ABC Television newsroom in Sydney

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From Alderson’s to Ultimo: the ABC’s television newsroom in Sydney

Akhteruz Zaman

Abstract The scholarship on journalism inadequately addresses the issue of physical space in news work: the newsroom. This study contributes to this area by tracing the history of the ABC’s television newsroom in Sydney. Using archival documents, it identifies a pattern of transforma-tion of the newsroom from a marginal entity within the organisation to a prominent one. Despite this welcome change, journalists have endured accommodation problems from early days to the current Ultimo site. The findings indicate that the organisational and material spaces of news work are inherently related to each other; these are relational spaces (Harvey, 2006; Massey 2005; also Lefebvre, 1991). The accom-modation problems and constant complaints by journalists may also allude to the exercise of power at a micro-level, which is manifested in the space of news work (Foucault, 1980).

IntroductionSpace is one of our most pressing problems in our TV news organisation – immedi-ate space and future space.

– Walter Hamilton, Australian Broadcasting Commission, 1956

(NAA: SP724/1, 27/4/3)

When television was introduced into the then Australian Broadcasting Commission in 1956, space was a problem for everyone in a practical sense. Barely three weeks after the formal begin-ning of the television service, then editor-in-chief Walter Hamilton wrote the above comment in an office memorandum to the assistant general manager. He was concerned about the future ac-commodation of television news staff in the main studio building which was under construction in the northern Sydney suburb of Gore Hill. Similar to many other sections of the Commission at that time, television news faced a severe space shortage at its first location in a rented office building in St Leonards. This building, known as Alderson’s, was located a few blocks away from the Gore Hill television site.

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This “pressing problem” of space was administrative and immediate in nature, so might have been less of an issue today, half a century after this memo was written. Yet, viewed from a broad perspective, space remains a problem in journalism. This problem is not confined to administra-tive matters or television news, but extends to journalism in general, and relates to a lack of ad-equate critical attention to spatial issues. In other words, the relationship between the concept of space and the practice of journalism has not been adequately analysed and theorised. The current study contributes to this area through a brief exploration of the history of the ABC’s television newsroom in Sydney. Here, the newsroom is understood as an important space in news work, in both the material and the abstract senses articulated by social theorists of space.

Based on documents from the National Archives of Australia, this study presents a brief de-scription of different spaces comprising the television news service, including its physical news-room. The discussion starts with the identification of the few exceptional studies on journalism and space, against the backdrop of a general lack of critical attention to this issue, and proceeds to locate contemporary conceptual perspectives on space in social science literature to help examine the material spaces of news work. It then presents the outcome of an archival search on the ABC-TV newsrooms and an analysis of historical trajectories of these spaces.

Little attention to news spaceThe fact that little scholarly attention is paid to the material newsroom, its relevance to profes-

sional practice or the relationship between journalism and space is an implicit endorsement of the view that journalism is all about ideas and information; its material conditions of production are perceived to be less relevant.

Clearly, this assumption warrants critical scrutiny. Although attention is paid to some aspects of journalism relating to its material conditions, such as the techniques of writing practices and the influence of technological change in recent times, these examinations are rarely underpinned by a conscious focus on the material nature of these aspects. However, the thin body of literature in this area alludes to the importance of spatial factors in journalism. This includes examination of the history of the newsroom (Nerone & Barnhurst, 2003; Wilke, 2003; Høyer, 2003); work on the geography of news (Dominick, 1977; Walmsley, 1980; Brooker-Gross, 1983; Chyi & Sylvie, 2001); a study recording news workers’ perceptions and descriptions of the newsroom (Zaman, 2012; 2013); and research describing the historical development of newspaper buildings (Wal-lace, 2000).

These studies have examined historical trajectories of early newsrooms in different countries and linked those to the stages of transformation of journalism. Early newspapers did not have any designated place called “newsroom”: it emerged as a distinct space only after the separation of editorial work from mechanical printing tasks (Nerone & Barnhurst, 2003). These studies also questioned the idea of a simple and positive correlation between geographic proximity and news value. In editorial decisions about news, the physical nearness or distance of an issue or event from the point of news publication is but one factor among many. The proximity factor interacts in intricate ways with other news values. Also, proximity is not only about geographic distance between events and news readers but also concerns social and cultural factors, which unveils a complicated chemistry involved in the processes of news decisions (Brooker-Gross, 1983).

In such a chemistry of news work, the symbolic and practical dimensions of space are not far apart, but interconnected. For example, abstract ideas about space (such as news proximity) can-not be far removed from the physical space of news work (the newsroom).

In a different way, the connection between journalism and its physical settings resonates with Wallace’s (2000) examination of 19th-century newspaper buildings in New York. She highlighted the links between the physical office buildings and practices of journalism pursued by these

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newspapers. A sensational tabloid newspaper (New York World) came out of an equally sensa-tional gold-domed structure, while a sober one (New York Times) was published from a sombre building. This may crudely seem to suggest a direct causal effect of a practice on its material space. However, Wallace’s detail about the history of newspaper buildings as well as perspec-tives found in scholarly literature dispels such a simplistic proposition and alludes to nuances and complexity in this relationship.

The interconnected nature of spaces in society has been a common theme among the critics in different fields who deal with the question of space. The section below elucidates this issue briefly.

Spaces: connected and relatedThe concept of space is a difficult one to comprehend fully (Čapek 1976; Penz et al., 2004).

Harvey suggests that although an “over-arching objective meaning of space is pervasive”, it is, in fact, a highly contingent concept:

Beneath the veneer of common-sense and seemingly “natural” ideas about space [and time], there lies hidden terrains of ambiguity, contradiction, and struggle. (Harvey, 1990, p. 205)

Common ideas about space treat it as either the gaps between objects or the container of every-thing in the universe. Space is also viewed as a platform from which to perform activities, or as a field filled with objects. It is crossed over or negotiated to reach a certain destination. These ideas make space omnipresent, neutral and a passive backdrop which is without any significance or relevance in society.

However, philosophers and scientists have both challenged and scrutinised these common-sense ideas about space. Einstein’s theories have stripped space (and time) of its apparent neutral-ity and rendered it relative to observers. Natural scientists also debate whether space, time and matter are independent of each other or interconnected categories and whether space is a finite and absolute entity or infinite and relational one (Čapek, 1976). In the social sciences, critics dif-fer in significant ways on various questions of space, but most agree that space is not a neutral category in society and that various spaces are interconnected.

Lefebvre (1991) presents the theory of the production of space. Harvey (2006) and Massey (2005) view space as dialectical and relational. Foucault (1980) articulates the spatial nature of knowledge/power, and explains how the disciplinary discourse of space plays a role in generating docile bodies. Soja (1989; 2003) challenges the inherent historicity of social sciences (their pref-erence given to analysing time over space, history over geography) and demands spatial justice. As expected, these critics differ on some fundamental questions but all agree that it is not possible to compartmentalise spaces in society (for example, as abstract and concrete) because concepts of space are relational.

Drawing from the above works and some other contemporary discussions on space (Elden & Crampton, 2007; Zieleniec, 2008), the following summation can be made: in regards to society, space is not a subject or object; it is rather a set of relations. Various spaces in society are pro-duced and reproduced through relations and interconnections. In this sense, a separation between different kinds of space (such as space conceived in its material and abstract forms) is only ap-parent. All spaces are interrelated. When treated as sets of relations, spaces cannot be separated from social interpretation because social relations come into being and perpetuate on the basis of the material processes and forms of which space is an integral part. As interconnected entities, spaces are multiple and simultaneous. This means any space is not exclusive; it does not exist on its own. A space can be different things according to different contexts experienced at the same


time. “Ground Zero” or “Down Under” is at the same time a concrete material space and part of a construct. Space is also dialectical; space enables social actions to take place and at the same time becomes structured by those social actions.

The social conceptualisation of space is not neutral, it is deeply political. The production and organisation of space is closely connected to the exercise of power. This applies both to the broad and universal context of global political relations and to the mundane and everyday level of social reality. The grand order of the global financial network, the spatial configuration of a megacity and the generation of docile and obedient individuals or groups through disciplinary discourses are intricately linked to the exercise of power and the production of spaces at different scales. Fi-nally, spaces are never complete; they are always in the making. Spaces are outcomes of ongoing social relations, which is why these are continuously produced and reproduced.

While the above concepts and assumptions may seem remote while examining a particular space (such as a newsroom), it is important to dispel this appearance and so to allow a deeper analytic perspective to emerge. To follow Foucault, the narrow and concrete is indeed connected to the broad and universal. The relational, dialectical and continuous nature of space means that treating any particular space as distinct and separate from other spaces, social practice and rela-tionships is theoretically untenable. Following such an assertion, the current study examines the nature of the different spaces that shape news work and seeks to better understand the relations of power operating within these spaces. In order to do so, the discussion focuses on the historical development of the ABC-TV newsroom in Sydney.

Initial doubts and uncertainty The physical newsroom of ABC-TV in Sydney had existed as a distinct identity before 2002,

when it was amalgamated with other news services at the current Ultimo newsroom. As an organ-isational unit, this newsroom had enjoyed a degree of prominence and status because of several significant factors, such as the popularity of television news in general and its prime location in Sydney, this being the country’s biggest city and the headquarters of the ABC. However, the position of news within broadcast services, and the status of this newsroom in particular, was not always so privileged. In fact, at the beginning the position of television news in the ABC was shaky. Questions had been raised about news’ suitability to a visual medium thought to be more appropriate for entertainment purposes.

This doubt was part of a prolonged debate which ensued over worries about the extravagance of having a television service at all in the context of post-war hardship and might have contrib-uted to a delayed arrival of television in Australia. While regular television transmission began in Britain as early as 1936, Australians had to wait an additional two decades to enjoy moving images in their lounge rooms. Some of the objections raised included the high cost of the service, potential adverse effects of television on family and community life and technical difficulties as-sociated with reaching out to everyone in a vast country.

Some ABC executives were also doubtful about news’ suitability for television because news had been considered dry and wordy, and thus incompatible with a visual medium. It was also feared that technology might not allow pictures of the day’s events in the news to be shown. In a memo to general manager Charles Moses on December 21, 1955, then controller of programmes Keith Barry referred to the correspondence of a senior executive, Clement Semmler, who was on a tour of England:

Mr. Semmler has been especially impressed with the BBC News Reviews and Sports Reviews … News itself he has found to be disappointing on both networks [BBC & ITA] and says, “I find it hard to see how news can be translated to televi-

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sion – how can you see the news of the day? After all, down all history news has either been heard (word of mouth) or read. (NAA: C1574, TV11/1/1)

Moses did not necessarily agree with this view (NAA: C1574, TV11/1/1). As the head of news, Hamilton also contested this doubt and defended the appearance of news on television. In an office memo, he asserted that news was more than just the printed newspaper and should not be linked exclusively to a certain medium. According to him, news could be “an idea, an expression of fact, existing of and by itself, independently of any particular means of transmission”. It was erroneous to view television as having “no capacity or right to handle news simply because a TV screen doesn’t look like a newspaper”, he continued.

Television is using the methods which belong to television. In doing so, it can and does communicate news … it can do things which newspaper cannot do – such, ob-viously, as running a moving picture. And a film, the camera’s record of an event, has as much right to the term “news”, as a reporter’s version printed on paper. Often, of course, the communication of an event, television-wise, must have far greater impact than a version in words only. (NAA: C1574, TV11/1/1)

This is an insightful view about the prospect of television news, especially at a very early stage of its development in Australia. With hindsight, it is now easy to see the significance of this medium, but it was not so easy to see this so clearly at a time of strong doubt and uncertainty with respect to the future of broadcast in Australia.

The ABC governing board supported news in television but was concerned about the potential undue influence of visual elements on editorial decisions. This had been a contentious issue for a while between the board and television news. Hamilton and his deputies were outraged by the suggestion that they would not be able to make sound editorial judgement on the value of news items and would be swayed by the availability of pictures. They had to formally assure the board about the standard of news they intended to maintain (NAA: C1574, TV11/1/2 PART-1).

Similar doubts and debates were also common in some other countries, such as the United States (Bliss, 1991), in the early stages of broadcasting, In Australia, these debates had been played out at different levels, but they culminated in the government decision to have news as part of both public and commercial television services (Moran 1992, p. 105).

Early stages of newsThe decision to include news in television was followed by planning and preparation for it.

However, according to James Dibble, the first news presenter at the ABC-TV, a news bulletin was not planned for the first night:

The first TV news bulletin wasn’t actually scheduled … the first night was just to introduce people to ABC television … All I had to do on that night, or supposed to do, was the voice over of the opening graphic which was a funny little wobbly gig thing with ABC TV [written] on it. I was just to say “welcome to ABC television”. And Russia decided to invade Hungary on that particular day and news people said … [there should be a] news bulletin tonight, too big story [to ignore]. So they brought a table in … and put a news bulletin in front of me, and I read it. That’s it. (NAA: C475, Arch02/0754)

However, official planning documents give a different impression and indicate that from very early on the news was on the planners’ agenda. Specific time slots were allocated for news bul-letins, newsreel and weather reports during weekday evenings, and a magazine program was planned for the weekend. The press release issued to announce the government’s intention to


introduce television stated: “The presentation of news, newsreel and weather report will be an integral part of our main programme.” (NAA: SP724/1, 21/7/3 PART-3)

Documents on the first day’s programs (for example, NAA: C1574, TV4/12/1) also outline news either at the very beginning of the transmission or immediately after the opening announce-ment and introduction. The fourth draft of the opening program states:

Time Vision Source1850 or earlier ABC test pattern Gore Hill

1856 Motif OB (227)

1859.50 Caption: Opening Night OB (227)

1900 Motif OB (227)

1900.10 Charlton OB (227)

1901 Chairman, PM, PMG OB (227)

1909 Motif OB (227)


1909.40 Telecine: City by Night; OB Van

Link; bridge Arcon


1911.45 West: technician in front of Telecine machine Arcon

1913.15 Telecine film: news item: Ferras Arcon

1915.15 Charlton intros Channel OB (227)(NAA: C1574, TV4/12/1, emphasis added)

This document indicates news was indeed planned for the first night, but instead of a full five-minute bulletin, it was intended to provide a couple of minutes’ glimpse of what a bulletin would look like. In short, news was treated as only a small part of the total operation. The journalists did not appreciate this sidelining of their work, and were frustrated at times. Hamilton complained about the lack of access to the studio for rehearsal during the early days of preparations and sought “a high level direction” from the assistant general manager to ensure equity in studio allocation:

I would like to have access to the workshop studio one afternoon a week … for the purpose of demonstration in TV news technique to members of our training school. I think, as we have not been allotted any period for use of the studio cameras, this is a reasonable proposition. We were given, by arrangement, use of the cameras for a period last week. It was to have been from 5pm, but eventually, after a lot of trouble, we got the studio at 7pm, and had to make last-minute arrangements to keep people back. (NAA: C1574, TV11/1/1)

Here, the difficulties for news managers are evident, although the preparatory time was probably limited and chaotic for everyone at the ABC.

Subsequent ascendanceHowever, the initially minor status of news was subsequently replaced by its gradual ascen-

dance within ABC-TV. This is evident in the budget allocations for news, the upgraded adminis-trative status of the section and the protocols of editorial independence established for news and current affairs programs. Today, news is one of the ABC’s most important activities, and indeed exists as a primary justification for continuing public service television in Australia. This is re-flected in the charter included in the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act 1983, which envis-ages that the ABC should provide “broadcasting programs of news, current affairs, entertainment

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and cultural enrichment” within and outside Australia “… that contribute to a sense of national identity and inform and entertain, and reflect the cultural diversity of, the Australian community”. This emphasis on news is clearly evident in the first pages of the ABC’s 2012 Annual Report:

Now more than ever, Australians need a trusted and authoritative voice in the crowded news market … The ABC continues to be the leading source of indepen-dent, trusted and authoritative news and information. (ABC, 2012)

This gives the impression that the ABC is proud of its contributions to news in this country. The shift of the position and production of a different space for news is clearly evident here. This space, however, has no concrete material manifestation; it relates to the organisational space, which is as important as any material space of a social practice. The following sections provide a descriptive sketch of the different newsrooms housed at the ABC over time.

Alderson’s newsroomThe initial doubt and uncertainty about the scope for presenting news in a new broadcast me-

dium affected the physical position and location of the newsroom. This was further exacerbated by the fact that accommodation in general was a perennial problem for the ABC (Inglis, 2006). So the first television newsroom in Sydney was established physically a fair distance from the main television establishment in Gore Hill.

The Alderson’s building was a relatively new office block near the St Leonards railway sta-tion in Sydney (504-520 Pacific Highway). It was general office accommodation with no special features, and was used by ABC journalists for preparing television news scripts and editing films. For studio rehearsal and production and transmission of the bulletin, they had to travel to the Arcon building at Gore Hill. Dibble reminisced in 2001 about the arrangement: “We would rush up to Gore Hill about six o’clock, and run through a rehearsal of the news and then put it on air at seven o’clock from that temporary studio.” (NAA: C475, Arch02/0754)

Few documents have referred to the difficulty of this rushed travelling and its potential risks. For example, in response to a proposal for an extension of news, Hamilton wrote:

One complicating factor is that, apart from professional and programme consid-erations, I hesitate to increase the time while we are in our present offices. Apart from the distance from the studio, which is a critical factor, our offices, both for journalists and film staff, are shockingly over-crowded. I rather think it would be unwise to attempt to put any more pressure on staff in such conditions. (C1574, TV11/1/2 PART-1)

While accommodation at Alderson’s was good, it was clearly not adequate for a fast-expanding television news service. In another document, Hamilton stated:

I realised at the beginning that our quarters at St Leonards were going to be very cramped. However, I didn’t realise quite how cramped they would prove nor, of course, did any of us realise that they would have to serve us for much longer than was originally contemplated due to the main building delay. (NAA: SP724/1, 27/4/3)

Hamilton’s concern here was for the comfort of the journalists, as well as for the efficiency of work: “... inadequate working space inevitably results in inefficiency […] and increased strain and nervous tension” in a fast-paced news environment (NAA: SP724/1, 27/4/3). Bad weather and other factors had delayed the construction of the main studio building at Gore Hill (NAA: SP724/1, 28/2/27/2). The news section was eventually moved there on February 28, 1958 (NAA: SP1322/1, 28/2/27/10).


Mezzanine newsroomIn the new studio building, the newsroom was located on the mezzanine floor, where it oper-

ated until the early 1970s. As in St Leonards, the newsroom was in “good” condition at the early stage (NAA: C2035P1, 18/11/7). Along with it, there was a film library, editing and journalists’ rooms and an office for the weekend magazine program. However, this newsroom was still a long way away from the studio from which the seven o’clock bulletin was produced (NAA: C475, Arch02/0745).

As news activities gained pace and increased significantly, the facilities quickly became in-adequate. Of many issues, there was a problem with the acoustic conditions in the news area. Director of television news F. L. J. Gully complained to the assistant controller of maintenance services about the problem:

I would be grateful if action could be taken to improve the acoustic in two working areas in the television news section at Gore Hill. The areas concerned are the news assigning office and the newsreel/magazine scripting office. Both are in constant use by journalists and cameramen. Since there is no carpeting or screening in either area, the noise level is often high and has a detrimental affect [sic] on journalists working on scripts, researching film stories, etc. (NAA: C615T2, 329-27/5/8-1)

As is evident, such problems were the result of increased news activities: more people and more news action rendered the initial facilities inadequate. In order to address the accommoda-tion problems of news and current affairs, a new building (Tower Block) was constructed at Gore Hill in the late 1960s.

Tower Block newsroomThe transition of news from the studio building to the purpose-built Tower Block was com-

plicated by a range of factors including the transition to colour transmission and an initiative to amalgamate broadcast news at Gore Hill by moving radio news from the city. As a result, the issue of news accommodation became a major policy matter. Office memos and reports during the early 1970s show elaborate planning for large-scale movement of the different facilities to enable this amalgamation (NAA: C2035P1, 18/11/7 PART-1; NAA: SP1322/1, 28/2/59/2 PART-1). However, the move did not eventuate, mainly because of a lack of suitable accommodation at Gore Hill for everyone involved.

In the eight-floor Tower Block building, television current affairs programs (such as This Day Tonight and Four Corners) were allocated upper floors, while the news section was given the mezzanine and first floors. This newsroom has so far been the longest-standing accommodation for ABC television news in Sydney (existing from the early 1970s until 2002). In this facility, the main newsroom was an open-plan office, while many reporters and journalists were located one or several floors up.

Other than being scattered over several floors, the accommodation in this building was satis-factory at the beginning. However, as happened in other cases, the facilities became inadequate over time because of extensive transformation of news in television. By the end of the 20th cen-tury, the situation had become unsatisfactory, and journalists complained about problems such as uncarpeted floor, exposed telephone wires and a hot water urn for the news department (NAA: C615T2, House Committee).

Ultimo newsroomThe entire television service was moved to Ultimo from Gore Hill amid a huge debate, indus-

trial action, inquiries and controversy between ABC management and employees. Other stake-

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holders, such as the government, political parties, labour unions and lobby groups, also became involved and took positions in favour of or against the move. The main issues of debate included retaining the ABC’s in-house television production capacity, and the dilapidated Gore Hill facili-ties deemed unsuitable to cater for the demands of a new technological environment (ABC, 1999; Dempster, 2000).

Debate specific to news work involved the location of the newsroom and whether to move to the city centre where everything important was happening news-wise or stay at a suburban site where transportation was a daunting challenge with a big harbour in the way. However, improved transportation (in the form of the harbour tunnel and the Gore Hill freeway) negated the distance argument. Further, in an emergency, use of a helicopter remained a challenge because the helicop-ter licence did not allow its operation from an inner-city location. As a compromise for the move to Ultimo, the helipad was retained in Gore Hill, and a microwave link was established to transfer visuals from the helipad to Ultimo.

The current Sydney newsroom of the ABC is on the first floor of the Ultimo Centre, a purpose-built corporate facility. It was a radio newsroom at the beginning, but now also houses television and online services as an integrated news facility. This newsroom is a vast open-plan office with production facilities for both radio and television news and current affairs programs. Journal-ists working for the main news bulletins as well as some current affairs programs work together in this newsroom. Part of the ABC online news operation is also based there. The newsroom is equipped with state-of-the-art news technologies and improved facilities, which has turned it into a quite different establishment from the corporation’s previous facilities.

The work arrangement and flow of information within the newsroom changed considerably because of the integration of different news and program areas. All three media (radio, TV and online) needed to make adjustments to their operations to meet the imperatives of the new facility. Such adjustments were made in management, news collection, video editing, camera operation, audio recording and news presentation. Yet, as discussed elsewhere (Zaman, 2012; 2013), this newsroom is not without problems for the journalists in terms of amenities and accommodation.

Another problem for the journalists has been the constant change in the physical setting of their workplace. Journalists are frequently moved around, causing constant disruption to their work. There has been hardly any time of relative quietness in accommodation matters for the journalists (see Zaman, 2012; Inglis, 2006).

DiscussionA range of inferences can be garnered from the above historical description. First, the spaces

of ABC-TV news may be identified as organisational and material for the purpose of analysis. From the conceptual context of relational space, organisational space may be viewed as the ag-gregate of social relations within and beyond the organisation, which involves among other things relations of power. Second, within the organisational space, there is a shift of position for news from an insignificant to a significant one. Third, there is a shift in the material space as well. The television newsroom started as a rental establishment located away from the television site, but has become an integral part of the corporation’s purpose-built facility. Fourth, the quality of ac-commodation has always been good at the beginning, but has quickly become inadequate and unable to cope with the fast pace of growth and transformation of television news. Last, news executives and journalists have constantly complained about the issues of accommodation and facilities in their work spaces.

With these findings in mind, the usefulness of the spatial concepts discussed earlier can be examined to understand the historical trajectories of the newsroom.


i) Spaces are not separate; they are connected and relational

The separation imagined between the organisational and material spaces is here revealed as arbitrary. This is only necessary for the purpose of analysis. In reality, it is not possible to sepa-rate these spaces because one doesn’t operate or even exist without the other. The activities con-ducted in the material newsroom alter the position of news within the broad organisational space of the ABC. This alteration, in turn, affects the activities taking place within news work, and subsequently affects the newsroom itself. The interconnected nature of the material space of the newsroom and more abstract conceptualisations of space as something to do with position and privilege is evident here. It is difficult to think that the initial doubt about news had nothing to do with the poor access of news workers to the training studio, or the distant location of the first newsroom. Similarly, it is hard to imagine that the important position that news acquired subse-quently is unrelated to the establishment of the editorial policy.

ii) The shifts in material and organisational spaces are also related

So the changes in the material newsroom facilities are related to the position of news within the organisation. At the beginning of the television service, different individuals took different positions on the question of news. Some doubted it strongly (controller of programs), others advocated for it staunchly (editor-in-chief) and others supported it hesitantly (governing board). These were not capricious positions taken by the individual or group, but manifestations of dif-ferent sides, positions or institutional powers within the organisation.

The interactions of these individuals had created a certain space for news, which was marginal because neither the advocate nor the hesitant supporter could have convincingly dispelled the original doubts about the popular reception of televised news. This marginal position made the authorities unsure about the suitability or future of news in the new medium. So, they kept the newsroom – the physical embodiment of the work of news reporting – at bay, metaphorically and materially, probably to allow them time to observe developments in this area.

After more than half a century, the picture has been reversed, as the status of news is now significant. The provision of news is a core element of the ABC, as stipulated in its legislative Charter. In other words, the news service is one of the fundamental reasons for the people of Aus-tralia to bear the expenses of the corporation. The location and condition of the current newsroom at Ultimo is accordingly important and integral to the purpose-built corporate establishment.

The location of the Alderson’s newsroom away from the main television production site might have been due to mere pragmatic or administrative necessity. However, it is difficult to set apart the ABC management’s dilemmas about television news from its decision to locate the physical newsroom away from the main studio. A similar assertion can be made about the location of the Ultimo newsroom. Thus, the locations assume analytical significance in the context of the rela-tional nature of space. The concrete material and abstract organisational spaces are clearly related and constitutive of each other.

However, this conflation of spaces cannot be viewed in any mechanical way because success in one area has not been automatically replicated in another. The change of organisational posi-tion has helped news with many matters, such as increased budget allocation and enforcement of independent editorial policy, but not with the perennial problem of accommodation. The experi-ences of journalists in all the newsrooms – Alderson’s in St Leonards, the studio building and Tower Block in Gore Hill, and even the current state-of-the-art newsroom in Ultimo – bear wit-ness to this fact. In this sense, the organisational and material spaces of ABC television are indeed relational in a complex way, as suggested by Lefebvre, Harvey, Massey and others.

iii) Problems of accommodation quality

Quick deterioration of the initial good-quality accommodation of these newsrooms is another important aspect of news space observable in the analysis provided here. It may be related to

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inadequacy of forward planning in television news, or to a general difficulty in securing ac-commodation in the ABC. However, following Foucault, it is fair to say that the issue is not so superficial. It may also be seen a mechanism of control within an organisation. This possibility is discussed below, together with the issue of journalists’ complaints about accommodation.

iv) Constant complaints about accommodation problems

As is evident, television journalists at the ABC have been compelled to complain constant-ly about their accommodation. Hesitation to increase bulletin time while TV news endured the “cramped” Alderson’s newsroom, acoustic problems in uncarpeted sections of the studio building news area, and sudden changes in the current workspaces are testament to the diversity of such complaints.

The apparent simplicity and administrative nature of these complaints hides the nature of power relations manifested in them. These can be explained as symptomatic of micro-power in action, exercised by ABC management. Foucault’s view that power in society is not always prac-tised on a grand scale by the state or class, but also invades our everyday lives and relationships at a mundane level, is pertinent here. According to Foucault, the manifestation of such power relations is evident in the spaces of everyday reality, “disciplinary discourse illuminates the dis-persed practices of power operative and inherent in representations of forms of space” (Zieleniec, 2008, p. 125).

The conditions of power constituted through this process are clearly evident in this instance, observable in how journalists have had to endure problems and ceaselessly complain about the working spaces. The journalists represent the space of their work as ridden with “problems”, which they experience on an ongoing basis. Management’s lack of adequate attention to these problems has been due to the pervasive micro-power they hold over news production and the relative status of news work within the broadcast industry. Further, the management discourse of “caution” has subordinated the professional discourse of journalism, suggesting that the news workers were incapable of taking reasoned editorial decisions and remaining unaffected by the al-lure of visuals. The governing board’s demand for a formal assurance from news about the quality of editorial decisions is precisely an exercise of power at a micro-level. It may also be assumed that the professional discourse of journalism takes precedence with the reversal of the position of news in contemporary time.

Although documentary evidence contradicts, the perception persisted among the news work-ers that the first day’s news bulletin was not planned, but was merely an improvisation to deal with an emerging international crisis (Russia attacking Hungary). As stated earlier, the perception indicates a marginal status of news within the organisation. This is an instance of a docile news department then situated marginally within the organisational space of a powerful corporation. At the same time, it shows the resilience and creativity of news in dealing with a new situation.

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AuthorAkhteruz Zaman is a former journalist in Bangla Desh who now teaches journalism at the University of Technology, Sydney.

ABC Television newsroom in Sydney

Documents

Transcript of ABC Television newsroom in Sydney