A Study of the Public Education Domain of the Philippine ...

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JULY- DECEMBER 2 00 4 VOL VIII NO 2

A Study of the Public Education Domain of the Philippine Mental Health Association ( 1996-2002)

AGNES ROSARIO A. DE LEON

How Community-Based Research Influences National Policy on Water Management in the Philippines AG ESC. ROLA

E NIFER P. T. LIGUTON DULCE D. ELAZEGUI

t Development-Induced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences and Impoverishment and Marginalization in Pagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan DORACIE B. ZOLETA-NANTES

I\ ( T [ \I .[ /. \' l [ ( )

I

P-JJBLIC YOLICY

EDITORIAL BOARD Emerlinda R Roman, Chairman; Francisco Nemenzo, Jr; Emil Q Javier;

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Issue Editor CORAZON D. VILLAREAL

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PUBLIC POLICY

CONTENTS

Editor's Note

A Study of the Public Education Domain of the

Philippine Mental Health Association (1996-2002)

AGNES ROSARIO A. DE LEON

1

How Community-Based Research Influences

National Policy on Water Management

in the Philippines

AGNES C. ROLA, JENNIFER P. T. LIGUTON and DULCE D ELAZEGUI

29

Development-Induced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences

and Impoverishment and Marginalization in

Pagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan

DORACIE B. ZOLETA-NANTES

53

EDITOR'S NOTE

This issue features three articles on public policy at the grassroots level in the

Philippines.

'~ Study of the Public Education Domain of the Philippine Mental Health

Association ( 1996-2002)," describes and assesses the prevention education services

conducted by PMHA, a non-government organization considered a major

stakeholder in the mental health system of the country. The bases for assessment is

the Monitoring Instrument for Mental Health Systems and Services: PilotTrial

Version, December 2003 of the WHO, Western Pacific Regional Office. The study

notes the nationwide reach of the PMHA' s public education program but

recommends a systematic review and feedback mechanism to monitor efficient

use of resources and delivery of services. Such mechanism could give policymakers

a firm hold on the core issues on mental health in the country and provide the bases

for a sustainable program benefiting specific populations in specific areas.

"How Community-Based Research Influences National Policy on Water

Management in the Philippines," documents the process by which community

based research on water management in Lantapan, Bukidnon, south of the

Philippines, can "spiral" towards national policy. Local researchers bring up research

results to partners in national agencies to help shape a national policy built on three

key components: the diminishing water resources in rural areas, the assessment of

water quality and trends, and a water management approach based on proper water

shed planning. The authors argue that the impacts of their efforts are not immediately

visible, so it is premature to claim success. They note as significant, however, how

the Lantapan case reflects the broadening of the "sphere" of public policy influence

to include not just policy analysts but the private sector and the civil society as well.

"Development-Induced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences and

Impoverishment and Marginalization in Pagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel,

Pangasinan" demonstrates the high costs of industrialization to the quality of life.

Two large companies provide energy to industry and build complimentary

infrastructure such as roads and classrooms. The government, through the National

Power Corporation, subsequently undertakes a resettlement program but this is

done in the absence of democratic consultations. It is unable thus to set up a

sustainable livelihood program suitable to the needs and skills of the displacees,

provide them with capital, and consider social differences such as age and gender.

The net effect is the perpetuation of poverty and further marginalization of the

resettlers. The study recommends conjoined action of national and international

groups to pressure the government into implementing holistic resettlement programs.

The three studies suggest that public policy must be sited in a communal space

occupied jointly by the state and the public (to recall Barthes). The vision of social

transformation is inevitably a political project but it is one in which various

stakeholders seek to be heard above the din in the halls of politicians.

CORAZON D. VILLAREAL Issue Editor

JULY· DECEMBER 2004

PAJBLIC 1_/0LICY

-----~~~~~~~~ VOLUME 8 NUMBER 2

A Study of the Public Education Domain of the Philippine Mental Health Association (1996-2002)

Agnes Rosario A. de Leon

Abstract

This research is an assessment of the public education domain (prevention

education information services) of the Philippine Mental Health Association

(PMHA) for the period 1996 to 2002. The Education Information Services (EIS)

is the primary program of PMHA.

PMHA is a non-government organization recognized by the DOH as one of

the leading stakeholders in the Philippine mental health system. Based on its 3

Programs and 9 provincial Chapters, PMHA participates at all levels of the system

through grass-roots level delivery of services as well as national level advocacy.

Permission was obtained from WHO Western Pacific Regional Office to use

the WHO (2003) Monitoring Mental Health Systems and Services: Monitoring

Instrument (Pilot Trial Version-December 2003), MER, WHO, Geneva as

framework for data analysis. The said Instrument is structured on the concepts of

"domain," "facets," and "indicators." In the said study, the domain identified is

public education while the facets include agencies, institutions, and services

promoting public education and awareness campaigns. The indicators refer to the

a) policy for public education, b) agencies/institutions for public education and

awareness campaigns, c) target populations, d) coverage of educational campaigns,

and e) media used in campaigns.

It is important to assess the public education domain of the PMHA in order

to rationalize the different programs and services of the national head office and

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the 9 regional chapters coordinating and overseeing campaigns for public education

and information on mental health. Since there is no coherent data base on public

education and information services on mental health in the country, an information

system is proposed for collecting and reporting mental health information.

Likewise, a monitoring system is needed to prioritize expenditures for public

education and awareness campaigns of identified target populations as well as

for optimal utilization and coverage of media in preventing mental disorders and

promoting mental health campaigns.

The methodology used was exploratory-qualitative evaluation. Documents

for the six-year period were reviewed: the yearly accomplishments, minutes of

board meetings, newsletters, articles, and other relevant publications of and about

the PMHA national head office and nine provincial chapters. Key informants -

the president, the executive director and other key officers of the national and

provincial chapters -- were interviewed. Available data on other aspects of the

PMHA public education domain were gathered, collated and analyzed. These

included data on campaigns and activities for public education and information

on mental health, existing programs and services and plans related to these, policy

for public education, agencies (affiliated with PMHA) for public education, target

population in the educational campaigns, coverage of educational campaigns and

media used in the campaigns.

The study shows that PMHA has a wide range of educational materials and a

potential nation-wide audience of 15 to 35 million a year for its annual public

education and information campaigns (PMHA Focus, on Mental Health 1996-

2002). The national office in Quezon City, Philippines and the nine provincial

chapters coordinate and oversee the extensive promotional campaigns and activities

for public education and information on mental health. Media is used nationwide

preventing mental disorders and promoting mental health campaigns. Brochures,

pamphlets, leaflets, posters, newsletters are distributed and talk shows, dialogues,

radio and television programs are tapped. Face-to-face initiatives in conferences,

meetings, group discussions, and other public events are also utilized. Communities,

consumers and their families as well as local government agencies and non

government organizations are involved in the program. So are three (3) international

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agencies: the World Health Organization, the World Federation of Mental Health,

and the World Association for Psychosocial Rehabilitation-Philippines.

The study concludes that the yearly public education and information campaigns

of the PMHA have a nationwide coverage. However, no feedback mechanism is in

place to assess the delivery and effectiveness of the education information programs.

A monitoring system is recommended, with the option of PMHA management to

supplement the in-house monitoring effort with out-sourced survey instruments

developed by professionals. Utilizing its critical mass of programs and activities,

the PMHA can lead a public education movement by the NGOs and other major

stakeholders nationwide.

Keywords: public education, Philippine Mental Health Association (PMHA),

Education Information Services (EIS)

Introduction

As cited in the Department of Health's (DOH) National Objectives (2002),

the World Health Organization (WHO) defines mental health as

a state of well being where a person can realize his or her own abilities to cope

with the normal stresses of life, work productively and is better able to make a

positive contribution to his or her community. Mental health covers the

psychosocial concerns of daily living encompassing the stages of life: from the

womb to a newborn, an infant, a preschooler, a child, an adolescent, middle

age, late adult, and elderly until death. It is equally important as physical health.

The DOH National Objectives are echoed in the New Zealand Ministry of

Health document (2002) Building on Strengths: Mental Health Promotion

Framework, which cites that "an important feature of any definition of mental

health is an acknowledgment of the inter-connectedness between physical, spiritual,

environmental and mental health" and that "the health of the individual, and

ultimately of society, mirrors a complex relationship of mental, physical, spiritual,

family, community and environmental factors." In the same document, health

promotion has been defined as "the process of enhancing the capacity of individuals

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 (July- December 2004) 3

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and communities to take control of their lives and improve their mental health." To

promote mental health, "strategies that foster supporting environments and

individual resilience, while showing respect for culture, equity, social justice and

personal dignity" should be deployed. Any action that enhances "the mental health

and well being of individuals, families, organizations and communities" is a way to

promote mental health. The document also asserts "that mental health promotion

and prevention activities can be seen as two sides of the same coin and entirely

compatible, even mutually reinforcing."

The DOH is the Philippine Government's lead agency in the health sector and

the convenor of all health stakeholders to ensure strong collaboration for health

promotion and disease prevention and control. Through the DOH, the government

formulates and enforces national health policies, standards and regulations. In the

"National Objectives for Health 1999-2004," the DOH envisions improved health

for the nation by providing directions for health programs and services. The DOH

has formulated The National Objectives for Health for 1999-2004 as a vision of

improved health for the nation, providing the direction and national plans for health

programs and services. It recognizes that the challenge for the attainment of improved

health for all lies in the partnerships of all stakeholders in the delivery of health

programs and services at all levels, particularly at the grassroots.

The delivery of basic services and the operation and maintenance of local health

facilities are devolved under the Local Government Code of 1991 to the provinces,

cities, and municipalities, also known as Local Government Units (LGUs). Non

government Organizations (NGOs) are among the health stakeholders that have

the capacity to mobilize communities for health promotion and prevention of risk

behaviors and practices, advocate social action, generate resources at their level,

and organize communities for direct service delivery and technical assistance.

The Philippine Mental Health Association (PMHA) is an NGO "dedicated

to the promotion of mental health and prevention of mental illness" (PMHA 2003).

It was founded on 15 January 1950 to provide clinical services at a time when the

nation was recovering from the devastation of World War II. Today the PMHA

administers three Programs, namely: the Education Information Service (EIS) as

its Primary Program, the Clinical and Diagnostic Services (CDS) as its Secondary

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Program, and the Rehabilitation Service (RS) as its Tertiary Program. The PMHA

also coordinates nine (9) autonomous provincial Chapters based in Cebu (the first),

Bacolod, Baguio, Cabanatuan, Cagayan de Oro, Dagupan, Davao, Dumaguete, and

Lip a. It has international affiliations with the World Federation for Mental Health

(WFMH), The World Health Organization (WHO), and The World Association

on Psychosocial Rehabilitation (WAPR).

In its National Objectives, DOH holds the view that a well-informed public is

responsive to interventions concerning its health and well-being. The key is the

individual's sense of responsibility towards his/her own health, which leads him or

her to health-seeking decisions and

actions. The DOH document also

stresses that a strong public

opinion is the best advocacy for an

informed, responsive decision

making and effective policy

making at the national level.

The primary program of the

PMHA, the Education

Information Service (EIS) was

"organized to focus its efforts on

prevention education information

on mental health." PMHA's initial

thrust in 1950 was to provide

clinical services, which today is

called the Clinical and Diagnostic

Services (CDS). It is currently

identified as the Association's

In its National Objectives, DOH holds the view that a well-informed public is responsive to interventions concerning its health and wellbeing. The key is the individual's sense of responsibility towards his/ her own health, which leads him or her to health-seeking decisions and actions. The DOH document also stresses that a strong public opinion is the best advocacy for an informed, responsive decisionmaking and effective policy-making at the national level.

Secondary Program " providing out-patient psychiatric services to individuals

suffering from mental and emotional disorders." In 1965, the Rehabilitation Service

(RS) was created and has become the Tertiary Program "for the rehabilitation of

recovering patients with mental disabilities."


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Being a lead agency in the field of mental health in the country today, the

PMHA can strengthen its effectiveness in partnership with both national and local

government and non-government organizations, as well as international

organizations such as the WFMH, the WHO and the WAPR by bridging the

information gap through the development of a reliable information and monitoring

system. With the data infrastructure using a set of indicators (WHO 2003),

monitoring of mental health programs and activities at country level can give a

clearer picture of the main mental health issues and concerns in the country. This

information can lead to better planning, decisions and recommendations for

sustainable actions to improve mental health of specific target populations in specific

areas, and also allow PMHA to assess improvement over time.

Objectives of the study

General Objective: This study was conducted with the following general

objective:

To assess the public education domain of the Philippine Mental Health Association (PMHA). This study aims to contribute to the PMHA's optimization of its programs and activities on education-information serv1ces.

Specific Objectives:

1. To review the performance of the public education and information program

and services of the PMHA using the WHO guidelines

2. To formulate recommendations to improve the implementation of the public

education and information program and services of the PMHA.

Methodology

This is a descriptive study of the "prevention education information services"

program of the PMHA. Using the qualitative-exploratory method, it utilizes available

records on the subject. Secondary data formed the bulk of the research data and

materials used. Frequency distribution was used to describe some data. The

study covered the six- year period from 1996 to 2002. Since the data is incomplete

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and lacks coherence, all data available was included, and this aspect is a limitation

of the study. This also prompted the researcher to piece together information from

the PMHA President's Annual Reports, accomplishment reports of the national

office and the nine (9) provincial chapters, the PMHA's Focus on Mental Health

(Focus is a bi-annual news-magazine published by the PMHA as service to its

members and supporters) and newsletter items gathered from the nine different

provincial chapters. Whenever possible, the figures and events mentioned were

cross- checked for clarification and verification through unstructured interviews

with the President, the Executive Director, the program manager of the PMHA

Education-Information Services, 2 members of the administrative staff in the national

office and a member of each of the 8 out of the 9 provincial chapters' executive

board. There were 13 respondents in all.

Data collected from these documents and interviews included items on policies,

plans, legislation and funding. Affiliating agencies and service providers, media

used by PMHA in public education and information campaigns are shown in Tables

1 and 2 respectively. Table 3 is about the regular programmes offered by the PMHA

education and information services. The target population constantly identified in

the PMHA education information services is shown in Table 4. Table 5 shows the

coverage of the educational campaign categorized in 10 subheadings. Tables 6, 7,

and 8 show the comparative number of people reached by the PMHA national

office and provincial chapters using different media for the six -year period at every

two-year interval.

Permission was obtained from the WHO Western Pacific Regional Adviser on

Mental Health and Substance Abuse to use the set of indicators in the World Health

Organization (2003) Monitoring Mental Health Systems and Services: Monitoring

Instrument (Pilot Trial Version-December 2003), MER, WHO, Geneva as

framework of the study.

Both the PMHA and the DOH lack the sophistication of collecting and reporting

mental health information and this translates to inadequate mental health policy and

impeded mental health service development.The implementation of the WHO set

of indicators, however, can bridge this information gap and allow both the PMHA

and DOH to monitor the mental health system and services at the country level.

Using the WHO set of indicators can describe the strengths and weaknesses of the

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 Guly- December 2004) 7

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local mental health programs and setvices, on the one hand, and on the other such

information can form the basis for developing sustainable actions in specific areas.

The World Health Report (WHO 2001) listed ten recommendations for

monitoring mental health systems and services. The recommendations suggest

actions addressed to all parts of the mental health system at country level, from

treatment to prevention, promotion of services, monitoring of research. From the

2001 Report, the 2003 Monitoring Instrument was developed. Every

recommendation represents a domain of the mental health system, while the facets

of each of the domain represent the contents that should be assessed to monitor

the domain. Indicators are derived from these facets to monitor the mental health

systems and services at country level, and thus improve the extension and quality

of information addressed by the Ten Recommendations.

FIGURE 1. Monitoring Mental Health System and Services: Domains, Facets and Indicators

WHR-2001 RECOMMENDATIONS 1. Provide treatment in

primary care 2. Make psychotropic

drugs available 3. Give care in

community 4. Educate the public 5. Involve communities,

families and consumers

6. Establish national policies, programmes and legislation

7. Develop human resources

8. Link with other sectors

9. Monitor community mental health

10. Support more research

c) DOMAINS (2003) I. Mental Health in Primary

Health Care 2. Availability of Psychotropic

Medicines 3. Mental Health Services in the

Community 4. Public Education 5. Involvement of Communities,

Families and Consumers 6. National Policies, Plans and

Legislation 7 . Human Resources 8. Link with other sectors 9. Monitoring I 0. Research

DOMAIN: ( e.g.Public Education)

FACET: (e.g. Agencies, institutions and services promoting public education and awareness campaigns)

D INDICATOR: (e.g. Existence of national and regional committees coordinating and overseeing campaigns and activities for public education in mental health

Ref: World Health Organization (2003) Monitoring Mental Health System and Services: Monitoring Instrument

(Pilot Trial Version-December 2003) MER, WHO, Geneva.

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Domain 4: Public Education is one of the 10 domains identified in the WHO

WHR-2001 recommendations. To quote the WHO Monitoring Mental Health

System and Services 2003 document," Once affordable services are available, the

single most important barrier to overcome in the community is the stigma and the

associated discrimination towards persons suffering from mental and behavior

disorders. Education in public schools should also include information on prevention

of mental disorders and promotion of mental health."

Public education and awareness campaigns on mental health educate and

inform the community about the nature, extent and the impact of mental disorders

in order to dispel common myths and encourage more positive attitudes and

behaviors. Public campaigns may also reduce the barriers to treatment in mental

health services and in primary care.

The media can be used to inform the public, to persuade or to motivate individual

attitude and behavior change, and to advocate a change in social, structural and

economic factors that influence mental health.

The public education domain includes five facets.

1. Policy for public education

• mental health policy, programs and legislation necessary should be based

on current knowledge and human rights considerations

• mental health legislation to serve as legal framework for addressing

vital issues such as community integration of persons with mental

disorders, the provision of care and the protection of civil rights, as

well as the protection and promotion of rights in other critical areas as

housing, education and employment

2. Agencies for public education and awareness campaigns

• existence of national and regional committees coordinating and

overseeing campaigns and activities for public education in mental health

• agencies, institutions and services promoting education and awareness

campaigns

• expenditure for public education and awareness campaigns by agency


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3. Target population in educational campaigns for fighting stigma, reducing

barriers to mental disorders treatment, preventing mental disorders and

promoting mental health

• populations and groups targeted by campaigns against stigma and

discriminations

• populations and groups targeted by campaigns for recognition and

treatment of common mental disorders

• populations and groups targeted by campaigns for prevention of mental

disorders and promotion of mental health

4. Coverage of educational campaigns for fighting stigma, reducing barriers to

mental disorders treatment, preventing mental disorders, and promoting

mental health

• coverage in the campaigns against stigma and discriminations

• coverage in the campaigns for recognition and treatment of common

mental disorders

• coverage in the campaigns for preventing mental disorders and


5. Media used in the campaigns for fighting stigma and reducing barriers to

mental disorders treatment

• utilization of educational materials (brochures, pamphlets, leaflets,

posters, video, slides, web sites, etc) in campaigns against stigma and

discrimination

• utilization of print media (books, articles, newspapers and magazines)

in campaigns against stigma and discrimination

• utilization of electronic media (talks/ dialogues/ programs) through radio

and TV programs, video, films against stigma and discrimination

• utilization of educational materials (brochures, pamphlets, leaflets,

posters, video, slides, web sites, etc) in campaigns for recognition and

treatment of common mental disorders

• utilization of print media (books, articles, newspapers, magazines) in

campaigns for recognition and treatment of common mental disorders

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• utilization of electronic media (talks/dialogues/programmes on mental

health through radio and TV programs, video, films) in campaigns for

recognition and treatment of common mental disorders

• utilization of face-to-face initiatives (conferences ,meetings, group

discussions, public events, etc.) in campaigns for recognition and

• treatment of common mental disorders

utilization of educational materials (brochures, leaflets, pamphlets,

posters, video, slides, web sites, etc) in campaigns for preventing mental

disorders and promoting mental health

• utilization of print media (books, articles, newspapers and magazines)

in campaigns for preventing mental disorders and promoting mental

health

• utilization of electronic media (talks/dialogues/programmes on mental

health through radio and TV programs, video, films) in campaigns for

preventing mental disorders and promoting mental health

• utilization of face to face initiatives (conferences, meetings, group

discussions, public events, etc) in campaigns for preventing mental

disorders and promoting mental health

Results and Discussion

The PMHA-EIS record of accomplishments 1996-2002 was viewed according

to the facets discussed below

Policx Plan, Legislation, and Funding 1. Policies and Plans. The existence of PMHA mission and goals is

evidenced in its brochure (PMHA 2003). A review of its publications

(Focus and the Annual Reports for the period made available) also

reveals the regular or continuing activities of PMHA National Office

and its Chapters.

2. Legislation. A news item in a 2000 issue of Focus cites a bill sponsored

by Rep. Neptali Gonzalez to create the National Mental Health

Coordinating Council to empower and benefit consumers and their


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caregivers and families. However, no indication of this proposed

legislation was found in the DOH National Objectives 1999-2004 and

no further mention of the Council was found in subsequent issues of

Focus.

3. Funding. The funding realities for health programs in general, and for

mental health in particular, may be seen from the following:

3.1 DOHFunding

a. The share of DOH in the 2003 national budget was only

2-3% or P9.9B, of which only 0.02% was spent on mental

health (Tolentino 2003). Indicative of this funding lack is

the mental health budget for the Central Office amounting

to only PhP 200,000 (approximately about US$ 3,570) in

2003.

b. The current DOH capacity for hospitalization related to

mental disorders is 5,465 beds. Based on the WHO

estimate of 1% of the population requiring hospitalization

for mental disorders, the requirement is 84,000 beds, a

gap which simply highlights another dimension of the lack

of funding.

c. An allocation for mental health programs may be tapped

from grants and technical assistance from foreign donors

through or outside of the DOH.

3.2 PMHA Funding

a. Income from property (lease rentals) is a source of funds

for operations. In 1990, the Board of Trustees decided to

construct a commercial building on its property in Quezon

City and lease part of it on a build-operate-transfer scheme

b. (PMHA, 2003).

Membership fees are: PhP 100,000, Corporate (US$1,785

approximately), PhP2,000, Life (US$35 approximately),

PhP500 Contributing (US$9 approximately), PhP50

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Agencies

(US$.90 approximately) Regular, and PhPlO (US$.17

approximately), Junior. Figures in US$ are based on the

exchange rate ofPhP56 = US$1 (2003).

c. Local donation of P1million (US$ 17,857current value)

from the Luis Lim Foundation was brought in by the

incumbent President in 2000 during the WFMH Congress.

Other funds and support for joint activities came from the

Dangerous Drugs Board (DDB), The Civil Service

Commission (CSC), and some Local Government Units

for Chapter activities.

d. Although DOH has acknowledged that NGOs like PMHA

could participate in its National Mental Health Program, it

is also admitted that there are no coherent (read- well

funded) efforts to rationalize their activities.

e. PMHA has established linkages with international

organizations (WFMH, WHO, WAPR, etc.) which can

potentially be sources of grants and technical assistance,

although the same sources are available as well to DOH.

The numerous agencies, institutions, service providers and consumer

groups which have partnered with PMHA in public education and

awareness campaigns may be gleaned from Table 1.

Three (3) international organizations and seventy-seven (77) local institutions

are affiliated with PMHA and are involved in implementing programs and services

promoting public education and awareness campaigns. There is no recorded data

on the expenditures for the public education and awareness campaigns by the above

agencies. EIS managers of the national office co-manage the implementation of

EIS programs with their provincial chapter counterpart/duly assigned agency

representatives, in the respective localities. The president and the executive director

deal directly with the representatives of the international organizations in areas of

capability building relative to program implementation.


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Table 1. Agencies/Institutions/ Service Providers and Consumer Groups Affiliated

with PMHA (1996-2002) Agencies/ Institutions/ Service Providers

A. International 1. World Federation for Mental Health 2. World Association for Psychosocial

Rehabilitation- Philippines 3. World Health Organization

B. National 1. Government

• Department of Education Culture and Sports

• Department of Social Welfare and Development

• Department of Finance • Department of Health • Department of Interior and Local

Government • Department of Labor and Employment • Dangerous Drugs Board • Philippine Charity Sweepstakes • Philippine Information Agency • Philippine National Red Cross • Narcotics Command Philippine National

Police • Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible

Voting-National Movement for Free Elections

• Commission on Elections • Commission on Human Rights • National Center for Mental Health • Civil Service Commission • National Labor Commission • Barangay Health Center • Bacolod City Drug Council • Mayor's League of Negros Occidental • City Disaster Management &

Coordination Council (Lipa) • Provincial Social Welfare and

Development Office (Cabanatuan) • Provincial Sub-committee for the Welfare

of Children (Cabanatuan) • City Council for the Welfare of Women

(Cabanatuan) • Cabanatuan City Gender and

Development Council • Occupational Safety and Health Center • Davao City Government • Quezon City Anti-Drug Abuse Council

(QCADAC) 2. Non-GovernmenUPrivate

• Luis H. Lim Memorial Foundation • Coca Cola Bottlers Philippines, Inc. Plant • Print and Broadcast Media

14

Radio DZEQ Baguio Bombo Radyo DWAM Batangas GV 99.9 FM TV NORTHCOM RMNTV GMA TV 12 Newspaper Sunstar Daily Daily Forum

3. Academe Universities/ Colleges University of St. La Salle Siliman University Wesleyan University College of Immaculate Concepcion Mindanao State University Lyceum of the Philippines Our Lady of Fatima Colleges Philippine Women's University Manila Central University Colegio de San Juan de Letran Philippine Normal University University of Sto. Tomas Graduate Studies St. Paul College Adamson University Gregorio Araneta Foundation University Polytechic University of the Philippines Licea de Cagayan University High Schools Claret School Pines City National High School San Jose High School Daniel Aguinaldo National High School Pangasinan National High School Elementary Schools Seventh Day Adventist Elementary School Navarro Elementary and High school

4. Professional and Specialty Groups Philippine Nurses Association Philippine Women's Medical Association Philippine Psychiatric Association Soroptomist International Psychological Societies Association on Mental Health (PSAMH)

5. Socio-civic Organizations Rotary Clubs (Commonwealth, Lipa South) Lipa Jaycees

6. Others Parish of Our Lord of Divine Mercy

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While the PMHA uses varied forms of media to reach the public, there is no

clear data as to the content or message of the media campaigns ( be it for fighting

stigma and reducing barriers to mental disorders treatment, promotion of healthy

lifestyles, etc).

Table 2. Media used by PMHA in public education and awareness campaigns

(1996-2002)

Programs/ Activities

• Orientation lectures

• Symposia

• Lecture-fora

• Seminar-workshops

• Panel forum

• Group dynamics activities

• Film showing

• Information materials I Brochures and pamphlets, FOCUS (official publication)

• Streamers I Bulletin boards

• Inter-agency networking

• Library assistance (Initiated in 2003)

• Exhibit in school affairs (Initiated in 2003)

• Radio & TV interviews and guestings I Print media

• Talk shows

Table 3. Regular Programmes for Education-Information Services, PMHA (1996-2002)

Regular Programmes

• Orientation to PMHA

National Mental Health Week (NMHW) and World Federation for Mental Health Day Celebrations

(October every year)

Systematic Training for Effective Parenting (STEP)

Youth Life Enrichment Program (YLEP)

Continuing Mental Health Education Program (CMHEP)

Mental Health Community Outreach Program (MHCOP)

Program materials of the above mainstays need to be studied and updated.

They have been implemented for decades but need to be reviewed if they are in

keeping with the changing times. Mental health experts are needed to improve the


de Leon

materials. Funding these programs I activities is a problem and there is a need for

grants from business organizations and international NGOs for their sustainability.

In addition to the particular groups, there is a need to realign target populations

with those identified by the World Health Organization and the Department of

Health and implement programs and activities that complement/strengthen mental

health services to the general public. Effectiveness and efficiency of the Program

implementation will be more effective and more efficient when the activities are

synchronized and resources are shared with the two agencies mentioned above.

16

Table 4. Target Populations Constantly Identified in PMHA Public Education-Information

Services Program (1996-2002)

Target Populations

• Parents, particularly mothers

• Children and Youth

• Students (high school, college)

• Teachers (public and private)

• Disabled persons

• Urban and rural poor

• Professionals (government and private employees)

Barangay Health Workers

• Government organizations

• Non-government organizations

• Civic organizations

• Other institutions

• Local government offices

• Mental health trainees (doctors, nurses, psychologists, social workers, occupational therapists,

care givers, and consumers and their families)

Target Population

1. PMHA target populations or audiences may be gleaned from Table 4.

2. In its National Objectives specifically for mental health , DOH narrowed

its focus to the following (DOH, 1999):

2.1 High-risk populations

a. Victims of violence and disasters

PUBLIC POLICY


b. Overseas Foreign \'Vorkers (OF\'V's)

c. Children in extremely difficult circumstances

d. Adolescents

e. \Xbrkforce (esp. government employees)

f. Children

DOH also has a comprehensive list of target populations for its overall health

programs in the same National Objectives, and could have covered also the following

target populations were it not for limitations in budget

1. Mothers (after birth)

2. Adolescents and youth

3. Children in need of special protection

4. \'Vomen in difficult circumstances

5. Persons with disabilities

6. Rural and urban poor

7. Indigenous peoples

8. Migrantworkers

Coverage

The DOH National Objectives for mental health covered only the following

areas of concern:

1. Mental health problems: major depression disorders, schizophrenia,

alcohol and drug abuse

2. Stress concerns in the workplace (esp. government offices)

2.1 Educational campaigns for fighting stigma, reducing barriers to

mental disorders treatment, preventing mental disorders and


VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 Quly- December 2004) 17

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Table 5. Coverage of Educational Campaigns of Public Education Information Services of PMHA

(1996-2002)

A. Family and Mothers

• Coping with Family Problems

• Effective Parenting

• Coping with Everyday Problems

• Psychological and Social Aspects of Responsible

Parenthood

• Building Satisfactory Relationships

• Reproductive Health

• Marriage in Crisis: Its Effects and Legal Implication

on Family and Children

• Parenting: Parent-Child Relationship

• When Kids Are Fighting

• The Role of Family in a Drug-Free Society

• Participation of Families in the Treatment and Regimen

of Psychiatric Patients

·Activities, Opportunities and Potentials of Parents

B. Children and Youth

• Early Detection of Potential Child Behavioral Problems

• Common Behavioral Problems among Children and

Adolescents

• Why Children Misbehave

• Love, Courtship and Marriage

• Sexuality and Relationships

• Trauma and Violence of Children and Adolescents:

A Cause for Alarm

• Situationer on Children Today

• Identifying Children and Adolescents at Risk.

Developmental Impact of Domestic Abuse and

Community Violence on Children and Adolescents

• The Effects of Media Violence on ChHdren and

Adolescents

• Children and Adolescents: Soldiers and Victims in

Armed Conflict

• Trauma and Its Con sequences on Children and Families

• Psychotherapeutic Intervention for Traumatized

Children and Adolescents

• A World Fit for Children, Our Obligation and Joy

• Children and Youth

18

C. Older Persons

• How to Grow Old Gracefully

• Mental Health and Ageing

• The Filipino Elderly: an Overview

• Mid life Crisis from a Biophysiological Perspective

• Preparing for and Coping with the Realities of

Midlife Crisis and Ageing

• The Elderly as Family Member

• The Needs of the Elderly and How to Deal with

Them

• Psychosocial Needs and Care of the Elderly

D. Children in Need of Special Protection

• Playing by Heart

• Handling Special Children

• Symptoms of Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity

Disorder

• Understanding Attention

E. Women in Difficult Circumstances

• Extramarital Affairs

• Violence against Women

• Domestic Violence

F. Persons with Disabilities

• Disabled of the Millennium

G. Work -related

• Stress Management

• Mental Health Issues in the Workplace

• Building Your Workplace in the Future

• Mental Health and Work

·Anxieties and Depression in the Workplace

• Work Placement for Mental Health Consumer

• Overcoming Job Burnout

• Child Labor: A Challenge to Mental Health

• Dual Career Couples

• Lifestyles and Mental Health: A Visayan

Perspective

• Life after Work

• The Workplace as a Center of Well ness

·Anger Management

PUBLIC POLICY


• Emergency Literacy

• Instant Confidence

• The Art of Managing Emotion

• How to Manage Our Moods

• Coping with Emergency Problems

• How to Tame Anger

• Getting Rid of Feelings of Betrayal and Anger

• Choosing a Career

• Building Self-confidence

H. Mental Health/ Illness

·Managing Your Depression: Nature, Causes, Signs

and Symptoms

• Caring for Your Mental Health

• Most Common Type of Menta/Illness

·Team Work in a Psychiatric Level

• Human Rights and Mental Health

·Mental Health: A Sound Mind for a Sound Body

• Mental Health Care Delivery System In the

Philippines

• Protection of Persons with Mental Illness and the

Improvement of Mental Health Care

'- Suicide

• Depression and Suicide

• Sensing Signs of Suicide

J_ Substance Abuse

• Effects of Drug Addiction on Mental Health

• Drug Abuse and Prevention

·A Key to Substance Abuse Prevention

• Kilos Laya Laban sa Droga (KILL Droga)

• The role of Community in the Prevention of Drug

Abuse

• Drug Prevention Tips

K. General Topics

• Communication

• Personality Development

• Values Education

• Mental Health and Self-awareness

Spirituality as a Way of Life.

The coverage of the PMHA EIS for the period 1996-2002 included 90 different

topics categorized under 10 major headings: family and mothers (13.3%), children

and youth (15.6%), older persons (10%), persons with disabilities (1%), work

related stresses (28.4%), mental health/illness spectrum, (8.8%) suicide (2.2%),

substance abuse (6.7%), children in need of special protection (4.4%), women in

difficult circumstances (3%) and general topics (5.6%)_ General topics included

communication, personality development, values education, self awareness, and

spirituality as a way of life_ The topics most emphasized were those on work-related

stress 28.4% followed by the topic on children and youth 15 .6%. However, the

WHO program thrusts on fighting stigma and discrimination and reducing barriers

to mental disorders treatment were not covered. DOH identified 2 major areas of

concern: mental health problems including depression disorders, schizophrenia,

alcohol and drug abuse, on one hand, and stress in the workplace, on the other

hand. There is also need for education and information campaigns addressing the

problems of depression and suicide.

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 Ouly- December 2004) 19

de Leon

Media used

1. Educational materials (brochures, pamphlets, leaflets, posters)

2. Electronic data (talks, dialogues, programs through radio and television,

video, films)

.3. Print media (books, articles, newspapers and magazines) in campaigns

4. Face-to-face initiatives (conferences, meetings, group discussions, public

events) in campaigns

5. The focus of PMHA regular activities may be gleaned from Table 5 on

Coverage, showing the content of the communications to targeted

audiences. The following activities are regularly undertaken:

conferences, seminar workshops, school-based mental health clubs,

programs on parenting, mental health community outreach program,

public information through print and broadcast media, training, research

and library services. PMHA also leads the annual celebration of National

Mental Health Week and World Mental Health Day in October.

Tables 6, 7, & 8 (and the totals plotted in Figure 2) show the extensive reach of

media in the PMHA education and information campaigns. There is no indication,

however, as to the content of these various campaigns on mental health promotion

and prevention of mental illness. Also, there is no data on the budget/expenditures,

target population, and feedback on the results of the campaigns.

The tremendous drop in the number of people reached by the EIS campaign

in 2000-2002 as shown in Fig.2 may be indicative of unreliable reporting /recording.

At best, the figures are rough estimates and not validated by surveys or any form of

feedback mechanisms. (This is a pronounced limitation of the study).

20 PUBLIC POLICY

< 0 r-< )>

c ~ ~ c M

0.

Table 6: Number of People Reached by PMHA National Office and Provincial Chapters '<

< 0 ...., ....... using different media for the period covered from September 2000 to August 2002 .... ....... ....... :::,.-

<1>

z "U

Media used in campaigns: National Batangas Benguet Cagayan Cebu Davao Negros Negros Nueva Pang a- Total c c S!:

~ Office (Lipa) (Baguio) de Oro Occ. Or. Ecija sinan ;:;·

tJ;i (Bacolod) (Duma- (Cabana- (Dagupan) ,.,., 0.

M guete) tuan) c (')

'?::1 "' .... Utilization of educational t-...1 a·

::J

materials (brochures, 0

c 0 pamphlets, leaflets, posters) 30,148 535 430 1,131 1,061 125 764 872 663 5,581 3 c "' -< 5" Utilization of electronic data Q,

t:1 (talks, dialogues, programmes ....

(1) :::,.-

n <1> (1) through radio & TV, "U

3 video, films) 3,602,415 150,843 476,662 390,372 34,134 2,150,905 153,497 3,503,590 55,970 1,820,111 8,736,084 ~ cr -6 (1) ..., "0

t-...1 Utilization of print media 5

0 <1>

0 (books, articles, newspapers 3: .I>. <1>

::J

and magazines) in campaigns 2,955 68 48 59 36 24 235 .... ~ :X::

Utilization of face to face <1>

"' initiatives (conferences,

;:; :::,.-)>

meetings, group discussions, "' "' 0

public events) in campaigns 8,842 5,027 2,939 2,326 943 1,709 8,905 6,509 1,592 1,933 31,883 (')

o;· .... a· Total 3,644,360 156,405 480,031 393,897 36,138 2,152,614 162,575 3,510,922 58,470 1,822,731 8,773,783 ::J

"' "' Note: The assessment study did not include verification of data supplied. a-r:., 0 0 !::'

N ......

N N

'V c td l' ....... (J

'V 0 l' ....... (J

>--<:

Table 7: Number of People Reached by PMHA National Office and Provincial Chapters using different media for the period covered

from August 1998 to July 2000

Media used in campaigns: National Batangas Benguet Cagayan Cebu Davao Negros Negros Nueva Panga- Total Office (Lipa) (Baguio) de Oro Occ. Or. Ecija sinan

(Bacolod) (Duma- (Cabana- (Dagupan)

guete) tuan)

Utilization of educational

materials (brochures, pamphlets,

leaflets, posters) 59,978 2023 377 338 467 2539 193 1597 809 506 8,849 a. {[)

Utilization of electronic data r {[)

(talks, dialogues, programmes 0 ::J

through radio & TV, video, films) 24,979,559 540,249 1,745,283 255,042189 290,259 1,354,223 3,751,015 20,545 495,117

8,451,922

Utilization of print media (books,

articles, newspapers and

magazines) in campaigns 3,393 130 7 110 41 104 1 27 420

Utilization of face-to-face

initiatives (conferences,

meetings, group discussions,

public events) in campaigns 7345 204788 7749 3736 1056 1992 22649 41561 1306 3185 288,022

Total 25,050,275747,060 1,753,409 259,246 1,719 294,900 1,377,106 3,794,277 22,661 498,835 8,749,213

Note: The assessment study did not include verification of data provided

< 0 t:-< )> c Table 8: Number of People Reached by PMHA National Office and Provincial Chapters using different media for the period covered from \/>

~ c< c

tTJ September 2000 to August 2002 n. '<

< 0 ...., ...... c< ...... ...... ::r Ill

z Media used in campaigns: National Batangas Benguet Cagayan Cebu Davao Negros Negros Nueva Panga- Total ""0 c

c Office (Lipa) (Baguio) de Oro Occ. Or. Ecija sinan S!: ~ (Bacolod) (Duma- (Cabana- (Dagupan) r;· ..., tp guete) tuan) a. tTJ c

(")

?:! OJ c<

N Utilization of educational materials a· ::l

(brochures, pamphlets, leaflets, CJ 0 c

posters) 30,148 535 430 1,131 1,061 125 764 872 663 5,581 3 c OJ

-<"' ::;·

Utilization of electronic data S, tJ c< (!) (talks, dialogues, programmes ::r (") Ill (!) through radio & TV, video, films) 3,602.415 150,843 476,662 390,372 34,134 2,150,905 153,497 3,503,590 55,970 1,820,111 8,736,084 ""0

8 ~ 0"' -o· (!) ..., Utilization of print media (books, '0

N 5 0 articles, newspapers and Ill 0 3: ... magazines) in campaigns 2,955 68 48 59 36 24 235 Ill

::l c<

Utilization of face-to-face !!'.. :c

initiatives (conferences, Ill OJ ;:;:

meetings, group discussions, ::r )>

public events) in campaigns 8,842 5,027 2,939 2,326 943 1,709 8,905 6,509 1,592 1,933 31,883 "' "' 0 (")

o;· Total 3,644,360 156,405 480,031 393,897 36,138 2,152,614 162,575 3,510,922 58,470 1,822.731 8,773,783 c< a·

::l

~ .., .., Note: The assessment study did not include verification of data provided "' ,.:.,

0 0 ,!:;

N vo

de Leon

30 000.000

~

c. g 25.000,000 r---~-----~-;----~-:7"' 0.

'E ] 20,000,000 ~-~~--c-'-----.,,!C E :I z -;;; 15,000,000 ~--'~~~ .... ~~--~-----'--'-'--·-~--~-----'--~-__.;.,"~-~~~~~~'41 ;§

1996-1998 1998-2000 2000-2002

Period

FIGURE2

Total number of people reached through various media by the

PMHA National Office and Provincial Chapters from 1996 to 2002

Conclusion

On Policy & Plans. There is a gap in the WHO Report recommendations on

Public Education, on one hand, and the "lack of coherent efforts" in rationalizing

NGO activities recognized by DOH, on the other. This gap suggests opportunities

for PMHA initiatives in the national mental health system.

PMHA may align its program more closely with the WHO Recommendations

on the Public Education Domain which emphasize the following aspects:

1. reducing barriers to mental health treatment with campaigns for

a) fighting stigma and discrimination (the single most important barrier)

b) recognition and treatment of common mental disorders

2. preventing mental disorder and promoting mental health through campaigns

to inform the public, motivate individuals to develop positive attitudes

towards, and to advocate changes in social, structural, and economic factors

that influence mental health.

PMHAmay also move from being an exemplary NGO to being a national coordinator

of N GO action nationwide in the public education domain of the mental health system.

24 PUBLIC POLICY


On Fundjng. No thorough analysis has been made of all PMHA sources and

uses of funds for the period. Based on the published fees and annual membership

levels, it can be calculated that about PhP300,000 (US$5,357 approximately) was

the contribution to PMHA every two years. This can be broken down and correlated

for each of the three Programs (Primary,

Secondary, and Tertiary). This aspect can be

the subject of subsequent studies in order to

determine the optimum service mix and

priorities in the PMHA programs and activities.

Aligning PMHA with the

Recommendations of WHO and assuming

national leadership in this domain can give

potential advantages to PMHA, such as

enhancing its chances of being beneficiaries of

grants and assistance from foreign donors for

mental health public education programs.

On Agendes. The admission by the

The admission by the DOH that it lacks coherent efforts to rationalize the activities of NGOs is an indication of the opportunity for a PMHA initiative to provide advocacy and coordination, thereby also enhancing its chances of obtaining funding or assistance from various sources.

DOH that it lacks coherent efforts to rationalize the activities of NGOs is an

indication of the opportunity for a PMHA initiative to provide advocacy and

coordination, thereby also enhancing its chances of obtaining funding or assistance

from various sources. Despite the lack of budgetary allocation for mental health

public education programs, DOH (as well as other agencies like the Philippine

Information Agency, DILG, etc) can make available their existing resources to enable

PMHA-EIS to "ride on" the other agencies' existing infrastructures, thus minimizing

incremental costs for its own programs. However, the potentials of these working

relationships need to be maximized. For example, PMHA cited WAPR-Philippines

as one of the agencies they networked with, but so far only 2 seminars for families

and caregivers in 2000 were jointly done.

On Legjs]adon. Advocacy for relevant legislation may be followed up and/or

initiated, such as the proposed bill of Rep. Neptali Gonzalez in 2000. This action is

consistent with the WHO recommendation in the public education domain "to

advocate for a change in social, structural and economic factors that influence mental health."


de Leon

On Target Populations & Coverage. Accurate and useful information on target

populations and their health needs is critical to quality as well as to successful campaigns

in public education on mental health. Materials on public education and information

(as well as training materials for facilitators) can thereby be designed for the intended

target populations or audiences. PMHA can also lead in these efforts on focused data

gathering and literature design.

PMHA has "undertaken many projects" on its Primary Program on education

information setVices. On the other hand, the limjted DOH budget allocation for mental

health is reflected in the limjted target populations and coverage (content) stated in its

National Objectives, as cited in the previous chapter on Results under the facets Target

Population and Coverage. The national mental health situation appears ready for PMHA

Advocacy for relevant legislation may be followed up and/or

initiated, such as the proposed bill of Rep. Neptali Gonzalez in 2000.

This action is consistent with the WHO recommendation in the

public education domain "to advocate for a change in social, structural and economic factors

that influence mental health."

to take the leadership initiative, should it

decide to do so.

On Media Used The PMHAAnnual

Reports highlighted the data on the numbers of audiences reached, which ranged in the

millions (15 to 35 MM) as shown in Figure

2. The national office in Quezon City and

the nine provincial chapters coordinate and

oversee the promotional campaigns and

activities for public education and information

on mental health. However, there is not much analysis of this data, nor is there a conscious

effort, to assess the level of effectiveness of

the said activities of the Public Education Information SetVice.

The mental health public education domain of the PMHA lacks a systematic

monitoring, assessment and evaluation program because generating such a program is

difficult to do, is time-consuming and requires large resources. While the public

education information program is massive, it continues without the benefit of

systematic review and feedback.

It is possible to develop and implement the use of participatory methods as

suggested by the WHO (2003). These methods are inexpensive, relatively easy to

26 PUBLIC POLICY


implement and readily reach the target

audiences. Examples of methods that

have been reported in Western Pacific

countries include:

a. Video documentation on

individual behaviors or

community environments at pre

and post-intervention periods

and presenting these to the

appropriate bodies for discussion,

b. Polling on health attitudes,

beliefs and behaviours and

dissemination of results

through mass media, and

The mental health public education domain of the PMHA lacks a systematic monitoring, assessment and evaluation program because generating such a program is difficult to do, is time-consuming and requires large resources. While the public education information program is massive, it continues without the benefit of systematic review and feedback.

c. Focused group discussions among target clients, beneficiaries, and populations.

Recommendations

The P.MHA-EIS assessment detailed in the preceding chapters shows a wide coverage

of public education and information campaigns conducted year in, year out, undertaken

under a primary program in pursuit of its stated mission. Some PMHA programs hold

potentials for undertaking this mission; likewise, PMHA has the opportunities for

effectiveness as well as opportunities for expanding its roles under this primary program.

Founded on this solid base, PMHA can consider the following initiatives:

1. Utilize a feedback process, such as a systematized information and monitoring

system. PMHA can further assess effectiveness of its activities and pinpoint

areas of improvement in its primary program. The process may also include

socially-oriented surveys, done by or with the assistance of professionals (such

as but not limited to SWS and Pulse Asia, etc.) in the conduct of surveys.

2. Utilize its critical mass of activities. PMHA can lead a coherent public

education effort by the NGOs and other major stakeholders nationwide.

3. PMHA can study its own financial and human resources for undertaking the

above initiatives, as well as optimize the allocation of said resources for its

programs and activities.


de Leon

References

Department of Health, Philippines. HSRA Monograph Series No. 1: (1999).

Kalusugan Para sa Masa: National Objectives for Health Philippines 1994-2004.

Sentrong Sigla. Sta. Cruz, Manila.

New Zealand Ministry of Health (2002). Building on Strengths: A New Approach

to Promoting Mental Health in New Zealand/Aotearoa. Wellington, New

Zealand.

PMHA Brochure (2003-2004)

PMHA Focus on Mental Health. Official Publication of Philippine Mental Health

Association ( 1996-2002)

PMHA (1996- 2002). Presidents' Reports.

PMHA (1996- 2002). Accomplishment Reports, Provincial Chapters.

WHO (1996). GlobalActionforthelmprovementofMentalHealth Care(WHO!

MnH/96.4). Geneva: WHO.

'WI 10 (200 1) Mental Health Policy Project: Policy and Service Guidance Package,

Executive Summary.

WHO (2003) Monitoring Mental Health Systems and Services. Monitoring

Instrument (Pilot Trial Version-December 2003). Geneva: MER, WHO.

WHO (2003) Prevention and Promotion in Mental Health Guidance and Research.

Geneva: Dept. of Mental Health and Substance Evidence.

Tolentino, Edgardo Juan L. Jr. (2003) State of Mental Health: The Philippine Country

Report. Manila: National Mental Health Program, Department of Health.

28 PUBLIC POLICY

How Community-Based Research Influences National Policy on

Water Management in the Philippines

Agnes C. Rola, Jennifer P. T. Liguton & Dulce D. Elazegui

Abstract

This paper describes a process of communicating Community- Based Water

Management ( CBWM) research results to policy. It describes the method as "loops

of a spiral," i.e., multi -stakeholder and participatory policy analysis where policy

makers and researchers work together toward a policy solution. This process was

done in Lantapan, Bukidnon, Philippines, and some of the lessons learned were

brought up to the national level.

Three key issues comprised the policy advocacy agenda: a) a rapid degradation

of water resources even in remotely rural communities, b) a community- based

methodology for monitoring water quality and trends, and c) a watershed-based

planning approach for water management.

Scaling up of the research results, however, meant that community- based

researchers needed to partner with certain national agencies for policy advocacy.

The strategic choice of partners facilitated the snowballing of the policy cause not

just within national agencies but also with sub-national entities. The authors, however,

argue that this policy advocacy is still in progress and impacts are not yet discernible.

Nonetheless, the solid research done with community participation, the local policy

impacts, and the strategic partnerships forged may be factors that define a possible

Rola, Liguton & Elazegui

best -practice approach in influencing national water policy from a community- based

research perspective.

Keywords: community- based water management, water policy, participatory

policy analysis, partnerships, Bukidnon

Introduction

Policymaking in the Philippines is a complicated process. For one to influence

policy, a deeper understanding of the process is needed. In theory, policy formation

starts with a recognition of the problem followed by the predictions and projections

done to have a clear understanding of the potential policy solution (Dunn 1996, Dye

In a rationalist and expert-led policy model, policymakers usually

listen to policy analysts, mostly economists, on most of these

issues. However, as the roots of democracy deepen in a society,

the sphere of policy influence broadens, and other forces such

as the private sector and civil society, in addition to the state

centered forces, participate in and affect policy analysis.

1998). In a rationalist and expert-led

policy model, policymakers usually

listen to policy analysts, mostly

economists, on most of these issues.

However, as the roots of democracy

deepen in a society, the sphere of policy

influence broadens, and other forces

such as the private sector and civil

society, in addition to the state- centered

forces, participate in and affect policy

analysis (Shown in Figure 1).

It is in this context that this paper

explores the possibility of having, and

the manner by which, communities

far away from the center, influence

national policy on natural resource

management, in particular, on water resource management. As seen in Figure 1,

civil society, the private sector and state-centered agencies all input in the process

of policymaking. In the Philippines, in fact, the executive and legislative branches

of government have increasingly welcomed advice and feedback from these various

sources in the belief and expectation that the confluence of information and

knowledge foundations may lead to a more relevant and sound policy. In terms of

community-based research and information, (while indeed, most of their usages

30 PUBLIC POLICY

How Community-Based Research Influences National Policy on Water Management in the Philippines

l{esearcheri Po lie~: A naly~t

Prediction~ and Prescriptions tl.:ey

\lessages)

l'olic) \Iaker f------.! (Congre~s. LG Ls,

\Ialacaiiang)

Society-centered forces

Implementation

Stat.--centered forces

FIGURE 1

The Policy Formation Process (Modified from G. Meier, 1991)

apply to local scenarios, thereby sometimes discouraging efforts to translate them

for national policy level consumption), the recent trend among some policymakers

to include site-specific views "from the field" gives some assurance that such results

and data may serve as inputs in policy deliberations and debates, especially in natural

resource management (see for instance, Loevinsohn and Rola 1998). The question

therefore may not be whether community-based knowledge and information can

help shape and influence policy but how

they can do so. In other words, the issue

is how community-based water

management ( CBWM) research results

may be mainstreamed in the overall

process of influencing national water

policy.

This paper illustrates the case of a

community in Lantapan, Bukidnon

whose community-based research and

monitoring of water quality and

watershed health management helped

greatly in local policy decisions and

The question therefore may not be whether community-based knowledge and information can help shape and influence policy but how they can do so. In other words, the issue is how community-based water management (CBWM) research results may be mainstreamed in the overall process of influencing national water policy.



impacts on water management. Because of said positive outcomes from which

lessons may be drawn and replicated in other similar environments, the results,

recommendations and courses of action from the research have been the subject of

a "scaling up" advocacy program to national policy level by the project proponents

in partnership with certain institutions and coalitions. The process by which this

project was conceptualized and implemented- in a "loops of a spiral" model, with

stakeholders' participation and alliances, and closer researcher-policy linkage as

specific instruments- is documented in this paper.

Clearly, the experience points out the importance of knowing where and how

to maximize the comparative advantages of certain institutions, how to operate in

an uneven playing field where institutions have diverse capabilities, and how to

ascertain alternative routes by which policy-relevant information can reach

policymakers and other key actors, thereupon affecting policy. Hopefully, the

experience will evolve into a "good practice" approach that would help influence

policy from a community-based perspective.

This paper has three parts. Part I is a description of the research- policy link

with illustrations of the experience of the community-based water monitoring project

in Lantapan, Bukidnon, Philippines. Part II is a documentation of the water policy

advocacy process from community to national level, where strategies in scaling up

are described. Part III focuses on the lessons learned.

The Research-Policy Interface: Is it Loops of a Spiral?

Not too long ago, research was quite a distance away from policy. The socio

political milieu for policymaking was not research-based but was rather dependent

on vested interests propagated by various lobby groups. In addition, there was a

dearth of research, especially quality research, to analyze specific policy issues. In

recent times, though, some improvements came with shifts in the paradigm regarding

the importance of research taking place and with more enlightened decision makers

and policymakers beginning to appreciate the role of research in their deliberation

and decision making process.

32 PUBLIC POLICY


The communication Challenge

\X'hile some research has been useful in policy deliberations, other research has not

been useful at all. \X'hat explains this unevenness? To a large degree, the answer lies in

the extent and manner by

which researchers and policy

makers communicate with one

another. A number of issues

have contributed to this

communication problem

(Tollini 1998), characterized

bv differences in "culture,"

values and perspectives. An

understanding of the reasons

While some research has been useful in policy deliberations, other research has not been useful at all. What explains this unevenness ? To a large degree, the answer lies in the extent and manner by which researchers and policy makers communicate with one another.

behind these problems and the identification of possible ways or interventions to

overcome them remain a challenge in the field of communication.

Among these problems, according to Tollini ( 1998) are:

a) Differences in focus. Policymakers and researchers interpret problems in

different ways. For instance, policymakers are inclined to treat the symptoms

while researchers look for the cause. To bridge this difference, both policy

makers and researchers will have to closely collaborate in all stages of the

process of finding a solution to problems.

b) Differences in objectives. Researchers and policymakers respond to a different

set of incentives. Scientists look for recognition from their peers whereas

policymakers need legitimization from their constituency. Moreover, the

two parties look for different types of information in fulfilling their respective

objectives. A constant dialogue between them can thus reduce this difference

and the resulting communication barriers.

c) Different degrees of urgency. Policymakers often have to decide even without

data. Researchers, on the other hand, find answers by testing hypotheses , a

process which usually takes a long time. At the same time, their time frames

differ widely. The mandate of policy research is to predict scenarios so that

solutions to future problems are readily available to policymakers.

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 (July. December 2004) 33


Unfortunately, this model of complicated programming may not be available

or feasible in developing countries.

d) Distance between the research station and policymaking arena. Researchers

and policymakers live in different worlds, and opportunities for interpersonal

contact are few. This, gap, however, has considerably narrowed as members

of the academe are often invariably appointed to executive department

positions and executive officials usually return to or choose to join the faculty

ranks in universities. As Tollini (1998) further observes:

If researchers and policy makers would collaborate, they will discover how much they would have in common. They will see how science can enrich policy, and how relevant research can be, if supported by good policy. This will take time and involve costs, but costs of learning to communicate and collaborate are a decreasing function of time spent working together. In other words, once the results in terms of better policy analysis and enhanced policies become apparent, the easier it becomes for researchers and policy makers to work together.

Despite the difficulties in closing the gaps in the above differences, the problems

are not entirely insurmountable. The current paradigm of participatory research

and participatory policy analysis is said to help in bridging this gap between research

and policy.

Experience in Bukidnon, Philippines

What was the experience in this regard in Bukidnon?

The study done in Bukidnon investigated the initiatives of an emerging local

institution formed out of a project activity known as the Sustainable Agriculture

and Natural Resource Management Collaborative Research Support Program

Southeast Asia ( SANREM CRSP-SEA) 1 in providing community-generated water

data for local policy and action (please see Deutsch et. al2001a and 2001b, and

Deutsch and Orprecio 2004 for details). The study revealed that local people with

sufficient training were in a position to monitor the state of their own water resources.

Such monitored information was used for local policy and governance.

34 PUBLIC POLICY


The study Site

The municipality ofLantapan, Bukidnon, Philippines, is the headwater of four

big river systems which supply water to the Manupali-Muleta Watershed. The four

main rivers are the Alanib, Maagnao, Kulasihan and Tugasan Rivers which in turn

supply water to the much bigger "Rio Grande de Mindanao." In recent years,

however, deforestation and soil erosion have been perceived as contributing to the

dwindling water supply from these rivers which are the primary source of water

supply for power, irrigation and domestic use. The restoration of the water supply is

therefore of great concern to the local government ofLantapan and the communities

within it. In addition, because of the acknowledged contribution of these upland

water bodies to the whole of the Mindanao island, more value is given to the

proper management of these resources.

The water watch croup

One of the earliest projects undertaken by the SANREM CRSP-SEA in its

pilot site of Lantapan was a community-based water quality monitoring project.

This aimed to facilitate the development of water quality and watershed assessment

measures and capabilities by local communities and to provide physico-chemical

data that could be used in adopting policy meant to improve water quality (Deutsch

et. a~ 2001a and 2001b).

To implement the project, a group consisting mostly of volunteers from among

the community citizens, including the native tribe ( Talaandig) members and migrant

farmers, was set up. The group's task was to monitor the quality of water in the

four big river systems originating from the Lantapan area. For them to be able to do

this, the group members were given training in water quality monitoring and

principles of watershed management.

Originally called the Water Watch Group or Tigbantay Wfzhig in the Binukid

dialect, the core group of these water monitors then proceeded to form a people's

organization (The Tigbantay Wfzhig, Inc.) and incorporated themselves as an

officially recognized non-government organization (NGO) in 1995. Since then,

the Tigbantay Wfzhigs monitoring results have been regularly disseminated to

community members, educators, and local policymakers. Their data and the work


Rola, Liguton 8: Elazegui

that they have been doing helped alert local policymakers and other stakeholders in

the area on the state of their water resources, thereby moving them to action to

address said issue. The challenge at this time is how to mainstream this community

based organization in the formal structure of governance of water resources.

Tracing Lantapan's History in Local Water Resource Policy and Governance

What is the role of the Tigbantay Wilh1gin Lantapan's policy and governance

of its water resources? To better understand this, it is best to trace Lantapan's

history in this field.

In the early days, water was a free resource which people simply obtained for

their needs from the numerous rivers, streams and waterfalls found in the area.

There were no conflicts as people could have all the clean, pure water that they

needed. Management of water resources was largely in the hands of the indigenous

people (IP) who made use of water for both their basic needs and their many

customs and rituals, vestiges of which may still be seen in the traditions being kept

by them.

In the 1970's and the 1980's, however, massive deforestation resulted in the

opening of new lands for agriculture. The market forces that came when agriculture

was intensified in the early 80s eventually led to water conflicts between lowland

rice farmers in irrigted areas and upland vegetable growers in Lantapan. Households

likewise increased in number as a result of the influx of migrants. This led to

intense competition in the use of water. Unfortunately, at the local level, there was

no institutional structure to manage water conflicts, thereby worsening the

degradation effect of water resources.

Meanwhile, on the national level, an enabling law to settle water conflicts was

established with the promulgation of the Water Code of the Philippines (Presidential

Decree No. 1067) on December 31, 1976. Among the underlying principles of the

Code is that all waters belong to the State and cannot be the subject of acquisitive

prescription. This stipulation runs counter to the customary law of the indigenous

tribe in the study site which had, by that time, become a source of serious conflicts

that could jeopardize the economic development in the area.

36 PUBLIC POLICY


Following the State law, people can apply for a water permit for the use of the

resource beyond household needs. Minimal fees are charged in order to obtain a

''water right," which gives one the permit-to acquire water. However, these fees and

water laws in general are not observed in the upland areas (Rola, Deutsch, Orprecio

and Sumbalan 2004) especially because the regulatory agency handling this is a

national level agency with no physical presence in the uplands. What is therefore

needed is an institutional innovation that can put more value on the data generated

by the water watch group and help properly manage and govern the use of water in

the area. It is to be noted that until the 1990s, no local institution governed the

water resources in the rural places of the Philippines. It was only with the enactment

of the Philippines' Local Government Code (LGC) in 1991 that local governments

became enforcers and implementors of national environmental laws. However,

whether this decentralization is a better structure for environmental governance or

not still remains to be seen (Rola and Coxhead 2004).

How has Lantapan coped with these newly bestowed powers on local

governments? How can these new powers affect water management by customary

rule in the study site, where water in the land of the indigenous tribes is culturally

considered as belonging to them? How can water conflicts arising from economic

growth be resolved? And how can the degradation of water resources in the area as

shown in the monitoring of the 1Jgbantay Wilhig be addressed? To date, lack of

funds, lack of local capacity, and the incomplete devolution of functions resulting

in a lack of local institutional structure constitute some of the constraints for local

governments such as that in Lantapan, to do a good job in the management of

water resources (Rola, Sumbalan and Suminguit 2004).

To partially address this lack of institutional structure for water governance,

the town mayor established the Lantapan Watershed Management Council (LWMC)

in August 2001, largely in response to the Tigbantay Wilh.J.is advocacy to save the

rivers from being degraded. The LWMC is a multi-sectoral group composed of

representatives from the Lantapan agribusiness sector, NGOs, people's organizations,

members of the municipal legislative council, and the provincial level agencies. The

water indicators gathered by the water watchers were critical in the mayor's estimate.2

Responding to the pressure to address what could turn out to be a major


Rota, Liguton ft Elazegui

environmental crisis, the mayor began negotiating with the implementors of local

conservation and environmental protection program in the municipality.

Eventually, the results of the community- based water monitoring work was

used by the municipality in coming up with the Lantapan Watershed Management

Plan (LWMP 2002), that was approved by the Sanggunian Bayan in September

2003. This Plan highlighted a watershed- based water management strategy.

Members of the LWMC have expressed commitment to undertake some of the

environmental management activities stipulated in the Plan.

Challenges of Local Policy Reforms

As seen in this case study, a local water watch group was formed mainly to monitor

the state of the water resources in the community and to report the findings to the

local government. The local government, on the other hand, used the data to design

a watershed management plan (Lantapan Watershed Management Plan 2003).

This plan is now waiting for implementation funds. Among the identified sources

of funds are the better-off communities in the lower watershed who benefit from

the water coming from the upper watershed. The current mayor has always made

his suggestion known, i.e., that municipalities protecting headwaters should have a

share in the revenues that lowland communities derive from watersheds. This,

according to him, is also one of the reasons why there is a need for the immediate

revision in national policies regarding watershed management planning and wealth

sharing, as provided in the LGC.3

This is basically the essence of a watershed

approach to resource management.

In another development, through the initiatives of a SANREM Principal

Investigator (Dr. Antonio T. Sumbalan) based in the province, a Bukidnon Water

Policy Forum was held in March 2004, in partnership with the private sector. During

the meeting, it was emphasized that water supply needed especially for agribusinesses

will not be sustainable in the long run if the upper watershed will not be managed

properly. Because of this information, the private sector pledged several millions of

pesos for the sustainable management of the mountain range (Mt. Kitanglad) that

contains the headwaters of the several watersheds in Bukidnon and other provinces

in Northern Mindanao.

38 PUBLIC POLICY


Thus, it was wise for the local government to seek the collaboration and

participation of both the public and private sectors in a broad range of eco-governance

initiatives. It was also wise for the local government to realize it complements the

work of the water watch group in the community. To what extent this relationship

can be formally institutionalized though depends on enabling laws both at the national

and local levels.

Relevant research results for national policy

Because a number of the findings that came out from the research had

implications for policy at the national level (i.e., revision of certain provisions in the

LGC and other enabling laws, use of a watershed-based approach to water resource

planning and management, among others), it was only appropriate that a strong

desire to bring this information to the national policy level began to take shape.

Moves to put this into fruition then commenced. And as can be gleaned in the

next section, this process was facilitated by the interactions and alliances with other

stakeholders and actors in the policymaking process. Indeed, the research- policy

links are loops of a spiral where each loop represents a level of interaction and

partnership with certain groups and entities espousing a similar cause of influencing

policy decisions. This is exemplified by a participatory mode of policy analysis

where said groups all help in the shaping of policy.

The experience in Lantapan can be replicated in other sites thereupon showing

the need to continuously validate methods and fine-tune policy as information

becomes available. This in turn constitutes several other loops of a spiral in the

research- policy link.

What were the lessons learned from the CBWM research results and local

advocacy that can be scaled up and out of Lantapan? Three of these come to

mind, namely: a) there is, in fact, surface water degradation in upland municipalities

in the pursuit of economic development; b) there is inherent interest, willingness

and ability of local people to monitor their own resources and to talk to policy

makers, and c) there is a need for an institutional setup at the local level to manage

water resources.



FIGURE2

Major institutions involved in water resources governance

From community to National Level Policy Advocacy

Why is it important for results in local research in water to reach national policy

makers? The reason for this is that while the Philippine legal framework allows

some dichotomy in terms of functions and jurisdictions in water resources governance

by national and local government units (LG U), the LG U decisions and actions are

bounded by the powers at the central level (Elazegui 2004). In the Philippines,

water governance is complicated by the fact that multiple institutions are involved

(Figure 2). At most, nine national level agencies govern water resources, their use

and quality. The Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and

theN ational Water Resources Board (NWRB) are the major institutions that influence

watershed and water-related decisions and actions.

On the other hand, based on the Local Government Code (LGC), the LGUs

can also perform watershed management functions, although subject to DENR

supervision and control.

Provinces and municipalities implement community-based forestry management

(CBFM), social forestry, and watershed projects. The water quality monitoring

40 PUBLIC POLICY

~ational

NWRB


RegionaV'i ati ana!Local Interface

FIGURE3

Local

National-local government interface in water resources governance

Functions

function is at the discretion of the water districts and the LGUs. The DENR

Environmental Management Bureau (EMB) sets water quality standards. The LG Us

also have a role in the multipartite monitoring team (MMT) formed within the

Environment Impact Assessment System, also under the DENR. This dichotomy

of functions necessitates a strong interface between national and local institutions

in water governance (Figure 3), and highlights the need to bring to the national

level, local level water policy initiatives.

National Advocacy strategies

Reaching out to the national level to make the results and insights from the

community-based research known and to hopefully be able to eventually influence

policy is not an easy task. It requires a dissemination and advocacy strategy in which

the parties whose decisions are important in addressing the issues on hand, are reached.

They are to be informed of the key and critical points within a reasonable period of

time to ensure the timeliness of the information and an efficient use of resources.



Reaching out to the national level to make the results and insights from the community

based research known and to hopefully be able to eventually influence policy is not an easy task. It requires a dissemination and

advocacy strategy in which the parties whose decisions are important in addressing

the issues on hand, are reached. They are to be informed of the key and critical points within a reasonable period of time to ensure

the timeliness of the information and an efficient use of resources.

The project team adopted

three major strategies.

One, was to personally

visit concerned executive

department offices and brief

some of their key officials and

staff on the findings and

insights of the community

based water management

research. Two, was to partner

with a national level institution

with a clear understanding of

the research process and links

to policymakers. And three

was to forge alliances with broad-based coalition advocacy groups with strong links

to civil society and grassroots organizations in order to help build up a constituency

for advocating the key results and recommendations of the research.

Briefings for concerned Executive Department Offices

The project team arranged a series of meetings with key officials and technical

staffs of certain executive department offices whose areas of work are in line with

the subject matter and issues taken up in the community-based research. The

objective of the meetings was purely for information dissemination: the conclusions

and insights gathered by the research from the field are shared with central-based

offices. At the same time, the interactions offered the opportunity for the project

team to validate some of their work results, standards and methodology with the

offices col}cerned.

Among the interactions made were:

1. Seminar at the Environmental Management Bureau of the Department of

Environment and Natural Resources (EMB-DENR), November 2002

The EMB-DENR is the regulatory arm of government for water quality. Its main

function is to monitor water quality, especially of the point source pollution type of

42 PUBLIC POLICY


establishments. No effort is done to monitor non -point source pollution, which is

admittedly a difficult task The EMB-DENR welcomes new water quality monitoring

technologies as long as there is an in -depth study on their accuracy and cost -effectiveness

vis-a-vis the current methods used by EMB. Said new technologies are welcome because

the EMB feels that the indicators currently in use need to be modernized.

During the meeting, the team of SANREM economic and water monitoring

project presented their research results on water quality monitoring to the staff of

the EMB. The team's visit to the EMB was welcomed by the EMB precisely because

it was indeed also exploring possible new methodologies that it could adopt for its

water quality monitoring work.

At the same time, since the meeting served as a sharing of information, it raised

a number of issues useful to the project team for refining its method of interaction

with the key actors and stakeholders in the field. The issues raised included the

following: 1) conversion of SANREM "water watch" water quality indicators to

DENR standards; 2) cost- effectiveness and in-depth study of water quality

monitoring technologies; and 3) coordination with the EMB Regional Office in

Region 10 and the Central Office.

The EMB participants suggested that coordination with the EMB-Region 10

staff would be helpful because it is the regional office that endorses recommendations

to the central office for consideration on a national scale and it is also doing its

regular water monitoring. This piece of information was a welcome suggestion for

the project team because in order for the CBWM strategies to be adopted at the

national level, the project could have early on collaborated with the local agencies

for more validation in similar areas and conditions. Moreover, the flow of information

should have come from the state-aligned agencies rather than from the communities,

thereupon facilitating the process of recommending the adoption of the project's

methodology and indicators.

The project team also learned that in water monitoring, authority is given to

provincial governments. EMB organizes a multi-sectoral committee to monitor water

quality, whose activities are sanctioned by the provincial government. DENR provides

the overall technical guidance. Because conflict resolution is also done at the local

government, further advocacy can be focused at the provincial level through this

committee.



2. Visits to the National Water Resources Board (NWRB)

The purpose of the visits to the NWRB was to understand the limitations of

the current water code and the potential contributions that the research team's

work can provide this agency. During the visits, information about several bills

being deliberated in Congress on water resource management was provided the

team. The most important one was the Clean Water Act, which was eventually

passed into law in March 2004. The team was also informed that a reorganization

of several water agencies was on-going. For the experts at the NWRB, the solution

to the impending water crisis was more of demand management rather than a supply

problem. The focus in their regulatory function is about water allocation mechanisms.

NWRB is also now pursuing the amendments in the Implementing Rules and

Regulations (IRR) of the Water Code.

3. Visit to the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG)

The other office the team visited as part of its national dissemination and

sharing activity was the central office of the Department of Interior and Local

Government (DILG), specifically the Water and Sanitation Division. During the

discussions, the DILG staff informed them about DILG' s familiarity with Lantapan

because it was previously a recipient of the World Bank Rural Water Supply Program.

The team also learned that out of 1,500 municipalities in the country, there are over

600 water districts which are located in urban areas and peripheral semi-urban

areas. This implies that the remaining municipalities not covered by local water

districts depend on the local government-managed waterworks4

, or none at all, if

the structure is not present.

Partnership with the PIDS on Policy Advocacy Activities at the National Level

From community-based research, the SANREM team formally partnered with

the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) for the national level

advocacy activities. The PIDS is a government institution attached to the National

Economic and Development Authority. Its main function is to do research and

advocacy on economic and development issues. The SANREM project's alliance

with the PIDS was made to secure its help in the dissemination of the project

44 PUBLIC POLICY


results at the national level through its links with various policy-related agencies

and the legislative branch.

PIDS has a comparative advantage in doing so-- it is nearer the center, i.e., it

has institutional links with both the executive and the legislative branches of

government. It also has several avenues for policy information dissemination and

advocacy. A PIDS partner-member of the SANREM team, for instance, liaisoned

with members of the staff of senators and congressmen who sponsored major bills

on water like the then pending Clean Water Act. The team also met with various

technical working groups involved in the drafting of said bill in order to brief them

on some of the key findings and recommendations of the project research which

may serve as inputs in the strengthening of the bill. Some of the project research's

findings on the watershed-based strategy for water management were introduced

as possible insertions in the bill's provisions. Another involvement was the

participation of a PIDS-based project partner in one of the preparatory task forces

in charge of preparing the position paper for the D ENR-NWRB-NEDA- a National

Conference on Water organized by the DENR-NWRB-NEDAin March 2004. Here

a water management agenda was endorsed to the President of the Philippines.

1. Water Resource Management Policy Forum

Initial SANREM work with the PIDS was the holding of a water resource

management policy forum5 in August 2002 to disseminate the CBWM research results

within the context of the national concerns on competing uses of water, water policies

and institutions, and watershed-based water resource management strategy.

The forum discussed to what extent the watershed health is factored in, within

the water policy and water governance framework in the Philippines. The discussions

revealed that there are already many laws providing the legal framework for water

governance in the country such as the Revised Forestry Code, Water Code and the

Local Government Code. However, there seems to be not much understanding of

these laws, much more so of their impact on watershed health if implemented on a

broader scale. Thus, the forum participants concluded that the water crisis in the

Philippines is probably a crisis of governance.

The empirical study that was contributed by the SANREM research team was

powerful in illustrating the consequences if nothing is done at this time to improve


Rota, Liguton & Elazegui

the current water policy and governance in the country. Another important outcome

of the forum was the coming together of professionals who were interested in the

same cause but who had not gotten to talk to one another. A potential impact of

this activity is the recognition by policymakers of watershed as the basic unit of

water resource planning for a more sustainable water resources management. Though

this is already a pronounced policy of government (Acosta 2004), in reality, this is

not being implemented.

2. Other PIDS-led dissemination and advocacy activities

For information dissemination, meanwhile, PIDS has a number of outlets that

are regularly distributed to the top leadership in both the executive and legislative

departments of government. For the SANREM partnership, it produced a folio of

policy notes, editorials in the major dailies, and other media forms that focused on

some of the key findings of the SANREM community-based research results on

water. For additional advocacy activities, there was a briefing held at the Congress,

just after the Clean Water Bill was enacted, with the researchers of the project

briefing the Congress staff on some points that may be useful in the drafting of the

Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) for the newly passed Clean Water Act.

Forging Alliances with Other Partners- The Philippine watershed Management coalition

Aside from a partnership with the PIDS, the project also established links with

NGOs. This link came later though as the SANREM SEA project team worked

further to crystallize the type of information it wanted to push for in a nationwide

advocacy program.

When the team was completing the manuscript of the newly-published book,

Winning the u:ilteru:ilr, the team wanted to assess the reason why, despite the fact

that the watershed approach is fully recognized and supported by the Philippines'

Department of Environment and Natural Resources, the said approach is not being

implemented on a wider scale.

To carry out the assessment, a study was conducted to focus on the elements

present or absent in various watersheds which affect the implementation of the

watershed management approach. In order to make the local and national decision

46 PUBLIC POLICY


makers and other stakeholders aware of the reasons that either lead to the success

or failure of the watershed approach, the project team decided to present the results

of the case studies in a road show.

Thus, a series of 3 fora entitled "The Realities of Watershed Management

Approach in the Philippines"6was held in various points in Luzon, Visayas and

Mindanao. One of the objectives of the forum series is to be able to reach as many

of the stakeholders and decision makers as possible in different areas in order to

stress the relevance and importance of initiating watershed management efforts.

To be able to do this, the project team deemed it necessary and strategic to

partner with institutions and advocacy coalitions that already have established

networks in different parts of the country. Hence, for the two succeeding fora in the

Visayas and Mindanao, the project team linked up with the Philippine Watershed

Management Coalition (PWMC), a broad-based coalition group made up of

professionals from both private, civil society and government sectors advocating

the adoption of the watershed approach in managing water resources.

In the various regional fora, local organizations became partners, with

participants coming from varied backgrounds. Many of them represent people's

organizations/associations like irrigators and farmers groups; business clubs; the

League of Municipalities; local government units in the region as a whole; the

representatives of government agencies like the DENR, National Power Corporation,

National Irrigation Administration, Department of Agriculture, Department of

Health, Department of Energy, Department of Public Works and Highways,

Philippine Information Agency, and the NEDA; local water districts; environment

and natural resources officers; multisectoral bodies such as that of the Iloilo

Watershed Management Council and Protected Area Management Board (PAMB);

and academic/research institutions. The regional fora resulted in a snowball effect

of information dissemination about water and watersheds.

The lesson gathered from this exercise is the importance of networking in policy

advocacy. An earlier decision to partner with a broad-based advocacy coalition group

proved to be a good move. The Philippine Watershed Management Coalition

(PWMC), an established association of professionals from both private and public

sectors whose advocacy was the promotion of the watershed management approach

in the country, had a wide network of contacts all over the country, especially in the


Rola, Liguton E't Elazegui

Visayas and Mindanao areas. As such, it became easier for the project team to

organize and invite relevant and multi-stake sectors for the fora. The partnership

likewise easily opened doors for contacts and was also very critical in helping the

team reach the relevant audience.

outputs and Impacts

A number of actions/decisions seem to have resulted from this series of fora.

In an Iloilo town, for instance, the participants drafted a tentative program of action.

This was based on the case study's recommendation for the possible adoption of

the environmental services payment scheme among certain watershed communities

in the Visayan region. The said program is being proposed to the Iloilo Watershed

Management Council (IWMC), the multisectoral and multilayered structure tasked

with the management and protection of the various watersheds in Iloilo province.

The Davao City Council, which handles the advocacy and promotion of the

watershed management approach in Davao City, plans to make use of the case studies

under the SANREM policy project and the various lessons from these in their continuing

IEC and advocacy of the approach. Hopefully, this watershed management consciousness

will develop not only in Davao City but also in the entire province ofDavao.

Lastly, the PWMC has adopted for its 2004 annual conference the theme

"Toward a Watershed-based Water Management Approach in the Philippines,"

based on the SANREM policy project and case studies. The conference will be

held with the provincial, city and municipal leagues of the Philippines and hopefully,

the approach and case studies may provide them with bases for comparison and

work. This national conference is usually attended by local officials nationwide as

well as officials and representatives of institutions and agencies involved in water

management and governance. All these collaborative projects are evidence of the

snowballing effects of the SANREM. In addition, the PWMC has also featured

popular versions of the four watershed case studies of the SANREM policy team in

its regular advocacy magazine entitled Watershed

Hopefully, all of the above efforts shall lead to a wider recognition, appreciation

and implementation of the watershed approach in an integrated water resources

management program for the Philippines.

48 PUBLIC POLICY


Lessons Learned

What lessons can be drawn from the entire research-policy interphase activity?

The following are some of the more significant ones_

a) Community-based efforts for policy should be based on quality empirical

research. It is noteworthy to mention that the field level study was powerful

in pointing out the failures in water policy and governance.

b) The research must have some local impacts. The field research moved the

municipal government into action because of the clarity of the impact on

the area. In addition, other local people attested to the fact that the research

was helpful. This helped in articulating the cause at the national level because

it made the research more credible.

c) Partnerships forged with institutions known to have integrity, credibility

and good links with the policymaking processes ensure better chances in

reaching key officials in the policymaking institutions. PIDS' reputation as

an independent think tank is beyond doubt and its strategic position in

government to influence policy- with its board chairman being the head of

the country's foremost socioeconomic planning unit of the country- was

helpful.

d) Alliances with more stakeholders, i.e., NGOs, with national level agencies

who do technical work, regulatory and development agencies, regional

development officials, and other members of academe, provide a wide reach

for the project in the country. The decision to collaborate with the Philippine

Watershed Management Coalition, an NGO, is perhaps one of the best

moves that the project has made. In fact, the broad-based membership of

the Coalition enabled the team to touch base with a lot of groups and sectors

interested and involved in water issues, in particular with the watershed

approach to water resources management

e) And finally, there is a need to create more champions and to act with passion.

The NGOs are a passionate group and they will carry the ball, even if the

academics move on to other areas of research.


Rola, Liguton Et Elazegui

Notes

SANREM CRSP-SEA brings together researchers from universities and specialist institutes in the Philippines, the U.S., and other countries as well as the International Agricultural Research Centers (IARCs) to work with farmers and other natural resource managers, communities, civil society institutions, and government agencies at local and national levels in the search for the means by which upland communities will be enabled to make better natural resource management decisions. The project is funded primarily by the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

2 The indicators included levels of total suspended solids, levels of E Coli bacteria and the

patterns of stream flow. 3 One good example is the provision in the LGC entitling local government units a share in the

proceeds from the use of national wealth. In practice, however, the water district directly remits its revenues to theN ational Treasury rather than to the local governments (as provided in Sec. 293 ). The revenues are then allocated back to the local government units in the form of the Internal Revenue Allocation (IRA).

4 But LGU managed water systems are not very successful. They were not sustainable because of poor finance-generating capability and lack of preparedness ofLGUs to manage the systems. Water fees are usually subsidized and are usually too low to cover even operating and maintenance

expenses. 5 The papers presented during the forum, together with Four more Solicited Papers, are now

published in a book entitled, Winning the W'ater W'ar: watersheds, water policies and water institutions (PIDS;PCARRD, Makati, Philippines, 2004 ).

6 Its objectives were: 1) To bring to the attention of the local and national decision makers the realities on the ground in adopting the watershed management approach as shown in the experiences of the four case studies; 2) To highlight the lessons to be drawn from the experiences

of said case studies; and 3) To encourage/challenge stakeholders in various watersheds to undertake further action in managing and protecting their watersheds and water resources.

50 PUBLIC POLICY


References

Deutsch, WD., A. L. Busby, J.L. Orprecio, J. P Bago-Labis, and E. Y Cequina.

2001a. "Community-based water quality monitoring: from data collection to

sustainable management of water resources." In I. Coxhead and G. Buenavista

(eds): Seeking Sustainabifjty: Challenges of Agricultural Development and

Environmental Management in a Philippine Wfltershed Los Banos, Philippines:

PCARRD, pp.138-160.

Deutsch, WD.,J.L. Orprecio and]. P Bago-Labis 2001b."Community-based water

quality monitoring: The TJgbantay Wflhig Experience," in I. Coxhead and G.

Buenavista (eds). Seeking Sustainability: Challenges of Agricultural

Development and Environmental Management in a Philippine Wfltershed Los

Banos, Philippines: PCARRD. 184-196.

Deutsch, W G. and]. L. Orprecio. 2004. Community-based Water Monitoring in

the Philippines and Beyond: A Decade of Investment and Potential. Paper

Presented at a Conference on "Land use changes in tropical watersheds: causes,

consequences and policy options," Quezon City. Jan. 13-14, 2004.

Dunn, William. N. 1994. Public Policy Analysis: An Introduction. New Jersey:

Prentice Hall.

Dye, Thomas. 1998. Understanding Pubfjc Pofjcy. Ninth Edition. Upper Saddle

River, N.J.: Prentice Hall.

Elazegui, D. 2004. Water Resource Governance: Realities and Challenges in the

Philippines."

Lantapan Municipal Watershed Management Plan-"Upper Pulangui" River

Watershed Cluster. August 2002. Lantapan, Bukidnon.

Loevinsohn, M. and A. Rola. 1998. "Linking Research and Policy on Natural

Resource Management: The Case of Pesticides and Pest Management in the

Philippines." In Tabor, Sand D. Faber. (eds). Closing the Loop: From Research

on Natural Resources to Pofjcy Change. Policy Management Report # 8, The

Netherlands: European Centre for Development Policy Management

(ECDPM)/ International Service for National Agricultural Research (ISNAR).

88-113.


Rota, Liguton & Elazegui

Meier, G (ed). 1991. Politics and Policy Making in Developing Countries. USA:

International Center for Economic Growth. USA.

Robb, C. 2002. Can The Poor Influence Policy? Participatory Poverty Assessments

in the Developing Wbrld(Second Edition). Washingon, D.C. The World Bank!

The international Monetary Fund.

Rola, A. C. and Ian Coxhead. 2004. Development Policies, Institutions and the

Environment in the Uplands of Southeast Asia. Paper Presented at a

Conference on "Land use changes in tropical watersheds: causes, consequences

and policy options," Quezon City, Jan. 13-14, 2004.

Rola, A., W Deutsch,]. Orprecio and A. Sumbalan, 2004. "Water Resources

Management in a Bukidnon Subwatershed: What can community-generated

data offer?" InRola,A., H. Francisco and]. Liguton. (eds). Winning the Water

War: watersheds, water policies and water institutions. PIDS;PCARRD .Makati,

Philippines by pp.179-212.

Rola, A., H. Francisco and]. Liguton. (eds). Winning the Water War: Watersheds,

Water Policies and Water Institutions. PIDS!PCARRD.Makati, Philippines. 85-

104.

Rola, A., A. Sumbalan, and V Suminguit. 2004. Realities of the Watershed

Management Approach: The Manupali Watershed Experience. ISPPS Working

Paper No. 04-04. Institute of Strategic Planning and Policy Studies, University

of the Philippines Los Banos, College, Laguna, Philippines.

Tollini, H. 1998. Policy and Research: Loops of a Spiral? In Tabor, Sand D. Faber.

( eds). Closing the Loop: From Research on Natural Resources to Policy Change.

Policy Management Report # 8. The Netherlands. European Centre for

Development Policy Management (ECDPM)/ International Service for National

Agricultural Research (ISNAR). 22-24.

52 PUBLIC POLICY

Development-1 nduced Displacement, Resettlement

Experiences and Impoverishment and Marginalization in Pagbilao,

Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan Doracie B. Zoleta-Nantes

Abstract

This study looks at two cases of resettlement programs initiated by theN ational

Power Corporation with the involvement of two energy-producing companies in

two different areas. They are the Mirant Power Plant (formerly Hopewell Inc.) in

Pagbilao, Quezon and the San Roque Multi-Purpose Dam Project in San Manuel,

Pangasinan. The paper documents the experiences of the members of the two

resettlement communities and discusses some insights that could improve their

living conditions. Hopefully, this paper will contribute to the improvement and

refinement of resettlement programs that the Philippine government undertakes as

it implements large-scale development programs. It is imperative that the members

of communities who were displaced and were asked to sacrifice their lot for the

benefit of the members of an abstract category called the majority should partake

of the benefits of the development initiatives of the Philippine government.

Keywords: Resettlement programs, displacement, Pagbilao,Quezon, San

Manuel, Pangasinan. INTRODUCTION

The marginalization of communities displaced from their traditional homelands

and relocated to project resettlement communities is one major impact of the

Zoleta-Nantes

The experiences of the National Power Corporation's resettlement program in Leyte

indicated a salient need for proponents of large-scale infrastructure programs to

implement continuously community development projects among the members of

resettlement sites. This is crucial to prevent further marginalization of communities

displaced by the operations of large-scale development infrastructure programs.

construction of large scale

infrastructure and

development projects

aggressively being

undertaken by many

developing countries

wanting to industrialize.

These patterns are evident

in communities affected by

the geothermal project in

Leyte in Central

Philippines (De Jesus

2000) and by the construction of the Ambuklao and Binga dams in the Mountain

Province of Northern Philippines (Cordillera Resource Center-Fact finding Mission

1999).

In Leyte's case, DeJesus indicated that a total of 106 were resettled out of the

127 households that were directly affected by the construction of the 640-MW Leyte

Geothermal Project (LGP). Out of the 106 families offered resettlement options by

the project proponents, only 51 agreed to settle in the resettlement community that

the National Power Corporation (NPC) had constructed. The other 55 households

opted to get compensated for the disturbances that the project had brought into their

lives and moved somewhere else in other parts of the province. The community

members' dislocation greatly affected the quality of their life and their daily survival.

Through the years, due to the lack of attention given by the project proponents to

their pressing daily survival needs, unfavorable perception on the impacts of the

continued operation of the Leyte geothermal project was widespread among the

members of the resettlement community. To counteract the increasingly negative

perceptions among the relocatees on the project's continued operations, the NPC

and the Leyte Geothermal Company facilitated some programs from 1998 to 2000.

They were aimed to empower the members of the resettled community. The

experiences of the National Power Corporation's resettlement program in Leyte

indicated a salient need for proponents of large-scale infrastructure programs to

implement continuously community development projects among the members of

54 PUBLIC POLICY

Development-Induced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences and Impoverishment and Marginalization in Pagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan

resettlement sites. This is crucial to prevent further marginalization of communities

displaced by the operations of large-scale development infrastructure programs.

THE FORCED DISPLACEMENT, SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS AND IMPOVERISHMENT RISKS MODEL

It has been recognized that forced population displacement and involuntary

resettlement due to large-scale development projects have considerable socio

economic, psychological, political and cultural impacts. The unfortunate experiences

of the members of the Ibaloi ethnic group of Benguet are a living testimony of the

impacts of involuntary resettlement on a group of people. They were displaced

from their homelands in Benguet to give way to the construction and operation of

the Ambuklao and the Binga Dams in the Agno River. They were forced to resettle

in the rural areas of Palawan with malaria-carrying mosquitoes and in other

inhospitable areas of neighboring towns in the Mountain Province and Nueva Vizcaya

provinces. Their relocation into these areas also got them into conflict with members

of indigenous peoples who have inhabited the designated resettlement areas for

centuries. Thus, the Ibaloi people were uprooted from their homelands and were

forced to resettle in the earlier-mentioned areas only to be relocated again. The

designated relocation sites where they were relocated either belong to another

indigenous community or do not have a livelihood system in place. In the process,

their institutional systems, social networks, and livelihood support systems were

drastically distorted.

A number of social scientists have been critical of the way a government has

treated people whose only shortcoming is being residents of the site where a large

scale infrastructure program will be constructed. In 1997, Cernea developed a

theoretical representation of the processes that were being faced by people who

underwent involuntary resettlement after being forcefully relocated from their

traditional homelands. Cernea's Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR)

model draws attention to the inherent perils of forced displacement. They are lack

of sustenance, loss of homes and livelihood sources, marginalization, exposure to

health-debilitating stresses and other health problems, loss of access to common

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 Uuly- December 2004) 55

Zoleta ·Nantes

property resources, and community disarticulation. All these risks lead to the

impoverishment of people displaced from their traditional living and working spaces.

The IRR model highlights negative effects difficult to quantify. They are those

that are associated with the dissolution of family ties, social support system and

other social structures that provide the community members with social capital

needed for the survival of human groups (Cernea & McDowell, 2000:363-364).

The IRR Model recognizes the multi-faceted nature of the process of

impoverishment. Impoverishment is close to the concept of' cumulated deprivation'

which is brought about by forced displacement and involuntary resettlement. The

model also discusses possibilities for reconstructing displaced communities. The

model persuades researchers to "map the 'variables of impoverishment' and

understand the ways in which those variables are interlinked, and influence one

another in ways that lead to livelihood reconstruction or further impoverishment,

or both" (Cernea, 2000:19).

DISPLACEMENT CONTIEXTS, EVENT,

CONDITIONS - M'OJERISHMENT - LIVELIHOOD AND TRENDS RISKS RESOURCES

Politics

Macro-economic

conditions

Term of trade

Climate

Agro-ecology

Demography

Social diffel'entiation

Contextual analysis of conditions and trends

and assessment of policy in new setting

Landlessness

Joblessness

Homelessness

Loss of access to common property

Poor Health

Socia\ Disarticulation

Marginalisation

Food Insecurity

Analysis of impoverishment subprocesses in context of assessment of lost

assets arising directly out of relocation

Natural capital

Human capital

Social capital

Analysis of livelihood resources: trade~ offs,combinations, sequences,trends;

including resource loss due to displacement,and

resource gain

INSTITUTIONAL PROCESSES &

ORGANISATIONAL - LIVELIHOOD STRUCTURES STRATEGIES

Institution

and

Analysis of institutional influences on access to

livelihood resources and composjtion of livelihood strategy

portfolio

Agricultural

Intensification -Extensification

Livelihood Diversification

Migration

Analysis of livelihood strategy

portfolios and pathways

adopted in new location

FIGURE1

SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES

t..lncreased nt.mbers of working days created

2. Poverty reduced

4. Uveihood adaptation, vulnerabdityand n1slbern:e enhanced

5. Natural resouce kwt wstainabaty

Analysis of outcomes and trade-offs compared with

precious location

Forced Displacement. Sustainable Livelihoods and Impoverishment Risks

A Revised Framework for Analysis

Source: McDowell. 2002

56 PUBLIC POLICY


The IRR model has been improved since then. Figure 1 presents the analytical

framework that was developed by McDowell in 2002 that aims to examine the

multi-faceted and dynamic relational dynamics of the many processes of

impoverishment and reconstruction. The emphasis of the IRR Model is on the

notion of reconstruction or development. The revised IRR framework highlights

the need to transform impoverishment into the actuality of reconstruction. It is

closely associated with the concept of sustainable livelihood development. It aims

to get people out of poverty, prepare and equip them to cope with stresses that they

may encounter in the future in a manner that takes into account the importance of

maintaining the productivity of their livelihood source and environment (McDowell,

2002). Crucial to the restructuring of livelihood sources is the 're-creation of

institutional and community structures' (Cernea, 1997:41). Community structures

can constrain or play a positive role in community reconstruction. They can intensify

inequalities or lessen them. Re-building and strengthening community structures

should be emphasized in resettlement policies and practices. It is important to

emphasize the inherent rights and entitlements of the displaced people in the design,

planning, and operations of successful livelihood recovery programs in resettlement

sites ( Cernea, 1999). This analytical framework is used in this study.

THE ENERCiY CONTEXT IN THE ASIAN RECiiON AND THE PHILIPPINES

The generation of sufficient energy is crucial to any government that aims for

economic development. Energy is the main fuel that drives the country's production

of goods and services. They are necessary for material progress, daily comfort and

the delivery of basic services. There is a strong correlation between the level of

economic progress that a nation enjoys and the level of their energy utilization. The

situation in China, Japan, Korea, and in other Asian countries with strong economies

is a solid example of such a condition. It becomes obvious why most Asian countries

have instituted vital programs to meet their energy requirements. Brunei, Indonesia,

Malaysia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing countries in Southwest Asia

have sufficient oil supplies that shelter them from oil price and energy supply

fluctuations in the global market. Other countries such as Laos, Myanmar, Thailand,

Vietnam and the Philippines have resorted to different sources and means of energy


Zoleta-Nantes

generation (geothermal, hydropower, natural gas, solar photovoltaic, wind) to propel

economic growth and implement many government programs.

In the early 1990s, the power plants of theN ational Power Corporation of the

Philippines (NAPOCOR) generated 2, 500 MW of electricity per day. The estimated

daily demand was 3, 200 MW (Flores, 1993 ). The energy shortage was the result

of years of poor management and lack of maintenance of existing energy generating

facilities. The energy shortage served as a major stumbling block to the government's

program of transforming the Philippines to the status of a Newly Industrialized

Country. The government was pressed to depend on quick solutions, like large

scale infrastructure projects that harness the energy resources of frontier areas. To

supply the current and future power demands, the Philippine government has a

The Philippines primarily uses the energy that it generates in

supplying the needs of thousands of multinational

corporations that operate in different parts of the country

rather than providing rural households with sufficient and

cheap electricity supply.

policy and a strategy of reducing

dependence on imported oil. It is

developing other energy resources, like

coal, geothermal and hydropower energy.

The major energy resources in the

Philippines are: 1) geothermal; 2) coal;

3) hydro; 4) petroleum; and 5) new and

renewable energy sources (NRES).

NRES are managed by the Department

of Energy's Energy Utilization and

Management Bureau (EUMB), while the

rest are managed by DOE's Energy

Resources Development Bureau (ERDB) (Philippine Delegation to APEC Meeting

in Korea, 1997).

The Philippines was the world's second largest producer of geothermal steam

for power generation in 1996 with an installed geothermal power capacity of 1,448

MW or 13.34% of the country's total capacity of 10,944 MW Geothermal power

generation displaces million barrels of fuel oil that are needed for power generation

and generates millions of US $in foreign exchange savings. The country's petroleum

production declined from 1.067 million barrels of oil in 1995 to 0.329 million barrels

in 1996. The contribution of hydropower plants to the total energy mix in 1996

58 PUBLIC POLICY


was 4.34% of the total amount of generated energy. The Philippines has large and

medium river systems that are potential sources for hydropower generation.

Energy generation is not the sole enterprise of the national government. It is

much more complicated than what it seems to be. Financing the construction of

energy-generation facilities has always entailed foreign investment and credit. The

increasing globalization of economic activities as a result of economic liberalization

policies and structural

adjustment programs has

greatly favored the

construction of large-scale

infrastructure energy

projects financed off-shore.

As a result, large areas of the

country that are possible

sources of non-fossil based

energy are open to large

energy multinational

The Philippine legal system, which is a legacy of the colonial era, does not fully recognize indigenous concepts and customary laws regarding the rights to land and territory (Lynch, 1986). This type of energy generation activity has greatly contributed to the dislocation of hundreds of communities in the country.

corporations that operate profitably in the country under the Build-Operate and

Transfer scheme. Often, the beneficiaries of this type of BOT energy generation

projects are not the surrounding communities in need of electricity to propel its

development trajectories. The Philippines primarily uses the energy that it generates

in supplying the needs of thousands of multinational corporations that operate in

different parts of the country rather than providing rural households with sufficient

and cheap electricity supply.

Fourteen ( 14) large-scale hydropower dam projects were targeted for construction

in different parts of the country by 2005. Interestingly, most existing and proposed

dam sites are located within indigenous peoples' territories like in the Agno River

Basin in the Cordillera Region. This has resulted in conflicts of interests between the

national government and the indigenous peoples in the area. As a result, the ancestral

domains of the indigenous groups in the region have become heavily militarized

(Cordillera Resource Center, 1993). Often, the local people lose in conflict situations

because most indigenous people have not had access to legal protection regarding

rights to residential, agriculture, mining and forest lands. They have been vulnerable


Zoleta- Nantes

to dispossession or eviction from areas their predecessors occupied for centuries.

The Philippine legal system, which is a legacy of the colonial era, does not fully

recognize indigenous concepts and customary laws regarding the rights to hmd and

territory (Lynch, 1986). This type of energy generation activity has greatly contributed

to the dislocation of hundreds of communities in the country.

Many studies focus on energy policies of the Philippines, the need for generation of

energy and development of energy sources, and the impending energy demands due to

the present trends of energy utilization. Discussions on their economic benefits and the

environmental impacts on the surrounding communities in the Philippines also abound

(Lysy, 1999). What needs to be studied more closely, however, is the processes that are

It is necessary to highlight the responsibilities of the government in

realizing its obligations to those who are affected by the construction of large

scale energy generation projects. This step is necessary to balance the

tensions between the right of the country to develop and pursue a higher level of economic development, and the basic

human and existential rights of the people who will be displaced by the construction and operation of these large-scale infrastructure programs.

being encountered by the different

actors affected by the whole

industry of energy generation

(Polistico, 2002). This is

particularly true among those that

do not have influential roles and

are not active participants in the

national decision making

machinery. One group that needs

to be closely studied is comprised

of the members of communities

whose ancestors happen to have

lived for centuries in areas where

the energy generation activities will take place. This group comprises

small communities of minority

groups who are always asked to

give way to large-scale energy development programs.

This condition of uprooting communities to give way to the construction of large

scale infrastructure programs is related to a phenomenon called development-induced

displacement (DID). This phenomenon raises questions on the desirability oflarge

scale infrastructure energy development programs. The bias towards this development

approach leads to the displacement of the politically underrepresented and socially

60 PUBLIC POLICY


and economically marginal human communities from their traditional economic

activities and cultural practices. This prevalent practice has greatly contributed to

increasing marginalization of cultural communities, wide-scale population movements

or displacement at local and regional levels. These make salient the need to further

understand the processes associated with development-induced displacements. It is

necessary to highlight the responsibilities of the government in realizing its obligations

to those who are affected by the construction oflarge-scale energy generation projects.

This step is necessary to balance the tensions between the right of the country to

develop and pursue a higher level of economic development, and the basic human

and existential rights of the people who will be displaced by the construction and

operation of these large-scale infrastructure programs.

DEVELOPMENT-INDUCED DISPLACEMENTS IN THE CLOBAL ARENA

The issue of development-induced displacement is one pressing problem

affecting many peripheral communities in many countries today. Indeed,

development-induced forced relocation has contributed to an increase in the number

of internal refugees who are forced to relocate across provincial or regional boundaries

in many nations. Their number across the globe reached the 100 million mark in

1995 (McDowell, 1996). It is expected to double in the first decade of the 21st

century. In some instances, the geographic displacement can be within a town only

that is, from one village to another. Nevertheless, the same sets of challenges face

the persons who are involuntarily uprooted from their residence. They are forced

to live in a place with economic opportunities, social-cultural networks, and political

affiliations different from their own.

Displacement of communities is caused by many factors. Natural and human

made disasters, such as devastating earthquakes, ethnic cleansing and other forms

of genocides, forcibly push people out of their homelands. Thousands of people are

driven out of their homes by low-intensity and major military conflicts and the

implementation of large-scale development infrastructure programs initiated by the

government. These involuntary relocations can happen internally, that is, within the

boundaries of a country, and internationally, across national boundaries. People who

are affected by international displacements are categorically referred to as refugees.


Zoleta- Nantes

They are given protection by their adoptive countries and receive assistance from

the United Nations (UNHCR, 2001). The people who are affected by internal

displacement do not have the protection of international law and its support system.

The responsibility of looking after the condition of internally displaced persons and

the delivery of forms of assistance to them belong to the government of the country

which has sovereign jurisdiction over them. It is the same government that

aggressively implements development projects to pursue economic development at

The people who are affected by internal displacement do not have the protection of

international law and its support system. The responsibility of looking after the

condition of internally displaced persons and the delivery of forms of assistance to

them belong to the government of the country which has sovereign jurisdiction

over them. It is the same government that aggressively implements development

projects to pursue economic development at all costs, thus, displacing people.

all costs, thus, displacing

people.

Millions are ordered by

their government to make a

sacrifice for the sake of the

country's bid for progress.

They are forcibly disconnected

from their livelihood sources

and social support systems.

They are cut off from their

political system of

representation as their lands are

expropriated by the state for

the construction of large-scale

infrastructure projects. They

are made to give way to bring

progress to a majority of the country's populace. Persons who are affected by

development-induced internal displacement have been referred to variously, as

"development displacee," "development refugee," "oustee," or "resettler"

(Muggah, 2003). As stated earlier, providing the internal refugees with some forms

of assistance is complicated. The problems of securing their livelihoods and the

observance of their human rights fall under the sovereign jurisdiction of their

government. This government is also the main proponent of the large-scale

development projects that primarily caused their displacement. The state is in a

powerful and compromising situation since it serves as both implementer and

62 PUBLIC POLICY


referee in resettlement situations (Koenig, 2002). One cannot help but ask how a

government, which is responsible for the internal displacement of its people, can

be just and equitable as it ensures the protection of the population that it has

displaced through the implementation of its development programs (Barutciski,

2002).

To counteract the impact of large-scale infrastructure projects on development

displacees, some governments prepare resettlement schemes for people forcibly

evacuated from their homelands. The development displacees are to be reintegrated

to the surrounding communities. Governments do this through social engineering

schemes that promote the people's well-being and reduce their dependency on the

state and the development project proponents (Chambers, 1969; Cernea, 2000).

However, most resettlement schemes are inadequately planned and resettlement

projects continue to result in the impoverishment of the development oustees. What

often takes place is the exact opposite of the goals of these planned resettlement

schemes. For example, the disturbance compensation that development displacees

receive is often not equivalent to the land, housing and livelihood opportunities that

they have lost. This compensation does not

stay in their pocket for a long period of time.

Short of assured livelihood income, they

have to spend a lot of money to cover the

expenses associated with living in a

resettlement site. In a new environment, all basic expenses such as procuring food, water,

energy and transportation costs necessary to

move in and out of their newly-developed

relocation site can only be covered if one has

some cash. Except for the disturbance

compensation that they receive, most of

However, most resettlement schemes are inadequately planned and resettlement projects continue to result in the impoverishment of the development oustees. What often takes place is the exact opposite of the goals of these planned resettlement schemes.

them are short of cash. They are uprooted from their source of income and livelihood

opportunities, thus, most involuntary relocation schemes lead to the further

marginalization of the development displacees (Muggah, 2003). The situation further

contributes to the social disruption, and thus evokes more resistance among

development displacees (De Wet, 2002).


Zoleta-Nantes

CUIDELINES OF THE WORLD BANK AND THE PHILIPPINES ON UNDERTAKINC DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS

The project proponents of large-scale development projects undertake programs

to reduce the impact of involuntary relocation. They have plans to improve the

living conditions of displaced members of communities. However, there are many

documented cases of the

opposite scenario taking

place. The displaced

communities do not

smoothly partake of the

results of development

processes. Instead, the

members of uprooted

communities undergo

vanous forms of

marginalization that limit

their livelihood

opportunities and other life

choices. This paper seeks

to contribute to the

However, there are many documented cases of the opposite scenario taking place. The

displaced communities do not smoothly partake of the results of development

processes. Instead, the members of uprooted communities undergo various forms of

marginalization that limit their livelihood opportunities and other life choices. This

paper seeks to contribute to the discussion on how to improve the ability and capability of

people to cope with development-induced displacement.

discussion on how to

improve the ability and capability of people to cope with development-induced

displacement. It hopes to open some discussions on how to halt such marginalization,

how they can partake instead in the gains oflarge-scale development projects.

These are institutions aiming to reduce the impact of large-scale development

projects on communities involuntarily relocated to other living spaces. For instance,

the World Bank has developed, and is implementing guidelines for development

induced displacement. These are contained in an operation manual called the

Operational Directive. This directive is explicit on what programmes should be

undertaken by the proponents of large-scale development projects to deal with

uprooted communities during project implementation. The World Bank recognizes

that displacement of communities is a feature of major development projects. The

64 PUBLIC POLICY


uprooted people are often faced with difficult challenges such as dismantling of

production systems, loss of productive assets and livelihood sources, and the dissolution and weakening of social capital ( 1990, 1)_ Thus, the World Bank's policy

on involuntary resettlement is very clear. It is "to ensure that the population displaced

by a project receives benefits from it" (op dt, 2).

One guideline in the Operational Directive urges all project proponents to

treat an involuntary resettlement program as a development program in itself.

Uprooted families who will be resettled should be afforded all the necessary

resources and support so they will have better chances to partake of the benefits

the development project would bring into an

area. The World Bank directs project

proponents to compensate the members of

displaced communities for all losses

associated with being uprooted from their

place of abode and livelihood source. It has

clear guidelines on how to assist the displaced

persons. There are clear provisions on how

to improve their quality of life, living

standards and livelihood and production

Thus, the World Bank's policy on involuntary resettlement is very clear. It is "to ensure that the population displaced by a project receives benefits from it".

activities. The issue at hand is the extent to which most governments cooperate

with the World Bank on the implementation of the guidelines that are specified

in the Operational Directive.

In the Philippines, the Department of Energy and the Department of

Environment and Natural Resources are two of the primary agencies that

formulate policies on energy development and dam construction projects in the

Philippines. The three major implementing government agencies are the

National Power Corporation (NPC), the National Irrigation Administration

(NIA), and the Department of Agriculture (DA). The Philippine Government,

through its agencies that undertake development projects (e.g., the National

Power Corporation), has indicated that it follows the guidelines stipulated in

the World Bank's Operational Directive. The Resettlement Policy Framework

of the Philippines is directly based on the policies of the World Bank. The


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Philippine Resettlement Policy Framework also draws on a number of Philippine

laws and policies in determining issues that pertain to land acquisition and

involuntary settlement. An important law is found in the the Bill of Rights of the

1987 Philippine Constitution which stipulates that "No person shall be deprived

of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be

denied the equal protection of the law (Article III, Section 1) ". Furthermore,

The Philippine Resettlement Policy Framework also draws on a number of

Philippine laws and policies in determining issues that pertain to land acquisition and involuntary settlement.

An important law is found in the the Bill of Rights of the 1987 Philippine

Constitution which stipulates that "No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law,

nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of the law

(Article Ill, Section 1 )".

the Constitution states that

"Private property shall not

be taken for public use

without just compensation

(Article III, Section 9)".

The term compensation in

this context refers to

payment, at a replacement

cost in cash or in kind, of

all assets that the Philippine

government and the project

proponents will acquire

from displacees by the

construction and operation

of the infrastructure

projects.

It stipulates on the

prompt and just payment of compensation costs to owners of real property to be

acquired in the implementation of the government's infrastructure programs. It

requires the payment of disturbance compensation to agricultural lessees who are

affected by the construction and operation of the project. The disturbance

compensation is equivalent to the monetary amount of five times the average

gross annual harvest of the affected agricultural lessee in the five-year period prior

to the project construction in the area.

Aside from the disturbance compensation that should be given to members

of displaced communities, disturbance assistance which is not to exceed

66 PUBLIC POLICY


PhPlO,OOO.OO per household is likewise due to them. This disturbance

compensation is afforded to members of displaced communities who hold titles,

tax declarations, or proofs of usufruct, as in the case of members of indigenous

communities. Area settlers, occupants and agricultural tenants who will be affected

by the project construction are entitled to financial assistance equivalent to the

average annual gross harvest for the last three years and should not be less than

PhP15,000.00 per hectare. This financial assistance is on top of the cash payment

or compensation for crops that will be damaged during the project implementation.

All of these forms of disturbance compensation should be given to the

project-affected or displaced persons (PAP/DP). The PAPs/DPs are those

people affected by the project construction and who were relocated from their

original residence to a government resettlement site (or to any other site). They

also include those in which the standard of living, rights and access to any land

premises (including agricultural and grazing land), perennial crops and trees,

and other temporarily or permanently acquired or possessed fixed or movable

assets, or business and other work occupations are affected by the project

implementation. One would expect that the lot of the PAP/DP should be alright

in most resettlement programs. However, this does not always happen smoothly

as the experiences of the development -displaced persons who are now relocates

in the resettlement sites in Pagbilao, Quezon, and San Manuel, Pangasinan,

would illustrate.

The World Bank's Operational Directive also clearly stipulates the forms of

rehabilitation assistance, such as, provisions of skills training, availability of micro

finance support, job-referrals and other measures. Through these provisions the

PAP/DPwould be able to restore their livelihood sources and improve their income

levels and living standards. The guidelines are to be followed and implemented by

the officials of government agencies and companies that are involved in the

construction and operation of government-initiated large-scale development projects.

With these guidelines, one would expect that PAP/DPs are properly attended to in

most resettlement programs.

The community experiences in the two resettlement cases were documented

using data gathered from primary and secondary sources. Secondary data pertain


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to a number of published and unpublished sources of information that were generated

by different professional groups as well as by government and non-government

institutions at different administrative levels. These include materials such as

Environment Impact Assessment documents, year-end reports, officially published

town profiles, and published maps. They were gathered from the officials of

government line agencies and employees of the two power generating corporations.

Other documents available on the internet were accessed. These secondary data

sources offer historical and factual accounts that provide the context for this study.

A number of courtesy calls, formal and informal discussions, and interviews were

undertaken with officials of local government units and the two power plant

corporations. Individual and group interviews of local residents in the two

municipalities were undertaken. The research assistance that was rendered at

different periods by Lev Dacanay,Jonas Gaffud, Evangeline Katigbak,Joemy Lillo,

Simeona Martinez, LouAnn Ocampo and Angelo Paras are well-appreciated. The

results of the interview sessions were transposed into vignettes and are provided in

this paper. These primary data outline the experiences of members of two

resettlement communities uprooted from their original places of abode and livelihood

systems due to the construction and operation of two development projects.

THE PACBILAO POWER PLANT RESETTLEMENT PROCRAM

The Power Situation in Luzon in the 1990s

The Pagbilao Thermal Power Plant was conceived to remedy the power shortages

in Luzon that caused immense losses to the Philippine economy in the late 1980s

and early 1990s (Environmental Impact Study on Pagbilao Power Plant, n.d.). The

power shortages were a product of lack of planning on the part of the Aquino

government and the decision in 1986 by President Aquino not to operate the 620MW

nuclear plant in Bataan. In the latter part of 1991 the Luzon Power Grid had an

installed capacity of 4,626 MW It was comprised of 1222 M\'V' (26.51 %) from

hydropower sources; 660 MW (14.27%) from geothermal operations; 300 MW (6.48

%) from coal; and, 2440 MW (52. 7 4 %) from oil powered plants. Due to some technical

problems in their operations, such as frequent shutdowns due to mechanical

68 PUBLIC POLICY


breakdowns of the ageing thermal plants, low water supply during the dry season,

heavy siltation of hydropO\ver plants reservoirs, and dwindling steam supply in the

geothermal plants, the dependable capacity of the plants was only 75% or 3, 500

?viW The peak power demand at the time (particularly in February 1992) was 3200

?viW The system reserve capacity was only 280 MW This was much lower than the

required minimum reserve of 300 M\V. As earlier stated, most of the old thermal

plants were often shut down for emergency maintenance reasons. The many

incidences of shutting the thermal plants down had resulted in the system reserve

capacity to fall to negative values resulting in power shortages (brownout incidences).

From 1991 to 1993, the whole Metro Manila area and the surrounding regions

suffered from daily power outages that lasted from 4 hours up to 12 hours. It led to

the closure of factories and the loss of half a million jobs. The economic losses

from power outages were estimated at US $ 1 billion a year. This was a conservative

estimate. Others had estimated the loss to have reached about US$ 2 to 3 billion

a year or 4 to 5% of the GDP If one would put a cost to inconveniences associated

with power outages that were suffered by the public and their effects on productivity,

the amount oflosses would even be greater. These losses served as the precursor for

then President Aquino to establish the framework for the 'Build, Operate and

Transfer' (BOT ) scheme on power generation.

The Pagbilao Thermal Power Plant station

The Hopewell Power Corporation of Hong Kong was awarded the first BOT

scheme in power generation in 1989 for the 200 MW Navotas gas turbine power

plant. It successfully remedied the power outages in Metro Manila from 1991 to

1993. But it did so at a very high cost. The Pagbilao Power Plant was conceived as

a base load plant to normalize power supply in Luzon at a more reasonable cost.

The contract for the Pagbilao Thermal Power Plant to generate 700MW of energy

was signed in 1991. The financing scheme of $933 million was arranged through

Citibank, the US Ex-ImBank, Japan Ex-ImBank, the Bank of Tokyo, MITI and

the Mitsubishi Co .. The construction began in 1993. The IFC, ADB and CDC

provided additional loans for the project completion.


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ILJLJr-----., Kinmeters 0 25 50 100

FtgUn!' 1: 1Ttnin<eofQut"241t,l'bilippines FIGURE 2

Map of the Quezon Province, Philippines

The Pagbilao Thermal Power Plant, a coal-burning power plant was built on

Pagbilao Grande Island (about 160 kilometers south of Metro Manila). It was

completed in 1995. (Please see figure 2). However, it did not operate for a period

of six months. The first unit became operational and was commercially available in

June 1996. The second unit became operational in August 1996. The National

Power Corporation failed to build on time the transmission line that was necessary

to connect it to the Luzon power grid. The delay in the power plant operation due

70 PUBLIC POLICY


. w ;~.-"!!

Xpl"L

' ~~lomaters

0 137.5 275 550

Source: MPDC ofl'agbilao Municipal Hall, Quezon

FIGURE3

Map of the Town of Pagbilao in Quezon Province

to the failure of the National Power Corporation to construct the 230 KV

transmission line on time had caused losses for the Hopewell Corporation. It was

compensated for by the Philippine Government by extending the BOT period from

25 years to a much longer time of 29 years. The ownership of the thermal power

plant changed since it became operational in 1995. It was operated under the

management of the Southern Energy of the United States in late 1997. But the

power plant is now operated by the Mirant Corporation.

The 700 MW Hopewell Power Station consists of two 350 MW coal-fired

power plants in the southwest tip of the Pagbilao Grande Island (Pagbilao Power


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Plant Brochure, n.d.). It is within the jurisdiction of Barangay Ibabang Polo in

Pagbilao, Quezon. The project covers 145 hectares of land and 22 hectares of

foreshore area (Please see Figure 3). The project site houses the following facilities:

the powerhouse, a 330m x 170m coal yard, an administration building, the substation

facilities, and a 124, 777.93 m2 ash disposal area which includes an 80-hectare ash

lagoon. Aside from these facilities, several support infrastructures were constructed

by the company and are now operational. These are as follows: a 12-kilometer

access road from the Pagbilao-Atimonan Highway to the power plant site; a 300-

meter bridge called Quipot atJuaya Point that connects the mainland of Quezon

Province and the Pagbilao Grande Island; a jetty that is used for unloading coal for

the plant's operations; a housing facility for the employees; and, a resettlement site

for the communities that were affected by the project construction . The construction

costs of these facilities amounted to US $ 850 million.

The power station has a coal usage of 7, 000365 MT. The high grade coal that

is used for the operation of the plant originates from Kalimantan, Indonesia. The

plant was designed to handle coal with less than 1% sulfur content and 13.84% ash

content and discharges water that is used for cooling the plant machinery. The

Environmental Compliance Certificate issued by the Department of Environment

and Natural Resource specifies that the water's temperature should not exceed 3

degrees centigrade in the mixing zone. The plant's water consumption is about

803,000 m3 per year. It gets its water through a water pipeline system that affords

the transport of freshwater coolant from the Palsabangon River. Other provisions

in the Environmental Compliance Certificate issued by the DENR include the

conduct of and continuous monitoring of the plant's effluents and emissions

(including noise) and the state and conditions of the surrounding agricultural and

marine resources (An old company brochure, n.d.).

Town Profile of Pagbilao, ouezon

The municipality of Pagbilao is in Quezon Province. It lies eight kilometers

from Lucena City, the provincial capital of Quezon, which bounds it on the

southwest. The municipality of Tayabas 'lies northwest of Pagbilao. Atimonan

lies on the northeast and Padre Burgos on the southeast. The municipality

72 PUBLIC POLICY


links to Bondoc Peninsula and Bicol Region through the Daang Maharlika

national highway. Due to its accessibility, Pagbilao has been a preferred location

for a number of government extension offices and institutions that offer

extension support to agriculture, agro-livestock, cottage and fishing industries

in Pagbilao and other towns of Bondoc Peninsula as welL In 2000, the total

population of Pagbilao stood at 57, 05 5 _ Pagbilao is composed of twenty

seven (27) barangays. Twenty-one (21) barangays are located outside of the

town proper. Six barangays comprise the poblacion or town proper. Most

town proper residents get their water from the Lucena - Pagbilao - Tayabas

Water District (LUPATA), now Quezon Metropolitan Water District. Many

residents of the outlying barangays get their water from open wells, natural

springs and from precipitation (Physical and Socio-Economic Profile of

Pagbilao, 2000).

Pagbilao has a land area of 17, 760 hectares(PSEP of Pagbilao, 2000). A

majority of the landholdings is owned by people living out of the municipality. The

types of soil in Pagbilao are the following: Bantay Clay, Sevilla Clay, Bolinao Clay

Loam, Guadalupe Clay Loam, Macolod Clay Loam, Ibaan Silty Clay Loam, Buquey

Loamy Sand, Buringan Sandy Clay Loam, and Hydrosol. About 12,377.20 hectares

or 69.692% of the total area is devoted to agricultural production. The National

Irrigation Authority provides most fields with irrigation water. Rice fields and coconut

plantations comprise a majority of the town's agricultural lands. Other crops in

cultivation are root crops, banana, corn, vegetables and fruit trees, such as different

varieties of citrus, mango and rambutan. Most of Pagbilao lands have a slope of 0-

3 %. The lands within the boundary of Mauban are hilly and have 8-15% slope.

The mountainous portions of the municipality are situated in the following barangays:

Binahaan, Ilayang Palsabangon, Ilayang Bagumbungan, Kanlurang Malikboy,

Silangang Malicboy, and in the island barangays of Ilaya and Ibabang Polo. The

3,015.16 hectare-forest area of the municipality is found in the earlier stated

barangays. Those in Silangang Malicboy comprise mostly the Quezon National

Forest Park, a dipterocarp forest that houses a number of wildlife species. Pagbilao

has good limestone and industrial lime reserve found in Ilayang Bagumbungan,

Silangan Malikboy, Kanlurang Malicboy and Ilayang Polo.


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Pagbilao has an extensive mangrove forest that lies mostly in Barangay Ibabang

Palsabangon. This mangrove forest serves a number of important roles. It is being

used as a natural laboratory for local and international scientists, students and

researchers that study mangrove taxonomy and do experimentations on mangrove

forest rehabilitation, management and protection. The mangrove forests ofPagbilao

connect to a rich coastal area with numerous strips of white sand beaches and

shallow waters with rich patches of sea grasses and corals. The marine and inland

waters ofPagbilao are utilized for artisan, commercial, aquarium and game fishing.

It is also used for recreation, swimming and bird watching and nature appreciation.

The Pagbilao Bay connects to Tayabas Bay. The marine and inland fishing activities

in the two bays provide employment to thousands of people. A good fish port with

modern fish processing facilities has to be developed in the municipality.

The Impacts of Pagbilao Power Plant operations on the Environment

In 1999, a World Bank report indicated that the Pagbilao Thermal Power Plant

had met the national and the World Bank's environmental standards required of such a

power generation plant. Lysy (1999) notes that in 1998, the plant's annual average

stack emissions of sulfur dioxide was only 27 % of the guidelines that were set by the

IBRD. In the same manner, the annual average nitrogen oxide emissions of the power

plant were only 32% (power unit 1) and 52% (power unit 2) of the IBRD guidelines.

An environmental audit was made to see whether the water effluents standards were

met and whether the ambient air quality levels in the two power generating plants were

complied with. It indicated that the thermal power station had operated in compliance

with the national and international environmental standards, e.g., the average level of

annual generation of nitrogen oxides was only 7.5 % of the IBRD standard.

The Mirant Power Plant has been doing the necessary measures to ensure that

the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and World Bank

environmental standards are met. Officials of the Mirant Thermal Power Plant

Station have shared with the researcher that the company has been active in

undertaking eco-management and biodiversity conservation programs. Since 1992,

the power company has actively assumed environmental stewardship in the project

site. It does so in cooperation with a multi-sector group composed of representatives

74 PUBLIC POLICY


from non-government organizations, the DENR, NPC, and various government

offices at the provincial, municipal and barangay levels. It has initiated tree planting

activities under a program called 'Carbon sink initiative' in upland barangays of

Pagbilao, Quezon since 1997. It has provided 425, 000 tree seedlings for the

reforestation program in the 150 hectare-watershed in barangays Bagumbungan,

Sta. Catalina Ilaya Palsabangon, and Binahaan.

In lowland areas, Mirant Corporation has initiated the rehabilitation of a 150

hectare-mangrove forest area along the coast of the municipalities of Padre Burgos

and Pagbilao, Quezon (Mirant Company brochure, n.d.). It has cooperated in the

development of the Mangrove Experimental Forest at Barangay Ibabang Palsabangon

(Pagbilao) as an Eco-Destination Area (EDA). It has provided 500,038 mangroves,

propagates and supports the local and national government units in Pagbilao, Quezon

in maintaining 112.52 hectares of mangrove plantation (with 92.98% survival) in

the area. With 48 endemic mangrove species, it is the world's second most diverse

mangrove forest (Pakistan has 52 mangrove species). On May 18, 2002 Mirant

established, and successfully maintains, a 10- hectare marine sanctuary at Sitio

Banlisan in Barangay Ibabang Polo, Pagbilao, Quezon.

As part of its Coastal Resources Management Program (CRMP), it has also

initiated programs on cleaning up the coastal area since 2000. It piloted sea grass

transplantation in Sitio Capas-Capas, Barangay Ibabang Polo. It has also

coordinated with the local government units in monitoring illegal fishing activities.

The environmental unit of the Mirant Corporation regularly submits reports to

local and provincial authorities on the illegal fishing practices so that appropriate

action can be done. The Mirant environmental officers have also initiated a bird

sanctuary development at the Pagbilao Power Plant's ash ponds. The ash ponds

host thousands of wild ducks that are endemic to Pagbilao and provide sanctuary

to other bird species that abound in the area. It has established a baseline biological

survey of the wild ducks and other wildlife at the Pagbilao power plant's ash

ponds. The Mirant Corporation cooperates on some environmental programs

with the Kapar Power Plant of Malaysia by exchanging some technical and

conservation practices with them (Personal communications with Mirant

Officials, December 20, 2005).


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Impact of the Pagbilao Thermal Power Plant Project on Pagbilao Grande Island

The Pagbilao Power Plant was projected to bring in changes to the whole island

of Pagbilao Grande and to the surrounding communities as well. The project has

physically connected the Pagbilao Grande Island to the main island of Luzon in

year 2000 through the construction of the 300-meter Quipot Bridge. In the same

year, the construction of the 15 .6-km Binahaan-Ibabang Polo Access Road has made

it easier for people in the Island to move from their community to the Pagbilao

town proper and other areas on the mainland using land-based transportation. A

total of 660 households in Pagbilao Grande Island had access to electricity in 1999

(300 households in Barangay Ibabang Polo, 260 households in Barangay Ilayang

Polo, and 100 households in Barangay Tulay Buhangin) when MERALCO got the

franchise to operate in the area. Other communication facilities became available

to the island residents as well. Aside from the earlier stated infrastructure, the power

plant authorities assisted in the construction of a police station in the area in the

same year to improve the security in the locality. The island residents also obtained

dependable water supply from the eight deep wells that were dug in different parts

of the island with funding coming from the Southern Power Company (formerly

Hopewell). In 2001 the waterworks system in Tulay Buhangin and in Binahaan

were rehabilitated with funding from the company, too.

Moreover, the company has been involved in the facilitation and realization of

the following small-scale infrastructure and building improvement projects in the

island and in other adjoining areas (Mirant Company Brochure, n.d.). They are as

follows:

a) rehabilitation of the St. Anne Parish in Barangay Silangang Malicboy in

2001;

b) construction of a livelihood center at the project resettlement site in 2001;

c) construction of a palay drier facility in Pagbilao in 2002;

d) construction of St. Claire Church's fence in the town of Sariaya in 2003;

e) construction of the Quezonian Livelihood and Training Center in 2004;

f) painting of the St. Catherine Alexandria Parish Church of Pagbilao in 2004;

g) construction of the Pagbilao Central Elementary School Fence in 2005; and,

76 PUBLIC POLICY


h) construction of three Bigasang Bayan facilities and the Bay view

Accommodation Center and Bantigue Chapel.

The Southern company (now Mirant) was involved in improving the educational

facilities in the island. It provided funding for the construction of a high school

facility in the island in 1999. The school has four classrooms, an administration

and faculty building, a library, a canteen and a toilet. More island residents now get

high school education since the secondary educational facility is more accessible to

them. Each year the company awards the two top graduates in the Pagbilao Grande

High School with full college scholarship in any university of their choice. The two

top graduates can then get higher education and improve their chances to get better

employment in the future. Aside from the establishment of the Pagbilao Grande

High School the company had undertaken the following initiatives:

a) construction of one classroom in the Talipan National High School and the

rehabilitation of its toilet in 2000;

b) rehabilitation of seven classrooms, stage, playground, pavement, toilet,

administration building and the library of Polo South Elementary School in

2001;

c) establishment of the Computer Learning Center at Pagbilao Grande Island

NHS by donating 20 computer units in 2002;

d) concreting of pavement, rehabilitation of three classrooms, toilets and the

waterworks system, and the construction of 6 classrooms in Polo North

Elementary School in 2003;

e) concreting of pavement in the Binahaan Elementary School in 2003;

f) construction of four classrooms in Pagbilao National High School in 2004;

g) book donations to the Pagbilao Grande Island NHS, Polo North & Polo

South Elementary Schools, Malic boy East Elementary School,

Bagongbungan Elementary School, Bigo Elementary School, and ''Adarna

Books" to All Day Care Centers of Pagbilao and Padre Burgos' from 2000

to 2004; and,

h) donation of two computer units each to Malic boy East Elementary School,

Pagbilao East Elementary School, Pagbilao West Elementary School, Parang


Zoleta- Nantes

Elementary School, Polo North Elementary School, Polo South Elementary

School, Pagbilao Central Elementary School, Bantigue Elementary School

and the Palsabangon Elementary SchooL

The power plant company has provided funding assistance to a number of

health programs in the island also. It funded the construction of the Ibabang Polo

Health Center in 2001 and the Bantigue Health Center in 2003, and the

establishment of the Botika (pharmacy) sa Isla Grande in 2002. It sponsored the

holding of first aid training awareness in 2003 and has supported feeding programs

since 1998. The company has been providing financial assistance to the Bantay

Kalusugan Programs since 2002. The company has also initiated dental and medical

Missions (since 1999), fire prevention trainings (2003), and provided refresher

courses to the Barangay Health Workers in 2000 and 2003. The company doctor

also occasionally provides free medical services to some residents in the community.

In 2005, the Mirant Corporation donated a computer each to the health centers in

Barangays Ibabang Polo, Ilayang Polo, Binahaan, Silangang Malicboy, Bantigue,

Mapagong, and Alupaye. It has also organized and provided capability-building

trainings and alternative livelihood programs in the barangays ofibabangPolo, llayang

Polo, Tulay Buhangin and Lipata. During the construction phase, the Hopewell

Inc. had given priority to the local residents of Pagbilao for their manpower

requirements and initiated special job-training programs such as carpentry and

environmental-friendly fishing practices to the residents of the island. At present,

the company gives priority to the local contractors and service groups in the island

in providing maintenance services in the power station. The company has been

sponsoring on-the-job training opportunities (OJT) since the year 2000 and it has

benefited 50 persons already. The Mirant Corporation has also initiated the Cadet

Engineer Internship Program in the power plant facility with an initial number of 20

cadets in 2005.

The company has also provided financial assistance to livelihood improvement

programs in the community such as the establishment of a micro-financing scheme,

with the Mothers' Club members as beneficiaries; it gave financial assistance to

backyard farming in 2001 and organic farming in 2004. It helped organize 10

78 PUBLIC POLICY


community-based Mothers' Clubs and supported the monthly alternative livelihood

trainings on bangus de-boning, meat processing and soap and candle making. It

has helped in the organization of five cooperatives in the Pagbilao Grande Island

such as the Kapit Bisig Ugnayan Multi-Purpose Cooperative, Samahan ng

Kababaihan sa Isla Grande Multi-Purpose Cooperative, Kababaihan ng Binahaan

Multi-Purpose Cooperative, Bantigue Mothers' Club Multi-Purpose Cooperative,

and the Bagong Buhay sa Maulawin Multi-Purpose Cooperative. The company has

also assisted in the organization of an association among the island fishermen called

the Samahan ng Pangkalikasan at Pangkaunlaran sa Pagbilao Grande, Inc., and has

facilitated capability building and value formation training. Aside from the earlier

stated activities, the Mirant Power Company has been involved in the provision of

disaster relief goods and financial assistance to the rehabilitation programs in the

towns of Real, General N akar, Infanta, Sariaya, Candelaria, Pagbilao, and the city

of Lucena in Quezon Province and to other disaster-afflicted towns in the provinces

of Aurora, Nueva Ecija and Camarines Sur.

The Experiences of the Development-induced Displacees in the Pagbilao Power Plant Resettlement community in Pagbilao Grande Island:

The following vignettes were taken from the accounts of the barangay officials

and members of the Pagbilao Power Plant resettlement community in the Pagbilao

Grande Island. The interviewees are direct participants in the relocation process of

the development-induced displacement in the area. The vignettes are translations

of the original interviews in Filipino but they are presented as they were narrated by

the interviewees. Minor editing was undertaken for improving the clarity of the

narratives. There were no inputs given by theN ational Power Corporation officials

in this interview process. When the researchers visited the NPC main office in

Quezon City, the persons who used to work in the site could no longer recall the

details of the program. When they were asked for copies of the accomplishment

reports or any documents about the resettlement site, the person responsible for

keeping the records of all NPC resettlement programs was surprised to find out

that all files about the Pagbilao Power Plant Resettlement program were missing

from their file stack.


Zol eta- Nantes

Intendewuith Francisco Partes) a BarangayCouncil.lV!emberon 1tfay 1~ 2002:

Francisco is 46 years old and has been a resident of Barangay Ibabang Polo

since he was born. According to Mister Fortes, the project was started in 1992 by

the Hope\vell Power Plant. After several years, the company's name was changed

to Southern Energy.

Some people who were affected were relocated to the resettlement site in Ilayang

Polo. Others who opposed the resettlement program opted to relocate in St. Martin

Hills where the environmental conditions are not as conducive as their former

settlement site in Sitio Capas-Capas. During the establishment of the project, most

residents here in Pagbilao Grande Island were fishermen and farmers. There was a

hearing conducted to discuss the project and the people were informed of the power

plant establishment in the area. A majority of them protested because they were

made aware of the danger of ash falls and coal dust circulating in our atmosphere.

They were also told by some concerned environmentalist-activists that the coal dust

and ash can increase water acidity and thus affect fish production in the area. He was

one of those who opposed the project because he was afraid that it would bring harm,

in terms of community health and environmental deterioration, in terms of air and

water quality. But since there were only a few residents in the island in comparison to

the total number of Filipinos in the Island of Luzon who will be benefited by this

government energy-generation project, the interests of Hopewell Company prevailed.

What is a thousand island dwellers compared to millions of people who will be

benefited by the project? The national interest is more important than the local

concerns. The power plant has not triggered any serious untoward environmental

incident among them.

Some people got short-term employment during the construction phase of the

Hopewell Power Plant but many did not get employed by the plant at all. The

project, however, brought some positive changes. Electricity became available to

every household who could afford to have it installed and pay the monthly fee.

Hopewell built a bridge that connected the island to the mainland of Luzon and it

also constructed concrete roads in the island which were formerly asphalted. The

barangay got some projects funded by the Department of Energy as the barangay

started to get its share in the power generation. The delivery of water services by

80 PUBLIC POLICY


NAWASA became available almost a year ago (in 2001). Before the entry of

NAWASA in the island, people had to pay two pesos per container of drinking

water. Drinking water used to be brought into the island by the tug boats going

back and forth the town proper.

Later on the name of the pO\ver plant was changed to .1\IIR,<\NT. MIRANT

has initiated a number of environmental-friendly projects in the barangay. For

example, MIRANT started a project to protect the island's coastal areas and its

mangrove resources. It does so to preserve fish nurseries and other marine resources

that depend on the extensive mangrove forests. He pointed out that although he is

happy that MIRANT has initiated this project, they did this project quite late. He

mentioned that in the Memorandum of Agreement they should have initiated the

coastal protection program three months after the plant operations. They were half

a decade late but as one Filipino saying goes, "Better late than never." As a result of

this project however, fishermen were barred from fishing in the area. Now nobody

can fish in Sitio Banlisan and Sitio Bakung. It is good though that MIRANT is

participating in taking care of Pagbilao' s coastal resources. They were effective in

reducing the incidence of illegal fishing in the barangay. The fish catch has not

declined since their operations. They also constructed a high school building for

the barangay, the Polo South Grande High School. MIRANT has done a lot for the

island which used to be a secluded island barangay.

People who were directly affected by the project were compensated for their

losses. However, most of the displaced people were not provided livelihood

opportunities. They were left to fend for themselves (the kanya-kanya diskarte).

The livelihood activities of the fishermen who were displaced from the site where

the power plant now stands were greatly affected since their place of abode now

(the project resettlement site) is located far from the coast.

Interview with Virgilio Calizo) Sr. on May 3~ 2002:

Virgilio is a barangay council member. Before the power plant was constructed

on this island, the houses of most residents here were made of nipa (a local palm

that is used as house roofing and walling material). Only a few houses were

constructed \Vith concrete materials. Most were semi-concrete houses. Many people


Zoleta-Nantes

had no private toilets. There was no water supply before. They dug wells and

potable water was bought from the town proper in water containers and was delivered

by the boat owners on the island shore on a daily basis. Electricity became available

to the island residents who can afford to install the electricity distribution system.

This happened when MERALCO got the franchise to provide electricity in the

island as negotiated by the local government units in Pagbilao.

The power plant company did not follow the agreement that they had before

the construction of the facility. They had agreed that 50 % of the employees who

would be involved in the plant construction and operations should come from the

area. As the project progressed, workers from other towns and cities were the ones

hired and contracted by the Pagbilao Power Plant officials and other contractors

who were working on the project. The reason often cited was that the residents of

the two barangays in the Pagbilao Grande Island were not qualified to fill the jobs

that were needed in the power plant operations. Those employment posts need

specialized training. The people of the Pagbilao Grande Island have not been greatly

benefited by the construction and operation of the plant in terms of livelihood

provision. The majority of the island residents continue to be fishers and farmers.

They fish by night and cultivate small chunks of agricultural lands by day. The

younger members of the island's male population start to fish at the age of 10. One

cannot call this practice child abuse even if the child works at a young age. The

family needs their help and the young need money for themselves, too. The young

boys join the fishing trips not only because they are being trained by their elders.

They need the money that they can earn from the fishing trips. If they do not fish

they will have no money. Young girls and women gather sea cucumbers that will be

sold in the market.

Before the power plant construction, most of the young members of the island

community did not go to secondary and tertiary schools. They lacked the money to

pay for the boat ride and other expenses associated with attending higher education.

It was a good thing that a high school was constructed here with funding from the

power plant company. It allowed more educational opportunities for the younger

members of the community. Still, there are limited livelihood opportunities for

most women in the island. Many women stay in the house as housekeepers and do

all the household tasks the whole day. Some women gamble by playing cards after

82 PUBLIC POLICY


finishing their household tasks. Not many projects for women have been initiated

by MIRANT here in the barangay. They formed a mothers' club in the resettlement

site but we do not know what they do there.

To facilitate its operations, the company built a bridge and concreted the main

road that connects the island to the town proper in the main island. This improved

accessibility to the main island has greatly helped the island residents. The Barangay

Council also has been using the money that the local government receives as its

share in the earnings of the power generation to fund development projects. The

barangay gets 1/ 4th of a centavo for every watt generated in the plant. The last time

it was given to them, the barangay got 9 million pesos. The local officials spent the

money to build the barangay roads in Sitio Little Batangas to Tulay Buhangin. They

also used part of the money for constructing sea walls in the low-lying areas of the

barangay. The Department of Energy, in cooperation with the barangay council,

also facilitated the construction of the barangay hall and basketball court inside the

project resettlement site.

The National Power Corporation (NAPOCOR) facilitated the resettlement

project to relocate island residents who were displaced by the project. People who

used to live in the coastal area where the power plant now stands were displaced by

the construction of the power facility. They were given a house and lot in the

resettlement site. NAPOCOR delivered most of the things that were stated in the

Resettlement Action Program in the area save for the provision of appropriate

livelihood sources and issuance of titles to a number of people.

There was one instance when the resettlement community was given P 2 million

pesos as seed money for establishing livelihood projects. These were undertaken

with the assistance and guidance of the members of the social engineering unit of the

National Power Corporation (NAPOCOR) and MIRANT Public Relations Office.

There were five members of the social engineering unit of NAPOCOR who helped

organize the cooperatives but the project did not become successful. NAPOCOR

organized a cooperative called "Bukluran ng Bagong Buhay sa Mulawin". The resettlers

bought some wood planks, had six tug boats built that were complete with all the

paraphernalia for fishing, especially fishing nets. They bought two units of jeepney.

However, the recipients did not manage the funds well. He thinks that the members

of the cooperatives lacked dedication and they did not know how to make the


Zoleta-Nantes

cooperative work. The wood planks were taken by the members of the cooperatives.

The boats are gone. The fishnets are nowhere to be found while the units of jeepneys

were taken back by NAPOCOR and they do not know where they are now.

NAPOCOR has not been providing enough livelihood opportunities for the people.

One practice of the power plant company that they do not approve of is their

policy of driving fishermen away from the coastal waters near the plant. There was

nothing in the MOA between them and the local government that the company has

full control over their coastal waters. The company prevents local people from

fishing in their coastal waters. Warning shots are fired towards the local fishermen

who happen to go near the plant. As a result, earning a livelihood among the fishers

in the barangay has become more difficult. In a way, company control benefits the

barangay since the guards are able to control illegal fishing, particularly dynamite

fishing. Also, the pier and the areas controlled by the plant have become a fish

sanctuary. Thus, fisheries yield increase in some parts of the barangay.

But there are some alarming incidents caused by the operations of the plant.

On June 7, 2001 the electrostatic precipitator of the plant malfunctioned. For half

a day, the plant was emitting thick smoke and ash falls dispersed all over the island.

On May 21, 2002, the electricity supply tripped. As a result there was a plant shut

down and black smoke prevailed in the area for several hours. Occasionally thick

black smoke would be released during nighttime and early morning hours,

particularly from 2 to 3 am. These incidents bother the residents of the barangay

since the ash, coal dust and the thick smoke are driven by the winds towards and

inside their houses. Although the people do not see the coal dust, they suspect that

this gets into their lungs. However, it is very difficult for the people to prove this

since they cannot see this happening with their bare eyes. When incidents like these

take place and it happens to rain, the color of the rainwater resembles that of milk

with soot. That is one of the reasons why island residents do not collect the rainwater

for household related uses immediately after a rainfall. They let the rain fall for

several minutes before they collect it in water containers. During the times when

the atmosphere becomes dark due to the thick smoke that is released by the power

plant smoke stack, many people smell sulfur-like fumes. During those times more

people seem to suffer from asthma and experience of breathing difficulty. One

problem here is that local people do not have the system to monitor the extent to

84 PUBLIC POLICY


which these things are taking place. MIRANT has told them that they have people

who study these things but the island residents are not necessarily informed of the

results of their study.

One big problem that they encounter as local government officials, in relation

to environmental problems like these, is the difficulty of pressing the government

to do something about environmental problems related to the power plant operation.

Whenever they complain to the proper government authorities, the barangay officials

are asked to provide scientific proofs on the incidence of the problems. In several

instances, they decided to ask the island dwellers to sign a petition and protest

letters to the Pagbilao Town Council. They do it so that the government will do

something to remedy the environmental situation in the island. However, the town

council would just direct them to present the problems to the Quezon Provincial

Council. Whenever the barangay officials face the people in the Office of the

Governor and the members of the Quezon Provincial Council, they would allot

time to listen to their complaints. However, instead of doing something to remedy

the situation they would tell the barangay officials that instead of complaining they

should look for creative ways to deal with the problems. The Office of the Governor

and the members of the Provincial Council would then shelve the barangay officials'

complaints.

Interview with Pacita Tamayo in January 2002:

Pacita is 57 years old. She finished 4th grade of elementary education. Pacita's

family has lived in Sitio Capas-Capas for ten years. Sitio Capas-Capas now houses

the power plant facility. The fishers in her family used to operate in the coastal

waters of Capas-Capas. Some members of her family also did some slash and burn

agriculture and planted corn and sweet potato in the adjoining agricultural lands in

Capas-Capas till they were asked to move out of the area. Her family moved into

the Pagbilao Resettlement Site in 1992. The resettlement site is located in the middle,

and in an elevated portion of the island. Thus, they do not experience any hazard

that is associated with the rise and fall of coastal waters. However, their access to

the artisan fishing site was greatly reduced since the location of the resettlement

site is far from the coast of Pagbilao Bay. There were many things that the


Zoleta-Nantes

NAPOCOR had promised to give them during the time that they were convincing

their family to move into the resettlement site. For example, the NPC personnel

had promised them that there will be free electricity and water supply for them in

the resettlement site. This promise did not materialize. Not only did they have to

pay for the costly water and electricity bills, they often experienced power outages

or brownouts in the site which often lasted for one to three days. The power outages

also lead to the stoppage of water supply in the site since the pumps that bring

water to the water tank of the resettlement site are fueled by electricity. One promise

that was delivered by the NPC was the provision of a house and lot in the site in

1992. However, up to now they do not have a title to the house and lot. They were

promised by the NPC that they would be issued a title to the house and lot after

they have lived continuously for five years in the resettlement site. They worry

about the delay in the issuance of title since they need to have a legal title to show

that they are the rightful owner of the house and lot that they occupy in the

resettlement site. Since they moved into their house, they have not been able to

add anything to the original structure.

After they moved into the resettlement site, her husband worked on a part-time

basis as a gardener of the power plant. He cut grass in the Hopewell compound.

However, the power plant officials did not need his gardening services any more.

Pacita and the other women in the family found no employment opportunities in the

power plant company. They complained to the Hopewell officials about their livelihood

situation and reminded them that the power plant officials had told them before that

they would have priority in the employment hiring of the power plant to help them

earn a living. They also told the power plant company officials that they did not

deliver on its promise of employing local residents. They were hiring people from

other barangays of Pagbilao and from other municipalities nearby. However, the

company officials told them that they cannot hire the residents of the resettlement

site because they lack the needed qualifications to be employed in the plant.

Before they moved into the resettlement site, their family depended on fishing

to survive. Since they moved into the resettlement site, the gasoline cost of hauling

the boat to the coastal waters and docking it by the river that leads to the fishing

waters of Pagbilao Bay has greatly increased. Fishing has become a less profitable

and non-sustainable livelihood for them. For a long time now, her husband and

86 PUBLIC POLICY

Development-Induced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences and Impoverishment and Marginalization in Pagbitao, Quezon and San Manuet. Pangasinan

other family members have no regular form of employment. They often ask for

assistance from their relatives to help them find some forms of emergency

employment. They also go to them for some financial help. Their relatives help

them if they have something to share. Oftentimes though, the relatives do not have

enough to share with them. They resort to some creative ways to subsist on a day to

day basis. They also rely on the help of their neighbors in the resettlement community.

Most of their neighbors in the resettlement site were their former neighbors in Sitio

Capas-Capas and they have blood relations with them so they capitalize on that.

They think that life conditions in their former neighborhood in Sitio Capas-Capas

were much better than what they have now in the resettlement site.

Interview with V'ivian Man san ares in January 2002:

Vivian is 38 years old. She finished 2nd year of secondary school. Vivian's

family is from Sariaya, Quezon. She owns and manages a small convenience store

in their unit in the resettlement site. Her family bought the housing unit that they

now occupy in the resettlement site from the original resettler, Mrs. Remedios

Abanilla. They bought it two years ago for the price ofPhP 60, 000.00. They were

forewarned that the original grantees of the house and lot units in the resettlement

unit are not supposed to sell the units to other people but they took the risk. They

needed a place to stay in Pagbilao Grande Island since her husband works as a

security guard in the MIRANT compound. Her family bought the unit from Mrs.

Abanilla because the barangay captain who has been assigned two house and lot

units in the resettlement site has been buying units from the original awardees in

the resettlement site who moved out of the area. The original occupants of the

resettlement units had decided to get out of the housing site to find better livelihood

opportunities elsewhere. The barangay captain was given a unit (and another unit

later on) on the site even if he did not have a house expropriated by the project

during the plant construction since he was not a resident of Sitio Capas-Capas at

the time of the project negotiations. Mrs. Abanilla sold her house and lot unit in the

resettlement site to Vivian's family since her family needed the money. They needed

money to pay for their monthly water and electric bills and for other subsistence

needs. Mrs. Abanilla's son has a unit located beside the house and lot that is now


Zoleta· Nantes

owned by Vivian's family. Mrs. Abanilla's son has allowed her to stay with his

family in his unit.

Vivian's family does not know when they will get the title to their house and lot

since the contract says that the title of the unit will be issued only to the name of the

original awardees. However, she is confident that there will be no complications

regarding this matter. She heard that the barangay captain and some people in the

resettlement site who live beside the house of the barangay captain were given titles

to their home lot units already.

Vivian related that they do not receive any form of help from the government

and especially from NAPOCOR. They have some community-related problems in

the resettlement site. For example, nobody collects the garbage in the area so they

just burn their garbage in their backyard. Neighborhood relations in the resettlement

site are fine. However, they need to watch out for the security of their property and

their belongings from unwanted intruders. She says this is common in most

neighborhoods anyway. She likes the physical facilities in the resettlement site. The

roads inside the resettlement site are cemented. Likewise, the main highway that

connects them to the power plant and to the town proper of Pagbilao and to the

adjoining city of Lucena and the municipalities of Tayabas and Atimonan are all

concrete. Their life is much better now since her husband has a full-time employment

as a security guard in MIRANT.

Intendew with Lucita Pastorete in january 2002:

Lucita is 40 years old. She finished 4th grade of elementary education. Her

family depended on fishing before they moved into the resettlement site. Their

family still continues fishing but she laments that it is more difficult to fish now.

The resettlement site is located far from the coast so they need cash to pay for the

transport cost (jeepney ride) to go from the resettlement site to the bank of the river

where their fishing boat is anchored. They also need more money to purchase

gasoline to run the boat from the anchorage point to the fishing waters. Their boats

are anchored not by the beach but by the river bank located at least half a kilometer

away from the fishing coast. The gasoline cost needed to bring the tug boat to the

fishing ground has almost doubled.

88 PUBLIC POLICY


They lived for 15 years in Sitio Capas-Capas. They did not want to leave their

former fishing community since they depended on the coastal shores of Capas

Capas for their daily subsistence. But they had no choice. They moved to the

resettlement site in 1992. The NAPOCORofficials had promised them the title to

their unit after five years of continuous stay in the area. They were given a title to

their house and lot in July 2005. It was thirteen years after they moved into the

project resettlement site.

Her husband used to work as a laborer in the Pagbilao Power Plant. He was expecting

to work as a laborer in the Hopewell Plant for three to five years but he got laid off after

working for two years only. There was no need for laborers in the plant since the

construction phase was over. The members of their family were promised free water

and electricity before they moved into the resettlement site. But the promise turned out

to be an empty one. They pay high electricity bills on a monthly basis to MERALCO,

the franchiser of electricity distribution in the island. They also buy water for their

drinking and other household needs. They get their water from the resettlement water

tank. However, the bills are quite high since they need to share the cost of electricity

that powers the pump to bring water into the resettlement water tank. Fishing in

Pagbilao bay was better before the plant was constructed in the area. The coastal waters

were clearer before the plant started its construction and operations in the area. The

seabed was not muddy then. Now the mud is about one and a half feet thick.

Their livelihood opportunities were much better before they moved into the

resettlement site. However, they got used to the difficulties in their life and livelihood

conditions in the resettlement site. They have no other choice. Neighborhood

relations are as fine in the resettlement site as it was before in Capas-Capas because

most of the people who moved here are related to them by blood. One thing that

they do not like is that their backyard gets flooded on a yearly basis because the

creek overflows during the rainy season.

InteiView with juliana Bent oro in January 2002:

Juliana is 60 years old. She finished six years of elementary education. She has

been a resident of Tiayang Pulo since 1988. It was okay for her to be resettled but she


Zoleta-Nantes

did not expect to be relocated to a place far from Capas-Capas. Her tamily' s livelihood

system was heavily dependent on having an easy access to the fishing sites of Pagbilao

Bay. She used to gather coastal shore marine products when they were in Capas-Capas.

She did not have the money to pay for the jeepney or tricycle fare to go to the shore to

gather some marine products. She completely lost her livelihood opportunities when

they were relocated in the resettlement site. They moved to the resettlement site in

1992. The resettlement site is located far from the coastal waters ofPagbilao Bay. The

community's fishing beds are in the bay. She had wanted to move to another coastal

area where they can easily go to the sea to fish and gather other marine products but the

NAPOCORfound no alternative coastal area for the relocation site. They were promised

to be issued a title to the house and lot that they occupy after living there for five years.

Her husband used to work as a carpenter in the Hopewell project site when the

power plant was still being constructed. Her husband had a three-year contract but

the construction period did not last for three years. He was laid off after working in

the plant for more than a year. The job opportunities that were made available to the

island residents because of the construction of Hopewell's facilities were gone in less

than two years. They do not receive any form of livelihood provision or any form of

assistance from the NPC and from the Philippine government. Their life in Capas

Capas before the Pagbilao Power Plant was constructed was much better than what

they have now. Before, they did not have to pay for the water that they needed on a

daily basis since they had their own well then. Before, they only needed to fish to

subsist and live their daily life. Now they often deal with the question of where they

would get their next meal. Neighborhood relations are fine in the resettlement site.

She can depend on them when things get really bad as they subsist on a day-to-day

basis. However, she wants to join the others who have come back to a place near the

coast so that they can have better access to the fishing area of Pagbilao Bay.

Interview with Ophelia Abella in january 2002:

Ophelia is 44 years old. She finished six years of elementary education.

Ophelia's family lived in Capas-Capas for more than ten years. Her husband used

to fish in Pagbilao Bay. Her husband still fishes but at higher operating costs. In

Capas-Capas, the fishermen are nearer to the municipal fishing waters. Now they

90 PUBLIC POLICY


have to consume 2 gallons of gasoline before even getting out to the municipal

coastal waters. Two gallons of gasoline cost more than fifty pesos. Fifty pesos is a

big amount of money for them to spend on gasoline alone. In the early 1990s, they

were able to persuade the NPC to allow them not to move out of Capas-Capas

immediately after the plant construction started. The NPC had allowed them to

operate their convenience stores in the project construction site for more than a

year and then they finally moved into the resettlement site.

She now owns a convenience store and operates a billiard hall in the resettlement

site. Sales at her small convenience store were good, and so were the earnings from

her billiard tables during their first four years of operation in the resettlement site.

However, sales from the convenience store and earnings from the billiard tables

have continued to drop since 1997. Now there are only a few items left on the shelf

of her store. The sales of the store and her earnings from the billiard tables seldom

reach PhP 300.00 a day. She mentioned that it is better to live here in the resettlement

site. Their house is concrete and is much sturdier than their former dwelling unit in

Sitio Capas-Capas. Their former dwelling unit was made of nipa and other non

concrete housing materials. However, they have no alternative livelihood programs

in the resettlement site. Also, the living expenses in the resettlement compound are

much higher than in Sitio Capas-Capas. Everyone buys everything in the resettlement

community, including electricity and water. If one does not have money to buy

food, one will die of hunger.

Some cooperatives for the residents of the resettlement site were formed by

the NPC officials on the resettlement site. She joined the associations that were

formed by the NPC officials. They were given some funding assistance to start up

some livelihood improvement programs before. These were facilitated by the NPC

officials with the help of the employees from the power plant and the barangay

captain but these few projects failed to progress. There was an instance when their

association, under the project management of the NPC officials, purchased fishing

boats, two jeepneys and other items. The project did not prosper. There is only one

boat remaining now and it is rotting on the shore, with the engine and other useful

fishing paraphernalia gone. The NPC officials had assumed the responsibility for

maintaining the two jeepneys. There were small scale livelihood programs that were

initiated in the resettlement site also, like production of rugs and slippers. The


Zoleta-Nantes

women had produced rugs and slippers but they were not able to sell them since

there were no marketing plans.

Some relatives of the residents of the resettlement site had taken it upon

themselves to deal with the livelihood problems of the members of this community.

They entered into contracts with a recycling company in the city of Lucena to hire

them on a daily basis at a subsistence salary. Now a number of the resettlers go to

the recycling plant everyday to clean bottles and do other recycling tasks. A vehicle

of the recycling company fetches and brings these bottle cleaners to and from the

site from Monday to Saturday. It is easier to move from the island to the adjoining

towns now since the roads that connect the island to the mainland are now cemented

or concretized. Other families send their daughters to work in adjoining towns and

cities, and even in Metro Manila. Many have sold their housing units to the barangay

captain (who now owns more than two units) and people from Pagbilao and other

places. The former resettlers have moved out of the resettlement site to squat on

the coastal shores of Pagbilao Bay and other places so they can have access to

fishing waters.

Ophelia's family does not have a title to their house and land unit in the resettlement

site yet. There is a legal problem between the NPC and the original owner of the land

where one half of the resettlement site was built. The original landowners did not want

to give up ownership of the land for a price lower than its market value. They have good

neighborhood relations in the resettlement site since they know most of the residents

here. Most of them are related by blood. However, no government affiliated organization

collects garbage in the resettlement site.

DEVELOPMENT-INDUCED DISPLACEMENT IN SAN MANUEL, PANCASINAN -THE SAN ROQUE MUL TI·PURPOSE DAM PROJECT

The Agno River Basin

The Agno River Basin is the 5th largest river basin in the country with a catchment

area of 8,013.41 square kilometers. It occupies a great part of northwest Luzon. It

is located within 120° 51' 21.1" to 120° 51' East longitude and from 15 8' 29.9" to

16 51' 07.9" North latitude (Agno River Basin Development Commission, n.d.).

92 PUBLIC POLICY


The basin's 270-kilometer river is known as_ the Agno River. It has an estimated

runoff of about 8,044 million cubic meters of water that passes through V-shaped

gorges in the mountain areas of Benguet. The river winds through a rich valley that

is elongated in the north-south direction. The Agno River joins the Tarlac River in

Bayambang, Pangasinan before it discharges into the Ling a yen Gulf. The Agno River

flows through three administrative regions: the Cordilleras, the Ilocos and Central

Luzon (Please see figure 4). The three regions cover 8 provinces, 68 municipalities

and 5 cities. The Agno River's greatness indicates its great ecological and socio

economic value and vast potentials as energy provider to the multi-cultural and

indigenous communities located within and around the area. The outlet of the

Agno River in the Lingayen Gulf, which stands at zero elevation or mean sea level,

has the lowest gradient in the Agno-River basin.

The Agno River Basin is a discrete geographical area. The vast agricultural areas

in the provinces ofPangasinan, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija and a small portion of La Union

cover approximately 50 % of the total area of the Agno River Basin. Its gradient

ranges from zero to 18 percent slope (ARBDC, n.d., 14). The flat lands in this

cluster are found in the cities and municipalities that comprise the Pangasinan Central

West Cluster. These urban centers are the towns and cities of Labrador, Bugallon,

Lingayen, Binmaley, Dagupan, San Fabian, Mangaldan and Calasiao. The lands

rise gently from these areas and reach a gradient of 18% in the western foothills of

the Cordillera mountain ranges in the Pangasinan Central East Cluster. The same

condition applies at the eastern foothills of the Zambales mountain range in the

Pangasinan West Cluster and in Tarlac in the South Cluster approximately at an

elevation of 100 meters above sea level. From here, the ruggedness of the topography

begins. The slope gradients in the Cordillera and Zambales mountain range from

18 to nearly 100 percent. The area is characterized by irregular and jagged ridges

and canyons and peaks that reach an elevation of 2,930 meters at Mt. Pulag' s highest

point. The upland watersheds of the Agno River Basin cover about 39.59 percent

of its total area (ARBDC,15).

The Agno River Basin faces a high and multiple demand for its water resources

whose quality and quantity are now at a critical level. Conflicting activities in the

basin such as demands for service reservoir provision, mineral exploitation,

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 0uly- December 2004) 93

Zoleta- Nantes

~KJometers 02040 00

FIGURE4

The Northern Luzon, Philippines

development of all sorts of infrastructure, the spread and encroachment of

urbanization, agriculture, business, industry and other related activities such as waste

disposal, recreation, tourism, wildlife conservation and landscape enhancement and

environmental degradation make the task of managing this geographical unit a

challenging one (ARBDC, 2). The Agno River Basin Development Commission is

94 PUBLIC POLICY


the government agency that is tasked to oversee the overall coordination of water

related programs in the Basin, through Executive Order 442 and as amended by

Executive Order 140, s. of 1999.

The strategic development plans for the Agno River Basin follow development

plan guidelines of the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), Region I (!locos

Region), and Region III (Central Luzon). The Docos Region aims to develop export

oriented agri-industrial and tourism-based activities on its western seaboard. Central

Luzon's development strategy is anchored on the "W" growth corridor strategy.

This 'W" growth corridor strategy capitalizes on the comparative advantages of the

provinces and growth areas in the region to bring development to all parts of the

region. Meanwhile, the Central Administrative Region, with its 12 river basins that

include the Agno, is the watershed cradle of Northern Luzon. The CAR is the

prime source of water for the adjoining lowland regions as well. It is also a major

source of energy through the hydropower stations of the Binga and Ambuklao Dams

and hydropower stations. A third, the San Roque Multi-Purpose Dam Project

(SRMDP) was recently constructed by the river ..

The site of the SRMDP belongs to the Central East Cluster in Northern Luzon's

Strategic Development Plan. Together with 18 municipalities and one city in

Pangasinan (Alcala, Asingan, Balungao, Bautista, Binalonan Laoac, Natividad,

Pozorrubio, Rosales, San Manuel, San Nicolas, San Quintin, Sta. Maria, Sosio,

Sto. Tomas, Tayug, Umingan, Villasis and Urdaneta City), this cluster has an area

of 1,684.52 square kilometers (ARBDC, 6.3). This is vulnerable to a number of

hazards such as soil erosion, landslide occurrences, and flooding. Travel between

municipalities can be difficult during the rainy season due to flooding problems

and the unpaved roads. Most of the houses are constructed along the few concrete

major roads and already, traffic congestion characterizes these transportation arteries.

The Town of san Manuel, Pangasinan

San Manuel is part of the Central East Cluster (Please see figure 5). The town of

San Manuel consists of 14 barangays (Physical and Socio-Economic Profile of San

Manuel, Pangasinan, 2005). In the year 2000, its population stood at 44, 6.32, with


Zoleta-Nantes

fl..flrll<ilomelers 0 0.5 1 2

FIGURES

San Manuel, Pangasinan

Legend

DamSM

1r Re3oettlement Ate a

- Road Network

c=J MuniC!pi! Bound~ry

13, 808 people living in the town proper (orpoblacion). A total of27, 398 people live

in the barangays outside of the poblacion (Please see table 1). The population has an

annual growth rate of 2.70% and a sex ratio of 101 males/100 females. The average

monthly family income in the area is PhP 9, 662.67 while the average monthly family

expenditure is pegged at PhP 7, 545.42. The town is a 41

h class municipality with a

municipal government income ofPhP 41,431, 235.79. The municipal government

expenditures total PhP 45,008, 145.82. It is not a self-reliant community and needs

assistance from the national government to deliver basic services to its constituents.

96 PUBLIC POLICY


Table 1. Population by Barangay (2000 Census)

Barangay Population No. of households

1. San Antonio - Arzadon 1914 407

2. Cabacaraan 1754 353

3. Cabaritan 1699 338

4. Flores 4768 979

5. Guise! Norte (poblacion) 4360 908

6. Guise! Sur (poblacion) 3201 764

7. Lapalo 1179 249

8. Nagsaag 19865 401

9. Narra 2970 592

10. San Bonifacio 3138 658

11. San Juan 2367 508

12. San Roque 4261 932

13. San Vicente 3091 629

14. Sto. Domingo 4518 926

Source: PSEP of San Manuel, 2005

Table 2. Economic establishments in San Manuel, Pangasinan

Establishments by sector

Wholesale and retail

Manufacturing

Community personnel services

Hotels and Recreation Work

Financing Insurance and Real Estate

Health and social work

Transportation, communication, storage

Agricultural, forestry and fishery

Source: San Manuel PSEP, 2005

Number

237

114

53

24

10

8

4


Zoleta-Nantes

The municipality is located 200 kilometers north of Metro Manila. It is bounded

on the north by Itogon, Benguet and by the Mountain Province. It is bounded on

the south by Asingan, Pangasinan, on the east by San Nicolas, and on the west by

Binalonan, Pangasinan. San Manuel, Pangasinan has two prevailing weather systems.

The dry season runs from December to April and the wet season starts from May to

November. The average monthly temperature in the area is 26.8 degrees Celsius.

Together with the other municipalities in the Central East Cluster, San Manuel is a

predominantly agricultural community. The town has a total land area of 13, 370

hectares, of which 8, 059.37 hectares of lands produce 33, 466.36 metric tons of

rice per year. Other agricultural lands support onion, tobacco, coconut and vegetable

production. However, low agricultural productivity characterizes the town in the

past decades due to lack of irrigation water during the dry months. There are only

15 communal irrigation systems in the town that service 2, 589 hectares of

agricultural land. The National Irrigation Authority system services only 3, 07 6

hectares of agricultural land. The place is affected by too much flood waters during

the rainy season, high cost of fertilizers, lack of post -harvest facilities (there are only

15 rice mills and three warehouses), and some difficulties associated with bringing

the farmers' produce into the major markets. Most agricultural land in the town is

also being converted to other urban uses.

A majority of the farmers is into livestock and poultry production which provides

its single town market and slaughterhouse with a number of goats, cattle, carabao,

swine and chicken on a daily basis. Small-scale retailing is common in the town

with gold panning as one alternative livelihood source. Table 2 shows the other

establishments in the municipality.

San Manuel is vulnerable to a number of hazards such as soil erosion, landslide

occurrences and flooding. Travel between municipalities can be difficult during the

rainy season due to flooding problems and due to the unpaved roads. Not much

planning is given to the town's infrastructure and the system of transportation. There

is a limited road network system and most of the houses are constructed along the

few concrete major roads. At present, traffic congestion characterizes these limited

transportation arteries due to the changes brought about by the San Roque Dam in

the area and the situation is bound to become more serious in the future.

98 PUBLIC POLICY

uevelopment-lnduced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences and Impoverishment and Marginalization in Pagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan

N I

.~~,. w----£ ~(.,l;;.'

5

~~'\_ 1 ~< ~ I)

r

~l<llometers 0 05 1 2 \

FIGURES

Legend - ,AqnoRIVer

£223 Rese!VoJr

c:JCatchment

The San Roque Dam Reservoir on the Agno River System

The san Roque Dam Multi-Purpose Project

The San Roque Dam Multi-Purpose Project exploits the Agno River for energy

production. The San Roque Dam is an earth rock fill dam that now lies in the area.

It has a maximum height of 200 meters. Its three turbines (Vertical Shaft and Francis),

with a maximum gross head of 125 m and minimum gross head of 125 m, can

generate 345 MW of electricity every month. The power plant is of the switch yard

type with high voltage SF circuit breakers. It has the following transmission 6


Zoleta-Nantes

characteristics: voltage-230 KV; lines type- D. circuit; length-9 km. The San Roque

Multi-Purpose Project operates on a minimum of eight hours a day but it can run

up to 24 hours a day. The San Manuel Substation that is located 10 kilometers

away from the plant is connected through a 230 KV transmission line (San Roque

Corporation Brochure, n.d.).

The project aims to reduce the perennial flooding problems in 16 Pangasinan

and Tarlac towns by attenuating the flood peak in the lower Agno River through

the use of the power plant's flood control capacity of 140xl06 cum. Floods with

a 5-year recurrence period will be impounded and floods of greater magnitude

will be routed to contain flows that exceed 2,500 cubic meters per second. In

2004, Liongson indicated that the construction of the dam had altered the flooding

pattern in the area by containing the floodwaters in the impoundment site.

However, a number of local government officials in Pangasinan, including those

of Dagupan City, indicated in 2003 that the sudden rise of floodwaters at the

height of the occurrence of tropical depression Chedeng in their areas of jurisdiction

was due to the sudden releases of floodwaters from the Ambuklao and San Roque

Dams (DelaRosa, 2003). This situation was denied by Speaker Jose de Venecia,

Jr., in the June 2003 edition of Pangasinan's Sun Star. However, the projected

steady silt build-up at San Roque will induce upstream flooding along the Agno

River and its tributaries.

The SRDMP also aims to provide year-round irrigation waters to the surrounding

areas. It will cover 70,800 hectares to 87,000 hectares of agricultural lands that produce

rice and other crops. This will benefit 53, 000 farmers in 28 municipalities of

Pangasinan, Nueva Ecija and Tarlac. The three host communities of San Manuel and

San Nicolas, Pangasinan and Itogon, Benguet are expected to benefit from the

electricity sales of the project. This will give them the Advance Financial Assistance

Fund (DOE ER 1-94) in the amount ofP 9, 470,000.00peryear. The officials of the

three municipalities can use the fund to finance the electrification programs in the

area, the construction of development infrastructure, livelihood and skills training

programs, reforestation and watershed management projects, and health and

environment enhancement programs.

100 PUBLIC POLICY


Displacement of communities due to the SRDMP

The widespread resistance of the surrounding communities to the construction

of the dam was rooted in many causes. One of them relates to a number of untoward

incidents experienced by the residents of the areas that are now submerged under

water and/or are now part of the SRMDP complex. For instance, on July 20,July 22

and July 28 of the year 2002, demolition of houses and evacuation of residents in the

area's vicinity were reported. The houses of residents of Sitio Bolangit, Barangay San

Felipe in the town of San Nicolas, Pangasinan were dismantled and the affected

residents were forcefully evacuated by people who were said to be officials of the

NPC and SRMDP (Otadoy, 2002). The families of the evacuees were asked to sign

some documents, board a chopper, and leave their animals and property behind.

They were given tents to put up in an adjacent area where they lived temporarily.

A total of 718 households were displaced by the construction and operation of

the dam. This figure does not yet include more than a thousand households whose

livelihood sources were cut off by the establishment and operations of the SRMDP.

A more detailed discussion of the topic is found in a related paper of the same

author with the title "Causes and Consequences of Development-induced

Displacements in San Manuel, Pangasinan, The Philippines."

The Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) that was drafted in 1995 for the people

that would be affected by the SRDMP was revised by the NPC in 1999 upon

pressure exerted by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC). It detailed

the objectives of the relocation program as follows: resettlement of households

that maintained their place of residence in the project site, restoration of the economic

conditions of the affected communities, compensation for all property that was

expropriated and damaged during the project construction and operation phases,

and provision of programs that will help improve the conditions of the persons

affected by the project in the resettlement area.

The RAP elaborated that NPC had prepared for the relocation of 7 41 households.

Other activities that were stipulated in the 1999 revised RAP are the following:

1) The expropriation and compensation of individual landowners or occupants

and resource users with land holdings or improvements located within the

project site;


102

Zoleta-Nantes

2) The entitlement of the project-affected persons (PAPs) to the following:

a. payment on expropriated lands based on current market values;

b. payment for houses and any man-made structures in the area which is

based on the current cost of replacement materials and labor in the

locality;

c. payment for fruit-bearing and non-fruit-bearing trees, plants and all

sorts of crops on the lands that will be expropriated and affected by the

dam construction and operations;

d. granting of financial assistance (that should not be less than

PhP15,000.00) to all land tillers; this is equivalent to a year's worth of

harvest, averaged from the past three years gross production yields;

e. granting of a 33-square meter house on a 200 square meter lot (the

Transfer Certificate of Title for the house and lot will be awarded to

the recipient if they reside in the unit for a continuous period of five

years);

f. granting of lot in the resettlement sites for those who prefer to build

their own homes( the Transfer Certificate of Title for the lot will be

awarded to the recipient if they reside in the area for a continuous

period of five years);

g. granting ofPhP 17,000.00 for self-relocatees who may wish to purchase

a residential lot in a different location within the vicinity;

h. granting of a disturbance compensation in the amount ofPhP 7, 500.00;

1. compensation for the cost of ceremonial rites associated with

transferring the remains of their dead relatives and ancestors.

3) For the indigenous people in Itogon who occupy an area in the future reservoir,

the RAP has provided the option of a land-for-land swap, in which they will

be awarded a contract that assures stewardship of state-owned land for 25

years within the Lower Agno Watershed Reservation in exchange of their

ancestral lands. The contract is renewable for another 25 years.

4) The RAP also mentions that the NPC will initiate some Community

Livelihood Development Programs in the resettlement sites to restore their

livelihood sources and help them improve their quality of life.

PUBLIC POLICY


5) The RAP scheme likewise covers the following:

a. The Energy Regulation I-94 which stipulates that a fund, that will be

derived from the energy generation project's income at a rate of PhP

0.0025 per kilowatt-hour generated, would be established for developing

the livelihood systems of persons that were affected by the energy

generating project. The funds will be disbursed through the PAPs'

cooperatives and/or people's organizations as interest-free loans.

b. The NPC Watershed Management Department can employ the PAPs

by contracting their services in the NPC watershed and reservoir

management activities.

c. The PAPs can continue with their farming, gold-panning, charcoal

making, and fishing activities during the dam's construction stage and

operate their own small variety stores and canteens at the construction

site.

d. The PAPs can farm in designated portions of the NPC-managed

watershed area and pan gold upstream of the reservoir during the dam's

operation stage.

e. The PAPs can participate in the operation of transportation between

the municipalities of Itogon, San Manuel and San Nicolas.

However, these resettlement plans were not implemented properly. The

SRDMP has dislocated more people than the ones that have benefited from the

NPC' s Resettlement Action Plan as PAPs or project-affected persons. According

to the NPC officials who worked in the SRDMP, dislocated people include only

those whose houses were burned and had been physically removed from their former

homes in the San Roque dam site and the Bolanggit reservoir areas. They did not

include those who have been economically displaced or whose livelihood activities

were curtailed. They did not include those who have been displaced because of the

project's adverse environmental effects. For example, the victims of the flash floods

that affected many residents of N arra and other barangays on the Agno River banks

were not assisted by the SRDMP. The flash floods in these areas were due to the

change in the course of the Agno River that was effected by the river quarrying or


5

Source_ NPC

Zoleta-Nantes

n_r""LJ

Legend FUNCTION L..JLot CJOpenSpau

EZZa Rereulemom

o ro 100

FIGURE?

The Sitio Camanggan Resettlement Site in Barangay San Roque,

San Manuel Pangasinan

burrowing of dam materials from the river during the dam's construction. These

floods had displaced scores of households on the Agno river's banks. They had to

move out of San Manuel and had relocated to other places such as in other parts of

Pangasinan, the Ilocos Region or in Metro Manila because their houses and farm

lots were greatly devastated by these flash flood occurrences. They do not qualify

as SRDMP's PAPs.

104 PUBLIC POLICY


The NPC developed two resettlement sites in Pangasinan. One site is in the

town of San Nicolas at Sitio Lagpan, Barangay San Felipe East and another one in

the town of San Manuel at Sitio Camanggaan, Barangay San Roque (Please see

figure 7). However, there were only 187 houses in the resettlement areas. The

NPC had provided 187 units to 187 PAPs only. The rest of the 741 households

that were directly affected by the SRDMP chose to be self-relocated or were simply

forced to leave the place. A number of self- relocatees were reported to be still

waiting for some of their compensation money. They were still hoping that some

genuine assistance in developing new forms of livelihood systems will be afforded

them.

The following vignettes relate the experiences of some actors and participants

in the San Roque Resettlement project. The interviews were held from 2002 to

2005. For purposes of writing this report, they were translated into English from

their original Filipino and Ilocano narrations. Only minor editing was undertaken

to keep the narrations in their intact form.

Interview with Bienvenido Basbas) Jr.) on December 2; 2002:

Bienvenido is a NAPOCOR official and site manager of Sitio Camanggaan

Resettlement site in San Manuel, Pangasinan. According to Bienvenido Basbas,

Jr., the San Roque Dam Multi-Purpose Project affected .384 families. He mentioned

that the NPC was able to resettle 188 families. They located the resettlement site

in Sitio Camanggaan in Barangay San Roque in observance of one resettlement

guideline - the community that will be displaced should be relocated in the same

barangay that they were uprooted from. Thus, families that were uprooted in San

Roque were relocated at a resettlement site in the same barangay. They did the

same in the town of San Nicolas, Pangasinan. They did this so that the uprooted

people will not suffer from all sorts of shocks, most particularly, culture shock

associated with development-induced displacement and relocation.

According to the NPC site manager, the NPC officials held a number of

meetings and dialogues with the officers of the affected local government units,

barangay councils, and residents of the barangays before the resettlement plans


Zoleta-Nantes

were finalized. The issues and concerns discussed with the people were addressed

in the resettlement package that the NPC officials had promised to deliver. They

were listed in the NPC's relocation action programs (RAP). The RAP has served

as the NPC officials' guide in the implementation of the resettlement program.

However, he did not give the researcher a copy of the RAP He mentioned that the

NPC officials cannot give a copy of the RAP to anyone who is outside of the NPC

resettlement working team. The document is classified as confidential. He stated

that there were no contracts signed between the NPC and the people regarding the

programs and assistance that are included in the RAP

According to Mr. Basbas, a total of 182 households did avail of the house and

lot package in the resettlement site. These families now live in the resettlement

area. Other households that were displaced by the program availed of lot procurement

and constructed their own house. Other displaced families opted for self-relocation

and they moved to other places. The NPC allocated PhP 50 million to cover the

disturbance compensation packages of all families who lost their houses and other

structures due to the SRMDP construction. The Sitio Camanggaan resettlement

site has been constructed and installed with electricity connection, its own water

supply, a network of concrete roads inside the site, a basketball court, a multi

purpose hall and a chapel. As part of the NPC 's assistance to the families in the

resettlement site, the NPC officials had asked the members of the resettlement

sites to form community associations. They also advised the displaced families to

think of livelihood improvement projects that they would like to implement. There

were six associations that were formed in San Roque and 11 in San Nicolas. Under

a financing scheme, the NPC provided the members of the community associations

with funds for their livelihood improvement projects. Through the years, millions

of pesos worth of livelihood assistance programs under various financing schemes

were given by the NPC to the families that they have resettled. However, the

repayment rate, according to the NPC official, has been very slow.

The NPC officer has indicated that the NPC has guided these families in

undertaking livelihood assistance programs, such as raising cattle, vegetable

production, rice production, and piggery. Some programs are still on-going in the

resettlement sites. However, most of these programs have not materialized

106 PUBLIC POLICY


successfully. The NPC is still in the process of implementing some guidelines in the

resettlement action package. The NPC still supervises and follows through some

of the projects that were implemented by the families who have resettled in the

area, even if they failed or did not prosper. The NPC 's recent assistance to the

families who have been resettled in Sitio Camanggaan was the facilitation of access

to a piece of land in one of the hilly portions of Barangay San Roque. On this lot,

each family is allocated 1000 square meters of agricultural plot. Here the family

members can cultivate any crop they wish to raise.

According to Mister Basbas, the NPC officials are aware that from among the

188 resettled families, a number of them have already sold their rights to the units

that were assigned to them. They sold them to other people who originated from

outside the resettlement site. The site manager has made it clear that the original

owners of the houses and lots in the resettlement community are not supposed to

sell their rights to the units. The NPC will transfer the titles to the resettlement

houses and lots only after the people who have resettled there have occupied the

houses for a period of five years. Most of the displaced people who chose to be

resettled in Sitio Camanggaan have been there since 2000. The NPC will turn over

the titles of the lot and house units to the original awardees by 2006. He mentioned

that the NPC officials have no idea of how many resettlers have already sold the

right to their resettlement units to other parties. The buyer took a gamble on her or

his decision to buy the rights to the resettlement units. The people who have resettled

in the site do not yet have any papers or documents that will serve as proof of

ownership for the unit. The title of the property will be issued only to original

awardees of the resettlement units who have stayed there continuously for five

years. If there will be any trouble pertaining to the ownership of the resettlement

unit in the future, the NPC will not have anything to do with it. The title is to be

issued only in the name of the original occupant of the unit.

As for the NPC's other projects, he mentioned that they have initiated

reforestation programs in the dam's watershed. It maintains a watershed reforestation

project. It does not allow people to do slash and burn agriculture in the area. The

Department of Environment and Natural Resources monitors it on a monthly basis.

According to the NPC 's assessment, the environmental condition in the San Roque


Zoleta-Nantes

Resettlement site has improved a lot. The NPC has also conducted a survey of the

socioeconomic conditions of the residents to compare their living conditions before

the resettlement program and their living conditions at the present time. Questions

such as "If before they were using firewood for cooking what fuel are they using

now?" are being asked. This survey is being undertaken in other resettlement sites

in the town of San Nicolas, Pangasinan, and in Itogon, Benguet, too. The NPC

resettlement project team has not fully completed all the programs included in the

resettlement action package for the Sitio Camanggaan Resettlement site. In the

near future, the NPC officials will initiate the bidding for the construction of the

often flooded rough road that connects the resettlement site to the other districts in

the barangay of San Roque. The NPC also has to install a gate and build a fence

around the periphery. The NPC expects to finish them in 2006.

Interview with Eusebio Marquez in October 2002:

Mr. Eusebio Marquez is 48 years old. He is a member of the SRDMP

Camanggaan Resettlement Site, in Sitio Camanggaan, San Roque, San Manuel,

Pangasinan. He is a high school graduate and a council member in the barangay.

He earns an honorarium of PhP 9, 000.00 per quarter as a council member. He is

a Protestant and a former resident of the dam site. He used to cultivate a rice land

whose area is more than half a hectare and produced 50 cavans of rice a year.

Before the SRDMP, he was also involved in gold panning. His family moved into

the resettlement site in 2000. The whole relocation period took about more than a

year. They were given PhP 7, 500.00 as disturbance fee. Negotiations between the

PAPs, the SRDMP representatives and the NPC officials started in 1998. At the

time of the negotiations, there was no written contract or document that they signed.

There were families like his family who opted to be relocated in the site while

others opted to move somewhere else. He knew of ten families who opted not be

relocated. They decided to move to different places, like Baler, Aurora. Other

families opted to stay with their relatives in nearby places such as Sitio Calaocan

after receiving disturbance compensation and payments for their dismantled houses.

108 PUBLIC POLICY


Their resettlement unit in the site has a lot area of 200 square meters. Their

house in the resettlement site is bigger than their old dwelling. It has two rooms, a

toilet and bath and a kitchen. It is sturdier than their old dwelling. There is a water

tank in the resettlement site that provides for the daily water needs of the community

but they have to pay for the water that they use on a daily basis. There is a chapel

for Protestants in the resettlement site. However, there is no post office, telephone

post, health center, or school. The Catholics have to go to the town proper to attend

mass. The resettlers go to the town center to get their daily needs by riding the

tricycle. However, they still prefer their former house even if it was made of cogon

and was worth only about 50, 000 pesos. Their yard in their former home lot was

more spacious. He used to raise some pigs and chicken in their former place. They

used to have a small fishpond, too. They lost their right to till an agricultural lot in

their former homeland when they moved into the resettlement site. They also lost

their chicken cage and their fishpond on which his family had spent ten thousand

pesos for their construction and development.

He recalls that the NPC had promised the relocatees that if they would resettle

in the site they will not have to pay for anything, including the electricity and water

bills. However, they ended up paying for their monthly energy and water needs.

He also recalls that part of the resettlement program that the NPC had promised

them is the provision of a 29-hectare agricultural lot. This area will be allotted to

the members of their association as agricultural plots so they could farm right after

they had moved into the resettlement site. This lot was not made available

immediately to the resettlers. The NPC officials had told them that there were

several processes to be made before this agricultural lot could be made available.

There was a time when they seriously doubted whether the lot would still be made

available to them. It took several years before the agricultural lot was made available

to the resettlers. It is not a 29-hectare agricultural lot, but a tiller can get a lOGO

square meter garden plot to cultivate instead. He remembers that the NPC officials

had also told them that all able-bodied persons have a chance of working in the

dam and they will be prioritized as beneficiaries when the agricultural lot becomes

available. It turned out that only a few would be able to avail themselves of

employment in the dam facility. Nevertheless, he is happy to realize that the


Zoleta-Nantes

agricultural lot is now available to them after almost five years of not having -access

to a piece of land where they can cultivate farm crops.

He is aware that there are about 196 units in the resettlement site that house

196 families. He relates that the NPC officials had been managing the relocation

program. The NPC officials had convinced them to move out of their homelands

prior to the SRDMP construction when the NPC officials had promised them that

the uprooted people will be given some livelihood opportunities in the resettlement

site. Indeed the NPC initiated some programs for raising goats, pigs and cows,

sewing and biogas production but they were very difficult to sustain since they did

not and still do not have access to any pasture lands. The NPC officials had promised

them access to pasture lands but up to now they have not delivered on their promise.

His present job is raising pigs in a pigpen that they built in one part of their resettlement

unit backyard. They have five pigs which bear piglets two times a year. They earn

about P 100,000 pesos a year from pig-raising. Subtracting all the expenses associated

with pig-raising, they incur a net of P 50, 000.00 pesos or about four thousand

pesos a month. He would like to farm in the agricultural lot that was recently provided

by the NPC to the resettlers on an adjoining hill but he finds it difficult to farm in

an area where there is no irrigation water. He hopes to have a stable livelihood

source in the future.

Most adult male and female members of many households in the resettlement

site have no stable jobs. Many people here are simply sitting down the whole day

due to lack of things to do. The males are usually on standby for work but

employment is difficult to find. There was a time when people from the resettlement

site were employed in the dam as laborers but they have since retrenched especially

after the dam facilities had been built. Men and women here have no other choices.

They cannot farm in the resettlement site. They also do not have access to gold

panning. Even children used to do part-time gold panning. They have totally lost

those income opportunities. The same case stands even among small-scale

businessmen who used to trade in gold. There are not many opportunities for doing

business in the resettlement site. Some women maintain a small convenience store,

or sell small items, vegetables and duck eggs if they can get them on a consignment

basis. Thus, many women simply stay at home, with the elderly and the children.

110 PUBLIC POLICY


His wife is luckier than the other women. She has a small convenience store

which earns a profit of 50-100 pesos a week. What is important, however, is that

the store helps provide for their daily food requirements. It also allows them to

meet the children's daily material requirements. Their living condition was much

better before they were displaced from their homelands. They incur more expenses

in the resettlement now than before. For example, they did not have to pay for the

water that they used to maintain their household, but they do now. They also have

less money to pay for their electricity bill which averages up to P 300 to 400 a

month.

In terms of political participation, there is not much change. He pointed out

that many interest groups and politicians have given them empty promises in the

last five years. He can only hope for irrigation water to be made more available to

the agricultural lot that was allotted to them for cultivation or they can be given

back their farm lots to cultivate. He thinks that the NPC officials and the contractors

in the SRMDP should do something to remedy the stressful situation in the

resettlement site.

Interview with Sabina Guillermo, the registered owner of a resettlement unit

in Sitio Camanggaan, and Marife Lorena, Sabina s daughter, in 2002:

Marife is 29 years old. She is a Catholic, a high school graduate, and a former

resident of Cadanglaan, Narra. She was formerly engaged in gold panning and

used to earn P 300 for panning 8 grams of gold in three days. She is now

unemployed. Her family used to cut trees in the watershed. They transported the

cut logs to the lowlands via the river. They produced charcoal for sale in the

market. Her family did not want to move to the resettlement site but they had no

better choice, and they did on March 23, 2000. She mentioned that the negotiations

and discussions on the relocation process went on for a long time, i.e., from 1998 to

2000. They were given by the NPC officials the amount ofP 5000.00 a month, as

part of their disturbance compensation, when they were uprooted from the dam

site and while they were waiting for the completion of the resettlement site. The

provision of five thousand pesos stopped when they finally moved into the


Zoleta- Nantes

resettlement site. She related that the NPC had facilitated the resettlement process.

There were no contracts given to them. They did not receive a certificate of

ownership of the house and lot but the NPC officials promised them that they

wou1d1 get the title after living in the unit for five years. They were promised

P20,000 pesos if they moved to the site but the NPC did not give them the

P20,000.00. The NPC officials have not completed paying them the rest of the

cost of their farm lot which measured about 5 hectares. The NPC still needs to pay

them 30 %of the total amount. The NPC officials told them that they will not be

given the remaining balance for the land payment since they only have an

emancipation patent to the lands that were expropriated from them. She mentions

that the officials of the NPC were not legally bound to complete their payments

and deliver on their promises because there were no signed written contracts between

the NPC and the PAPs during the resettlement negotiation process. She remembers

that during the negotiation period, the NPC had told them that water in the

resettlement site will be distributed free for their daily use. It turned out that they

need to pay for every drop of water that they will consume. To remedy this problem,

they spent a large amount of their limited funds to build an artesian well in their lot

but they still need to pay for their drinking water. Marife knew of some families

who moved to Sitio Calaocan instead of moving in to the resettlement site because

water is free in Sitio Calaocan. They were issued payments for their expropriated

residential lots.

Her family was given a lot with an area of 200 sq meters and a 3 3 sq. m. house.

The NPC officials had initiated some livelihood training in the site but they did not

institute sustainable livelihood programs in the area. There are no pasture lands or

any space available for such purposes. Many male members of the households in

the resettlement site have no employment because there are no farms to cultivate.

The women and children cannot do gold panning since they do not have access to

the Agno River. The SRDMP had erected gates and fences that prevented the

people's access to the river. The only regular source of income for their family is

that of her brother. Sabina Guillermo has a son who works as a laborer in the dam

construction. They worry since the construction of the dam facilities is near its

completion.

112 PUBLIC POLICY


Although there is not much change when it comes to holding their political

affairs, they notice that safety and security are an issue in the resettlement site.

They have lost chickens in the first few days after they moved into the site. Their

neighbor lost his dog, it simply disappeared. Another problem that they experience

in the resettlement site is that a portion of the main road that leads to the town

center gets flooded when there is heavy rain so accessibility is a problem during the

ramy season.

The pain that was caused when they moved out from their former residence

was deep. They lost their association with their neighbors and their social network

which they used to depend on in their former homes. They do not have fruit trees

and vegetable plants in the resettlement site so they have to buy almost everything

to subsist daily. Their biggest problem is where to find the money to pay for their

electricity and water bills and to meet their daily subsistence needs. There is nothing

promising to do in the resettlement site. There is already a saturation of small

convenience stores in the resettlement site. She hopes that the NPC would deliver

on their promise of providing them with livelihood programs, so they can survive.

Update interview with Sabina Guillermo on October 17,2002:

Sabina's daughter (Marife) now works as a seamstress and earns P 260 pesos

per day.

Sabina has no regular job so she stays in the house most of the time but she

sells plants and baskets whenever there is an opportunity for it. She collects and

sells junk items to add to the household earnings but her earnings still cannot cover

the daily household expenses. She is trying all means to make do with what she

earns. She tried raising chickens in the resettlement site but she stopped doing this

because her chickens often got lost or stolen somewhere in the area. She noticed

that they do not have good neighborhood relations in the area. The members of the

resettlement community do not help or support each other. Seldom do they get

together or undertake any community gathering or activity, e.g., they do not have

any neighborhood Christmas party. She considers their family's living conditions in

the dam site as more desirable than what they have now. Their family could farm

and raise cows in the area. The NPC officials had promised giving them a title to


Zoleta-Nantes

their resettlement unit after five years of occupying it. Up to now, no title has been

issued to them. They still experience the recurring flooding problem on the main

entrance road to the resettlement site. The NPC officials have failed to buy a

certain portion of a property that belongs to a private person. The main entrance

road falls on this private property, thus they cannot improve the condition of the

road. The government does nothing to solve this problem. Both the local and

national government agencies do nothing to solve these problems.

InteJView with Irma Bitano in May 2002:

Irma is 24 years old, married, and a high school graduate. She was a former

resident ofTayug, Legaspi. She used to cultivate rice. She has been a resident of

the resettlement site for two years now. Irma has a clear recollection that the NPC

officials had promised them that if they would give up their house and their farm

lot these would be replaced. They were promised a farm lot in another part of the

Agno Watershed in exchange for their farm lot so they could cultivate crops.

However, there was no written contract signed by both parties so the replacement

of the farm lot was never realized. Nevertheless, they have a house and lot unit in

the resettlement site. The NPC officials had also promised them that they will

develop the resettlement site by providing business opportunities for residents like

poultry raising. Again, the NPC officials did not deliver on this promise. According

to Irma, the NPC officials had convinced them that they would have a life in the

resettlement site that is better than what they had before. NPC paid them

P24,000.00 for their expropriated house and farmland.

The SRMDP officials occasionally provide them with vegetable seedlings. It

hosts trainings on how to make fruitcake but other than these activities, Mrs. Bitano

indicated that no other livelihood trainings was given to them. Some people in the

resettlement site earn a living by driving a tricycle. They experience life as more

difficult here because the only main and stable source of income is if one gets

employed in the dam. Not everyone is qualified to be employed in the SRDMP

site. Moreover, even if her husband has a job in the dam as a water supplier his wage

is not enough to sustain the family's daily subsistence needs. Many children of

114 PUBLIC POLICY


families in the resettlement site have stopped attending school since they now cannot

afford the cost of sending the children to school. She can only hope that the NPC

officials would deliver on their promises of livelihood opportunities and improved

living conditions in the resettlement site.

Interview with Berting del Rosario ( 68 years old) and J:&landa del Rosario

(63Ji:ars old) in 2002:

Berting and Yolanda are members of the Catholic Church. They used to plant

sweet potatoes or camote, rice, vegetables and corn. Berting finished 4th grade of

elementary education while Yolanda completed 3rd grade of elementary schooling.

Berting and Yolanda used to oppose their being uprooted from their former home

and their relocation to the resettlement site. They were not able to stop the SRDMP

and the NPC officials from uprooting them from their home and farm lots. The

two were former residents of the present dam site. The couple were asked to

evacuate their original residence and farm lots in the dam site on very short notice.

They were miserable when their house was dismantled and when they had to leave

their former home and place of work. They moved to Bubon in 1998. They did not

have any idea as to what jobs they would have. They were not sure if they had a

place to stay. At their age, it would not be easy to find a job other than farming.

They do not have a title to the two-hectare farm that they were tilling but they had

been cultivating the land for about four decades already. The NPC officials had

paid them P20,000.00 for their camote crops and a monthly support of P5000.00

pesos for three years after their house was dismantled and left their farm lot and

while they were waiting for the resettlement site to be completed. They moved

into the resettlement site onApril18, 2000. They spent P 1000.00 pesos to facilitate

their move into the resettlement site. After they moved into the resettlement site,

they no longer get the P 5000.00 monthly support from the NPC.

Every arrangement and discussion on the issue of resettlement was finalized in

verbal agreements. There were no written contracts. However, two provisions were

very clear when these verbal agreements were made - the house and lot in the

resettlement site and livelihood opportunities for the people who will agree to relocate


Zoleta-Nantes

in the resettlement site. The house and lot package was delivered by the NPC as

promised but the provision of livelihood systems and the needed jobs were not.

The interviewees stated that in the resettlement site they have a concrete house

but they have no place to farm. They only know how to farm. In the resettlement

site, the roads are concrete but there are no productive activities that they can get

involved in. Unless somebody gives them rice, they have no assured food supply.

The SRMDP has no place for elderly persons like this couple. They can only hope

that their living condition and their life situation would improve in the near future.

Intervjew wHh MJ'rjam Marquez jn 2002:

Miriam is 17 years old, a Catholic, and a resident of Sitio Cadanglaan, Narra,

San Manuel, Pangasinan. Miriam's parents used to be rice farmers who produced

50 cavans of palay every harvest season on a half-hectare land. Now her father

drives a tricycle earning 100 pesos a day while her mother stays at home and sells a

few items in a small retail store with a gross of less than five hundred pesos a day.

They have been living in the resettlement site for more than three years already.

They were given PhP 7, 000.00 as disturbance compensation plus the right to live

in the house that they are in now. They took PhP 500.00 from their disturbance

compensation and used the money for renting a truck to transport their things from

their former home to the resettlement site. They had no choice because if they did

not leave their home and their farm lot, they would be submerged under water.

They were promised employment in the dam facilities but most family members

of their uprooted community were not hired. Instead the SRDMP hired foreign

workers. Miriam's parents had a hard time explaining to the younger members of

their family that they had no money to provide them with their school needs. Her

parents did not know exactly how to explain to them that they cannot buy the items

that they need on a daily basis since they are now unemployed. Together with some

elderly members of the community that became unemployed when they were uprooted

from their traditional living spaces, Miriam's parents now while away their time playing

the local variation of Russian poker in the Philippines or the tong-jt.

116 PUBLIC POLICY


Miriam related that life is more difficult in the resettlement site since they

have no regular source of livelihood. In the resettlement site, they have to buy

everything that they need to survive everyday. Before, they did not need to buy

food (rice, root crops, vegetables, pork and chicken meat) since they can get them

from their farm. She remembers their former house in the now submerged dam

site as sturdy, although it was not made of concrete construction materials. In the

resettlement site, the house is made of concrete materials but they are of substandard

quality. She pointed out that the windows are now disintegrating since the materials

that were used for its construction were of low quality. Miriam mentioned that

many people promised to help them but they did not deliver on their promises.

Their words and pledges were just empty promises. There are not many things that

await the young people in the resettlement site. She mentioned that she can only

continue being a good student and hope for things to get better in their new home

at the resettlement site. She expects the NPC to deliver on their promises.

Update on Miriam Marquez in 2002:

Miriam Marquez was in Taiwan as an overseas worker. She went there once

before and she did not finish the term of her contract of employment because she

was often badly beaten by her former employer. The experience did not stop her

from going to Taiwan again. She sees no other way that she can earn a decent

income here in the resettlement site, nor in San Manuel, Pangasinan, nor in any

other place in the country.

Interview with Oscar Caldito Cuaresma in 2002:

Oscar is 33 years old at the time of the interview. He is a Catholic, married,

and a high school graduate. Oscar was a former gold panner in Sitio Cadanglaan,

Narra, San Manuel who used to earn about P 7000 a month. He used to produce

charcoal out of wood and earn an additional amount of PhP 400.00 a week. He

now works as security guard in the SRMDP compound. He earns 185 pesos a day

and he has no day-off privileges. He earns much less now than before the

implementation of the SRDMP He had heard that there were about ten residents


Zoleta-Nantes

in the dam site that did not agree to move to the resettlement site. They received

some amount of disturbance compensation from the NPC officials and they had

moved to other places. One is now residing in N a wac, San Esteban.

His family was made to leave their former home lot in 1998. The area of the

lot was approximately 700 square meters. They were temporarily relocated to a

place in barangay San Roque. They received a PhP 5, 000.00-monthly support

from the NPC for about three years. They also received from the NPC officials the

amount ofPhP 15,000.00 as part of their disturbance compensation. When they

moved to the resettlement site they were told that they will only get a certificate for

occupying the house and lot unit. The title to their home lot will be given to them

after five years of living in the resettlement site. They were also given PhP 7, 000.00

as part of the disturbance compensation and PhP 11, 000.00 for their crops. They

were supposed to receive the amount ofPhP 70, 000.00 as payment for their farm

lot but the NPC officials had only given them PhP 40, 000.00.

Contrary to what the NPC officials had promised them, one wall of the house

structure that they now occupy is not made of concrete materials. The water supply

in the resettlement site is often problematic. Women have to fetch water from a

distant water source. The NPC officials in the resettlement site control the water

flow by turning the valve off from 5 pm to 5 am. He hopes that more water wells

will be constructed in the area.

Update on Oscar Caldito in October 2002:

He still works as a security guard of SRMDP He has no other source of income.

He plants squash and other vegetables in the agricultural lot that was made available

by the NPC officials to the residents of the resettlement site about a year ago. His

family does not yet have the title for the home lot that they occupy. The NPC

officials have not delivered on their promise of building a concrete peripheral fence

in the area. What it built was a fence made of chicken wire.

His income as a security guard of the SRDMP does not suffice for his family's

everyday subsistence needs. This is true especially during the matriculation period

when his children have to pay their tuition fees to continue their schooling. They

occasionally incur debts from informal sources to make ends meet. Oftentimes

118 PUBLIC POLICY


they borrow rice from their neighbors so they can feed their children during those

lean days. If a member of his family gets sick, his wife asks for the assistance of the

health workers in the barangay health center and gets whatever medicine is available

for everyone suffering from minor sicknesses.

Interview with Cecilia Obaldo in October 2002:

Cecilia is 30 years old. She completed 4 years of high school education. She is

a resident of Sitio Camangaan in block 2, Lot 6. She remembers clearly that there

were 187 of them who opted to be resettled on the site. The resettlers' families,

houses and farm lots were surveyed by the officials of the NPC. The officials had

verbally discussed most of the things that the NPC resettlement team had promised

to provide them. The NPC officials had interviewed them many times regarding

their farm and home lots. They were given disturbance compensation in the amount

ofPhP 7, 500.00 and were asked if they wanted cash payment for their house or if

they would opt to be resettled. They chose to be resettled. When they were asked

to leave their house while the resettlement site was still being constructed they were

given a financial support ofPhP 5, 000.00 a month. The NPC officials had promised

to give them employment. Her husband was employed by SRDMP for a while as

a construction worker, but immediately after the dam was completed, her husband

was laid off by the SRDMP The NPC officials also gave them a house whose title

will be awarded them after five years of continued occupancy in the unit. However,

they have been living in the resettlement site for more than five years but they do

not yet have a title to the home lot. Cecile cannot remember all the discussions

that transpired during the negotiation of the details of the relocation process. The

NPC officials talked only to her husband and not to her. Her husband made all the

decisions regarding this resettlement process.

Her husband now works as a jeepney driver. However, he does not drive

everyday. He only drives when there is a jeepney unit available for extra trips.

Occasionally, she makes slippers. This is part of the NPC livelihood provision

program. Sometimes, they help in the rice planting activities of people they know

in Sitio Cavite, Barangay N arra, San Manuel. Their earnings are not always enough


Zoleta-Nantes

for meeting their daily needs. To survive they ask neighbors and other family members

for loans. They also try to reduce their daily needs and change their spending

practices.

They found it difficult to adjust in the resettlement site because they buy

everything that they use here, including water. They have never paid for the water

that they consumed in their former place. They need money to pay for their

electricity bills. They think that their electricity supply and current connection will

be cut off since they have not been able to pay their monthly bills for several months

already. Since they do not have access to agricultural lands now, they have no other

source of livelihood. They also lost their other sources of livelihood such as charcoal

making and gold-panning. Their living conditions were much better then.

There were no problems with their neighbors in the resettlement site since they

have known their neighbors from way back in their former settlement area. They

were made to choose as to who would be their neighbors so they decided to group

themselves. They can always depend on their neighbors if they have extra resources

to spare them. However, most of them do not have much, too.

As for their children, they have not been greatly affected by the resettlement

process since they are still young. They are still attending school now. The future

may offer them something different though.

The environmental conditions in the resettlement site have since improved.

The mango trees that were planted in the home lots are bigger now. They now have

small gardens where they plant some vegetables that they eat on a daily basis.

Occasionally, they would receive some assistance from NPC. For instance, the

NPC officials had once provided a P 20,000.00 loan to their cooperative so they

can start up small-scale projects like production of slippers, or raising pigs. These

loans need to be paid on a monthly basis starting on January 2006. There is one big

problem, however. They have not sold all the slippers that they had made. Although

there is a lot of suffering here, there is nothing that they can do. They send their

complaints to the NPC, the SRDMP, and the LGU officials but they all fell on deaf

ears. But they do not lose hope.

120 PUBLIC POLICY


InteiView with Celia Aquljo in October 2002·

Celia is 45 years old. She used to live in Kalinga Apayao but her husband is

from San Manuel. Celia's family is the new occupant of a resettlement unit in Sitio

Camanggaan. They bought the house in the resettlement site from his uncle

(Guillermo Castro) for a price ofPhP 140,000.00 in 2001 even if they were made

aware that it had no title yet. Her uncle now lives in Sitio Cavite, Barangay N arra,

San Manuel. The legal ownership of the house will be transferred to them upon the

release of the original title from NPC. Her uncle had discussed this property

ownership transfer with the NPC officials. The NPC officials had agreed to the

arrangement to sell the house since Mister Castro had sold it to a relative of the

original home lot awardees. Her uncle would then facilitate a transfer certificate of

title upon the release of the original title to the home lot by the NPC officials in the

near future.

Her uncle sold the house since he could not maintain it. He had no source of

income since he was resettled here and he had to pay for everything (water bills,

electricity, food) and other needs to subsist. He used part of the cash that he received

from the couple to buy a tricycle. He now drives a tricycle to earn money to support

his family. He lives in Cavite where most of his relatives are. He is not the only one

who sold his right to a home lot in the resettlement site. There are at least 30

resettlers who have sold their house to outsiders already. The prices by which the

home lots were sold vary. The price ranges from PhP 20,000.00 to PhP 180,000.00

per unit.

Celia and her husband had converted the fa<;ade of the house into a small sari

sari store that she now manages. Her husband is a soldier and is based in Fort

Bonifacio. The couple has one child who attends school at San Manuel. They try to

make ends meet if they are short of cash by getting short-term loans from the bank.

They have friends in their neighborhood in the resettlement site but they also maintain

some distance from them. As far as they know, the residents of the resettlement site

were given some form of livelihood assistance by the NPC officials. Celia and her

family are not included in the livelihood programs since they are not among the

original group of resettlers. Her family does not get any help from the NPC officials,


Zoleta-Nantes

nor from the barangay officials. She indicatea that one pressing issue that affects

them now in the resettlement site is the lack of outflow for the resettlement site's

drainage system. Another problem that really affects them is the regular flooding of

the main entrance road to the resettlement community every rainy season because

of its conditions and its low elevation.

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS OF DATA AND SOME PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS

The Impacts of the Power Plants on Host communities

As can be deduced from the information presented on the Pagbilao Power Plant

Case, the coal-powered plant company has been effective in bringing positive changes

to a majority of the residents of the Pagbilao Grande Island. The Quipot Bridge that

the company had built to support its operations in the power plant site connects the

island to mainland Luzon. Moreover, the road concretization that the company had

invested in to support its plant operations in the power plant site had connected the

main transportation artery of Pagbilao Grande Island to the Maharlika Highway.

Maharlika Highway is the national artery in Southern Luzon that traverses many

municipalities of Quezon Province. This national highway leads to the nation's capital

city of Manila and up to the northernmost part of the island of Luzon. The same

highway connects the Pagbilao Grande Island to the southernmost province of Luzon.

It is now easier for the residents ofPagbilao Grande to move to the different cities and

municipalities of Luzon to look for better opportunities using land -based transportation.

The coal power plant corporation had installed many physical and social services

infrastructure in the island, the most important of which is the Pagbilao Grande

High School which opened a lot of opportunities for the young members of the

island population. They can now get some form of secondary education that would

make them more competitive as they look for better employment outside of their

island community. The power plant has been generating funds for the implementation

of various development programs as the barangay partakes of the earnings from its

energy production. Although there were several incidents in the past when the

island residents were bothered by the blackening of their local atmosphere due to

the heavy smoke that the plant occasionally released, and there were several instances

122 PUBLIC POLICY


when their house furniture would be covered by ash dust and soot, their

environmental conditions seem to be fine. Increasingly, the condition of the

mangrove stand on the coastal shores has been improving, as the upland watershed

Palsabangon River becomes greener and more vegetated. This river supplies the

water that is used by the plant for its daily operation.

In the same manner, the San Roque Dam Multi-Purpose Project has been

generatmg power for about three years already. Similarly, the SRDMP had concretized

the road that traverses Barangay San Roque and connects it to the road network of

San Manuel, Pangasinan to support its construction activities and plant operations.

The concrete road has improved the accessibility of the different patches of rural

communities in different barangays which it traverses. Also, the concrete road has

been popularly used as a drying area for removing the moisture of newly harvested

palay, corn and other farm products. The concreting of the road has encouraged the

construction on both sides of the road of modern and concrete houses with vehicle

garages. These are owned mostly by people who work full-time in the plant facility

and by overseas workers in the area. The SRDMP also has initiated some community

improvement projects such as holding livelihood training programs in its training facility

inside the power plant compound. Some examples are quilt-making and women

accessory production such as necklaces and bracelets made out of different stones

and beads. However, some gaps need to be filled in the whole development picture

in the barangays that were directly affected by the construction and operation of the

two power plant facilities in the towns of San Manuel, Pangasinan, and Pagbilao,

Quezon. They relate to the everyday survival conditions of the people who were

uprooted from Sitio Capas-Capas, the site where the coal power plant facility now

stands, and were relocated to the Pagbilao Power Plant Resettlement site, and the

persons who were displaced from the dam site in Itogon, Benguet and, in San Nicolas

and San Manuel, Pangasinan, where the hydropower plant facility now stands.

Timely Payment Of Just Disturbance compensation And Land Payments

One major complaint of those who were uprooted from their home and farm

lots to give way to the San Roque dam construction is the failure of the NPC

officials to complete the payments for their expropriated property and deliver on


Zoleta- Nantes

some pledges they allegedly gave during the displacement negotiation phase. These

uprooted people clearly remember how much the NPC officials still owe them.

However, it is going to be difficult for them to prove their complaints in a legal

forum since they do not have any written documents that lay out NPC officials'

promises. Only the officials of the NPC hold the written terms and records of the

resettlement action plan. This brings to light the importance of corning up with a

written agreement between the PAPs and the NPC officials regarding the terms of

their relocation agreement. The need for a signed written agreement between the

NPC officials and the PAPs is salient both for the protection of the rights of the

PAPs and for maintaining the integrity of the NPC officials. This needs to be

implemented in future uprooting and relocation programs.

It is also important to define the notion of confidentiality in matters of public

documents like in the case of the resettlement action plans. Why should the members

of the NPC social engineering team be the only persons to have full access to the

written copy of the RAP? Making the RAP accessible to all interested parties will

provide the needed transparency that is necessary to gain public trust on how this

task is being undertaken. It will also give the PAPs some degree of protection

because they will have the needed information necessary to participate in monitoring

how projects suppose to assist them are being undertaken. Controlling access to

information, such as the contents of the RAP, skews the power relations between

negotiating parties. The PAPs should not just be on the receiving end of the

negotiating table. They should have access to all information that will definitely

impinge on their future. Nevertheless, this problematic concern is just one among

others that should be modified and improved; e.g., negotiating processes crucial to

the implementation of displacement and relocation programs.

One issue that needs further consideration is what constitutes fair disturbance

compensation. Due to the SRDMP, the residents of the resettlement site's uprooted

families had completely lost their home lots and productive farm lands. They also

lost open access to any productive livelihood source in the area due to the space

requirements of the dam facility. The amount of disturbance compensation and

land payments that were given them by NPC officials proved to be small. The land

payments and disturbance compensation were not adequate for the PAPs to procure

or purchase even a much smaller size farm land. Providing the PAPs a chance to

124 PUBLIC POLICY


own another productive piece of land will enable them to obtain a certain degree of

normalcy after their displacement from their homelands_ However, the land

payments that they received were not enough to buy another piece of land. This

reality makes them clearly grasp the magnitude of their losses in the displacement

process. The question of what is appropriate and just compensation is important to

clarify in this regard. One needs to change the questionable and non-working

assumptions that are being followed in the computation of land payments that are

due the PAPs. The formula used for the computation oflosses should incorporate

the process of reconstituting their productive systems, not simply the replacement

of livelihoods and the corresponding income that they derive from them ( Cernea,

1996). It should be highlighted that the displacees lost not only their income for

the day or for the entire year, but their

main source of yearly income for decades.

The replacement of the loss of the main

source of income needs to be prioritized

in any uprooting and resettlement

procedure.

One should critically look at the

implications of the way the government

determines payment for the expropriated

Government officials base the computation of land payments and disturbance compensation on the present assessed market value of all structures that will be dismantled.

property of displacees. Government officials base the computation ofland payments

and disturbance compensation on the present assessed market value of all structures

that will be dismantled. The government assessors assign value to the properties

for tax relation purposes and not according to how much they can be purchased by

another party. Their assessed market value is much lower than the price it commands

on the land market if the property is put on sale. This makes salient the argument

of Cernea that "compensation for the loss of assets needs to be at replacement cost,

not market value" ( op cit, 26). The displaced farmers will not be able to buy another

piece of land to replace and restore the productive systems that they have lost due

to their uprooting. As experienced by these PAPs, the amount of the disturbance

compensation and land payments that they got from project proponents who were

responsible for expropriating their property did not enable them to purchase another

piece of land. What they received was one fourth of what was needed to purchase


Zoleta-Nantes

the same size of land in any other area within the project site vicinity. The amount

of disturbance compensation and land payments were not even enough to sustain

them during the first few months of their stay in the resettlement site when they did

not have any source of income to support their daily living expenses. The displacees

need to be compensated more for the loss of their productive systems.

One needs to recognize that the displacees will start their life and their

productive activities anew in the new living space. They need to put in place the

necessary initial infrastructure so they can have a productive system to depend on.

Money for this kind of livelihood restoration activity should have been allocated by

the project proponents for the development-displacees. This makes salient failure

on the part of the government resettlement planners and project proponents "to pay

proper attention to how people would make a living in resettlement zones" (Scudder

and Colson, 1982, 270). The funds for resettlement should not just be on the

provision of housing and social services during the uprooting process. Funds have

to be allocated for addressing the needs of the PAPs to restore their productive

systems to reduce the negative impacts of the whole uprooting and relocation process.

This kind of sensitive development projects should not simply be relegated to a

social engineering unit of the NPC. There has to be an inter-governmental agency

that would gather inputs from economists, social workers, and other people on

workable uprooting and resettlement strategies that would be less impoveri"l1ing to

the PAPs. The experiences and sensibilities of these development workers and

professionals will greatly help, say for example, in arriving at a proper computation

of costing that is needed for undertaking activities such as reconstituting of

livelihoods (Cernea 2000).This will avoid a very insensitive way of looking at the

costs associated with uprooting and relocation. As Pearce had pointed out "the

costs need to include the full social costs, which include the loss of non-priced

environmental and cultural assets, loss of social cohesion, loss of market access

and psychological damage; environmental economics provides a model for how to

include these costs(l999 :52,5 3)." He indicated that "questions of economic

sustainability also need to be taken into account, among them intergenerational

equity. This requires that stocks of capital assets be no less in the future than now;

capital assets involved in resettlement include not only the everyday notion of capital,

126 PUBLIC POLICY


but also the stock of skills and knowledge (human capital) and environmental assets

(Pearce 1999:59)". Arriving at a fair and just costing of disturbance compensation,

land payments, and restoration oflivelihood systems is crucial to avoid the further

impoverishment of people who in the first place have given out so much for a

government project to be undertaken.

Livelihood Provisions And Access To Possible sources Of Income In Resettlement Sites

Another glaring difficulty faced by many members of the two resettlement

communities is the lack of employment opportunities for the resettlers to earn a

decent income, or any income at all. The situation is similar for the adult family

members of Pacita Tamayo, Lucita Pastorete and Julian Bentore in the Pagbilao

Resettlement Compound, and Sabina Guillermo, Berting and Yolanda Del Rosario,

Miriam Marquez and Cecilia Obaldo of the San Roque Dam Resettlement site in

Sitio Camanggaan, San Roque. Joblessness is one big problem that will be faced by

the PAPs. Joblessness is a very difficult

thing to deal with by people who had been

living their life independently either as

fishermen, marine product gatherers,

farmers or livestock raisers throughout the

years. Total loss of employment is more

difficult to bear if compounded by the

fact that there is nothing they can

productively involve themselves in within

Another glaring difficulty faced by many members of the two resettlement communities is the lack of employment opportunities for the resettlers to earn a decent income, or any income at all.

the new place of abode. The lack of access to any space or source of materials from

which the displacees can base new or alternative livelihood activities is debasing.

Not only did the PAPs face a difficult condition of having to deal with landlessness

in two different situations, i.e., when they were displaced from their lands and

when they moved into the resettlement site with no land to cultivate at all. They

also spent their everyday life with the distressing experience of not being able to

work and provide for their family needs.


Zoleta-Nantes

This was seen in the case of the PAPs in Itogon, San Nicolas and San Manuel,

Pangasinan. They were dispossessed of their traditional productive lands which

had primarily supported their families' subsistence for several generations. These

people had been disassociated from their time-tested knowledge base and

production systems. They were displaced from a life following a systematic ordering

of seasonal agricultural, social, cultural and political activities. All these life rhythms

were intricately connected and related to the characteristics and potentials of their

productive land spaces. They were autonomous in planting rice, root crops, fruit

trees, vegetables and taking care of livestock animals such as cows, pigs, chicken

and other fowls for decades or even centuries in their traditional homelands. They

buried their ancestors, built their families' histories, shaped their identities, and

planned their life trajectories in those productive spaces. All these they did

independently. They did not ask for nor received much help from any government

or private entities. Suddenly these people found themselves without any piece of

land to cultivate and get daily sustenance from. These formerly self-supporting

people are now trapped in a resettlement community, whose peripheries are fenced,

and whose access to livelihood production systems is deficient. Any person will

find this condition problematic to build their lives upon, or even to anchor one's

daily existence.

The displacement had cut off their access to their common resources on the

banks and watershed of the Agno River, too. It has to be remembered that most

people who live in the peripheries, such as in the uplands and in the rural areas of

many river valleys, have small landholdings. They forage a lot from their surrounding

open-access spaces to contribute to their daily food supply. Foraging on the resources

that are available in open access common resources add to their household operating

capital. When they were uprooted from these common resources they lost the

shield that buffered them from experiencing food shortage. These difficulties,

associated with the alteration of their livelihood system and loss of capacities for

foraging and food production, are the conditions that they have to deal with in their

new home lots in the resettlement site. This explains why most resettlers find

themselves in a condition more impoverished than before, even if they have concrete

dwelling units.

128 PUBLIC POLICY


The fishermen in the Pagbilao resettlement site face a similar condition. A big

chunk of the income of the fishermen of Sitio Capas-Capas is derived from harvesting

the products of the marine resources ofPagbilao Bay, and also that ofTayabas Bay.

These fishers were trained to base their subsistence on, or exploit and explore the

open coastal waters all their growing up years. Then they were uprooted from a

physical space that offers direct access to municipal fishing grounds. They were

relocated to a fixed physical space in the middle part of an island with no direct

access to coastal waters or marine resources. At the same time, these fishermen

were not given extensive support and training to deal with a primarily land-based

dwelling site. They were also devoid of access to productive agricultural plots. The

loss of access to common property as experienced by the members of the relocated

fishing community in Sitio Capas-Capas and the farmer-forest gatherers and gold

panners on the watershed and waters of the Agno River had considerable impact on

the livelihood and survival of these people. It still does. To say that this experience

had cut off their income source is an understatement. Acknowledging that it has

curtailed their life source is nearer the truth.

Another grueling adversity that the residents of the Pagbilao Resettlement Site

have undergone for the last thirteen years is the lack of livelihood programs that will

open up opportunities for them to earn money. As observed by barangay officials

Virgilio Calizo and Francisco Portes in Barangay Ibabang Polo ofPagbilao Grande

Island, one perennial source of hardship among the development-displacees who

were relocated in the Pagbilao Resettlement Site is the lack of livelihood

opportunities. This prevents them from earning money to buy more gasoline that is

needed to run their boat engines to earn a living as fishermen. As stated earlier, this

problematic condition was brought about by the considerable distance between

their living space and boat anchorage areas and the Pagbilao coastal waters. Having

not enough money to buy gasoline that would enable them to fish has been putting

them further down the ladder of the subsistence pit. The fact that they need to

have cash to pay for the monthly water and electricity bills that are crucial for the

maintenance of their modernized and more comfortable concrete dwelling units

adds to the dire need to have a regular source of income. The urgency of providing

them with sustainable livelihood opportunities is glaring.


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It is not that the NPC officials have done nothing. The NPC officials had

provided the resettlers with training on how to raise pigs in their backyard, and

pasture goats and cows and other livestock in the SRDMP resettlement site.

However, the resettlers are left on their own to source out a big chunk of the needed

capital to procure the necessary materials to build the pig pens and chicken cages so

that they do not get stolen. They also need access to pasture lands to raise cows

and goats successfully. Unfortunately, most members of the resettlement site lack

the needed capital and access to both common agricultural and pasture lands. The

fact that the NPC officials had granted the SRDMP resettlers some access to 1000

square meters of cultivation plots so that they can cultivate vegetable crops five

years after they were relocated to the resettlement site, can not really be seen as a

blessing; it came in a little bit, too late for some twenty members of the SRDMP

resettlement site who had sold their units to outsiders who were interested to own

their home lots. Indeed, one may, call this a blessing if one does not take into

account that the relocatees in the Pagbilao Resettlement site, up to now, have no

access to any agricultural plot that can offer them some livelihood opportunities

after staying in the compound for more than thirteen years.

social Differentiation And Demographic Issues rn Resettlement Sites

In development-induced displacement and resettlement cases, the importance

of looking at the different actors in the process not as monolithic entities but as

diverse participants is paramount. Take into account the female adult members of

the households in the SRDMP resettlement site. The NPC officials in the SRDMP

resettlement site have been giving training on how to make fruit cakes, slippers,

necklaces and bracelets that are made out of beads and other non-precious stones.

However, the women have no capital to invest in these entrepreneurial activities nor

the marketing strategies and connections to support them. Also, sometime in the

year 2000, a livelihood scheme was introduced by the spouses of foreign workers in

the SRDMP power plant facility. This livelihood scheme involved women in quilt

making activity. A woman earned P75.00 in three days for making and finishing up

one piece of quilt (for beds). A woman worked eight hours a day for three days to

130 PUBLIC POLICY


earn P75.00 per quilt or 25.00 a day for quilt-making. Although exploitative, this

livelihood scheme had been provided to the women affected by the dislocation

process. However, this does not suffice to provide women members of the

resettlement community with livelihood opportunities that are long-term and have

fair remunerative value.

This discussion brings to the fore one issue not considered by people who were

involved in planning resettlement action programs. Attention should be placed on the

diversity of people who are uprooted in implementation of development programs.

One should remember that these development projects uprooted and relocated adult

male members of households, plus the women, the young and the elderly in the

households. The concerns of these differentiated groups need to be studied closely.

Programs have to be undertaken to address them since they have different characteristics

and varying needs. These groups played important roles in maintaining household and

livelihood operations before they were

uprooted from their traditional

homelands. These groups have

important roles to play in the

resettlement site as well.

The elderly members of the

displaced communities have different

health conditions, mental capabilities

and possess different skills and

capacities to learn new ones. These

peculiarities have to be taken into

This discussion brings to the fore one issue not considered by people who were involved in planning resettlement action programs. Attention should be placed on the diversity of people who are uprooted in implementation of development programs.

account as the elderly are forced to deal with the demanding physical and social

changes that are associated with getting displaced from traditional homelands and

relocated into new and less nurturing environments. It may be true that children or

the young members of the population are more open to changes that are brought

about by displacement and relocation activities. However, there are things that still

need to be taken into account to help the children adapt better to the demands of

the new environment. It is important to provide them ample educational

opportunities. This will equip them as they get incorporated into the larger society


loleta-Nantes

that absorbs their community altogether. The young has to have better chances to

participate in mainstream economic activities and political decision-making so they

will not be made sacrificial pawns again in future government-initiated development

undertakings.

Women have always been regarded as silent participants in displacement and

resettlement processes. Often, if not always, their concerns and needs are relegated

to the background. As related by the experiences of the housewives who were

interviewed for this study, the project proponents only talked to their husbands

when they were discussing the details of the uprooting and relocation processes.

As a result, even their simple needs were not highlighted nor taken into account.

Women displacees were seen as appendages of male members of uprooted and

displaced communities. Thus, they were not compensated for the disturbances the

two programs had caused on their lives.

The female shell-gatherers in Sitio Capas-Capas were not seen as a separate

group of PAPs. They were simply seen as housewives or daughters of the male

fishermen who were categorized as heads of households. The same thing happened

to the women of the displaced communities of Itogon, San Manuel and San Nicolas.

The economic values of their participation in agricultural activities were not taken

into account by the NPC officials. The economic values of women's non-reported

activities such as loom-weaving, sewing, backyard gardening, maintenance of small

convenience stores, chicken raising, fruit and wild vegetable gathering, and other

activities that supported their household and livelihood systems were not

compensated for by the project proponents.

The concerns of the resettled women, such as finding them some vegetable

gardening plots or areas to gather marine shells from were not prioritized. It is now

widely known that women make ends meet in household sustenance and

maintenance. They also provide most animal protein and minerals (from fruits and

vegetables) on the dining table of households in rural areas. Women gather them

from nearby environments or raise them in backyard gardens themselves. The water

resources or fuel materials that women provide to sustain family members are not

valued. Not only males but also females fetch water and gather fuel wood for the

household's daily consumption. Thus, when women moved into the resettlement

site, they came in as part of the baggage of male adult members. They did not have

132 PUBLIC POLICY


cash to contribute to the household daily expenses since they received no disturbance

compensation from the project proponents that they could call their own. Almost

all disturbance compensation is tied up in the production systems and livelihood

activities that are well-recognized by the public domain as that of the males.

The resettlement action programs are also not socially differentiated. The

farmers who only possess emancipation patents and did not yet have the actual

legal titles to their lands received lesser amounts of land payments compared to the

amounts that were paid to those with legal land titles. The compensation for

expropriated properties of physically dislocated people has greatly benefited

landlords more and the tenants less. Large percentages of remunerations that were

due to tenants (because of improvements they have done on the lands and crops

they had planted through the years) had been appropriated for the landlords who

held legal land titles.

It is interesting to bring up an issue that concerns the San Roque Dam Multi

Purpose Project Resettlement Site. It relates to the question of "who qualifies as a

Project -Affected Person?" Does the term only cover persons directly uprooted from

the project development site or should it include other people whose livelihood

and living spaces were in some manner curtailed and destroyed by activities related

to the project construction? Scores of families in Barangay Narra, San Manuel,

whose houses were devastated by the flash floods and whose life patterns were

changed by the burrowing or quarrying of construction materials that were used for

dam construction, were forced to move out of their flood-ravaged houses and

water-devastated rice and vegetable lands. Many of these families had moved out

of San Manuel and relocated to other places in Pangasinan, Ilocos Region and

Metro Manila because their houses and farm lands were totally devastated by the

floods. NPC officials did not classify them as PAPs. What about the gold panners

who were living on the dam site but whose existence depended on free access to

the gravel and sand and waters of the Agno River? They did not qualify as PAPs

either. What about the farmers, or fishers, in the downstream of the river whose

source of water for irrigation or migrating fish was seasonally or permanently curtailed?

Should not they be categorized as PAPs? The problematic question of who qualifies

as a PAP needs more discussion and elaboration in future displacement and

resettlement programs.

VOLUME VIII NUMBER 2 0uly- December 2004) 133

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Impoverishment And Marginalization Of Development-Induced Displacees And Relocatees

The preceding sections show the difficulties faced by the uprooted who were

relocated, and then neglected in the resettlement sites of Pagbilao Coal-Powered

Plant and San Roque Dam Multi-Purpose Project. Their loss of traditional livelihood

systems, loss of access to resources and productive lands, and corresponding

unemployment and underemployment contribute to their further marginalization.

The resettlers recognize this discouraging situation themselves. Pagbilao resettlers

realize that the future is bleak for most of them. They know that many members of

their former community in Sitio Capas-Capas, who had cooperated to move into

the resettlement site, sold their house and lot units either to the barangay captain,

to some migrants to Pagbilao Grande Island or other interested parties. These

members have moved out of the resettlement compound to squat on a coastal

shore in nearby or faraway places to find a living but they are willing to face another

environment with a lot of risks and uncertainties. They are not afraid to venture

into another life characterized by insecurities because they had lived anyway with

so many insecurities for thirteen years in the resettlement site.

As indicated by the experiences of the members of the two resettlement sites,

their loss of independence in food production, and their present livelihood problems

have caused deficiencies in their daily food requirements. Insufficient nutrition

among the young, the adults, and the elderly members have had serious impact on

the general health conditions in the two resettlement communities. Many of the

resettlers are also suffering from conditions of helplessness. This is evident in the

males resorting to drinking alcohol and the females to addiction to card gambling.

The trauma and other psychological imbalances associated with displacement and

relocation experiences are not simple to deal with.

Flood-related problems also beset the two resettlement communities. Due to

the lack of drainage in the Pagbilao Resettlement site, most backyards are flooded

during the rainy season. This is compounded by the fact that there is no systematic

garbage collection in the area. Vectors of different diseases often find refuge in

areas where garbage abounds. Garbage problems, the proliferation of communicable

134 PUBLIC POLICY


and infectious disease-vectors and seasonal inundation by floodwaters, threaten

the Pagbilao Resettlement site.

In San Roque's case, the floodwaters that inundate the main access road to

the resettlement site bring not only physical dangers to the young children of the

resettlement compound, but may also result in transmission of water-borne

communicable parasites and diseases. Thus, the need for reliable medical facilities

and competent health services personnel in the resettlement sites.

Economic marginalization activities greatly contribute to the disintegration of

the relocatees' social network systems and social capital. The forced removal of a

group from their traditional homeland greatly disrupts their social relations. One

should remember that the drive to maintain one's self-reliance and to continue

defending one's rights as a member of a group depends on the availability and

integrity of cultural resources and economic, political and social capital (Koenig

2002). The uprooting of people from the traditional cultural, social and political

resource bases leads to a number of unwanted outcomes. Among them are loss of

identity, dispersion of kin groups and weakening of extended family cohesion and

community institutions. It leads to the dispersion of mutual formal and informal

help patterns and the dismantling of community and social organizations.

Widespread loss of forms of social capital may also result. These processes can

greatly erode one's confidence to face life challenges. A decrease in faith in one's

traditional society leads to cultural impoverishment and eventually lack of interest

in political representation and participation. This will further lead to loss of political

power and contribute to a feeling of helplessness. This makes difficult the process

ofbouncing back to one's original condition.

The Need For Democratization Of Development-Induced Displacements And Resettlement Activities

It seems an oxymoron to say that development-induced development activities

can be and need to be democratized but this point cannot be overemphasized. For

example, many members of the Pagbilao Resettlement Site had received some form

of assistance from the power plant and NPC officials. However, these forms of


Zoleta-Nantes

assistance did not really have lasting positive effects on the resettler's living

conditions. Most of the programs ended up as failed undertakings. Part of the

reason why most programs ended up as failures was that the residents were never

seriously involved in the planning of livelihood programs in the newly-established

communities. In fact, they were not even consulted on the choice of relocation site

(which should have taken into account their livelihood as fishermen.) Increased

local autonomy and democratizing all these negotiation and planning processes

could have led to the better definition of their rights as human beings, and other

benefits from the whole development process. Appeal mechanisms could have

been put in place and due process ensured.

Crucial to making informed decisions and more people responsive programs is

the availability of appropriate information. For future resettlement programs,

developing a data-base on the capabilities of the relocatees would make possible

the identification of appropriate livelihood programs. Apropriate skills training is

necessary for the reinstitution of livelihood systems in new environmental settings.

The skills improvement program should be varied and must be drafted within a

wider context of the regional economy (demands, supply and market opportunities).

This is necessary for the sustainability of the livelihood reconstitution programs to

be assured. Offering diversified choices to reconstitute the new livelihood systems

of the resettlers is crucial. This should not be seen as new since one should remember

that before the PAPs were uprooted and relocated, they had varied income sources.

The contributions of the private sector to enhancing livelihood and production

schemes in the resettlement sites should be explored since its support will diversify

the livelihood resource base. Likewise, the participation of the civil societies and

non-government organizations in empowering the displacees must be secured at all

times.

Is The NPC Social Engineering Unit The Right Institution To Undertake The

Resettlement And Relocation Processes That Are Associated With DID?

The conspicuousness ofNPC officials' inefficiency in delivering important life

support programs raises questions on their capability to handle these development

activities. It is time to delegate the undertaking of resettlement program activities

to privately-run professional organizations with highly trained and properly motivated

136 PUBLIC POLICY


personneL It is important to recognize that there are other government agencies

and other private groups which have more efficient organizational skills, more

informed planning strategies, and the foresight and sensibility to implement

resettlement programs successfully. It is evident that the major proponent of

resettlement programs should have the necessary training and determination to

come up with more sensible resettlement strategies. The organization must

recognize that the primary responsibility of the proponent of a resettlement program

is not simply to provide housing for the relocatees but to help them build their life

anew. The major proponent of a resettlement project should be mindful of the

need to cooperate with the people in planning, implementing and monitoring of

strategies on resettlement and rebuilding community structures, community

relationships, social networks and social cohesion.

on The Government's commitment And Funding Allocation To Resettlement Programs

The NPC officials have indicated that lack of funding had prevented them

from efficiently implementing their resettlement strategies. This may be a valid

excuse for their unsuccessful implementation of the resettlement programs in the

two project sites. As indicated by a World Bank study, sufficient funding is necessary

to allow the implementation of more responsive resettlement strategies (De Wet,

2002; Koenig, 2002). However, although funding is a major determinant, it should

not be the sole determinant of the success of resettlement program implementation.

The uprooting and relocation activities need to be integrated within the ongoing

development initiatives of the country, and particularly in the region where the project

is implemented. This is necessary for synergy to take place and attain the best

results for the resettlement programs (de Wet 2002). Thus, the government must

be clear on its commitment for the efficient realization of the resettlement programs.

Again, the role of the state serving as one of the project proponents and also as an

arbiter between the displacees and the project proponents can be questioned.

However, no institution is in the best position to deliver a more responsive

resettlement program than the state. This cannot be relegated to the hands of

business and private organizations alone. The private organizations always act for


Zoleta-Nantes

the realization of their own proprietary interests. The issue becomes "How do you

make the state a better arbiter?" This question requires a lot of discussion; it highlights

the need to gather a unified array of locally-based and international groups that will

pressure the government to pay proper attention to the needs of the development

displacees (Rew, Fisher and Pandey, 2000). Other government institutions whose

interests align with those of the resettlers can also be tapped. Concerted effort

among these institutions should ensure relocatees of the fruits of development, a

decent and comfortable life and not a life of poverty.

• • •

Acknowledgments

I owe much to the residents ofPagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan

for their utmost cooperation during the conduct of this research. The research

assistance that was rendered at different periods by Lev AI burt Dacanay, Jon as

Gaffud, Evangeline Katigbak,Joemy Lillo, Simeona Martinez, Lou Ann Ocampo,

and Angelo Paras are well-appreciated. Many thanks to Maria Josefa Nantes for

editing the final draft of this research. Funding assistance from the University of the

Philippines' Center for Integrative and Development Studies and the Office of the

Vice President for Academic Affairs of the University of the Philippines System

has facilitated the completion of this study.

138 PUBLIC POLICY


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programs/gsc/publications/quarterly9/muggahpressing.pdf.

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142 PUBLIC POLICY

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

AGNES ROSARIO A. DE LEON is National Trustee of the Philippine

Mental Health Association. She is a retired Professor of the College of Public

Health, University of the Philippines Manila. De Leon is Vice-President of the

Philippine Society for Quality in Health Care.

DULCE D. ELAZEGUI is University Researcher at the Institute of Strategic

Planning and Policy Studies, College of Public Affairs, University of the Philippines

Los Banos (ISPPS, CPAf, UPLB).

JENNIFERP. T. LIGUTON is Director for Research Information, Philippine

Institute for Development Studies, Makati City, Philippines. As Director she has

been responsible for the promotion and dissemination of research outputs, helping

to have them inputted into mainstream deliberation and discussion policy issues.

DORACIE B. ZOLETA-NANTES is Associate Professor and Chair of the

Department of Geography in the University of the Philippines, Diliman. Nantes

does research on community displacements due to large-scale infrastructure projects

and vulnerabilities to flooding and other environmental hazards.

AGNES C. ROLA is Professor and Director, Institute of Strategic Planning

and Policy Studies, College of Public Affairs, University of the Philippines Los

Banos (ISPPS-CPAf, UPLB). The result of Rola's research on pesticide use in

rice was considered as one of the bases for the policy banning hazardous pesticides

in the country.

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JULY- DECEMBER 2004


Agnes Rosario A. De Leon

How Community-Based Research Influences National Policy: Water Management in the Philippines

Agnes C. Rola,Jennifer P.T. Liguton, and Dulce D. Elezegui

Development-Induced Displacement, Resettlement Experiences, and Impoverishment and Marginalization

in Pagbilao, Quezon and San Manuel, Pangasinan Doracie B. Zoleta-Nantes

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