777] on the same evening, the Regiment with the whole Army was marched down to Albany, from thence to a place called the White Marsh a place near Philadelphia, was in the Battle with the British about five or six miles from Philadelphia at a place called the Chestnut Hill [December 4, 1777]. After Christmas Morgan's Regiment being the same to which the said Moore belonged was march[ed]to the Crossed Keys near Valley

Forge, on the 14th day of February 1778 the said Moore's Services having expired he was honorably discharged from the Army of the United States, which said discharge (not knowing that it would ever avail him anything) he has lost. He hereby relinquishes every claim whatever to a pension or annuity except the present & declares that his name is not known on the pension Roll of any Agency of any State in the United States. Sworn to & subscribed the day & year aforesaid S/ William Moore

______________________________________________ Thomas Tipton (pension S16274) recalled being in the “noted Battel [battle] in the Buckwheat field with Morgan and had Severel Bulet hols shot through his hat that day Pension application of Thomas Tipton S16274 f49VA Also served in a Virginia Continental regiment in 1776, and the Virginia militia, 1781 Tipton was about 38 years old during his service in 1777 (Transcribed by Will Graves 12/15/11) State of Ohio Champaign County On this ninth day of March 1838 personally appeared before me John Taylor, an associate Judge of the Court of Common Pleas of said County, Thomas Tipton, a resident of the County of Champaign and State of Ohio, aged 100 years who being first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the act of Congress passed June 7th 1832 – that he volunteered in the Army of the United States in the year of 1776, the last of June or first of July in that year, in what Regiment, or with whom he does not now recollect; when he entered the service he lived in Fairfax County Virginia since the Revolutionary war he has resided in various parts of the State of Kentucky and Ohio and he now resides in Adams Township, Champaign County of Ohio: he recollects fighting under General Gates & General Morgan and [indecipherable word1] with General Washington this Affiant recollects of being at the siege of York as 1st Sergeant in Captain John Galloway's Company under General George Washington – he was also at the surrender of Lord Cornwallis [October 19, 1781] and was in the United States service for years, during which time he was not employed in any civil pursuit: by reason of extreme old age he cannot now recollect positively any of the circumstances connected with his service during the war, he has however other testimony than his own, viz.: William Tipton of Montgomery County Kentucky, whose affidavit is herewith and made part of this declaration – this affiant was regularly discharge from the Service, but is unable to procure his original discharge – this Affiant never received a commission of any kind, although as above stated he served as first Sergeant in Captain John Galloway's Company – this Affiant further declares that he is known to Charles Wilson, Reuben Clark, John Wall, AsahelWilkison, Thomas Daniel, John Daniel, and many others, who are his present neighbors and who have known him for many years as is shown by their statement, written and subscribed by their own hands mark (B) and who therein this testify as to his character for veracity and their belief of his services as a soldier of the

Revolution – he hereby relinquishes every claim whatever to a pension or annuity and he declares that his name is not on the Pension Roll of any agency. Witness S/ John H Young S/ Thomas Tipton, X his mark Sworn to and subscribed the day and year aforesaid S/ John Taylor, Associate Judge Below is the transcript of a two page, very crudely written and spelled document comprising the statements of four of Thomas Tipton’s friends and neighbors (Charles Wilson, Reuben Clark, John Hall, and Joseph Newcomb)stating their understanding of the applicant's services in the Revolution and testifying as to his credibility and good reputation. Among the statements is the assertion that Thomas Tipton was between the ages of 90 and 100 and his mind so compromised that he is "a child again." They state that he has ever been a free Will Baptist. That they do not believe he ever received a single cent for his services in the revolution; that he was born in Baltimore in Maryland then lived seven miles from Mount Vernon, Virginia in Fairfax County; then moved to Frederick County, Virginia near Winchester then moved to Botetourt County at the time of his last tour. Related that Tipton said that when he went as first Sergeant in his last tour he took his own gun, a rifle called the "Ranfro gun." "He says the Reason that he gat [got] no disCharg [discharge] that he was poisoned and Lay on the field at York in spelted [?] and parnounsed [pronounced] not to Recover But he was picked up By a Wagoner that nere [knew] him and Brought him within therty [thirty] mils [miles] of his home; after that war he moved to Cain Tuckey [Kentucky] living in many plases [places] ther Last of all he lived in Mountgomery [Montgomery] County then moved to Ohio lived in diferent [different] plases and in difirent Countys now Livs [lives] in Champaign County Adams Township. N. B. he says he was one of the Rangers all throug [through] that War he was in that noted Battel [battle] in the BuCkwheat [Buckwheat] field with Morgan and had Severel [several] Bulet hols [bullet holes] shot through his hat that day he canat [can't] Recalate [recollect] his ofiCers [officers'] names only Washington, gats [Horatio Gates] and Morgan his children says the [they] heard thir [their] mother often tell them that thir Father Com [came] home 3 or 4 times and she thought evrytime [everytime] the Last time she would se [see] him he had three Children at that time …." William Tipton Senior of Montgomery County Kentucky, states that Thomas Tipton was in Captain Galloway's Company Virginia Militia, at the Siege of York – Galloway's Company was attached to Colonel Lewis' Regiment and all under command of General Long. This Affiant does not know the precise length of time the siege lasted, but knows that Thomas Tipton was the first Sergeant of Captain Galloway's Company during the siege and capture of Cornwallis. This Affiant states that he with Thomas Tipton marched from Botetourt County through Bedford and Williamsburg on their way to York. This Affiant also remembers that shortly after the surrender of Yorktown, Thomas Tipton was taken sick, and was hauled in the baggage wagon to within 30 miles of his home, from which place this Affiant took him on a horse. Thomas Tipton is now upwards of 90 years old.

_____________________________________________ Pension application of Anthony Crockett1 S10492 fn42VA Also served in the 6th Virginia Regiment 1776 Crockett was 20 years at the time of his first service in 1776 (Transcribed by Will Graves, revised 10/3/11) State of Kentucky, Franklin County On this 17th day of December 1832 personally appeared in open court before the Justice of the county court of Franklin now sitting Col. Anthony Crockett a resident citizen of said county and State aged 76 years who being first duly sworn according to law doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the act of Congress passed the 7th day of June 1832. Viz: I Anthony Crockett do hereby solemnly declare that I am now 76 years of age according to the information of my parents and being interrogated by the court according to the directory to the Secretary of War. I further say that I was born in the county of Prince Edward in the State of Virginia, and when very young I removed with my parents to Botetourt County of the same state where I resided when the revolutionary war commenced and that in said county in the month of February 1776 I enlisted for two years in Capt. Thomas Posey's company of the 7th Virginia Regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Alexander McClanahan at that time my company marched down to opposite Gwinn's Island [Gwynn Island] at which place and (old) Point Comfort we were stationed as a guard, where we remained until after the Battle of Princeton when my company marched to Philadelphia, where Col. Morgan raised his rifle regiment by selecting men and officers from the army. Capt. Posey and many of his men including myself joined Col. Morgan's Regiment and we were stationed in the vicinity of Philadelphia but were almost continually in motion, during the spring and summer of 1777, we marched several times into New Jersey and had several skirmishes with the British at Bunbrook [Bound Brook April 13, 1777] & Sommersett [Somerset] & Piscatawa [Piscataway or Piscataqua ] and in the month of August 1777 we were ordered to the north to aid our Army in opposing Burgoyne, we marched from near Philadelphia across through New Jersey and struck the North River at Peakskill [Peekskill] when we went on board sail boats and sailed up to Albany and from there joined the American army near Still Water, and were actively engaged in the skirmishes and battles which eventuated in the Capture of Burgoyne's army the 17th October 1777 -- Soon after which event we marched back and joined Genl. Washington at White Marsh [December 5-8, 1777] where we had a skirmish with the British who then occupied Philadelphia and afterwards we attacked some Hessians at a place in New Jersey called Hatternfield [Haddonfield] about five miles from Philadelphia, we killed some of them and drove the balance to their boats in the Delaware near Philadelphia we then returned to White Marsh where I remained until my time expired and I was honorably discharged and I returned home and in the fall 1778 I was commissioned 1st Lieutenant in Capt. Jesse Evans company of the Illinois Regiment raised by Virginia and soon after began to recruit my company which was done during the war 1778-9 and in the spring 1779 on the 14th March, I

left home and Rendezvoused my company at Long Island on the Holston down which and Tennessee River we sailed in boats and had several skirmishes with the Indians, and also down the Ohio and up the Mississippi to Kaskaskia where I was stationed until August 1779, when I was ordered to Vincennes where we joined Col. George R. Clarke [George Rogers Clark] and in the winter or late in the fall 1779, I was ordered back to Virginia by Col. Clarke to recruit more men during the next summer and in 1780 I recruited more men and was engaged in frequent skirmishes with Tories and when the Battle of King's Mountain was fought I was in march with my men to that place and in 1781 I returned to Kentucky and was stationed at Gordon's Station in Lincoln and was in frequent pursuit of Indians during that year 1782, and in August 1782 I was on the march with Col. Logan to join our troops in pursuit of the Indians who attacked Bryant's Station [Bryan Station] but the Battle of the Blue Licks [August 19, 1782] was fought before we got up and it fell to our melancholy lot to aid in burying the dead and soon after I marched as Lieutenant with Capt. Ray [James Ray] with Col. Geo. R. Clarke against the Indians on the Great Miami at Piqua where we burnt many towns, and I continued to serve as Lieutenant at Gordon's and McGary's Stations until the closing of the Revolutionary War, having in the whole served two years in the 7th Virginia Regiment and Morgan's Rifle Regiment and from the month of November or December 1778 as 1st Lieutenant in Capt. Evans company of the Illinois Regiment until the close of the war of the Revolution in the uniform. . of the duties of a Lieutenant as I have a stated above. I further declare that I have no documentary evidence of my age or services having long since lost my discharge and commission, that my services are well known as a Lieutenant of the Illinois Regiment to Col. James Ray and John Gritton of Mercer County and William Robertson of Anderson County whose affidavits have been sent to the Secretary of the Treasury, in support of my claim on the State of Virginia for half pay for life, and I hereby relinquish all claim which I may have to a Pension or annuity from the State of Virginia or the United States since the 3rd day of March 1831, excepted the present, Witness my hand this 17th December 1832 S/ A. Crockett

______________________________________ Pension Application of Humphrey Becket S2066 Also served in the 11th Virginia Regiment 1777 Becket was 20 years at the time of his first service in 1777 (Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris) Virginia At a Court held for Albemarle County the sixth day of July One thousand eight hundred and eighteen Humphrey Bicket a resident of this County aged sixty one years, personally appeared in Court, and being first duly sworn, according to law, on oath doth make the following declaration in order to obtain the provision made by the late act of Congress Entitled “An act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service of the United States in the revolutionary War.” That he the said Humphrey Becket inlisted in the County of Frederick in the State of Virginia, in the Company

commanded by Charles Porterfield of the eleventh Virginia regiment, commanded by Colonel Daniel Morgan, in the month of January 1777, that he continued to serve in the said Corps or in the Service of the United States for three years when he was discharged from said service, honorably in the County of Frederick & State of Virginia, that he was in the battles at Sommerset Courthouse [Somerset Courthouse, New Jersey, 14 and 15 June 1777] At Amboy in New Jersey [22 June 1777] and Manmoth Courthouse, New Jersey [Monmouth, 28 June 1778], that he is in reduced Circumstances, and stands in need of the assistance of his Country for support, and that he has no other evidence now in his possession or power of his said service. … Believing that I am the only person living who had access to my Brothers, Captain Charles Porterfields, Register of Enlistment, Mr. Becket has applied to me for my certificate on the subject. I therefore certify that some time in the Winter of 1776-77 Humphry Becket Enlisted in Captain Charles Porterfields company in the 11th Virg’a Regiment on continental Establishment, commanded by Colo Daniel Morgan, to serve for the term of three years or during the War. That the said Company and Regiment join’d the main army at Bounbrook [Boundbrook] (State of Jersey) I think, in the month of April 1777: That during the campaign of that year Colo Morgan was detach’d with a corps of Riflemen to join the Army of the North (so called) under the command of Gen’l. Gates – That Humphry Becket being an expert Rifleman was selected as one of said corps, and fought under Morgan at the Battle of Stillwater [Bemis Heights NY, 7 Oct 1777] &c. until the surrender of Burgoyns Army at Saratoga [Burgoyne’s army, 17 Oct 1777], and that he continued in said Rifle corps, my recollection is, until some time in the year 1779, when he was ordered by Colo Morgan, as a driver, to take charge of a waggon and team in the Publick service, drawing the pay, clothing and rations of a soldier: – Thus far within my own knowledge. In the winter of 1779-80 I passed on from the North with the Virginia Troops to Charleston So Carolina and having shared the fate of the Garrison at that place [surrender and imprisonment], on the 12th of May 1780 have no farther personal knowledge of H. Beckets services, but from the best information I have been able to collect do verily believe that he continued as a waggoner at the Barracs near Charlottesville [Albemarle Barracks], where Burgoyns Army (prisoners) were stationed, and on the terms above stated until the end of the war when he received a regular discharge, which discharge he says was lost in the bustle of a change of residence he made with his Family – To all which he was desirous of making oath before me, which I declined, presuming it might not be such evidence as you woud consider admissible: – Nevertheless from my knowledge of his truth and integrity, poor and decrepit as he is, I am persuaded he would not take a fals oath to obtain any pecuniary consideration whatever. A large portion of the Virginia Soldiers were enlisted for the term of 3 years, or dureing the war, and I am under the impression that at the end of 3 years, some of the Soldiers so enlisted claimed theire discharge, and that a board of

Officers convened for the purpose, decided against the claim, of which however from the lapse of time and a declining memory I am not possitively certain; – But this I do know that the survivors of Captn Charles Porterfield’s Company continued in service until the end of the war, some of whom were made prisoners at Charleston – Hence I infer the Humphry Becket was equally bound to the service. I will only add that I could state some of his deeds of [illegible word] which I had from his Commander, by whose side he fought, particularly at the Battle of Stillwater; I will not however trouble you with the detail, but will say that on the score of intrepidity and faithfulness, so long as he performed the duties of a Soldier there is not one man now living who has stronger claims on the munificence of his Countery than Humphry Becket. Most respectfully/ Your obt. humble St Ro. Porterfield/ a Cap’t. &c [Robert Porterfield]

_________________________________________________ Pension Application of Henry Wysor S7854 VA Also served in the 8th Virginia Regiment 1776 Wysor was 22 years at the time of his first service in 1776 (Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris. Revised 1 Sep 2014.) State of Virginia, Montgomery county Sc. On this 3rd day of September 1832 personally appeared before the county court of said county in the state aforesaid, Henry Wysor (or Weizer) a resident of said county and state, aged 78 years, who being first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the act of Congress passed June 7th 1832. That he enlisted in the army of the United States in the year 1776 (he believes in the month of February) under Captain [Thomas] Berry in the county of Frederick and state of Virginia, and served in the Eighth Virginia regiment of the line, under the following officers. He was marched from Frederick county to Jamestown in Virginia, where he joined his regiment commanded by Colo. Muhlenburg [sic: Peter Muhlenberg] and Colo. [Abraham] Bowman, and from there they marched to Halifax in North Carolina, from thence to a place called Pine tree store where we took water in South Carolina, and when we were landed we were marched by the way of Charlestown to Sullivan’s Island, and I was there when it was attacked by the British shipping [27-28 Jun 1776], from there to Savannah Georgia from thence to Saulsbury [sic: Salisbury NC] where I was taken sick and lay three months and then returned to Savannah, and got a Furlow and returned home, where I remained almost three weeks and was ordered to Philadelphia and from there crossed the Delaware and joined the main army on the Jersey side and was marched to Gen’l. Morgan’s [Daniel Morgan, Col. at that time] regiment of Riflemen. I was a short time in Capt. [Gabriel] Long’s company and then in Capt. Knox’s company, my Lieutenant was Craig and Ensign Lively. I was at the taking of Burgoyne [Saratoga NY, 17 Oct 1777] and was in the battle of Valley forge, where my Major (Morris) was

killed [Joseph Morris, mortally wounded at Battle of Whitemarsh, 6 Dec 1777]. I was in several skirmishes at places I do not recollect so as to describe them. I was discharged I think in February 1778, at a place called the white Horse in Pennsylvania [White Horse Tavern in Chester County], my discharge I kept until the return of peace or sometime after, and thinking it would be of no use to me, threw it away or destroyed it. I returned home and married, and lived in the county of Frederick till the siege of Little York [Yorktown, 28 Sep -19 Oct] in the year 1781 when I was drafted under Capt. Bell and marched to Little York, where I was at the taking of Cornwallis and in about six or seven weeks got a Furlow to return home, and was not after called upon. … Henry Wysor Virginia. Montgomery County Sct. On this 4th day of March 1833 personally appeared in open court, being a court of record, before the Justices of said court, Henry Wysor Sen’r. who being first duly sworn according to law made an additional declaration as follows. My Captain Berry gave me the appointment of Sergeant when I enlisted, and I believe enrolled me as such, after serving some time, I applied to be released, on the ground, I was no scholar but was refused, and I continued to do the duties of Sergeant for some time. I then got my arm broken and was unable to do duty for some time, we were marched to the South as I have stated in my former declaration where I was taken sick and lay near three months. I returned home and was ordered to the North (Philadelphia) but few of my old company lived to return, and when I joined the main army in the Jerseys I was attached to a strange company, in a few days I joined General Morgan’s rifle regiment Morgan had been a neighbour and acquaintance of mine. I was again appointed Sergeant and served as such but our company was soon after cut to pieces and we were consolodated or placed in other companies which was several times the case, as I do not know how long I served as Sergeant, when I was drafted in the year 1781. I recollect well of doing the duties of Sergeant at the taking of Cornwallis. Henry Wysor

_____________________________________________ Pension Application of William Dews S8312 Also served in the 9th Virginia Regiment 1776 Dews was 24 years at the time of his first service in 1776 (Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris) State of Virginia } County of Pittsylvania } Sct On this 20 day of August 1832 personally appeared before the Court of the County aforesaid now sitting William Dews a resident of the said County of Pittsylvania and State aforesaid aged Eighty years who being first duly sworn according to Law doth on his Oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the act of

Congress passed June 7th 1832 That he enlisted in the army of the United States in the month of February 1776 for two years with Lieutenant Henderson in Capt Thomas Walkers Company then stationed at Charlottesville in the County of Albemarle Virginia. on the 12th day of that month this Company left Charlottsville [sic: Charlottesville] and marched direct to Gloucester Court House Virginia and from there they marched to the Chesapeak [sic: Chesapeake] bay and went across to the County of Northampton and were there attached to the 9th Regiment of the Virginia line under the command of Colo. George Matthews and Major Joins[?]. that they were stationed in the said County of Northampton untill about the 19th or 20th of December 1776 when they were marched from thence to Morristown in New Jersey and joined the army under Genl. George Washington at that place in January 1777 where he had taken up Winter quarters. Early in the Spring following a picked company was made up from the different regiments and placed under the command of Lieut Henderson who acted as Captain, of which he said William Dews was one. this Company was put under Colo. Daniel Morgan who commanded a Rifle Corps and was with him in three engagements on one day, first at Brunswick where the British had mustered, the 2nd & third near the same place, that he continued with Colo. Morgan several months untill he was ordered to Albany that he left Colo. Morgan near Summerset Court House New Jersey and returned under the command of Lieut. Martin to the said 9th Regiment under Colo. Matthews and was stationed at the Cross roads near Philidelphia when the British arrived at the head of the Elk River [now Elkton Maryland, 28 Aug 1777] He was placed under the command of Colo. Richard Parker and was with him in the Battle of Brandywine on the 11th of September 1777. Soon after that he was again transfered to the 9th Regiment with Colo. Mathews and was with him in the Battle at Germantown when his Regiment was defeated by the British & he said Dews was taken prisoner on the 4th of October 1777 and carried to Philidelphia and put in Jail, kept there about eight months & was then carried by the British to Newyork [New York] and kept under guard 18 days then exchanged at Elizabeth River about the 17th July 1778 then marched to the White Plains in the state of New York and there discharged about the last of the same month, the whole of the service rendered under this enlistment excluding the time of his being a prisoner with the British is two years and about 6 months his discharge was destroyed by the British Soldiers in the Town of Petersburg Virginia soon after he obtained it, but the services rendered is proved by the affidavit of David Street [pension application W6164] and Dudley Callaway [S39282] who were regular soldiers with him in the Revolutionary War. That he resided in the County of Albemarle when he entered the service of the United States in the year 1776. After his discharge from the said service in the year 1778 He resided for some time in the Town of Petersburg Virginia. He now resides and has lived in the County of Pittsylvania for about fifty years. He hereby relinquishes every claim whatever to a pension or annuity except the present and declares that his name is not on the pension roll of any agency in any state. Sworn to and subscribed te day and year aforesaid William hisXmark Dews

Appendix G

The Rebels (1778) (Sung to the tune, Black Joak)

Originally published in the Pennsylvania Ledger, 1778, lyrics by Capt. John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, Simcoe's Queen's Rangers

Ye brave honest subjects who dare to be loyal, And have stood the brunt of every trial, Ye brave honest subjects who dare to be loyal, And have stood the brunt of every trial, Of hunting shirts and rifle guns; Come listen awhile and I'll tell you a song; I'll show you those Yankees are all in the wrong, Who, with blustering look and most awkward gait, 'Gainst their lawful sovereign dare for to prate, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. The arch-rebels, barefooted tatterdemalions, In baseness exceed all other rebellions, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns: To rend the empire, the most infamous lies, Their mock-patriot Congress, do always devise; Independence, like the first rebels, they claim, But their plots will be damned in the annals of fame, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. Forgetting the mercies of Great Britain's King, Who saved their forefathers' necks from the string, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns, They renounce all allegiance and take up their arms, Assemble together like hornets in swarms, So dirty their backs, and so wretched their show, That carrion-crow follows wherever they go, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. With loud peels of laughter, you sides, sirs, would crack, To see General Convict and Colonel Shoe-Black, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. See cobblers and quacks, rebel priests and the like, Pettifoggers and barbers, with sword and with pike, All strutting the standard of Satan beside, And honest names using, their black deeds to hide, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.

This perjured banditti, now ruin this land, And o'er its poor people claim lawless command, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. Their pasteboard dollars prove a common curse, They don't chink like silver and gold in our purse, With nothing their leaders have paid their debts off, Their honor's, dishonor, and justice they scoff, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. For one lawful ruler, many tyrants we've got, Who force young and old to their wars, to be shot, With their hunting shirts and rifle guns. Our good King, God speed him! never used men so, We then could speak, act, and like freemen could go, But committees enslave us, our liberty's gone, Our trade and church murdered; our country's undone, By hunting shirts and rifle guns. Come take up your glasses, each true loyal heart, And may every rebel meet his due dessert, With his hunting shirt and rifle gun. May Congress, Conventions, those damned inquisitions, Be fed with hot sulphur from Lucifer's kitchens, May commerce and peace again be restored, And Americans own their true sovereign lord, Then oblivion to shirts and rifle guns. GOD SAVE THE KING! http://www3.sympatico.ca/goweezer/theshack/songs.htm

Historian Todd W. Braisted, (http://www.royalprovincial.com/) noted that Smyth, “was one of the three, and only three, members of the "Royal American Rangers" which he was supposed to help raise. He raised an independent corps called the Royal Hunters in September 1777 and was attached to the Queen's Rangers the following month. As soon as Simcoe took command, the fun started. I'll let you read Simcoe's court martial to get the rest of the details. I think you will find it fascinating.” Here then are the court martial proceedings: Court Martial of Capt. John F.D. Smyth, Queen’s Rangers, 4 to 8 May 1779. Courtesy of Todd W. Braisted (http://www.royalprovincial.com/) http://www.scribd.com/doc/241297441/Court-Martial-of-Capt-John-F-D-Smyth-Queen-s-

Rangers-4-to-8-May-1779-Courtesy-of-Todd-W-Braisted-http-www-royalprovincial-

com?secret_password=HsfW9Z3s3dUEqlnPKxrM You can also read about Smyth's capture, imprisonment and escape here: “Narrative or Journal of Capt. John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, of the Queen’s Rangers,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. XXXIX , no. 2 (1915), 143-169. (Smyth’s narrative is dated New-York, 25 December 1777 and signed, “J.F.D. Smyth, Captain Queen’s Rangers.”) http://books.google.com/books?id=jtQLAAAAYAAJ&dq=john%20ferdinand%20dalziel%20smyth&pg=PA143#v=onepage&q=john%20ferdinand%20dalziel%20smyth&f=false

______________________________________

Sources I apologize for not including numbered citations for this work, but time did not permit it. Most of the material listed below will answer any questions, or readers may contact me via email at ju_rees@msn.com

______________

My thanks to Eric Schnitzer for his assistance with the composition of Morgan’s Rifle Corps, and soldiers’ accounts of the Saratoga battles.

____________________________

The letters to and from General George Washington and his staff may be found online: George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm (Washington, D.C., 1961)

http://international.loc.gov/ammem/gwhtml/gwhome.html John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745–1799, volumes 3 to 27 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1931-1938) http://etext.virginia.edu/washington/fitzpatrick/

______________ “A Return of the Honourable Gen. Charles Lees Guard Commanded by Capt James Grier, New York June 16th 1776,” Revolutionary War Rolls, National Archives

Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reel 134. Fred Anderson Berg, Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1972) Chris Coelho, Timothy Matlack: Scribe of the Declaration of Independence (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Company, Inc. , 2013), 69-80. William Dansey, "The 'Dansey' Letters", part IV, The Iron Duke: The Regimental Magazine of the Duke of Wellington's Regiment, no. 84 (January 1952). Also, Letters of William Dansey (Light Infantry Company, 33rd Regiment of Foot) 1776-1783, Historical Society of Delaware. (William Digby), The British Invasion from the North. The Campaigns of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, 1776-1777, with the Journal of Lieut. William Digby of the 53d, or Shropshire Regiment of Foot. Illustrated with Historical Notes by James Phinney Baxter, Munsell's Historical Series No. 16 (Albany, N.Y.: Joel Munsell's Sons, 1887)

Elijah Fisher, Elijah Fisher’s Journal While in the War for Independence and Continued Two Years After He Came to Maine (Augusta: Press of Badger and Manley, 1880), 9. Jim W. Filipski and Steve Collward, “A Chronology of the Appointments & Commands of Captain Antoni Selin and His Association with the Independent Corps of Captain John Paul Schott, Major Nicholas de Ottendorf and Col. Charles Armand and their Affiliated Units and Officers During the Revolutionary War (A compilation of information with annotations and observations)” (manuscript, 2003; revised 2005) https://www.scribd.com/doc/241994993/Jim-W-Filipski-and-Steve-Collward-A-Chronology-of-the-Appointments-Commands-of-Captain-Antoni-Selin-and-His-Association-with-the-Independent-Corp Horatio Gates, Report on Continental Army Brigades and Corps, Troop Return at Saratoga, 17 October 1777 (Morgan’s Rifle Corps), George Washington Papers, series 4. Tucker F. Hentz, “Unit History of the Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment (1776–1781): Insights from the Service Record of Capt. Adamson Tannehill” (Richmond, Historical Society, 2007) http://www.vahistorical.org/research/tann.pdf Tucker F. Hentz, “Use of Longarms by Commissioned Officers in Continental Army Rifle Units, 1775-1779,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 61, no. 1 (Spring 2009), 12-18 https://www.scribd.com/doc/241934813/Tucker-F-Hentz-Use-of-Longarms-by-Commissioned-Officers-in-Continental-Army-Rifle-Units-1775-1779-Military-Collector-Historian-vol-61-no-1 Lee’s Guard, “A Return of the Honourable Gen. Charles Lees Guard Commanded by Capt James Grier, New York June 16th 1776,” Revolutionary War Rolls, National

Archives Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reel 134. Martin Hunter, The Journal of Gen. Sir Martin Hunter, Edinburgh, The Edinburgh Press, 1894), 20-22, 33-35. John Blair Linn and William H. Egle, Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolution, Battalions and Line 1775–1783, vol. I (Harrisburg, Pa.: Lane S. Hart, State Printer, 1880), 395–397. Bob McDonald, “’The arms and accouterments belonging to the United States shall be stamped …’: Markings on Continental Army Muskets” http://www.scribd.com/doc/181283657/Bob-McDonald-%E2%80%9CThe-arms-and-accouterments-belonging-to-the-United-States-shall-be-stamped-%E2%80%A6%E2%80%9D-Markings-on-Continental-Army-Muskets Thomas J. McGuire’s The Surprise at Germantown, October 4th 1777 (Gettysburg, Pa.: Thomas Publications, 1994), 63.

John U. Rees, “’Large droves of Cattle & flocks of Sheep go dayly into [the] Enemy …’: Countering British Foraging at Darby, Pennsylvania, 22 to 28 December 1778” http://www.scribd.com/doc/240762337/Large-droves-of-Cattle-flocks-of-Sheep-go-dayly-into-the-Enemy-Countering-British-Foraging-at-Darby-Pennsylvania-22-to-28-December-1778 E.M. Sanchez-Saavedra, A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations in the American Revolution, 1774-1787 (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1978) Matthew H. Spring, With Zeal and Bayonets: The British Army on Campaign in North America, 1775-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 173.

Charles J. Stille, Major-General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line in the

Continental Army, (Port Washington, 1968), 64-65, Anthony Wayne to the Board of War,

3 June 1777.

John B.B. Trussell, Jr., The Pennsylvania Line: Regimental Organization and Operations, 1776–1783 (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Museum and Historical Commission, 1977) James Wilkinson, Memoirs Of My Own Times, 3 volumes (Philadelphia: Printed by Abraham Small, 1816) vol. 1,267-269.

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Brother Jonathan’s Images Consortium Neal T. Hurst tailor@nhursttailor.com John U. Rees R. Scott Stephenson Matthew C. White “The British were very civil, and indeed they generally were after they had received a check from Brother Jonathan for any of their rude actions.” Connecticut soldier Joseph Plumb Martin writing in his 1830 memoir of the October 1776 Battle of White Plains. “It will give you great pleasure to hear that we gave Brother Jonathan a good trimming the other day … we marched [at night] … in two columns, so as to be able to beat up his Lordships [Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling’s] Quarters at day Break, the Right Column under Lord Cornwallis in which I had taken was to command an advanced Squadron fell in with just a little after day Break & we drove them Above the distance of eight Miles from height to height till at last Brother Jonathan thought better to go quite off, we killed I believe a great many (though I cant say I saw many… as we push[ed] on so quick,) …” Capt. Thomas Stanley, 17th Light Dragoon Regiment, writing of the Battle of Short Hills on 26 June 1777, from “Camp near New York July 15 1777.”