Broken hearted cities: cut off, cut up and cut down

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Broken hearted cities: cut off, cut up and cut down

Councillor Derek AntrobusLead Member for Planning Salford City Council

Paper delivered at the symposium on peripheral cities, University of Paris 8, December 2009

Introduction

The idea that a city can be broken-hearted is

surprising. We traditionally think of the heart of the

city as lying strong, powerful and coherent at the

centre. It is the place where all the connections find

their destination. The railways and bus stations, multi-

storey car parks and taxi-ranks, the tramway terminus and

river moorings: all find their place in the centre of the

city. Other flows, using less physical connections,

settle in the city. The monumental buildings of the

banking industry testify to where our money ends up. The

tower blocks, illuminated by the flickering of computer

screens, are hubs of information, darting around the

world with digital diligence. And the ecological

footprints of our great cities are stark reminders of the

way cities suck in the energy and water from distant

places. My argument here is that we need to recognise the

importance of these connections. We imagine the periphery

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as standing in opposition to the centre: that the

periphery exists because the centre exists and that the

spatial distance of one from the other is the causal and

defining factor. This seems to me to be a peculiarly

geometrical perspective. I argue for a more relational

perspective which focuses on how spaces are connected. My

approach is that it is the connections that create both

the centre and the periphery. Firstly, they create a

specific geography of relationships between places.

Secondly, they create a specific identity of place. And,

thirdly, that the nature of urban connections are

changing which is giving rise to a ‘new geography of the

centre’ (Sassen, 2001).

I use the metaphor ‘broken-hearted cities’ in three

senses. Firstly, I refer to cities which lie at the heart

of conurbations. Although spatially proximate, they are

cut off from the core. Typically, this involves barriers

which have been erected as part of the logic of 19th

century industrialisation and as a result of 20th century

modernisation. Secondly, these broken-hearted cities are

cut up by the essential geography of the core. The heart

of any conurbation is the focal point for major

infrastructure – motorways, railways, canals, for

example. So for broken-hearted cities, it is not just

that they are cut-off from the core but their communities

are isolated from each other. Thirdly, broken-hearted

cities are cut down in the sense they are not able to

rise to their full potential. I have argued elsewhere

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(Antrobus, 2009) that these physical structures help to

shape identity: how cities and citizens see themselves

and how they are seen by others. This applies to both the

status accorded the cities – they are overshadowed by

neighbours who have a higher political and economic

profile – and to the opportunities available to what

Castells calls the “structurally irrelevant people”

(Castells, 1996). I will develop each of these points in

turn, using a case study of the city of Salford, United

Kingdom, before suggesting how our cities are changing

and how we can grasp the opportunities to transform

relationships from core-periphery to polycentric.

The context

Since I will be using Salford as a case study, it is

useful to say something about the city’s geography (see

Fig 1). It lies to the west of Manchester in the North

West of England. The administrative boundary between

Salford and Manchester is principally the River Irwell.

The Irwell forms the northern boundary of Salford whence

it flows from the neighbouring borough of Bolton. To the

south, the Irwell is canalised as the Manchester Ship

Canal which also forms the administrative boundary. The

Canal links Greater Manchester to L:iverpool. Although

Manchester is a large authority with many suburbs, its

central business district, retail centre and leisure

areas are juxtaposed to Salford along the river. The far

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west of Salford is predominantly rural. There are large

tracts of farmland. About a third of the city is

greenbelt land – that is, land protected from development

– and another third consists of parkland, golf courses

and other green, open spaces. The rural and urban parts

of Salford are (roughly) divided from each other by the

M60 motorway which is the ring road for Manchester. As

you move closer to the centre of the city, the denser

development becomes. Once you reach the inner ring road,

you start to see the ‘doughnut’ effect with large areas

of dereliction.

Cut off: disconnected from the core

My first point is that what have been seen as

peripheral spaces have in some way been cut off from the

core. This is part of the geography of 19th century

industrialisation and 20th century modernisation. The

River Irwell offers a good example. Although in many

cities the river is the focus for the centre, this is not

the case with Manchester and Salford. The river has been

a barrier. This is partly due to the cities’ status as

the paradigm places of the industrial revolution. In the

17th and 18th centuries, the river was primarily used for

the transport of goods and passengers between Manchester

and Liverpool – an activity which continued in one form

or another until 1887 (Corbett, 1907/1974). The

consequence of industrialisation was a closely developed

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riverside. The river was no longer a focal point but a

barrier. This was reinforced by the pollution of the

river. As the Salford novelist Greenwood (1949)

commented: “The river is so disgusted with this crawling

vegetable called Man, which has murdered it, that it

expresses its disgust by throwing up thick and oily

chemical belches. Watch it. Every now and then from its

depths comes a slow regurgitation as the poor agonized

creature drags it oozy length towards the crowning

insult…Whenever I am in Manchester I make my customary

pilgrimage to the bridge and apologize to the river for

its treatment by my fellow men…”. The two cities turned

their backs on the river and instead of being a space

that joined them, it became a space that divided.

One reason for the decline of river transport was

the rise of the railway. That brought fresh division in

the space of the urban centre. The centre is

characterised by its terminals: it is a destination for

connections. In 1838 a railway line from neighbouring

Bolton had been built and ended at what is today Salford

Central Station. For the early years of the 19th century,

that district of Salford was a hub. The rail station was

alongside the wharves of the River Irwell. The

surrounding area had been developed for factories.

Workers’ housing packed the surrounding area and the main

thoroughfare of Chapel Street jostled with shops, pubs

and public buildings. In 1844 and 1884 new rail lines

involved the construction of huge viaducts which

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decimated the area, disconnected the centre of Salford

from its surrounding and refocused activity in

Manchester. The 1844 development was an extension from

the Liverpool-Manchester railway which connected the 1830

line – the world’s first – with the new Victoria station

in Manchester. The 1884 development brought in a new line

from Liverpool by a rival rail company. The impact of

this line was even greater because it involved the

building of a new station – the Exchange. The Salford

Borough Council collaborated in this project because of a

promise to build the new station on the Salford bank of

the Irwell – a promise that was kept: the railway company

built the station facing Manchester and built a bridge

across the Irwell to provide the main entrance. This

reinforced the sense of Manchester having the more active

spaces. The disconnection between Manchester and Salford

was made much worse by the building of the railway

viaducts. Salford’s main thoroughfare declined. It became

a place that people passed through on their way into

Manchester and no longer a place to go to.

The automobile-dominated modernisation of the 20th

century brought the greatest indignity –Salford was to

become known as Manchester’s car park – graphically shown

in Figure 2 which is shows a space overwhelmed by car

parking on what was once the Exchange Station. There are

further car parks to the right in the area called

Greengate – once the ancient market square of Salford.

The city lost any sense of having its own centre which

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retreated into Manchester. This was reinforced by public

disinvestment from Chapel Street – Salford’s main

thoroughfare which had become a principal commuter route

into Manchester. The disinvestment occurred after local

government reorganisation shifted the administrative

centre to the town of Swinton in the west of the city. So

in this example the connections along railway

infrastructure marginalised Salford, disconnecting it

from the activity at the core and isolating its

communities. Salford was in the shade of Manchester,

offering low value support to Manchester’s central

functions. .

Cut up: communities isolated

My second point is that the convergence of transport

routes into the city disconnect communities from each

other. Chapel Street is a very physical barrier to the

communities that live either side of it. On one side is

the district of Trinity, on the other is Islington. Each

of these areas has its own residents’ association which

focuses on their area. This community division is

reinforced by administrative boundaries. Chapel Street,

because of its significance, has been viewed as a

‘natural’ boundary and the Government body which

determines boundaries has made it the dividing line

between two wards (a ward is the electoral area

represented by a councillor) of Ordsall and Irwell

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Riverside. The City Council has promoted neighbourhood

governance and these two wards also sit in two different

neighbourhoods as defined by the Council. Once again,

this is because Chapel Street is seen as a boundary –

something that divides – rather than a focal point for

its communities. This division is replicated elsewhere in

the city as major highways and railways – to Bury, to

Bolton, to Eccles, to Liverpool – shear through the city

and cut up its spaces.

These major routes not only cut off settlements from

each other, they determine the travel behaviour of the

people of the city. The highways and railways are radial

– emanating form Manchester like the spokes on a wheel.

The public transport routes follow that radial pattern. A

good example is Salford Quays – the city’s most

prestigious regeneration project which is a major driver

of employment in the Greater Manchester region. But

access to the Quays, its jobs and its cultural offer is

restricted for Salford people. Its principal public

transport is the tramway which links directly to

Manchester. The easiest way for most Salford people to

travel to the Quays is to firstly travel into Manchester

and then take the tram back into Salford.

Cut down: a diminished identity

My third point is that peripherality impacts on

image and identity. This leads to what has been called

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‘territorial stigmatization’ (Mooney, 1999) where the

residents of an area suffer real impacts in terms of

their life chances – their postcode determines their

employment prospects. A nice example is that of Mark

Howard, a footballer from Salford who played for

Manchester United and then moved to Denmark. There he

gained the nickname ‘The Ghetto Kid’ because of

journalist’s view of where he came from. He believes this

nickname and the association with a particular

representation has become part of his identity –

including how he is seen by football referees who, he

feels, unfairly penalise him (Brennan, 2006).

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It is not just a question of how others see us, but

how we see ourselves. The UK Government has identified a

link between certain types of neighbourhood and low

levels of aspiration (Cabinet Office, 2008). It suggests:

“Narratives of decline and poor reputations can permeate

everyday life and affect self-esteem” (ibid.) The report

argues: “An absence of a broader and more diverse network

of contacts outside the immediate neighbourhood can mean

that young people lack access to valuable sources of

inspiration, information and opportunity. Similarly, 40%

of employers use informal methods of recruitment.

Therefore, poor links to employment markets can make it

more difficult to find employment” (ibid.). The

disconnection described for Salford aligns with this

explanation of the link between place and identity.

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It is further evidenced in a study by the Centre

for Local Economic Strategies (CLES) which focused on the

Duchy housing estate and explicitly linked the physical

barriers to aspirations: “In the mid 1990’s the estate

began to decline, a high level of vacant properties began

to blight the estate, many houses fell into an

[un?]inhabitable (sic) and derelict state. The estate’s

decline was compounded by its isolation, the busy East

Lancashire road serves as a barrier for the people on the

estate as it can only be crossed in three places, one of

which is an underpass widely regard as a no go area by

the community due to increasing crime levels and the

local gangs of youths. This lack of access cuts off - and

isolates the community from local services, transport

links and employment opportunities. The Duchy Estate has

suffered disproportionately from the steady decline in

industrial employment. Unemployment gradually became a

norm on the estate, the resulting impact of this was seen

in rising crime levels and increased drug use, especially

amongst the youth, growing up in an estate on a downward

spiral. In summation the young peoples lifestyles

exhibited ‘a lack of opportunity and a poverty of

aspiration’ “ (CLES, 2004).

A new geography of the centre

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Contemporary city spaces are undergoing

transformation. Sassen (2001) has associated this with

globalisation and new information technologies. She

argues (a) that globalisation and the consequent need for

services has displaced traditional manufacturing and low-

value functions from the metropolitan centre and (b) that

technological change has contributed to the ‘de-centring’

of central functions by, for example, the location of

head offices and call centres in peripheral locations,

such as derelict manufacturing sites or old docklands.

These factors can be combined with the dominant European

planning discourse of ‘compact cities’ which has led to

the concentration of ‘brownfield’1 development within

metropolitan areas (Blowers and Pain, 1999). This re-

ordering of city spaces gives opportunities for the

periphery. Peripheral areas can reconnect with the centre

and make new connections beyond the city. In order to

settle flows of investment into their spaces, cities have

adopted a number of strategies.

The remainder of this paper examines some of these

strategies with reference to our case study of Salford.

There are five broad approaches – three of which directly

address the problems identified above in relation to

spaces being cut off, cut up and cut down. These involve

reconnecting the periphery to the centre, reconnecting

communities within the periphery, and remaking the

identity of a place. But I also argue that there are two

1 Brownfield land is that which has previously been developed. Greenfield sites are on previously undeveloped land.

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other broad strategies: to make new connections to the

global and to make connections to environmental flows.

Reconnecting to the centre

Reconnecting to the centre is one obvious strategy

that is being adopted. In Salford the primary project is

a massive investment in the River Irwell corridor known

as Irwell River Park. It is a £45 million project which

is intended to make the Irwell between Manchester,

Salford and the neighbouring borough of Trafford into a

focal point. Its aim is to transform the river from a

space that divides the cities to a place where the cities

meet. It will involve making 8km of waterside into an

accessible green space. It will include new bridges

across the river, walkways and cycleways on the riverbank

and a planning policy that demands new development

respects the river and encourages active use. The project

is being led by the Central Salford Urban Regeneration

Company - a public-private partnership set up to

stimulate change in Salford - on behalf of the three

local authorities. Some initial funding has been agreed

by the North West Development Agency and some future

funding will come from agreements with developers along

the river.

An early example of what can be achieved by this

strategy of reconnection is at Chapel Wharf, a site on

the Salford side of Irwell which was a run-down,

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abandoned industrial area. In the 1990s, the city council

formed a partnership with the landowners to redevelop.

The main idea was the construction of a new footbridge

which was designed by Calatrava. It connected Salford

across the river to a space which contained Manchester’s

then most fashionable retail store and one of its

principal shopping streets. This connection enabled

Salford to attract high-value uses: the Lowry Hotel which

was the centre’s first 5-star establishment and

prestigious apartment blocks (see Fig 3).

There are proposals to replicate this success at the

former Exchange rail station site which is currently

dominated by car parking. A partnership between the City

Council, landowners Network Rail and the private

developer Ask Developments. Two public squares, a river

walkway, and a new bridge across the River Irwell are all

part of the stunning public realm designs that will

establish Exchange-Greengate as a new city centre

destination. Just minutes from the main Victoria Rail

Station and the commercial heart of Manchester, Greengate

will be home to 2,500 residential units and over 85,000

sq m of commercial floor space. The Exchange-Greengate

scheme is expected to attract over £580m of private

sector investment and secured planning permission in June

2007. Public realm works are due to start in the spring

of 2010.

The Irwell River Park project involves a number of

new bridges over the Irwell and another that is due to

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commence in spring 2010 is at Stanley Street close to

Salford Centre Rail Station. The new footbridge will link

the station to a new commercial quarter of Manchester

known as ‘Spinningfields’ and the Central Salford Urban

Regeneration Company is proposing to redevelop with

partners a low density office development around the

rail station with high rise, high value commercial space.

This is viable because of way it is integrated into the

new commercial space in Manchester across the new bridge.

Reconnecting communities

A second strategy is to reconnect communities by

enhancing transport links, removing barriers and

connecting communities to the process of transformation.

I have already referred to the accessibility problems

associated with Salford Quays. Salford City Council is

working with the Urban Regeneration Company and the

Greater Manchester Integrated Transport Authority to

enhance public transport connections. The Council has

approved a Central Salford Transport Strategy which

emphasises the need for orbital connections around the

city. The first evidence of this will be in January 2010

when we expect a new bus route to be approved which

connects the University quarter and Chapel Street to

Salford Quays. We also plan for rail stations which are

currently boarding points for commuters into Manchester

to become major interchanges where passengers can arrive

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and transfer to bus services which penetrate and join up

the new centres of activity.

I have also referred earlier to the role of Chapel

Street as a major boundary. Another project which we hope

will be approved in early 2010 is a plan to ‘calm’ the

traffic so the street is less of a barrier. It will be

transformed from a grey, congested space to a tree-lined

boulevard with designs that will privilege the position

of pedestrians. High quality finishes and crossing places

will help to remove the barrier. This is the first stage

of a longer-term investment which will see a new square

developed opposite Salford Cathedral which stands on

Chapel Street and the plans for that quarter of the city

envisages a mixture of residential and commercial uses,

with he emphasis on ground floor active uses such as

bars, cafés and shops.

Salford has been a pioneer in the engagement of

communities and was one of the first councils in the

country to establish neighbourhood forums called

Community Committee so that residents are connected

politically to the transformations of their areas. Not

only are they consulted in detail on any proposals, but

they also have delegated budgets which allow them to

carry out changes – environmental or social – within

their areas which accord with their on priorities. The

City Council also commissions an annual opinion survey of

residents to ensure that its practices are aligned with

the priorities of citizens. Publkic consultation has also

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been at the heart of regeneration initiatives. For

example, the vision for Central Salford involved the

active participation of over 3,000 residents and 17

community groups formed themselves into a ‘Collective’ to

manage the exercise so it was genuinely a bottom-up

rather than a top-down engagement.

Remaking identity

There is, thirdly, also a need to transform

opportunities and change the image and self-image of the

city. I have discussed elsewhere the way in which the

image of the city is being positively changed (Antrobus,

2009) through place-marketing and the promotion of

exemplary regeneration projects. But we are also seeking

to raise the aspirations of citizens so the economic,

social and cultural opportunities are seen as something

that is for them. There are a variety of projects which

seek to link education and training to the new

opportunities in the media and cultural industries which

are growing in Salford. Two specific initiatives are

worthy of mention.

Firstly, the City Council has embarked on a

programme known as ‘Building Schools for the Future’

which will see the replacement of every secondary school

in the city. This £150 million investment programme is

centred not so much on new building but on transforming

learning, creating spaces and using technologies which

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meet the demands of the new industrial revolution. The

results so far have been startling. In those schools

which have been re-built, we see performance improving

and a dramatic change in pupils’ attitudes and behaviour.

Secondly, the University of Salford has a key role

and has created a community engagement team to end the

divide between the University – perceived as a facility

for ‘outsiders’ – and local people. An example of this is

the Salford Young People’s University which offers during

the summer a ‘taster’ of university life for secondary

age pupils in the city. Last year some 400 Salford

children engaged in this scheme. The University has also

embarked on a programme of ensuring its research benefits

local people with awards for academics who can show how

their research works with and benefits the local

community.

Making global connections

Previous points are about remaking and reconnecting

the city’s physical and socio-political spaces. But to

bring about success, cities must connect with the global.

The most exciting example of this in Salford is the

development of MediaCity:UK. The origins of this project

lie in a decision by the Government to encourage national

institutions to relocate some of their activities away

from London. Amongst them was the BBC which decided to

move some of its production to Greater Manchester. Local

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authorities in Greater Manchester offered a number of

sites but Salford was chosen. The reason for this is that

instead of offering a development site for a new

building, Salford’s managers had the imagination to think

about how the activity would link into global

connections. The starting point was to ask what was

happening in the global media. There was a recognition

that in eight or nine cities across the globe media firms

were coming together in a single space to benefit from

the synergy of new technologies. So the MediaCity:UK

project was about making the BBC the heart of a new space

which would attract other media giants and make Salford a

hub in a global network.

Making green connections

A final set of connections are vital to cities in an

era of dangerous climate change and resource constraint.

The idea of the city as what Massey (1999) calls ‘an open

intensity’ is a key element of an emergent discourse of

resilient cities. The notion of an ‘open intensity’ – a

concentration of flows which settle in space to create

something new – has been used to develop understandings

of the city primarily in terms of flows of information

(Castells, 1996) and capital (Harvey, 1996). More

recently, this has extended to the wider flows of

resources (Cronon, 1992). Marvin (1992) noted the

omission from the literature of a discussion of the

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infrastructure – water, waste, energy, telecoms and

transportation - which sustained these flows. He draws

attention to the fragility of these networks which he

sees as the “essential life support of cities” (Marvin,

1992:230). It is the very spatiality of such

environmental flows which renders their sustainability

problematic. The dependence on resource exchanges makes

sustainable planning complex (Focht, 2008). This inherent

problem has been further complicated by the privatization

and liberalization of infrastructure provision associated

with neo-liberalism and ecological modernization in which

environmental flows are commodified (Guy et al, 1997;

Monstadt, 2007). These issues have been extensively

explored in the field of water management where the

spaces of catchments and utility infrastructures do not

coincide with the institutions of urban governance (Kidd

and Shaw, 2007). There is a concern, therefore, within

the resilience discourse to manage and secure these flows

through new modes of governance which Hodson and Marvin

(2009) have labelled ‘urban ecological security’.

Salford has faces significant risks from flooding and is

collaborating with other authorities in Greater

Manchester on managing flood risk but also building in

energy security through a plan for renewable energy.

Conclusions

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This paper has sought to demonstrate that

peripherality is not about a spatial relationship of

distance between central city spaces and the suburbs. I

have shown that what determines the fortunes of the

periphery is not how it relates to the centre but how it

relates to wider connections. Certainly, one consequence

of how the periphery relates to wider connections is a

specific geography of disconnection. That geography is

being transformed by globalisation and new technology. To

take advantage of those transformations, peripheral

cities have to be sensitive to the geography of

connections and manage, re-make and reform them to the

advantage of their citizens. The lesson is to ovecome the

dichotomy of centre-periphery by focusing on how we

connect to wider flows.

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FIGURES

Figure 1: A schematic plan of Salford showing its shared

space with Manchester city centre to the east and its

rural area in the west

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Figure 2: Salford’s city centre space dominated by car

parking – cut off from Manchester city centre by the

river and isolated from the rest of Salford by railways

and major roads

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Figure 3: The Lowry Hotel – high-value land uses created

by linking Salford directly into city centre spaces

Broken hearted cities: cut off, cut up and cut down

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