A Better Self(ie): The role of

visual social media content in

today's understanding of

physical beauty

Diploma Thesis

BC. PAVLÍNA HORNOVÁ

Brno 2020

FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES

Název práce

Thesis supervisor: Tae-Sik Kim, Ph.D.

Department of Media Studies and Journalism

Media Studies and Journalism

I hereby declare that I wrote this diploma thesis independently.

All the primary and secondary sources I used are properly cited

and acknowledged in the bibliography.

Brno, 9. 8. 2020

……………………………

Bc. Pavlína Hornová

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Bibliographic record

Author: Bc. Pavlína Hornová Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University

Department of Media Studies and Journalism

Title of Thesis: A Better Self(ie): The role of visual social media content in today's un-derstanding of physical beauty

Degree Programme: Media Studies and Journalism

Supervisor: Tae-Sik Kim, Ph.D.

Academic Year: 2020

Number of Pages: 104

Keywords: understanding beauty, social media, Instagram, beauty standards, phys-ical beauty, technology use, beauty apps, photo enhancement, social comparison, critical theories, qualitative research

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Bibliografický záznam

Autor: Bc. Pavlína Hornová

Fakulta sociálních studií, Masarykova univerzita

Katedra mediálních studií a žurnalistiky

Název práce: A Better Self(ie): The role of visual social media content in today's un-derstanding of physical beauty

Studijní obor: Mediální studia a žurnalistika

Vedoucí práce: Tae-Sik Kim, Ph.D.

Akademický rok: 2020

Počet stran: 104

Klíčová slova: chápání krásy, sociální sítě, Instagram, standardy krásy, fyzická krása, používání technologií, zkrášlující aplikace, upravování fotek, sociální porovnávání, kritické teorie, kvalitativní výzkum

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Abstract

This qualitative study explores how often unrealistic visual content on social media

affects young women's understanding of physical beauty. Particular focus of this

study is on Instagram - a very popular social network among young adults used to

share solely photo and video content. The study investigates perspectives and expe-

riences of 12 female participants aged 19 to 25 years via semi-structured interviews

addressing topics regarding social media use, appearance-related media portrayals

and the role of technology in beauty perception. By means of Festinger’s social com-

parison theory and selected critical media theories participants’ perspectives and

choices are explained. The findings suggest various levels of social comparison

tendencies among participants. Participants who expose to beauty-related images

report feeling pressured, experiencing negative feelings and having the need to com-

pete due to internalization of beauty ideal. Some participants choose to avoid the

beauty normative and seek for more diverse portrayals of beauty. The power of

body-positive content on social media to elicit positive feelings in young women

through social comparison is another crucial finding. This study helps to understand

how young women understand beauty in the age of unlimited photo-enhancing pos-

sibilities. It addresses current issues regarding social media use further research

could develop.

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Abstrakt

Tato kvalitativní studie zkoumá, jak mnohdy nerealistický vizuální obsah na sociál-

ních sítích ovlivňuje pohled mladých žen na fyzickou krásu. Důraz je kladen přede-

vším na Instagram - sociální síť sloužící ke sdílení pouze foto a video obsahu, těšící

se značné popularitě mezi mladými lidmi. Studie se zabývá pohledy a zkušenostmi

dvanácti participantek ve věku 19 až 25 let. Prostřednictvím semi-strukturovaných

rozhovorů jsou zodpovídány otázky na témata jako je používání sociálních sítí,

mediální reprezentace krásy a role technologií na chápání krásy. Festingerova teorie

sociálního srovnávání a vybrané kritické teorie médií slouží k vysvětlení perspektiv

a voleb participantek studie. Zjištění vypovídají o tendencích k sociálnímu srovná-

vání o různé intenzitě. Participantky, které se vystavují vizuálnímu obsahu souvise-

jícímu s krásou, se cítí pod tlakem, zakoušejí negativní pocity a cítí potřebu soutěžit

s ostatními v důsledku internalizace ideálu krásy. Některé participantky se vědomě

vyhýbají normativu krásy a hledají rozmanitější reprezentaci krásy. Moc body-posi-

tive obsahu na sociálních sítích vyvolat u mladých žen pozitivní emoce vlivem soci-

álního srovnávání je dalším z klíčových zjištění. Tato studie pomáhá objasnit, jak

mladé ženy vnímají krásu ve věku neomezených možností úprav fotek. Zkoumá

současná témata týkající se používání sociálních sítí, která by mohly budoucí studie

dále rozvíjet.

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Acknowledgements

Hereby I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Tae-Sik Kim, Ph.D. for

his consistent guidance, helpful advice and extremely kind attitude throughout the

whole writing process. Great thanks also belongs to Mgr. Johana Kotišová, Ph.D. for

her point of view and valuable comments, just as it belongs to doc. Mgr. Jakub Macek,

Ph.D. who recommended her to me. Further, I am extremely grateful to all the par-

ticipants of this study for their trust, willingness to let me investigate their private

life, their time and the patience they had with me. But most importantly, I want to

thank my family and close friends who supported me the whole time and believed

in me mainly in the times I could not believe in myself.

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Table of Contents

I. INTRODUCTION 11

II. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 14

1) Critical theories as an explanation of media influence on people 14

2) Social pressures and the urge to compare 19

2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison 21

2.1.1) Digital practices of social comparison 22

2.1.2) Selfies and appearance comparison 23

2.2.1.1) Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat - famous platforms for posting

selfies 23

2.2.1.2) Selfie editing 25

2.2) Social media - comparison intensifies 27

2.3) How to avert the doom - body positivity on social media 31

III. METHODOLOGY 35

3) Research methods 35

3.1) Research purpose 35

3.2) Research questions 36

3.3) Research methods 37

3.3.1) Qualitative research 37

3.3.1.1) Phenomenological study 38

3.3.1.2) Interview guide 40

3.4) Research sample 40

3.4.1) Demographic information of the participants 42

3.5) Data collection 43

3.6) Data analysis 43

3.7) Research limitations 45

3.7.1) Ethical concerns 45

IV. FINDINGS 47

4.1) Theme 1: Exposure to ideal content 50

4.1.1) Is it real or is it just pretty? 50

4.1.2) The Instagram face 54

4.1.3) You should want to be beautiful 56

4.1.4) Under pressure 60

4.2) Theme 2: Avoidance of ideal content 63

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4.2.1) The fear of internalization 63

4.2.2) Substance over form 65

4.3) Theme 3: Seeking alternative content 69

4.3.1) Diversity over homogeneity 69

4.3.2) The power of body-positive content 71

4.3.3) Anti-consumerism on social media 73

V. DISCUSSION 76

5. 1) Discussion of the demographic criteria 76

5. 2) Discussion of the findings 77

VI. CONCLUSION 83

VII. BIBLIOGRAPHY 88

7. 1) Publications and articles 88

7. 2) Internet sources and statistics 96

VIII. NAME INDEX 98

IX. SUBJECT INDEX 100

X. APPENDIX 101

Appendix 1: Informed consent 101

Appendix 2: Topic guide 102

Appendix 3: Mind map 104

Word count: 28 126

I. INTRODUCTION

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Beauty rules the world. Available research suggests that beauty is believed to be related to a

number of positive traits, furthermore, being beautiful equals success and happy life. There is a vari-

ety of studies supporting a common myth that what is beautiful is also good (Kaplan, 1978; Eagly et

al., 1991; Mehrabian, Blum, 1997; Hazlett, Hoehn-Saric, 2000;). Clearly being beautiful is desirable,

but who determines what is beautiful? Although beauty can be understood as relative and highly

individual a concept, it is still under pressure of social norms dictating particular set of desirable

features. Moreover, social norms are significantly influenced by the media, as not only they reflect

but also help to consolidate these norms (McLuhan, 1994; Grogan, 2016). Social preferences are also

majorly influenced by the market, because desirable is what generates profit (Adorno, Horkheimer,

1997).

The pursuit of beauty goes hand in hand with the human psychological need to compare one-

self to others. Based on social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) individuals automatically engage

in various levels of ability and opinion comparisons which can have both negative and positive ef-

fects1 on their well-being, depending on the type of comparison and the target group individuals

compare themselves to (Fardouly, Pinkus, Vartanian, 2017). Social comparison can occur in any

online or offline environment, nevertheless, this study is concerned with manifestation of social com-

parison on social media, particularly in case of young women. Based on previous research, women

tend to engage in appearance-related comparisons more than men. They are also more likely to inter-

nalize unrealistic beauty standards portrayed in media (Strahan, Wilson, Cressman, Buote, 2006). In

addition to that, women put more effort in maintaining and updating their profiles on social media

(Stefanone, Lackaff, Rosen, 2011). This extends to so-called selective online self-presentation, ena-

bling the individual to choose what to share online in order to present themselves in the most positive

light (Walther, 1992; Hancock, Toma, 2009).

The study is interested in social comparison taking place in the online environment, because

social media are the most popular media outlet among young women (Kimbrough et al., 2013;

Muscanell, Guadagno, 2012). It is important to stress that social comparison occurring on social me-

dia is specific, because young women are not only exposed to the selective self-presentation of ce-

lebrities, but also to the content shared by peers and friends (Fardouly et al., 2015; Fardouly, Var-

tanian, 2015). Previous research also indicates upward social comparison is more frequent on social

media than downward social comparison, encompassing the issues of superiority, likability, social

connectedness and physical attractiveness (Chua, Chang, 2016; Vogel et al., 2014; Feinstein et al.,

2013). Such comparisons often result in negative emotions and negative self-perception (de Vries,

Kühne, 2015; Feinstein et al., 2013; Lim, Yang, 2015; Vogel et al., 2014; Weinstein, 2017).

1 Negative effects are usually elicited by upward comparison, positive effects by downward comparison. See

chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison.

13

Since the focus of the study is on visually-oriented social media practices of young women,

it is essential to address the topic of visual self-presentation on social media as well as the specific

social networks convenient and used in this regard. Self-portrait photographs commonly known as

“selfies” are an extremely popular means of self-presentation on social networks (Mills et al., 2018).

Although these can be easily posted on Facebook, the most popular SNS2 whatsoever (Clement,

2019), another social network seems to take over considering visual content and that is Instagram3.

Instagram enjoys considerable popularity, especially among teenagers and young adults. Ac-

cording to data from 2018, Instagram is the fastest growing SNS, while 41% of its users are aged 24

years our younger (Clement, 2018). In this study, the focus is primarily on this social network, not

only due to its popularity among young people but also for its nature. Unlike Facebook, Instagram is

a solely visually-oriented SNS, offering variability of features for photo enhancements (Clement,

2019). Posting selfies online goes hand in hand with the selective self-presentation, hence with selfie-

editing which has become a standard on social media (Rajanala, Maymone, Vashi, 2018). Conse-

quently, women are exposed to idealized, reality-warping images on Instagram which can strengthen

social comparison tendencies (Wang, 2019) and lead towards more excessive selfie-editing (Chae,

2017). It is crucial to focus on the impact of images on young women, since viewing visual content

on SNSs specifically is linked to a more negative self-perception, compared to other SNS activities

(Meier, Gray, 2014; Holland, Tiggemann 2016).

The aim of this study is to investigate how young women themselves perceive the impact of

image-based content on social media on their perception of beauty. Therefore, the role of this quali-

tative study is not to discover the actual effects of online visual content on young women, but rather

to understand how young women feel their perception of beauty is affected by such type of content.

This stance is in accordance with the selected phenomenological approach, focusing on one’s lived

experiences. By means of thorough qualitative interviews, the researcher gains information regarding

participants’ visual social media practices, their view on the impact of technology on beauty and the

extent to which they feel personally influenced by the beauty-related media portrayals.

The study consists of three main sections: Theoretical background, Methodology and Find-

ings. The theoretical part presents critical theories that help to shed a light on how society, its mem-

bers and even their opinions and choices are shaped and majorly influenced by the media. Medium

has an incredible power to impose particular agenda and only through acknowledging it and under-

standing it, the power and its manipulative potential can be weakened (McLuhan, 1994). The theo-

2 = social networking site 3 Overwhelming majority of participants in this study report Instagram as their number 1 social networking

site, see chapter IV. Findings.

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retical chapters also offer an extensive body of relevant research substantiating the societal appear-

ance-oriented pressures - the driving force of social comparison, and express the necessity to focus

on social comparison on social media. In addition to that, last theoretical chapter illustrates the posi-

tive effects of social comparison and the contexts in which they may occur. Methodological part

addresses the methods and objectives of this study and justifies the chosen approaches. It provides

the reader with a general view of the overall research process, including the indispensable information

regarding the research sample, interview guide or research limitations. The last section discusses the

findings of the study in detail, addressing the collected and analyzed data. Subsequently, the data are

interpreted in order to answer the main research question, stated as follows: “How today’s visually-

oriented social media practices affect young women’s perception of beauty?"

II. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

1) Critical theories as an explanation of media influence on people

As for human behaviour, people are not lead purely by their own decisions. Well they are, but

those decisions are majorly influenced and formed by their surroundings, by norms of the society

constituted by the power of the media. Media, as Marshall McLuhan (1994) describes it, are exten-

sions of human senses. Each new medium or technology affects our lives both on personal and social

level. Medium is in control how people gather and operate. The real message tends to be overlooked,

because people mostly focus on the content itself and do not realize that the medium itself is the

15

message, for it changes the tempo, ways and models it brings to human affairs. As McLuhan suggests,

it is not important what an aeroplane transports. Crucial is the fact that an aeroplane accelerates

transport and dissolves the railway form of city, politics and way of gathering.

Medium affects the culture. It has the power to impose its own presumptions on those who do

not beware. The way to predict this and prevent it from happening is to avoid the so called subcon-

scious “narcissistic hypnosis” (McLuhan, 1994: 28). One can effectively achieve that simply by be-

coming conscious of the hypnotic powers of the medium. McLuhan refers to Nietzsche's statement

claiming that understanding makes action impossible. Therefore by understanding media their power

to control people is diminished (Ibid).

With regard to the course of this study, it is especially important to stress the role of technol-

ogy in everyday life. Electronic media change people’s lives unexpectedly. It is no easier for humans

to cope with electronic media than it is for indigenous communities to cope with literacy, as McLuhan

claims. In our new electronic world we are as numb as the indigenous peoples dragged into mechan-

ical and literary culture. People become uprooted by and overwhelmed with a constant stream of new

information and in such state they are, according to McLuhan (1994), not very far from various levels

of mental breakdown.

Moreover, technology is very demanding. It requires people to behave uniformly and contin-

uously. In order to belong to this culture at all, people must become homogenized and formable.

Uniform and continuous habits are understood as a sign of intelligence and this harms the perceptive

individuals. McLuhan stresses that contemporary Americans are extremely endangered by electrical

technology, because they applied uniformity on all levels of education, government, industry and

social life. The effect of medium is so strong, because its content is another medium: “The “content”

of a medium is like the juicy piece of meat carried by the burglar to distract the watchdog of the

mind” (McLuhan, 1994: 31). According to McLuhan (Ibid.), this threat has not been recognized yet,

having people approach media with an insensitive attitude of a technological idiot. In this manner,

people get unwary and become easily manipulated by the content of the media, rather than focusing

on what the message really is.

People seek simple pleasures and culture responds. It is for masses, it adapts to its consumers

and its purpose is to be easily digestible, pleasing and non-conflict. Products of mass culture have

short life span, otherwise they would become boring. Simply put, the popular culture processes began

to resemble factory production and therefore acquired the title Culture industry (Adorno, 1991).

According to Frankfurt school theorists Adorno and Horkheimer (1997), mass culture does

not even try to hide its generic character, for films and radio it is no longer necessary to present

themselves as art. They are nothing more than business, legitimizing the poor-quality content of their

deliberate production. In fact, mass culture even calls itself an industry. In mass culture, no one shall

16

be better than the other and mediocrity is understood as a merit. The best paid celebrities are resem-

bling advertisement pictures of an unspecified market commodity, moreover, very often they are

chosen from a group of commercially successful models. Advertising, hence consumer beauty, de-

termines what is ideal and desirable (Ibid).

Consumers are not expected to remember anything from the past or to focus on anything

beyond what is being offered to them at the given time. While in contact with mass culture products,

it is not desirable to think: “Culture today is infecting everything with sameness” (Adorno, Hork-

heimer, 1997: 123). Conflicts are replaced by shocking information and sensations and only in perfect

conflict-free character, art becomes entirely material production and therefore a lie (Adorno, 1991).

The tendency is to make life indistinguishable from sound film4, preventing viewers from the use of

imagination and their own thinking and it encourages them to identify the film with reality (Adorno,

Horkheimer, 1997).

Mass culture is monopolistic and its members have to know every piece of news and every

titbit in order to claim a place in society, otherwise they would end up as the outlaws on the periphery.

The society of mass culture instigates people to be curious about everything from the backstage and

to be hungry for sensations. As Adorno (1991) suggests, advertising becomes information if there is

no longer any room for making choices, if brand recognition replaces the process of choice and if the

totalitarianism of the system forces everyone who wants to preserve life to do so out of calculation.

Since the ultimate goal of the totalitarianism of mass culture is for all to be a part of it and for no one

to be different.

It is crucial for people to preserve good looks, perfect make-up and eternal youth while being

a part of competition or even sport. According to Adorno “mass culture is an unadorned make-up”

(Adorno, 1991: 33) and people, as members of society, go along with it, because it is the way to learn

living a monopolized life. Technology is very often being used for explaining culture industry - the

participation of millions of people in culture industry makes standardized production inevitable and

the standards are said to derive from the needs of consumers, while being nothing more than a cycle

of manipulation and retroactivity (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1997).

Technical productive forces are understood as a progress and by adapting to them, people

become shapable objects, letting the system manipulate them without any objections (Adorno, 1991).

The more secure the position of culture industry is, the more it can operate with consumers’ needs.

Eventually, culture industry has the ability to produce, control or discipline consumers' needs and

even restrict the entertainment (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1997). As Adorno and Horkheimer state, the

ideology of mass culture is purposeless for the purposes declared by the market. These objectives are

4 As the most characteristic product of mass culture (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1997: 128).

17

particularly relevant for this study, since its concern lies in the ways technology has changed the

perception of beauty and one of its aims is to assess what is being imposed on individuals by the

society and by the media shaping this society (Ibid).

One of the aims of this study is to examine human practices through the interpretation of the

respondents themselves. The choices any human being makes are based on their own cultural taste,

which is also an object of this study. As Bourdieu observes, any cultural practices people engage in

are contingent on upbringing and education - all human preferences regarding music, reading books

or museum visits are related to the level of education and social background. The social hierarchy

recognized in art is in accordance with the social hierarchy of its consumers and as such has tastes

serve as indicators of a specific class: “Culture also has its titles of nobility - awarded by the educa-

tional system - and its pedigrees, measured by seniority in admission to the nobility” (Bourdieu,

2013: 2).

According to Bourdieu (2013), there is no area the endeavor to purify basic impulses and

needs could not be applied on, stressing the stylization of life that manifests itself in prioritizing forms

over functions and manner over matter. Banal and common subjects acquire the status of aesthetics

and “pure” aesthetics is being ascribed to the most common components of everyday life, such as

clothing, cooking or decoration. Popular aesthetic is hostile towards any kind of experiment and views

art forms as purposely unapproachable.

However, in terms of revealing cultural taste preferences, the choices may be based upon

“what is expected” and “what is right” according to norms of specific social class. Bourdieu’s re-

search suggests that educational capital has more of an impact on choices regarding music, film and

visual arts, social capital has more of an impact on food, furniture and clothing choices (Smyth, 2012).

Capital represents accumulation of labor, which can be found either in material or in embodied

form. Capital manifests itself as a force own to subjective and objective structures, however it also

underlies the inherent rules of social world. In other words, capital significantly shapes the society.

The way various types of capital are distributed, constitutes the composition of the social world,

which is simply a number of restraints incorporated in the reality itself. The set of restraints is in

control of the social world and determines the possibilities of success in practical use. Bourdieu

(1986) distinguishes economical, social and cultural capital. All these forms are crucial in order to

explain the structures and the workings of the social world. However, the main focus here is on social

capital, since it is significantly related to the use of social media - the concern of this study.

Social capital lies in social networks5, in the mutual acquaintance and connections between

people. In other words, social capital allows group memberships “providing each of its members with

5 Meaning social connections and links in general, not specifically social networking sites.

18

the backing of the collectively owned capital, a “credential” which entitles them to credit, in the

various senses of the word” (Bourdieu, 1986: 247). The greater number of connections one possesses,

the greater is his social capital, never completely independent of other forms of capital. Building

social connections is therefore a matter of constant investment in establishing or reproducing these

connections, subsequently rewarded with material (services) or symbolic (association with a prestig-

ious group) profits (Ibid).

Altogether, the three forms of capital create symbolic capital, however its extent is set by

people in the individual’s surroundings. It is expressed with respect and prestige, thus, power is at-

tributed to an individual. In general, capital is a means of moving between social classes, that is to

say advancing on the social ladder (Bourdieu, 1986).

The different understanding of reality stems from different economic and social conditions

and is very closely related to positioning in social space and characteristic systems of dispositions -

so called habitus - own to each social class. People as social subjects - agents in social structure -

distinguish between what is beautiful and what is ugly, what is high and what is low, and through the

distinctions they either consolidate or betray their position within the system. The classifications oc-

curring within habitus are something unconscious and automatic, while taste serves as social orien-

tation for occupants of given social space, directing them towards suitable social positions and befit-

ting goods or practices. There is the fundamental opposition between the “élite” of the dominant and

the “mass” of the dominated (Bourdieu, 2013).

Habitus of a specific class sets a symbolic order and as such determines everyday practices of

its occupants. It gives them a framework through which they understand their own actions as well as

actions of others. Habitus, however, does not consist of set of norms, it is a collection of preferences

characterizing a certain class. Within each habitus, there is a cultural code giving symbolic value to

cultural practices of the members of the group (Sulkunen, 1982).

Social class position is therefore dependent on accumulation of capital. Each social class has

its habitus - tendencies, characteristic practices and preferences and at the same time, cultural prefer-

ences of a member of any social class possessing certain habitus, are dependent on their education

and social background.

All mentioned concepts have to be understood as interconnected in terms of explaining be-

haviour on visually-oriented social media. McLuhan’s (1994) technological determinism clarifies the

power of the medium to “set its own norms” on the reader/user/audience and the technological pres-

sure to make people homogenized. In relation to this study, we can observe how this theory applies

on the use of Instagram - a social network building its ideology on showing the visually-desirable.

Moreover, according to culture industry theories (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1997), mass culture resem-

19

bles mass production of consumer goods aimed purely at profit, once again striving for homogeniza-

tion. This is reflected in how beauty is portrayed on exclusively image-based Instagram. Even though

social media users choose to view content of their interest, their choices are majorly influenced by

education and surroundings, which may be, on the other hand, influenced by social norms (Bourdieu,

2013). Altogether, beauty clearly represents a form of capital, since it often determines one’s success

on SNSs. These relations are further investigated mainly in chapters IV) FINDINGS and V) CON-

CLUSION.

2) Social pressures and the urge to compare

As explained by the previous chapter, media significantly shape society. People, as members

of society, are majorly influenced by the media and are subjects to mass culture, which promotes

easily available but temporary satisfaction, prioritizing beauty in the name of profit. Even the most

common individual choices like “what to wear” are not completely independent, but considerably

affected by one’s social background and education and, at the same time, even the clothing choice

can be a representation of certain social status, a manifestation of belonging to a specific group of

people all sharing the same values, generating social capital through these connections. Previous

chapter sheds light on some of the social mechanisms underlying human behaviour and practices,

following paragraphs substantiate how these mechanisms can impose what is desirable in terms of

beauty while illustrating the overall importance of appearance in contemporary society.

First of all, beauty is associated with a number of myths. One of the most popular physical

attractiveness stereotypes assumes that physically attractive individuals hold a wide range of positive

personal qualities. In other words, it is believed that “what is beautiful is good”. Physically attractive

individuals are often believed to be more successful and happier in life in general (Eagly et al., 1991).

Similarly, a judgmental bias known as halo effect has people evaluate the abilities and skills of phys-

ically attractive individuals more favorably. (Kaplan, 1978). Previous research suggests that physi-

cally attractive features, such as strength, larger body and chest among men and longer hair, make-

up and larger eyes among women, trigger positive emotions in others (Hazlett, Hoehn-Saric, 2000;

Mehrabian, Blum, 1997).

Beauty is often associated with desirable physique. Body image is a psychological phenome-

non, however considerably dependent on social influence. In Western culture, ideal female body is

slim, ideal male body is lean and rather muscular. Slenderness is connected to success, happiness,

youthful appearance and social acceptability, excess weight is, on the other hand, associated with

20

being lazy and out of control, as well as with inability to have strong will (Grogan, 2016). Lipovetsky

(2002) argues that in terms of contemporary ideal of beauty, there are two clear norms - the fight

against weight and the fight against age. The battle with wrinkles and body fat is no longer limited

only to dieting, exercise or make-up. Nowadays it is necessary to redo and reshape one’s appearance

in order to defy the effect of time6 (Ibid).

Regarding East Asian understanding of beauty, a new phenomenon called human beauty value

(HBV) was recently introduced. HBV concept summarizes the reasons why young women in South

Korea, China and Japan want to be beautiful. It is important to mention that HBV is a product of

culture and as such is majorly affected by socio-cultural background. HBV can certainly exist in many

cultures, however with hierarchical differences, stemming from the particular culture. The underlying

stimuli that made women in mentioned East Asian cultures pursue HBV were identified as social

comparison, social competition and social norms. Social comparison and social competition are terms

related to psychology, the former has people comparing themselves to other members of the society7,

the latter refers to holding a dominant position among other people, viewed as social competitors

(Kim, Lee, 2018). Social norms are, however, certain regulations of thoughts or behaviours deter-

mined by the society (Park, 2005). According to the findings, both in South Korea and China, there

are strong social norms associated with appearance, and these social norms are, to a considerable

extent, formed by celebrities’ appearances in given socio-cultural background. As opposed to that,

Japanese culture allows women’s beauty to be more diverse (Kim, Lee, 2018).

There is a widespread belief among researchers that media reflect social norms. Furthermore,

some scholars claim that media portrayal of thin bodies can have an effect on the way people feel

about their body image (Grogan, 2016). Conley and Ramsey (2011) systematically reviewed 790

advertisements and 19 magazines in order to investigate male and female portrayals in media. Ac-

cording to their findings, compared to men, women were usually portrayed flawless, passive and

submissive, with perfect skin. This portrayal is characteristic mainly for fashion magazines, however,

the purpose is not only to sell products, but also to impose a desirable image of what an ideal woman

should look like.

According to Tietje and Cresap (2005) visual culture supported by new media emphasizes the

importance of appearance. New media can therefore strengthen the acceptance of lookism - treating

people based on their appearance, favouring attractive individuals. Previous research shows that selfie

culture is strongly connected to lookism. Chae’s (2019) study conducted in Korea among young

women demonstrates increasing acceptance of lookism to be directly related to selfie exposure.

6 Redoing and reshaping appearance got to a whole new level owing to technological possibilities of altering

photographs, see chapter 2.2.1.2) Selfie editing. 7 More in chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison.

21

Selfies consequently have the potential to amplify the importance of one’s appearance while having

people praise beauty as an ultimate quality. This reality may contribute to reinforcement of estab-

lished beauty standards and it simultaneously demonstrates the significance of good looks in today’s

globally connected society.

Although appearance is subjected to social pressures influenced by the media, psychological

aspects cannot be neglected. People as individuals are psychologically pressed to compare themselves

with others, not only offline, but also online. Further chapters thoroughly discuss social comparison

in general and its manifestation on social media.

2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison

People do not judge their own abilities and opinions independently, but in comparison to abil-

ities and opinions of others, as Liam Festinger’s (1954) social comparison theory implies. If an indi-

vidual compares his abilities and opinions to someone who is believed to have more desirable abilities

and opinions, he or she is participating in an upward8 social comparison. If the case is vice versa - an

individual compares his abilities and opinions to apparently less desirable abilities and opinions of

somebody else, a downward9 comparison is made (Hendrickse, Arpan, Clayton, Ridgway, 2017).

Social comparison process happens automatically, even though it is individual to certain ex-

tent (Gilbert et al., 1995). Based on a systematic review of previous research carried out by Buunk

and Gibbons (2007), individuals with higher tendencies towards social comparison possess three fea-

tures: “a high accessibility and awareness of the self, an interest in what others feel and think and

some degree of negative affectivity and self-uncertainty” (Buunk, Gibbons 2007: 14).

Since social media practices are the concern of this study, the manifestation of social compar-

ison in digital environment is scrutinized first. Following chapters assess the possible links between

social comparison and selfie practices. It is important to address this topic, since selfie practices are

an essential constituent of this study, explaining habitus10 and social capital acquisitions of the re-

spondents.

8 = negative social comparison 9 = positive social comparison 10 For instance, the need for appearance validation, selfies as the mechanism of empowerment etc., more

about habitus and social capital in chapter Critical theories as an explanation of media influence on people.

22

2.1.1) Digital practices of social comparison

Social media are a convenient platform for building positive self-presentation (Yang, Brown,

2016) while encouraging upward social comparison - comparison to those, who are perceived to be

possessing better qualities (Vogel et al., 2014). Upward social comparison is more frequent on social

media than downward social comparison, which may be the reason why most of the available research

focuses on the judgmental form of social comparison. Such perspective consists of comparisons of

likability, superiority, social connectedness and physical attractiveness (Chua, Chang, 2016; Vogel

et al., 2014; Feinstein et al., 2013).

Aforementioned, social comparison can be either ability-based or opinion-based. That is also

valid for social comparison occurring in an online environment. The nature of comparisons mentioned

in previous paragraph is highly competitive, therefore the comparisons can be understood as exam-

ples of ability-based social comparison (Yang, Holden, Carter, 2018).

According to current research, judgmental comparisons have negative psycho-emotional out-

comes, result in negative self-perception, negative emotions and might lead to depression (de Vries,

Kühne, 2015; Feinstein et al., 2013; Lim, Yang, 2015; Vogel et al., 2014; Weinstein, 2017). Opinion-

based non-competitive comparison can, on the other hand, have positive psychosocial and emotional

impact, as it is associated with lower levels of upward contrastive emotions, such as depression and

envy (Park, Baek, 2018) or better social adjustment (Yang, Robinson, 2018; Yang et al., 2018). How-

ever, not much is known about social comparison of opinion on social media (Yang, Holden, Carter,

2018).

Social comparison occurs in various contexts, such as magazines, television, in person or on

social media. It is important to stress the role of social comparison on social media for several reasons.

As previous research indicates (Kimbrough et al., 2013; Muscanell, Guadagno, 2012), social media

influence among young women is beyond traditional media popularity, therefore it is highly relevant

to focus on social media comparisons, which are, as mentioned above, mostly the negative upward

social comparisons.

Furthermore, the context in which young women compare themselves on social media differs

significantly from traditional media contexts. While traditional media usually has women to compare

their appearance to celebrities or models, social media also allows them to compare themselves to

personally known individuals, from family to peers or close friends (Fardouly et al., 2015; Fardouly,

Vartanian, 2015). Similarly, various research suggests (Fardouly et al., 2015; Fardouly, Vartanian,

2015; Carey, Donaghue, Broderick, 2014) that women’s body image can be affected differently de-

pending on the target groups to which they compare themselves to (Fardouly, Pinkus, Vartanian,

2017).

23

As Walther (1992) suggests, computer-mediated communication enables selective self-

presentation, because individuals can easily edit what they want to put online and they have more

time for calculating and enhancing their self-presentation compared to face-to-face communication.

Selective self-presentation extends to photos, because they can be easily adjusted in order to attain

better self-presentation in an online environment (Hancock, Toma, 2009). Therefore self-portrait pho-

tographs, so called selfies, are an efficient means for building ideal self-image (Halpern, Katz, Carril,

2017; Chae, 2017). The following chapter will clarify why the relationship between selfies and ap-

pearance comparison should be given due attention.

2.1.2) Selfies and appearance comparison

Self-portrait photographs, generally known as selfies, are a very popular way of self-presen-

tation on social media (Mills et al., 2018). According to previous research, women upload photos to

SNSs more often than men and put more time and effort in maintaining, managing and updating their

social media profiles (Stefanone, Lackaff, Rosen, 2011). Such behaviour suggests women also en-

gage more in selfie practices than men. Further chapters identify and discuss common selfie practices

and their relation to one’s well-being and self-perception.

2.2.1.1) Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat - famous platforms for posting selfies

First of all, selfies would not have their impact, if there was not for the platforms they can be

posted on. One of the SNSs people can use to post their pictures and videos is Facebook, being in

fact the most popular SNS whatsoever, even among young adults (Smith, Anderson, 2018). Accord-

ing to data from April 2019, Facebook has 2.32 billion monthly active users, leaving YouTube, the

second most popular SNS with 1,9 billion monthly active users, significantly behind (Clement, 2019).

Facebook use can also create bigger concerns about weight or body shape because of exposure

to promoted ideals and this anxiety can lead to developing eating disorders among female users

(Mabe, Forney, Keel, 2014). Another study has found that the more young women internalize im-

posed beauty standards, the more they engage in body surveillance and self-sexualization and they

tend to post highly sexualized profile pictures11 (Ruckel, Hill, 2017).

Since it is mainly visual content online, that has an effect on body image and is linked to self-

deprecation in terms of appearance (Meier, Gray, 2014), there is another SNS especially important to

investigate, and that is Instagram. As a relatively new SNS, Instagram emerged in October 201012

11 The possible effects of visually-oriented social media practices on self-perception are thoroughly dis-

cussed in chapter 2.2) Social media - comparison intensifies. 12 Facebook on the other hand was founded in February 2004 (Facebook Newsroom 2004).

24

and it gained 25 000 users the very first day (Instagram Press, 2010). In June 2018 Instagram reached

1 billion monthly active users (Clement, 2018), thus is not only the fastest growing SNS (Richter,

2018), but also one of the most popular SNSs in the world, especially among teenagers and young

adults. On a global scale, 41 percent of Instagram users are either 24 years old or younger (Clement,

2018).

Popularity of Instagram is not the only reason why this SNS should be examined in relation

to self-perception. What makes the scrutiny of special relevance is the nature of Instagram - it is, in

contrast to Facebook13, exclusively photo and video based and it also provides the user with a variety

of digital filters which can enhance their photos (Clement, 2019). Thus users of this SNS are con-

stantly exposed to visual content could potentially harm their self-perception and the understanding

of beauty. Due to its features as well as its popularity among young women, Instagram is the most

discussed SNS in the analytical part.

There is another social media platform that should be taken into account - Snapchat (Mazzei,

2018). According to data from October 2019, Snapchat is the most relevant social media platform for

U.S. teenagers. In the age group of 18 to 24 years, reportedly 78 percent of U.S. internet users have

a Snapchat account (Clement, 2019).

Snapchat, founded in 2011, allows its users to share visual content via using a mobile app of

the same name. Pictures and videos sent through this app, so called snaps, can be viewed by the

receivers only once for a few seconds before they disappear. Besides this function, Snapchat users

can form a “story” out of a series of snaps, which lasts for 24 hours14 (Mazzei, 2018).

Snapchat also offers a variety of filters. While adding animal ears or flowers to the selfie

certainly is not harmful, there are some filters which severely alter reality. Due to possible heavy

editing of one’s appearance a new phenomenon emerged, first identified by plastic surgeons in 2017

as “Snapchat dysmorphia”. This trend has young people desire and search for cosmetic surgery that

would make them look like their edited selfies on apps like Snapchat. Such phenomenon is particu-

larly dangerous since it heavily blurs the line between reality and fantasy and establishes an unattain-

able ideal of beauty (Rajanala, Maymone, Vashi, 2018). Snapchat clearly is not the only app that

helps individuals to achieve a perfect selfie. Further chapters deal with the possible ways and conse-

quences of selfie editing.

13 Posting photos and videos is just one of the many Facebook’s features, Facebook users also often post

written content, such as status updates etc. (Clement 2019). 14 Instagram copied the idea of stories and launched it’s own Instagram Stories in 2016. Instagram Stories

are not a separate app, but they appear at the top of Instagram feed, lasting for 24 hours just like snaps on

Snapchat (Constine 2016).

25

2.2.1.2) Selfie editing

Popularity of image-based SNSs goes hand in hand with selfie editing. Platforms like Face-

book, Snapchat or Instagram, encouraging photo sharing, offer their own palette of filters people can

use to adjust selfies. Furthermore, there is a huge number of various beauty apps available on

smartphones, making perfect selfie just a download away. Modification apps like FaceTune allow its

users to make their eyes bigger, smoothen their skin and make it look flawless, plump their lips or

whiten their teeth (Rajanala, Maymone, Vashi, 2018).

Editing selfies and use of filters have become a commonality and as Rajanala, Maymone and

Vashi (2018) point out, “we live in the era of filtered photographs” (p. 443). Earlier, photo-editing

was a privilege of celebrities, whose photos were edited in order to look perfect in ads or on magazine

covers. In today’s world a beautifying mobile app is something anyone can afford and perfection is

suddenly broadly available. False beauty standards are therefore no longer promoted only by the fa-

mous privileged, but also by friends or acquaintances online (Ibid).

Moreover, exposure to appearance based visual content in particular (not the overall use of

SNSs) is related to more negative body image (Meier, Gray, 2014). As a systematic review of 20

articles carried out by Holland and Tiggemann (2016) suggests, specifically viewing and posting

photos on SNSs is an activity that affects one’s body image and is linked to eating disorders.

Selfie-editing frequency can be mediated by social comparison orientation (Wang, 2019). Ac-

cording to Chae’s study from 2017, dissatisfaction with one’s physical appearance is not the reason

why young women edit their selfies. The findings suggest that women engaging in selfie practices

actually want to look better than others or at least they do not want to look worse than others. Simi-

larly, even good-looking women edit their selfies in order to appear perfect. Findings prove that such

behaviour is based on social comparison. Moreover, even though social comparison takes place with

friends and influencers15 as well as with celebrities, only the former seems to increase selfie-editing

(Ibid).

Another study shows that “likes”, a way to evaluate one’s social acceptance on SNSs, rein-

force the social comparison orientation. Based on the number of “likes” their selfie received, the

participants of research made either downward or upward social comparison16. Individuals with more

“likes” compared to others (downward social comparison) felt superior, happy and relieved, while

15 Influencers on social media have the power to influence their audience. They gained reputation for their

knowledge or expertise on a certain topic and through posting about the topic they generate large follower

base of engaged people who pay close attention to their social media activity. For their credibility, influenc-

ers can create trends and encourage their followers to buy products they promote (Influencer Marketing Hub

2020). 16 See chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison.

26

those who received less “likes” than others (upward social comparison) felt inferior, jealous and re-

sentful. Since “likes” are a quantified way of granting social support, it is consequently easier to

participate in social comparison (Rosenthal-von der Pütten et al., 2019).

Study carried out by Saunders and Eaton (2018) indicates that young women who use Face-

book, Instagram and Snapchat demonstrate positive relationship between upward social comparison

and disordered eating and similarly between body surveillance and disordered eating. Instagram and

Snapchat seem to have the most negative impacts on participants in terms of self-evaluation through

social comparison. According to the results, those who named Instagram or Snapchat as their SNS of

primary use reported more negative experiences and showed stronger tendencies towards upward

social comparison and body surveillance than those who named Facebook as their primary SNS. The

results are most likely affected by the predominantly appearance-based nature of Instagram and Snap-

chat compared to the not-just-visually oriented Facebook (Ibid).

Through selfie-editing, individuals strive for the ideal self presentation in an online environ-

ment, hence only virtually and only for the purpose of gaining an approval from the online audience

in form of likes or comments. According to the findings, people need audience that would grant them

positive feedback on their selfies as a means of self presentation (Chae, 2017). While selfies can be

taken with no intention of posting them, the editing practices show that their performers desire posi-

tive reactions from the virtual audience (Chua, Chang, 2016).

According to Chae’s (2017) study, selfie-editing behaviour might have a negative impact on

both audiences and presenters (those who engage in selfie-editing). Presenters are likely to deal with

the contradictions between reality and ideal. This issue may be moderated by the fact that those who

often take and edit their selfies probably have an idealized self-image in virtual world. Such situation

either results in even stronger relation to one’s virtual image or in reducing the gap between the ideal

and the real by undergoing plastic surgery (Halpern et al., 2017).

2.2) Social media - comparison intensifies

It is now clear that both social pressures majorly endorsed by the media and practices based

on the psychological nature of an individual play part in our perception of beauty. Moreover, previous

chapters revealed that social media cannot be disregarded as a convenient platform for engaging in

social comparison and as such should be scrutinized. As mentioned previously, traditional media like

television, magazines or advertisement set and maintain desirable beauty standards. These pressures,

causing for instance internalization of beauty ideal, may also encourage online comparison, hence it

is not solely a matter of human nature. This chapter thoroughly addresses comparison on social media,

taking social pressures into account.

27

Social comparison theory can be applied on comparison in terms of evaluating physical ap-

pearance, as a number of available studies suggest. Negative social comparison leads to decline in

self-esteem and body esteem-looks (Alfasi, 2019; Betz, Sabik, Ramsey, 2019), increases depressive

symptoms (Alfasi, 2019; Faranda, Roberts, 2019), increases body-surveillance and decreases body

appreciation (Betz, Sabik, Ramsey, 2019). Social comparison theory is especially worth focusing on

in relation to the use of social networking sites (SNSs), because it manifests itself uniquely in an

online environment. People using SNSs usually tend to present their idealized image and particularly

positive aspects of their lives and this behaviour predominantly triggers upward social comparison

(Alfasi, 2019). As already mentioned in the previous chapter, social comparison orientation is posi-

tively related to selfie17-editing frequency on SNSs (Wang, 2019).

Furthermore, SNSs users are usually in touch with peers and the pressure of what their “fri-

ends” post is more difficult to resist than the ideals in traditional media. Created for commercial

purposes, these ideals can be easier to disregard and separate from internal values, whereas peer pres-

sure might temporarily affect even highly autonomous individuals and make them feel less confident

about their own appearance (Brichacek, Neill, Murray, 2018). Peer pressure and parent pressure is

also associated with appearance-based rejection sensitivity. Young people who experience appear-

ance-related teasing and pressure from peers and parents are more sensitive about their looks, espe-

cially dreading the possible rejection (Webb et al., 2017).

Even though the relationship between appearance investment, appearance pressures (SNS

use) and appearance-changing activities18 was found to be relevant for both young women and men,

the results yet suggest that the extent to which SNSs users are involved in these activities cannot be

predicted by gender. The study implies that both appearance investment and inclination towards ap-

pearance-changing activities are stronger for women (deVries et al., 2014). Since the use of SNSs is

one of the most common activities young women engage in in an online environment (Tiggemann,

Slater, 2013), it is especially important to scrutinize the degree to which social media exposure can

contribute to strengthening beauty ideals imposed by the society and what can be the consequences.

Regarding online environment, SNSs are the major platform for socializing body surveillance,

internalization of cultural ideals of appearance and self-evaluations based on appearance (Manago et

al., 2015; Trekels et al., 2018; Tiggemann, Slater, 2013). SNSs users are very often exposed to a

whole range of images which are edited in order to reflect body and appearance cultural ideals. People

not only tend to compare themselves online with other users19, but they also internalize what their

17 More in chapter 2.2.1.2) Selfie editing. 18 Desire to undergo cosmetic surgery. 19 See chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison.

28

bodies and faces should look like (Tiggemann, Slater, 2013). Previous research has shown that espe-

cially young women suffer from pressure to fit the ideal of a perfect body and appearance which can

result in more negative body image and self-perception (Meier, Gray, 2014; Strubel, Petrie, Pooku-

langara, 2018).

Findings of a cross-cultural study carried out in Austria, Belgium, Spain and South Korea

indicate that self-sexualization is more strongly related to SNSs and online media in general than to

traditional media. Most surprisingly, the trend of self-sexualization on SNSs was found to be growing

in all measured countries, despite cultural differences (Trekels et al., 2018). In accordance with Bour-

dieu’s concept of social capital20, researchers claim that young women are socially pressured to en-

gage in self-sexualization, so they post suggestive images of themselves in order to gain social capital

- to generate or reinforce social connections online (Manago et al., 2008; Steinfield et al., 2008;

Valenzuela et al., 2009). This perspective is especially important for this study, as it explores the

ways of using SNSs by young women.

Findings of a research thoroughly focused on Facebook indicate that there are certain peer

practices that might trigger objectified body consciousness, mentioning viewing pictures of peers on

their profile pages or on the newsfeed. Study carried out in Belgium suggests that adolescent girls

who reported frequent browsing through sexually objectifying content on their Facebook page, ap-

proved Western ideals of beauty, related appearance considerably to their self-worth and performed

body surveillance (Vandenbosch, Eggermont, 2012). At the same time, it is important to stress that

whereas traditional media show predominantly full-body pictures, on social media people often en-

counter portrait pictures. According to a previous study, women have been found to upload portrait

pictures to their Facebook profile more often than pictures of their full body (Haferkamp et al., 2012).

Such behaviour can encourage women to engage in skin, face or hair-related comparisons leading to

appearance dissatisfaction (Fardouly et al., 2015).

According to previous research, compared to men, women usually have more Facebook

friends, spend more time scrolling through and updating their Facebook page and post more pictures

of themselves that are more carefully selected and edited with the intention to impress (McAndrew,

Jeong, 2012). It is no surprise that U.S. women are often engaged in self-sexualizing behaviour, since

throughout their whole lives they learn their appearance is important and that they should want to be

appealing to men (Ruckel, Hill, 2017). Frederickson's and Roberts' objectification theory (1997) sug-

gests that we live in a culture which perceives women bodies and their body parts as sexual objects,

making women engage in body surveillance and self-objectification. This behaviour is connected to

20 See chapter 1) Critical theories as an explanation of media influence on people.

29

health issues and psychological consequences like eating disorders, anxiety, body shame, depression

or even sexual dysfunction.

As for the effects of exposure to appearance-related visual content on Facebook on one’s self-

esteem, it was found that female college students who viewed pictures of physically attractive women

became less content with their own appearance compared to those who looked at pictures of unattrac-

tive women. Simultaneously, the response to photographs depended on participants’ level of social

comparison orientation, their appearance schemas and self-esteem. Participants with higher level of

social comparison orientation and appearance schemas while having lower self-esteem are more

likely to be negatively affected by exposure to Facebook News Feed photographs (Kim, Park, 2016).

According to Kim and Chock (2015), social grooming behaviours on Facebook, such as giv-

ing “likes” or commenting posts, result in greater appearance comparison and the drive for thinness.

The available research therefore indicates that Facebook use has an effect on body image, but it also

suggests that self-perception is determined by the previous relationship to oneself. The findings show

that appearance comparison sets the relationship between social grooming behaviours and the drive

for thinness.

Woman portrayed in media are usually the targets for appearance-related comparisons (Hen-

drickse, Arpan, Clayton, Ridgway, 2017). That may be the reason why women make more upward

comparisons than men and why they also compare themselves more often to unrealistic standards

presented in the media (Strahan, Wilson, Cressman, Buote, 2006). In accordance with social compar-

ison theory, young women who engage more in appearance-related comparisons are more likely to

suffer from body dissatisfaction and desire for thinness. Hence social comparison theory can be used

to explain the negative effects of exposure to idealized images on SNSs on body image (Hendrickse,

Arpan, Clayton, Ridgway 2017). Similarly, findings of a study which aimed to compare the effects

of browsing Facebook account, online magazine and an appearance-neutral website suggested that

women who spent time on Facebook were in a more negative mood afterwards, compared to those

participants who used the control website. However, the dissatisfaction was stronger for women with

higher levels of appearance comparison tendencies21 (Fardouly et al., 2015).

Since this study is focused on exploring the responses to visual content on SNSs, the available

research on Instagram use is of particular relevance. As proven previously (Meier, Gray, 2014), it is

mainly visual content posted on SNSs that has negative effects on body image and self-perception,

not the overall use of SNSs. On that account, Instagram, as a solely image/video-based SNS22, should

be examined in relation to internalization of cultural beauty standards, self-objectification and self-

sexualization. Taking a number of selfies before posting was found to be a result of body-surveillance,

21 See chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison. 22 See chapter 2.2.1.1) Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat - famous platforms for posting selfies.

30

which can be, according to the findings, related to depression. Photo manipulation and feelings of

being insincere online manifested itself as the results of depressive feelings predicted by self-objec-

tification (Lamp et al., 2019). Frequency of women’s Instagram use fueled by social comparison

tendencies might strengthen depressive symptoms, body dissatisfaction, general and physical anxiety

and lower self-esteem. Research shows that exposure to beauty and fitness related images has a neg-

ative impact on self-rated attractiveness and this finding correlates with the formerly mentioned num-

ber of psychological well-being variables (Sherlock, Wagstaff, 2018).

Study carried out on 492 undergraduate women from the USA suggests that upward appear-

ance comparison23 and internalization of cultural standards of beauty are the unique behaviours un-

derlying Instagram usage, body-surveillance and self-objectification. However, the findings also in-

dicate that strong feminist beliefs can protect women from the direct effect of Instagram usage on

body-surveillance24 (Feltman, Szymanski, 2018) and social comparison tendencies can be reduced

through exposure to awareness intervention material. Watching an awareness video might change the

view of ideal self and might result in adoption of more realistic perception of beauty (Arendt, Peter,

Beck, 2016). This issue will be discussed in the next chapter, since feminist social media25 accounts

spreading “body positivity” or “self love” are also a significant topic in the analysis.

2.3) How to avert the doom - body positivity on social media

Even though the available research suggests the possible negative impact of visual content on

SNSs users should not be taken lightly, photo material can also encourage and trigger positive emo-

tions in its consumers. Recent studies indicate that exposure to feminist content on SNSs, such as

body positivity movements, self-love posts or, in other words, “showing the things as they really are”

has beneficial effects on young women. The issue has a clear relation to this work, since terms like

“feminist accounts,” “self-love” or “authenticity” emerge in a number of respondents’ statements.

Research dedicated to body positive social media content will be discussed later in this chapter.

“Body positivity” or “body positive movement” started to emerge as a counterpoint to the

dominant perception of beauty standards26, considerably promoted by traditional and social media.

The idea of body positivity is to challenge the prevailing ideals and encourage the acceptance of

bodies of any shape, leading to more positive self-perception (Cohen et al., 2019). Recently, body

positivity has become majorly endorsed and promoted through Instagram, as an image-based social

23 See chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison. 24 See chapter 2.3) How to avert the doom - body positivity on social media. 25 Predominantly Instagram accounts, as Instagram is the number one SNS used by the respondents. 26 Stemming from the 1960s feminist fat acceptance movement as a backlash against the anti-fat ambience in

the U.S. and Canada (Afful, Ricciardelli, 2015).

31

networking site, having the potential to nurture awareness, cultivate online communities and bolster

possible globally acknowledged social change (Kasana, 2014).

Current data show27, there are more than 12 million posts with the hashtag #bodypositive and

more than 4 million posts with the hashtag #bodypositivity on Instagram. Body positive posts encom-

pass various types of images from plus-size women posing in lingerie or doing sports to women

showing loose skin and stretch marks postpartum. Similarly to promoting the ideals of beauty, there

are large amounts of influencers and accounts on Instagram encouraging women to embrace the mes-

sage. The aim of Be Real Campaign is to “change attitudes to body image and help all of us put

health above appearance and be confident in our bodies” (Be Real Campaign, 2019). It strives for

change through education, changes in healthcare and diversity acknowledgement. Using hashtag

#IPledgeToBeReal on Instagram, women declare their belonging to the tenets of the movement (Ibid).

Last year, the web magazine Insider published an article suggesting 33 body positive Insta-

gram accounts worth following. According to the article, exposure to the type of content “from belly

rolls to big noses” might help the SNSs users to feel good about their body while claiming that “none

of our perceived "flaws" are flaws at all” (Insider, 2019). It is important to mention that body positive

movement does not extend solely to the body shape issue. Radhika Sanghani, one of the Instagram

personas recommended by the article, launched the #sideprofileselfie campaign, encouraging people

to embrace their big noses. Sanghani claims that every time she posts a selfie displaying her nose,

she becomes more confident about its size, feeling “more and more like Cleopatra, the ultimate big-

nosed queen” (Sanghani, 2018).

Body positivity is not necessarily related to women, male Instagram accounts promoting the

idea are popular as well. Stevie Blain aka @bopo.boy calls for normalization of appetite and liberation

from “food guilt,” The EveryMan Project encourages men to be vulnerable, fighting against toxic

masculinity (Insider, 2019). With regard to the geopolitical context of this study, a popular Czech

body positivity endeavour should be mentioned. Initiative called Za normální holky28 launched by

Kristýna Dolejšová invites women to love their bodies and use hashtag #zanormalniholky to spread

the message across Instagram. According to Dolejšová who suffered from low body esteem herself,

Instagram is the most fake social networking site, since it creates an illusion of perfect people living

perfect lives, while the reality is often completely different. This virtual impression can have a huge

impact especially on teenage girls, having them seek cosmetic procedures as a result of the exposure

to flawless content, Dolejšová believes (Aktuálně.cz, 2018).

Another factor significantly helping spreading the message of diversity is the voices of celeb-

rities. Plus size model Tess Holliday or the actress and director Lena Dunham were designated the

27 Retrieved from Instagram - data from March 2020. 28 Translated in English it would be something like For normal girls.

32

advocates of the body positive movement by The New York Times (2017), granting many women

the affirmation of appearance through their own online presence. Holliday, confident about her size-

22 body, became a leading persona of a BoPo29 movement online, the counterweight to the deceiving

notion of perfection omnipresent on social media (Ibid). Dunham writes lengthy intimate posts, ad-

dressing for instance the culture telling her to hate her own body: "Whether you agree with my poli-

tics, like my show or connect to what I do, it doesn't matter - my body isn't fair game” (Dunham,

2017). Body positivity begins to penetrate fashion production - brands like Lindex, Aerie or Swim-

suits for All promote diversity by showing women of all shapes, colours and age groups on their

social media profiles30. On top of that, the significance of the body positivity movement on social

media is substantiated by the fact that “bopo” as the short form of “body positivity” ranked among

the most used key words of 2019 (Independent, 2019).

As the realness and authenticity has clearly been making waves on social media, a number of

studies emerged, focusing on the effects of body positive endeavours on self-perception. According

to a study conducted on 204 female undergraduate students, exposure to enhancement-free Instagram

pictures (without any make-up or digital enhancement) with related hashtags causes significantly

lower appearance dissatisfactions than exposure to standard pictures. However, exposure to enhance-

ment-free pictures accompanied with hashtags causes higher appearance dissatisfaction than the same

pictures with no hashtags (Tiggemann, Zinoviev, 2019). Another study suggests that pictures of av-

erage bodies result in greater body appreciation and lower dissatisfaction compared to pictures of thin

bodies. In addition to that, visual imagery on Instagram has bigger impact on body image than the

accompanying captions (Tiggemann et al., 2020). The overall findings of available research indicate

that under certain circumstances pictures reflecting reality can be used to protect Instagram users

from appearance based self-deprecation.

Reade's (2020) study adds on the previous social media and authenticity research, examining

the “keeping it raw” orientation in terms of fitness on Instagram, using feminist new materialist ap-

proach. Her focus is on how authenticity is established in fitness context on social media, particularly

on Instagram. Authentic practices include posting the pictures in a “raw form,”31 posting stories of

everyday life and “real talk” about body related topics, for instance body image or mental health,

having the ability to induce sense of belonging and connectedness. Reade’s work aims to fill in the

gaps in current research, looking into the actual lived experience of women and their social media

practices.

29 Short for “body positive”. 30 @lindexofficial, @aerie, @swimsuitsforall on Instagram. 31 Without any enhancements.

33

This chapter is important for the study, since topics like authenticity, realness or body posi-

tivity emerge in the analysis as a counterbalance to the mainstream concept of social media as a

showcase for displaying one’s best self. Furthermore, Reade’s perspective should be stressed in rela-

tion to this work, as the study also aims to scrutinize young women’s social media practices, emotions

related to these practices and their own perception of beauty in the time when technological af-

fordances can make anyone beautiful.

34

III. METHODOLOGY

3) Research methods

3.1) Research purpose

Social networking sites offer new opportunities for appearance comparisons. Moreover due

to common use of SNSs as mobile apps on smartphones, the comparison stimuli become ubiquitous.

As previous research suggests (Kimbrough et al., 2013; Muscanell, Guadagno, 2012), popularity of

social media among young women is beyond popularity of traditional media. Facebook is the most

utilized social media platform whatsoever (Smith, Anderson, 2018), the popularity of Instagram

grows faster than of any other SNS, particularly among teenagers and young adults - almost half of

Instagram users are 24 years old or younger (Clement, 2018). Since it is specifically visual content

on SNSs having negative impact on one’s self-perception and given the fact that Instagram is solely

image and video-based, the scrutiny of its effects on the perception of beauty is of high relevance

(Meier, Gray, 2014; Clement, 2019).

Exploration of self-perception in relation to social media is a relatively new topic and due to

emerging technological possibilities it is constantly evolving. Therefore new studies on this topic are

needed. Furthermore, little research has been done on women’s lived experiences and their SNS prac-

tices, regarding both posting and interacting with content (Reade, 2020). This study aims to contribute

to current research not only through investigating young women’s social media practices, but also

through examining their emotions, feelings and opinions related to these practices. The particular

focus of the study is on the issue of how young women feel technological possibilities may have

changed the general understanding of beauty, their own beauty perception and how much they feel

personally affected by their social media practices. Consequently, the focus of this study is not on the

reality itself, but on the reality as the respondents see it through their own eyes, utilizing phenome-

nological approach. The underlying issues like relationship to oneself, comparison tendencies or tra-

ditional media exposure are investigated as well. The study as such provides a unique view of how

young Czech32 women perceive their SNS practices in relation to their own understanding of beauty.

3.2) Research questions

32 And one Slovak woman studying and living in the Czech republic.

35

The general research question is as follows:

• RQ: “How today’s visually-oriented social media practices affect young women’s perception

of beauty?”

The main research question is comprised of three subquestions. The researcher first has to

answer the subquestions in order to be able to answer the ultimate research question. Finding answers

to the given questions has the potential to clarify to which extent image-based social media practices

affect young women, whether the effects are perceived as positive or negative, and what may be the

correlative factors in this issue.

• SQ1: “What visually-oriented social media practices do young women engage in?”

Properties of SQ1 are:

- The relationship to social media

- Utilized SNSs

- The purpose of using particular SNSs

- Content followed on social media

- Selfie practices

• SQ2: “How do young women perceive the impact of technology on beauty?”

Properties of SQ2 are:

- General self-perception, relationship to oneself

- Social comparison online vs. offline

- Negative vs. positive feelings regarding exposure to SNSs content

- Current beauty standards and what constitutes them

- The importance of beauty

- Alteration of pictures - alteration of reality

- Opinions on cosmetic surgery

- Feelings related to aging

• SQ3: “To which extent do young women feel to be influenced by media in terms of their ap-

pearance?”

Properties of SQ3 are:

36

- Adoption of trends

- Interest in beauty content elsewhere than on SNSs (TV, Netflix, magazines…)

- Reflection on possible media influence in terms of appearance

- Appearance pressures

- Response to beauty advertising

- Good looks as a social status and a sense of belonging

- Consumerism vs. anticonsumerism

3.3) Research methods

3.3.1) Qualitative research

“Qualitative research begins with assumptions, a worldview, the possible use of a theoretical

lens, and the study of research problems inquiring into the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to

a social or human problem” (Creswell, 2016: 37).

It is not possible to characterize qualitative research with a single definition, as different meth-

odologists view it differently. However, typically the first step in qualitative inquiry is to choose the

topic of the research along with developing the research questions. Qualitative research can be de-

scribed as a flexible type of research, because the research questions can be modified or comple-

mented throughout the whole process, even while performing data collection and data analysis. Be-

sides research questions, hypotheses emerge as well as new decisions regarding research modifica-

tions, adjusting the direction of subsequent data collection and analysis of the data. Data collection

and data analysis occur simultaneously and the researcher adjusts her approach with respect to the

analysis of the initial data. This way, the assumptions and conclusions are continuously reviewed. In

qualitative research, the applied methods can resemble detective work. Any information that might

help with answering the questions comes under scrutiny (Hendl, 2005).

As Creswell asserts, qualitative research is “inductive, emerging, and shaped by the re-

searcher’s experience in collecting and analyzing the data” (2016: 19). The final report of the study

consists of the participants’ responses and the researcher’s reflexive findings which are complexly

described and interpreted at the same time. As such, the research either contributes to the already

existent body of literature or even instigates further action (Ibid). The goal of this study is to gain

deeper knowledge of young women’s social media practices via their testimonies and to understand

37

how these practices affect their own perception of beauty - hence to explain a certain phenomenon.

The aim is to get detailed testimonies from a smaller number of cases, rather than getting a large

amount of data generalizable to the population. A qualitative inquiry is therefore suitable for this

study.

There is a variety of traditions the researcher can choose from when conducting a qualitative

research, nevertheless, the chosen tradition should correspond to the research problem (Creswell,

2016). Since this study aims to explore a phenomenon, it employs a phenomenological approach,

using in-depth semi-structured interviews. The chosen tradition and thorough process of the data col-

lection is discussed subsequently.

3.3.1.1) Phenomenological study

The purpose of phenomenological study is to describe how people understand and make sense

of their own lived experiences within certain concept or phenomenon. The researcher is interested in

what the participants have in common while they experience the same phenomenon. Therefore the

aim of a phenomenologist is to “reduce individual experiences with a phenomenon to a description

of the universal essence” (Creswell, 2016: 58). In other words, the collected data are analyzed in

order to reveal the essence of the lived experience and as such are relatable for those who had the

same experience with the phenomenon and, at the same time, offer an insight into the issue for others.

The particular research question does not necessarily have to commence the study, it is sufficient to

define the direction and a broader definition of the observed phenomenon. The research question

emerges during the inquiry and subquestions form in accordance with the newly acquired pieces of

knowledge about the phenomenon (Hendl, 2005).

The previous paragraph explains the traditional understanding of phenomenology following

on from Edmund Husserl’s philosophy. Husserl’s phenomenology is a study of the phenomenon as it

appears through consciousness. The key is to reveal the essences of thinking, to ”actually see things

‘as they are’ through intuitive seeing” (Laverty, 2003: 23). In contrast, it is interesting to mention

Martin Heidegger’s hermeneutical phenomenology. He learned from Husserl, but approached phe-

nomenology differently. In his point of view, historicality - one’s history or background - forms in-

dividual understanding of the world and affects individual interpretation of meanings. Individuals do

not approach the world in a non-prejudiced manner, they have certain “pre-understanding” of the

reality they cannot step outside of. Hence, a person and the world both constitute and are constituted

by one another (Ibid). Hermeneutics is phenomenology viewed from a different perspective which

could be beneficial for the researcher while handling the data.

38

The data collection in the phenomenological study is often executed through in-depth inter-

views and even multiple interviews33. As for the sample size, there is no universal rule. Creswell

(2016) suggests conducting in-depth interviews with around 10 participants, stressing the importance

of the description of the phenomenon all participants have experienced. It is crucial for the researcher

to be able to “bracket out” or set aside their own views and experiences about the phenomenon,

therefore to adopt the participants’s point of view. Phenomenological study is interested in what the

participants experienced and how they experienced it.

Qualitative interviewing is well suited for trying to understand participant’s perspective and

experience. This method is convenient for the study, since its aim is to examine participants’ social

media practices and possible relation of these practices to the perception of beauty own to each par-

ticipant. The study employs semi-structured interviews - a combination of more and less structured

questions that can be used flexibly (Merriam, Tisdell, 2015). Qualitative interviews are highly adapt-

able, since they can be conducted anywhere relatively private and on a broad range of topics. The

researcher defines the purpose of the interviews and the participants are picked in order to contribute

to the purpose (Lindlof, Taylor, 2017). A number of decisions has to be made, either prior to or during

the interviews. It is crucial to consider the subject matter of the questions, their form and even their

order. Simultaneously, the length of the whole interview has to be assessed. Hendl (2005) emphasizes

the importance of the beginning and of the end of the interview. The initial questions have the poten-

tial to break psychological barriers, whereas the last questions can still generate valuable information.

As Lindlof and Taylor claim, “interviews are as much art as science” (2017: 172). Even though there

is a system in good interviewing, the personal experience is what provides distinctive ways of asking,

listening and telling.

3.3.1.2) Interview guide

As the term suggests, semi-structured interviews possess a certain degree of structure. There-

fore, the researcher has to prepare an interview guide consisting of questions that need to be answered

for the purpose of the research. The guide for semi-structured interviewing contains of open-ended

and less structured questions, but the researcher still requires some specific information from the

respondents. For that purpose, there is a more structured section in the interview guide. However, a

significant part of the semi-structured interview is guided by the issues that should be addressed,

33 This study, however, consists of one interview per participant due to time limitation.

39

rather than fixed questions. Neither the exact order of the questions nor the wording is predetermined,

the researcher should be able to respond flexibly to the circumstances (Merriam, Tisdell, 2015).

Since qualitative research is an emergent type of research (Creswell, 2016), the modifications

of the research elements are expected, if not desirable. The interview guide used for this study devel-

oped along with the research question and the direction of the research. The study employs three topic

guide versions,34 which emerged on the basis of the continuous revision of the collected data.

3.4) Research sample

The research sample consists of predominantly Czech women35 between 19 and 25 years

of age who have36 an active account on the social networking site Instagram37. There are both

students and working women in the sample, both city and village residents. Apart from one mentioned

participant of Slovak origin, all the respondents are Czech.

According to previous research, the media portrayals38 of women cause more pressure than

portrayals of men, displaying women as flawless39 (Conley, Ramsey, 2011). Consequently, young

women feel the urge to fit the ideal of perfect body and looks, which may have negative impact on

their self-perception (Meier, Gray, 2014; Strubel, Petrie, Pookulangara, 2018). Moreover, the use of

SNSs is one of the most popular activities young women engage in online (Tiggemann, Slater, 2013),

being in fact beyond the popularity of traditional media (Kimbrough et al., 2013; Muscanell,

Guadagno, 2012) and offering new contexts for social comparison (Fardouly et al., 2015; Fardouly,

Vartanian, 2015). Similarly, it was found that women spend more time managing and maintaining

their SNSs profiles, indicating that their selfie practices are more elaborate that those of men

(Stefanone, Lackaff, Rosen, 2011). Given the research question and the findings of the above-men-

tioned research, a solely female sample was selected for this study.

34 The most recent topic guide is attached in the Appendix. 35 As already mentioned, one of the respondents is Slovakian living and studying in Brno. 36 At the time of the interview, one respondent reported not having an active Instagram account, due to previ-

ous uninstallment of the application. Her testimony is relevant for the study nevertheless, as she has periods

of using and not using Instagram, and one of her reasons behind uninstalling the app is directly related to the

study objective - the impact of visual content on social networks on individuals. 37 Originally, one of the sampling criteria was the familiarity with selfies, but since Instagram is an image-

based platform, it can be expected that its users are familiar with selfies. Consequently, the criterion was ex-

cluded for redundancy. 38 In advertisments and magazines. 39 More in chapter 2) Social pressures and the urge to compare.

40

The two remaining criteria40 can be substantiated by a number of statistics. According to the

recent data (Pew Research Center, 2019) 90% of Americans aged 18 to 29 use at least one social

networking site. Young adults were one of the first to adopt social media and this fact still reflects in

the usage. Even though Facebook is the most popular41 SNS in general (Clement, 2019), young adults

are more interested in solely image-based SNSs. 67% of Americans aged 18-29 use Instagram, of

which 43% are female users and 31% are male users. However, when the age group is narrowed down

to 18-24, the percentage of Instagram users rises to 75 (Pew Research Center, 2019). The popularity

of Instagram is supported by the respondents’ testimonies, as the overwhelming majority reported

Instagram as their number one SNS. Moreover, since it is primarily image-based online content hav-

ing negative effects on body image, rather than overall social media use (Meier, Gray, 2014), Insta-

gram should be given due attention.

The Pew Research Center statistics (2019) designated Snapchat as another extremely popular

social media platform among young adults, however, these findings are inconsistent with the findings

of this study, since none of the respondents use Snapchat. Hence this platform is not addressed in the

analysis. Although the main focus of the study is on the use of Instagram, the general use of SNSs is

discussed regardless.

Another interesting statistics should be mentioned, given the nationality of the respondents.

Based on the recent Eurostat data (2019), young Czechs ranked first42 in the use of social networks

in the European Union. The data show that 97% of Czechs belonging to the age group of 16 to 24 use

SNSs, meaning only three out of a hundred young Czechs do not use any SNS. Altogether, previous

paragraphs justify the reasons for the criteria choices in this study.

3.4.1) Demographic information of the participants

The following table shows the general demographic information about the participants of the

study. Instead of real names pseudonyms were used in order to provide anonymity to the respondents.

The following chapter provides more information about the process of data collection.

Table 1: Demographic information of the participants

NAME AGE OCCUPATION RESIDENCE

Dana 24 student city

40 Age and Instagram use. 41 Having 2,32 billion active users based on data from April 2019. 42 Along with Danes and Croats.

41

Viktorie 23 student city

Tamara 25 self-employed masseuse & beauti-cian

village

Sylvie 24 retail store manager city

Žaneta 19 student village

Radka 19 student city

Alexandra 21 student city

Valerie 21 student and photographer village

Laura 25 secondary school teacher city

Edita 19 student city

Henrieta 25 student city

Mia 23 fitness instructor city

3.5) Data collection

The first interview was conducted in June 201943, however, the rest of the interviews were

acquired between February and March 2020. The data collection took place in Brno, Czech republic,

where the author of the study both lives and studies. The majority of the interviews were held at the

university premises, two were conducted in a public café and the last one was acquired via online

stream44. The interviews were usually between one hour and one and a half hours long, the total

number of the interviews is 12.

The respondents were selected through a snowball sampling method. Snowball method lies

in piling up the cases when initially, one or more respondents are selected by the researcher and those

respondents subsequently nominate next candidates that might be suitable for the interviews. The

goal is to acquire as diverse and as representative sample as possible (Hartnoll et al., 2003). The place

of the research was beneficial for the fulfillment of this goal, due to the author's local links. The

43 Initially, the study was expected to be finished by the end of 2019. 44 Both conducting later interviews in the café and the acquisition of the last interview via online stream

were necessary measures taken due to the coronavirus pandemic.

42

author therefore had the ability to pick representatives of various social bubbles45. Hereby, the diver-

sity of the whole sample was ensured.

The purpose of this study is to explore the emotions, feelings, and practices related to the

participants’ perception of beauty, hence sensitive topics like relationship to oneself or the need for

validation from others were addressed during the interviews. Given the nature of the research, the

snowball sampling was utilized, because it is a well-suited method for the acquisition of sensitive

data (Lindlof, Taylor, 2017).

3.6) Data analysis

Data analysis took place on a rolling basis as the data had been acquired. On the grounds of

the research methods employed in this study, qualitative approach was chosen to analyse the data. In

qualitative analysis and interpretation, non-numerical data are systematically organized with the aim

to reveal regularities, themes, data configurations, qualities, forms and relationships. The main pur-

pose of qualitative analysis is to clarify how people in the given environment and given situation gain

an understanding of what is happening, why they act in a certain way and how they organize their

everyday interactions and activities (Hendl, 2005). The data were approached in accordance with

hermeneutic phenomenology as Heidegger explained it. During data analysis the researcher is unable

to completely omit her individual view on things as she is influenced by historicality - her own back-

ground. For that reason she cannot approach the studied phenomenon as “tabula rasa” (Laverty,

2003).

In order to properly analyse the data, the initial step was to make full transcriptions of the

audio-recorded interviews. After thorough reading process and familiarization with the interviews,

these were uploaded to Atlas.ti, the qualitative data analysis and research software. Nowadays, access

to a specialized computer program is considered a prerequisite for effective data processing in quali-

tative inquiry (Hendl, 2005), hence Atlas.ti served as a convenient tool for organizing the acquired

data.

As Lindlof and Taylor (2017) assert, the objective of a qualitative researcher during analysis

is to accomplish data management, data reduction and conceptual development. By means of Atlas.ti,

particular text extracts were supplied with initial codes in order to categorize the data. Codes are also

a helpful feature to significantly reduce voluminous data aggregate, as not all data are eventually used

45 Student with a rather technological background, self-employed respondent coming from a small village

etc.

43

in the analysis and this way particular data can be prioritized. Throughout the analysis process, codes

were continuously revised and merged in some cases, as is in accordance with the flexible nature of

qualitative research46.

Simultaneously, pivotal concepts and themes started to emerge during the analysis process.

Particular written and visual materials were found to be especially helpful at this stage, namely sum-

maries of key points of each interview, a mind map47 outlining the main themes, subthemes and the

relations between them, and finally a data analysis framework which helped to organize the themes

into chapters and subchapters. All these elements are considered legitimate components of the ana-

lytic strategy of the research process (Creswell, 2016). Finally, the interpretation of data occurs in-

cluding numerous excerpts from the interviews, the aim of which is to encompass the complexity of

the observed phenomenon (Hendl, 2005).

3.7) Research limitations

Conducting a phenomenological study, the researcher has to face a number of challenges.

First of all, the participants have to be chosen carefully, as each of them needs to have experience

with the studied phenomenon (Creswell, 2016). This condition is secured by one of the sampling

criteria - that each participant has to use an Instagram account. As already discussed, Instagram is a

very popular solely image-based SNS among young adults today and simultaneously, the focus on

this platform is relevant for this study which aims to examine the effect of visually-oriented SNS

practices on young woman’s perception of beauty. By meeting this requirement the familiarity with

the studied phenomenon is assured. Limitation caused by recruiting also occurs in this study. Given

the data collection method outlined in the previous chapter, certain population may be either

overrepresented or underrepresented. The researcher, however, spared no effort in saturating all pos-

sible themes for the data.

Another challenge for the researcher is the ability to “bracket” her personal experience with

the phenomenon - to prevent his own projections. This is particularly difficult, since the researcher’s

role is also to interpret the findings, which is subjective in itself. Nevertheless, considerable reflexiv-

ity is crucial in order to avoid own preconceptions (Creswell, 2016).

This research, however, has one major limitation and that is the sensitivity of the topic. As

mentioned multiple times, the study deals with issues like self-perception, the need for validation

46 See chapter 3.3.1) Qualitative research. 47 See Appendix 3: Mind map.

44

from others, own views of beauty or personal social media practices. Due to the nature of these issues,

the respondents may distort their responses because of feeling uncomfortable with sharing some in-

formation or, they may not even be capable of such degree of self-reflection. These factors can sig-

nificantly bias the study. However, the researcher made an effort to induce a friendly atmosphere

during the interviews in order to make the participants comfortable with sharing their feelings, opin-

ions and experiences of any kind.

3.7.1) Ethical concerns

Any research deals with ethical issues, all the more so when addressing a sensitive topic like

the one of this study. First of all, an informed consent has to be acquired from each participant, prior

to the interviews. By signing the informed consent, the participant agrees with the research require-

ments and his role in the research. In qualitative research, this can be a problematic facet because of

its emergent nature. It is not therefore possible to propose a complete and invariable research descrip-

tion in the informed consent (Hendl, 2005). For that reason, the informed consent used for this study

is not very detailed regarding the research course. This deficiency is, however, counterbalanced by

granting the participants access to the materials containing their private data throughout the whole

research process. At the same time, the participants are allowed to withdraw from the research at any

time (Ibid.). This situation would, naturally, be unpleasant for the researcher, but it must be respected.

The research consent used in this study is attached in the Appendix.

Another ethical issue that needs to be addressed is privacy and emotional safety. For that

reason strict anonymity has to be promised to the participants, being also a part of the written agree-

ment between the participant and the researcher (Hendl, 2005). In this study, the anonymity is ensured

by using pseudonyms instead of real names, erasing the audiotapes once transcribed and using the

acquired data solely for research purposes. The researcher is obliged to make every effort to guarantee

the utmost anonymity of the respondent. Such a commitment can have a positive impact on the re-

spondent in terms of communicating sensitive information. The researcher should be well prepared

regarding the ways of posing questions and addressing sensitive topics (Ibid). Therefore, the inter-

views were started with more neutral topics like social media practices, as a form of a “ice breaker”

in the conversation. Regarding sensitive topics, the researcher was perceptive and reflexive. Each

participant was treated in a friendly manner and encouraged to take their time with answering the

questions. As Hendl (2005) asserts, the interviews often resemble therapeutical sessions and the in-

terviewer can be slightly confused with his position - the researcher versus therapist conflict. Finally,

the research must not endanger the physical or mental health of the participants, that is of the utmost

importance.

45

IV. FINDINGS

One of the key findings that emerged from the data analysis is the fact that social comparison

takes place not only in real life, but also online. The participants’ testimonies confirm that online

environment cannot be neglected when scrutinizing social comparison. All of the respondents evince

various levels of social comparison tendency, both offline and online. It is also important to mention

that social comparison is a psychological (yet socially influenced) process that happens automati-

cally48 and for that reason respondents may not be fully aware of its magnitude, unable to provide

completely accurate statements.

Some of the respondents realize either their offline or online social comparison tendency: “My

friend often says that she is the most beautiful and that she can have anyone she wants. It somehow

knocks my self-confidence, I guess…but it has nothing to do with social media. I believe it affects me

when it’s people I know,” says 21-year-old participant, Valerie. Opposed to that, another participant,

19-year-old Edita, explains: “It happens mainly on Instagram. At times I don’t feel pretty, I see those

girls, their make-up and think - Wow, I’d like to look like that.” Being aware of either online or offline

comparison tendency probably does not signify the absence of comparisons in the other environment.

This study is, nevertheless, interested in the way participants perceive their practices and the effects

of the viewed beauty-related content, in other words, the truth as they understand it, rather than the

truth as it is49.

48 See chapter 2.1) Social comparison theory - psychological grounds for comparison 49 Let alone the fact that it would be probably impossible to do so, given the nature of the topic and the pa-

rameters of the study.

46

The findings of this study are segmented into three main sections with regard to the type of

the viewed visual content online and its effects on the viewer. According to the data analysis, on

social media participants are exposed to various amounts of ideal content (Theme 1) to which they

react differently. Some of the participants confirm experiencing negative emotions while viewing

appealing beauty-related content, which may result in the effort to avoid this type of content, never-

theless, the avoidance occurs for other reasons as well (both Theme 2). Furthermore, some partici-

pants use their accounts on social networks to find alternative and more diverse beauty-related content

(Theme 3), which in some cases also stems from the negative reaction to the uniform and dogmatic

representation of beauty often to be seen on social media. The findings section discusses rather “vie-

wing” than “posting” and that is for two reasons. Firstly, as the theory indicates50, exposure to ap-

pearance based imagery is related to negative self-perception more than any other social media activ-

ity. Secondly, among participants in general, passive viewing is a considerably more frequent social

media activity than active posting.

It is important to mention that these three themes are different sides of one coin. On Instagram,

according to the respondents, the perfect looking and appealing images are prevalent. As McLuhan’s

(1994) theory of technological determinism51 suggests, medium has the power to impose what is

desirable and new technology requires people to be a formable and homogeneous unit. The dominant

visual content is a part of generic mass culture, offering pleasing images to the consumers on one

hand and serving the purposes of the market on the other (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1997). Beauty is

ubiquitous on social networks because it sells. It sets a standard everyone should want to meet to be

a part of this society. Not following the rules means to become an outsider: “There is not really a

way to change that because it’s business. There is so much money in it, it’s unbelievable,” observes

24-year-old make-up enthusiast Dana. “I saw a normal-looking girl walking past a group of girls all

wearing Calvin Klein and Guess, and they looked at her with contempt, making it clear that she didn’t

belong to them,” adds 19-year-old Edita.

However, some respondents stress the user’s ability to moderate the viewed content. Such

remark is in line with Bourdieu’s ideas on cultural taste (2013), as introduced in the theoretical back-

ground52. Every choice any human being makes stems from their family background and educational

level. Similarly, each person has a different habitus - framework for understanding human actions,

determining decisions about what is ugly or beautiful, what is desirable or needless. While being

50 e.g. “Moreover, exposure to appearance based visual content in particular (not the overall use of SNSs) is

related to more negative body image” (Meier, Gray, 2014: 202) 51 See chapter 1) Critical theories as an explanation of media influence on people 52 Ibid.

47

exposed to the beauty ideal on Instagram, the participants adopt different reactions and manifest var-

ious feelings, due to which some decide to avoid this type of content as much as possible. Further-

more, the participants may use Instagram as a platform to access a more diverse representation of

beauty. This topic is discussed in the latter chapters.

Before pursuing the main three themes in detail, the participants’ overall relationship towards

social networking sites should be addressed. It is no surprise that social media are integral to the lives

of the young adults, however, some of the participants admit excessive use of social media or even

addiction. 21-year-old Valerie is afraid she spends too much time on her phone53:

“2 hours is nothing, I can spend even 14 straight hours on my phone - on social networks

and on e-mail. It’s horrible but I can’t properly wake-up without looking at the phone. I

take it to the toilet with me and I can’t quite imagine taking a bath without my phone.”

According to the data analysis, specifically waking up with social media appears to be a cer-

tain routine among participants, as well as using social media to “kill time”. Some respondents claim

they would like to limit the time spent on social media, for example 19-year-old participant Žaneta:

“I am on social media any free second. I even put some limits on the phone that remind

me once I’ve used up all the allowed time but I usually just press “decline”. I had to start

wearing glasses because of how much I stare at the screen.”

Participants often describe their social media activity as something “automatic” and very dif-

ficult to cut down, as 23-year-old Mia confirms:

“It’s hard because we all have the phone in our hand all the time and you’re just one

click away from Instagram. I struggle with it myself. Someone texts me on Messenger and

it’s tough not to touch the phone again. But then it’s my problem that I don’t just respond

to the text and the phone stays in my hand.”

53 Rather than on computer, participants access social media on their smart phones by means of relevant mo-

bile apps. This way, the particular SNS is available “on-the-go” and is considerably easier to access. Some

SNSs are designed to be used predominantly on smart phones (e.g. Instagram, as its web version is limited),

some are exclusively mobile (e.g. Snapchat). Therefore, SNSs are often addressed in relation to mobile

phones (meaning smart phones in this case) in the finding section.

48

The data suggest that social media activity is, in general, very high among the participants. In

terms of the utilized SNSs, Facebook and Instagram are the most popular platforms, however, Insta-

gram seems to have taken over the Facebook’s leading role, especially when concerning the time

spent on the SNS. Due to the nature of this study, the focus is primarily on Instagram, as it holds an

undeniable primacy among participants, regarding the exposure to visual content. Participants use

Instagram for following purposes, in no particular order:

• to look at pretty (visually-pleasing) things

• to relax

• to have fun

• to feel empowered

• to find inspiration or motivation

• to connect with people (sense of community) and to be well-informed about their lives

• to share content with others or to inspire others through own posts

• to gain followers and for self-promotion

Regardless of the purposes for which respondents use social networks, they are constantly ex-

posed to a variety of images that can potentially push them towards social comparison. The following

chapters deal with the viewed beauty-related content and its effects on participants in detail.

4.1) Theme 1: Exposure to ideal content

4.1.1) Is it real or is it just pretty?

One of the findings emerging from data analysis concerns alteration of photos prior to their

posting on social media. Regardless of whether the participants were asked about their own selfie

practices or about their perception of other people’s enhanced selfies on social media, they perceived

photo adjustments as integral to the use of SNSs. 19-year-old participant Radka believes alterations

are a standard on social media:

“It’s just normal these days. Everyone uses filters and makes themselves look prettier,

takes selfies, and there’s hardly anyone around me that wouldn’t do that.”

21-year-old participant Valerie shares similar opinion. She barely notices any filters on other

people’s pictures when scrolling through her Instagram feed, she admits:

49

“I guess I know the pics are filtered, that the colours are enhanced, but I don’t think I

notice when someone’s face is really adjusted, like smoothened. To me it’s just auto-

matic.”

During the interviews, participants were shown a selfie of a famous Instagram influencer,54

the way she presents herself on her Instagram account. Most of the respondents believed the picture

was slightly enhanced. Subsequently, the participants were shown a picture of the same influencer

captured posing at a fashion event. The purpose of the exercise was to show the extent to which the

influencer modified her facial structure, to the point she actually became unrecognizable. Neverthe-

less, prior to viewing the second picture, none of the participants were able to guess such amount of

adjustment. 25-year-old participant Henrieta shares her thoughts:

“She didn’t look completely enhanced, on the other hand, it may appear that way because

everyone is so enhanced these days that you don’t even notice.”

25-year-old Laura is more worried about the virtual lynch and hate comments that might fol-

low the exposure of the influencer. In her opinion, the modified self-presentation is not as toxic as

the disclosure made by press:

“At the end of the day, I find the second picture a lot more unfair because you can actually

sense the bad intention behind it - let’s take a picture to make you look ugly, so the viewers

can react - Wow, she completely deceives us with the pictures she puts on Instagram. I

don’t know whether this girl sends any positive message - maybe yes, maybe not, but I

don’t understand why people have the need to put someone down.”

Nonetheless, when confronted with the comparison of the two images of the mentioned Insta-

gram influencer, most of the participants felt shocked and sad. Most of them believe that such prac-

tices may have extremely negative effect, especially on young girls. 21-year-old Alexandra speaks

from her own experience:

54 Anastasiya Kvitko, Instagram account @anastasiya_kvitko.

50

“It is a paradox, you know, because when I see such pretty girl as in the first picture, it

makes me wonder - Why am I not as pretty as her? Then I see the second picture and I’m

like - Yeah, okay, I look fine.”

The fact that social networks are integral to participants' lives and some of them even report

excessive use of SNSs, provides an idea of the amount of ideal images they may be exposed to on

daily basis. This brings the issue of trust in social media content to the equation. 24-year-old make-

up enthusiast Dana is assured that beauty industry is significantly related to digital editing:

“I am aware it doesn’t look that way in reality, for me it’s just a manifestation of art skills

and of the ability to use apps, because all those pictures are enhanced on Instagram. The

people who do not enhance their pics are not the ones who do make-up.”

The respondents were also asked about their thoughts and relations towards fitness content on

social media, as it is considerably connected to body-image and beauty perception, while contributing

to the establishment of beauty standards55. Besides being a make-up enthusiast, Dana enjoys fitness

as well. However, she does not purposely view fitness images on Instagram, as she believes they

depict by far the most unrealistic type of content on SNSs. 23-year-old fitness instructor Mia can

confirm Dana’s assumption. According to her, healthy inspiration on Instagram is fine, but the view-

ers should not take the appealing images too seriously:

“There were times I was really hyped up to look like those people on Instagram. On the

other hand, I was just chasing something that wasn’t real. I know that even I can take

pictures where I look a lot better than in real life. Therefore, I always try to remind my

clients that it’s not what you think it is on Instagram. You never know how many surgeries

those girls have had and I am myself shocked how many people I found out had liposuc-

tion and other procedures. It is important to remind people of the reality.”

Given the scepticism regarding particular types of images on social networks, it is also rele-

vant to address the issue of how the participants’ trust is gained online. Respondents agree that the

key factors of gaining their trust on social media are consistent opinions, proximity to their own

opinions and transparent demeanour of the influencers, as 24-year-old Sylvie explains:

55 For the participants’ opinions on establishment and consolidation of beauty standards online, see chapter

4.1.2) The Instagram face.

51

“Domča is the only influencer I follow and as she promotes natural beauty, she even

posted some e-mails about cooperation with a company that wanted her to promote cel-

lulite removal cream, which she rejected. She is open and serious about what she does

and posts on Instagram, her philosophy is close to me, that’s why I trust her.”

Similarly, participants do not tend to believe content that looks too “embellished" or that is

suddenly widely promoted. It is interesting to mention that some of the participants seem to trust what

is posted on Instagram stories more than the content posted on Instagram feed. Such tendency may

stem from their own practices, since a number of participants claim they post less edited or unedited

content on stories, even when they usually adjust the pictures they share on the Instagram feed. 24-

year-old Dana is confirms that:

“I believe it really looks the way it is captured on stories. When someone posts a story,

I’m convinced it is exactly what it looked like at that very moment. It’s the same with my

stories. There’s a lot of work behind a pic I put on feed but the stories are completely

real.”

On one hand, it seems that participants are well aware of the digital enhancements regarding

beauty content shared on SNSs, on the other, the aforementioned comparison of the influencer’s pic-

ture posted on Instagram and the picture of the same woman captured in public suggests that they do

not fully realize the extent to which the online presence can be modified. Participants consider photo

enhancements to be a common part of using Instagram, however, they seem to understand enhance-

ments in terms of filtering, smoothening skin or whitening teeth, but not as extremely heavy visual

changes in someone’s appearance. That can be dangerous, as this finding confirms that digital en-

hancements are often very difficult to recognize and therefore have tremendous power to disguise

fiction as reality.

4.1.2) The Instagram face

What makes participants uncomfortable and often insecure about their own appearance is the

impression there is a particular ideal promoted on SNSs. This ideal is constantly present in the form

of appealing images which may push the viewers towards comparison, leading to questioning their

52

own looks, simultaneously evoking the desire to approximate the established ideal. The existence of

a specific set of desirable features is substantiated by numerous statements. Participants often mention

the same physical qualities they believe are unequivocally glorified on Instagram. When directly

asked about prevailing beauty standards they feel are consolidated on social media, participants often

mentioned long (or at least thick) hair, slim to ripped physique, smooth skin, full lips, big eyes and a

firm round bottom. Femininity and youthful appearance were mentioned as desirable traits as well.

Due to these standards, participants often feel the beauty on Instagram is significantly homo-

geneous. This is also supported by trends in make-up - one of the forms of achieving an ideal look.

24-year-old Dana believes there is Western and Eastern ideal:

“It’s contour, fake eyelashes, bronzers, jaw slimming, loads of highlighter, big bold lips

- that’s the Western standard. Eastern standard is white skin, but they don’t use as much

make-up, they usually achieve beauty surgically. However, the Asian ideal of beauty is

small face, thin and pointy chin, small nose. In Asia, specific cosmetic procedures are

very common, for example double eyelid surgery.”

25-year-old Henrieta also believes there is a certain standard in make-up presented on Insta-

gram that makes people look the same:

“James Charles has a slim face and then you have Nikkie Tutorials who has a round face

like me, and they both wear the same make-up, although it doesn’t look equally good on

both of them. They do it in spite of it, because of the standard that’s there.”

During the interviews, participants often mentioned terms like "typical Instagram girl" or "In-

stagram face,” which also supports the existence of a certain standard reflected on Instagram, often

in suggested posts. Besides viewing content from purposely followed accounts, the user sees sug-

gested images every time when selecting the search tool on Instagram. This way, the user views

unsolicited content based not only on the accounts he follows (the content he might be interested in),

but also on any content he has ever viewed on Instagram. Some participants claim not paying attention

to this Instagram feature, but those who view the suggested content assert it is has the highest potential

to induce negative feelings regarding appearance, 21-year-old Alexandra explains:

“When I scroll through my feed or view stories, it’s people I follow and I can unfollow

them if I feel uncomfortable or so. But in the suggestions, I start with art posts and scroll

through to the pretty girls and that’s when I start wondering - Why don’t I look like this?”

53

The Instagram suggestions are also a place where participants notice the mentioned homoge-

neity, as 19-year-old Edita confirms:

“The girls look all the same in the suggestions. Ton of make-up, they show how rich

they are, branded clothes, false eyelashes, false nails, botox - it’s a pattern. They may

have different hair and different names, but besides that they’re all the same.”

Regardless of whether the participants regularly view Instagram suggestions or not, they

unanimously agree there is a specific ideal promoted on Instagram. The consolidation of beauty stand-

ards online manifests itself in the sameness and homogeneity of the images popular on Instagram.

Based on respondents’ impressions, the visually attractive content gains the highest numbers of likes

and followers - the Instagram currency through which influencers gain power in the online environ-

ment. The monotonous content considerably flattens the idea of beauty and can have a negative im-

pact on anyone who does not fall into this idea. On the other hand, the prevailing homogeneity can

lead users to seek more diverse content. Both issues are discussed in the next chapters.

4.1.3) You should want to be beautiful

On social media people seek gratification and validation, which is acquired through the re-

ception of likes, positive comments or new followers. The participants unanimously state that it is

usually “the best of the best,” the unrealistically adorned and positive content, they see on social

media: “You simply don’t show something that doesn’t look good there, right? Like a bad picture,”

says 23-old-participant Viktorie. “When you’re on Instagram, all you see are pretty things, rich peo-

ple, beautiful people and that’s okay, because these people will always be more visible. Therefore,

it’s important not to spend so much time there, ” adds 23-year-old Mia.

The tendency to post mainly appealing content is also reflected in the participants’ own selfie

practices. When deciding to share a selfie on Instagram, majority of the participants usually undergo

54

following steps prior to posting a picture online: searching for favourable conditions (light, surround-

ings etc.), choosing preferred angle to take picture, picking the best picture from a number of taken

pictures (choosing from up to tens of pictures) and various levels of enhancement prior to posting (in

most cases non-modification filters). Some respondents mention consulting the choice with a friend.

When asked about the reason behind sharing a selfie on social media, participants often comment it

has to be on a special occasion, as 24-year-old Sylvie confirms:

“I can imagine that while going to the ball, when I have amazing hair and pretty make-

up and I really like the way I look, so I start taking pictures, pick one of the fifteen pics

I’ve taken, check if it’s really good and then I start playing with the filters. However, I

still want the picture to appear trustworthy.”

Participants mostly agree that seeking validation on social media is natural and normal, when

it is not excessive: “We come there for the acclaim, all of us on Instagram, I believe, and it’s abso-

lutely legit to admit that,” means 23-year-old Mia. Respondents enjoy receiving likes but most of

them claim it is not something they would completely necessitate. 24-year-old Dana appreciates re-

ceiving likes particularly from strangers, rather than from people she knows:

“When you have a circle of friends - I don’t want to say that they are expected to tell you

you look good - but when it’s an unbiased person from, let’s say, Azerbaijan, that’s com-

pletely different than receiving the like from your best friend. When a stranger views my

selfie and likes it, I know it's a real good picture, that I look good.”

Given the appearance-driven nature of Instagram, participants stress that it is a place of com-

petition. Some of them notice this particularly when romantic relationships are concerned. Ideal con-

tent on Instagram pressures 21-year-old Alexandra towards comparison, especially when having a

partner:

“I see what pictures he likes, what he has in his feed - it is exactly those beautiful, skinny,

shredded girls and then it starts playing on my mind - If the only pictures he likes are of

these girls, why the hell is he with me, when I am a complete opposite?”

Nevertheless, the pressure is not present exclusively in case of already existing romantic re-

lationships. Some participants feel the need to approximate the beauty ideal promoted on Instagram

in order to become competitive when seeking a relationship, as 23-year-old Mia explains:

55

“Instagram is a place of temptation where the women are still prettier, so you feel con-

stantly threatened, because there is the supply. Therefore, I feel the need to look good

because the competition is high, thinking - if this is the quality genetic material, I have to

be quality genetic material as well.”

On one hand, participants affirm to be cautious in terms of trusting images they see on social

media, on the other, some of them feel significantly pressured by the appearance related content on

Instagram, as it depicts the homogeneous, seemingly the most desirable set of physical features: “You

can say it is some sort of a preference, based on the comments below the pictures,” says 21-year-old

Alexandra. As mentioned in the previous paragraphs, participants believe there is a fixed beauty ideal,

which is also reflected on and reinforced through social media, however, the users have, at least to

certain extent, the power to moderate what they want to see on their social media.

In case of frequent exposure to ideal content on Instagram, some respondents experience neg-

ative feelings due to comparison to the ideal images. 25-year-old Tamara admits having these issues

when she started using Instagram:

“I saw the beautiful girls having the expensive handbags, going on holidays with their

perfect boyfriends and I felt everything in my life had to be perfect too. I punished myself

so much. I tried various diets, I worked out a lot and I was simply so occupied with all

that. I guess I had no real problems back then.”

19-year-old participant Edita mentions similar issues, admitting being sometimes envious of

the beautiful women she sees on Instagram. She believes the negative feelings are mostly present

when scrolling through Instagram, rather than on regular basis, as she claims to be generally content

with her appearance: “I feel like I should work out too when I see the pictures. I want a body like that

too, I want that booty. But I never manage to stay consistent.” For 21-year-old Alexandra, the effects

of comparison are even stronger. She believes the beauty ideal lies in what she would address as

“femininity,” lacking it herself, in her opinion. Seeing a girl she finds “feminine” results in dramatic

decrease of her self-confidence:

“Instagram strengthens the thoughts I already have in my head. But it’s not because of

one picture. It’s the fact that you keep scrolling and seeing more and more pretty girls. I

call it “Alice falling down the rabbit hole”. You tripped, now you’re falling and you just

can’t stop it.”

56

Besides experiencing negative feelings when viewing the content depicting beauty ideal on

Instagram, some participants evince or even admit internalization of the traits favoured in the viewed

images, which, in some cases, results in their full adoption. 24-year-old Dana shares her own experi-

ence:

“I am 100% sure Instagram pressed me to wear false eyelashes. I even considered per-

manent false eyelashes, because I saw how good it looked in the pictures. Also, I’ve been

quite influenced by the tiny waists recently, as I see them on Instagram regularly. I bought

myself a waist shaper, so I can have a tiny waist too.”

Certain amount of internalization occurs in a number of participants and based on social com-

parison theory, it can be expected that some effects are subconscious, therefore impossible to reflect

on. Participants tend to be influenced in the area of their interest, as they primarily view corresponding

content: “I don’t think I found the shredded physique as attractive before,” admits 23-year-old fitness

enthusiast Viktorie. “The influence is extreme in terms of fashion. Now I buy items I wouldn’t even

look at before. Also, I am actually thinking of getting hair extensions,” adds 21-year-old Valerie.

Participants believe that these desires stem directly from their Instagram activity, as they view

related content on daily basis: “It all subtly massages all my senses,” confirms 19-year-old Žaneta.

Moreover, Instagram is also a place of effective marketing - it targets advertising based on the users’

interests, similarly, the users with amounts of followers - the influencers - have the power to make

their audience buy the products they promote: “I don’t mind the beauty ads on Instagram at all, I buy

some stuff every now and then,” says 24-year-old Dana, admitting spending amount of money on

make-up she has always been interested in. 21-year-old Valerie has experience with buying products

promoted on Instagram as well:

“I bought a Lady Lab fat burner…and I remember buying Daniel Wellington watch and

bracelet set. Everyone promoted it, it looked so good and I just had to have it. It cost like

6k in total and I even didn’t need it! But it was all over Instagram, so I wanted it too.”

All of the participants are exposed to various amounts of ideal content on Instagram, either

willingly or unwillingly56 and their reactions differ. In this chapter, the consumption of beauty-related

images and the pressure they put on the participants in discussed. Nevertheless, the dominance of

idealized images and the power they may have over its consumers also trigger different emotions than

56 Unsolicited advertising and suggested posts.

57

feeling pressured or the desire to approximate the established beauty standards. For example, 19-

year-old Radka realizes the influencing potential of the perfect pictures on Instagram, therefore she

avoids them for her own benefit: “Victoria’s secret, for example, has the standard set in being tall,

lean, having big boobs and big butt. If I only viewed these images, I would completely lack seeing

beauty in uniqueness, I’m afraid.”

Due to the dominant representation of beauty on social media, some respondents purposely

seek more diverse content. Some also claim the ideal promoted on Instagram made them appreciate

what they call “natural beauty” even more. The topics of avoiding ideal content and seeking more

diverse representation of beauty are thoroughly discussed further in the findings section. Prior to that,

the focus is directly on the topic penetrating this entire thematic section, that is the appearance-related

pressure.

4.1.4) Under pressure

During interviews, the issue of pressure was addressed repeatedly - the media, societal and

peer pressure participants feel is being exerted on their appearance. As theoretical background57 sug-

gests, human decisions are formed by personal surroundings, mainly by upbringing and education

(Bourdieu 2013). These are influenced by societal norms, which are, in turn, shaped by the power of

the media (McLuhan, 1994). Therefore, the mentioned forms of pressure are interconnected - the

pressure a young women feels coming from her friends or family is influenced by societal norms

which may be constituted and consolidated by Instagram as one of the popular media outlets.

One of the areas where participants feel pressured by their surroundings is the need to wear

make-up. Before she started using Instagram, Tamara was significantly influenced by beauty maga-

zines, she admits:

“I used to love Elle and this type of magazines where you see the models with perfect

make-up and I wanted to look the same. There was a time I would never leave home

without make-up. Not even to take out the rubbish.”

Similarly, 21-year-old Alexandra remembers having an episode when she could not imagine

leaving house without make-up: “I would almost have a panic attack. Make-up was a mask, I was

afraid of other people’s judgements” she admits. Alexandra feels the pressure to wear make-up even

57 See chapter 1) Critical theories as an explanation of media influence on people.

58

today, though for different reason. She has had her hair cut short, which is, in her opinion, in the

contradiction with one of the supposed key features of beauty and femininity - long hair:

“I feel the pressure in work. Do you know how many people comment on my appearance

without me asking them? They give me their opinions on my hair, on piercing, on tattoos.

Therefore, it felt as if I had to compensate the insufficient length of my hair with the

amount of make-up. To confirm - yes, I am a woman.”

25-year-old participant Laura realized how integral make-up was to her life, when she had to

stop using it due to allergic reaction: “I was really down, I felt unattractive, ugly, all of a sudden I

couldn’t look the way I wanted.” 19-year-old Žaneta believes society is based on an unwritten codex

of what people should look like: “You should wear make-up to lectures, you should wear dress to the

theatre. Social media exert pressure on us and it’s just everywhere. In the newspaper, on TV, on the

Internet. We are constantly massaged by the ideal image.”

Besides the need to wear make-up, some participants feel pressured towards the ideal body

proportions, as 25-year-old Henrieta explains:

“It’s the societal pressure, the pressure from media that tell you what you should wear

to be conventionally attractive and to look like everyone else and then the pressure from

your family. They want the best for you but they don’t realize it can mentally destroy you.

Finally, there is the pressure coming from within, because of all the pressure around,

because you hear those comments all the time.”

The pressure comes from a variety of channels. Although a significant part of participants’

lives occurs online, they notice the favouritism of the ideal image in traditional media as well. 21-

year-old Alexandra disapproves the general rhetoric of lifestyle magazines: “It’s all how to lose

weight, how to cover, how to pretend,” she claims. “The ideal is the commercialism, so it attracts as

many people as possible. It’s an icon that has the power to set trends and others follow it because

they want to be equally appealing,” adds 19-year-old participant Radka.

Significant dissatisfaction with the way plus-size problematics is portrayed in media appears

among respondents. As some of them mention, even regarding plus-size, the ideal hour-glass shape

is often promoted, hence, in this case, the body diversity is only ostensible. Being overweight is also

unsuitably portrayed in films and TV series, 21-year-old Alexandra stresses:

59

“I always wanted to come across a film or series where the main female protagonist

would be fat and not conventionally pretty. I finally found one but I just couldn’t watch it

because of how unrealistic it was. The male protagonist was, once again, handsome and

popular and they ended up together with the girl. I mean, I’ve never been obese nor hid-

eous and I was still called “a fat cow” by this type of guys at school. So tell me, in what

universe would this scenario be possible?”

Respondents believe that society prioritizes good looks and some of them substantiate the

importance of appearance by their own testimonies. For 21-year-old Valerie, the attractiveness is

essential even in fictitious content:

“I know it’s shallow but when there is no one in the series I find appealing - man or

woman - when there are people I don’t fancy at all, I stop watching it.”

When addressing pressure on one’s appearance, participants also mentioned the influence in

terms of fashion. A number of participants confirm buying pieces of clothing after seeing them mul-

tiple times in media, without the previous intention to buy them. This corresponds to the claim of

some participants that this type of pressure leads people to unnecessary purchases, strengthening con-

sumerism58: “The fast fashion is a connected cycle - they show something in a magazine, then it

comes to the chain stores and everyone wears it there. This is how people get subliminally pressed to

wear something,” 19-year-old Žaneta asserts. “I see it in the ads every day when I think about it. It’s

always - buy this, buy that, this is trendy now…just keep buying more and more things,” 19-year-old

participant Radka contemplates.

The previous chapters discuss the topics related to the exposure to appealing beauty-related

content on social media. It can be summarized that in terms of the ideal content, young women deal

with four main issues:

1) the question of what content can be actually trusted, since on social media the beautification of

pictures is prevalent

2) the impression of same looking people due to the socially accepted beauty standards; hence:

3) the feeling that this is the ultimate idea of beauty women should want to approximate; and fi-

nally:

4) the omnipresent beauty-related pressure coming from both online and offline media, the society

and one’s surroundings.

58 The backlash to consumerism forms on social media as well. To learn more about participants’ anti-con-

sumerist actions see chapter 4.3.3) Anti-consumerism on social media.

60

The last topic overarches the previous ones, as the idea of perfect people on Instagram the

participants address creates considerable pressure on them. In addition to that, participants deal with

the pressure differently. Besides regular consumption which is discussed earlier in this thematic sec-

tion, participants either avoid the ideal content or they deliberately seek alternative content on social

media. Following themes thoroughly examine these issues.

4.2) Theme 2: Avoidance of ideal content

4.2.1) The fear of internalization

As mentioned in previous chapter, all participants are exposed to ideal content on social me-

dia. It either shows on their feed among the profiles they intentionally follow, in a form of unsolicited

suggested posts or as advertising. While some participants view beauty-related posts on purpose and

some view them yet claim not paying much attention to such posts, other participants report avoiding

beauty-related content on social media, for various reasons. One of the key reasons for purposely

avoiding images displaying the ideal of beauty, is the fear of internalization. Some participants are

afraid they might get negatively influenced if frequently exposed to the ideal content on Instagram

and a number of them even takes steps to reduce the exposure precisely for being aware of the unde-

sirable effects of the beauty-related content has on them. 25-year-old Laura believes the treachery of

ideal content lies in the fact that it affects the viewers without them even realizing it:

“I wouldn’t want to be growing up these days and be at that age when you fuss about the

way you look all the time and have the use of Instagram and social media where you

compare yourself to others…I’m afraid I would be inclined to do that if this was available

when I was younger.”

Laura, a high school teacher, notices the emphasis her students put on validation on social

networks on daily basis. Younger participant, 19-year-old Radka, shares Laura’s concerns. She be-

lieves the promoted ideal is extremely powerful when one is constantly exposed to it. Therefore she

carefully moderates what she wants to view on Instagram:

61

“That’s exactly what I’m trying to fight, because I don’t want to be influenced by that, I

don’t want anything to have control over me.”

Similarly, 23-year-old Mia confirms viewing images of women she considers “too pretty”

does no good to her. When shown a picture of an Instagram influencer which respondents often

termed “the Instagram face,” or “the typical Instagram girl,” the fitness instructor expressed her wor-

ries regarding the content:

“I know I wouldn’t want to look at such a gorgeous woman on daily basis, I cannot put

this in front of my face every day because what is it good for? I see what she looks like

and I know I will never look that way, so no. I don’t even follow too handsome men any-

more because I’m afraid it’s not real either.”

As is evident from the previous statements, by moderating the followed content on Instagram

participants make a conscious effort to prevent possible risks from frequently viewing images they

would term “perfect”. In case of 21-year-old participant Alexandra, more radical measures occur, as

she is aware of her high social comparison tendency both online and offline. She admits installing

and uninstalling Instagram alternately, mainly because of the amount of time she spends on the plat-

form, nevertheless, the extent to which she internalizes the ideal content on Instagram is also a major

reason for uninstalling the app, she claims, as it puts her backwards in her progress regarding self-

confidence. Yet, Alexandra always reinstalls Instagram eventually:

“I end up downloading it again because I want to prove myself that a stupid app like this

cannot affect my life so much, that I can see all the pretty girls without wanting to change

the way I look. To learn to take it as a fact - she is beautiful, okay, moving on.”

The fear of internalization is one of the main reasons why young women deliberately strive

to avoid particular type of content online. Such decision is either some sort of a precautionary measure

because “what good would it do to look at such images,” as some explain, or the decision stems from

a previous negative experience from online comparison, as in case of Alexandra. Interestingly, a sub-

stantial amount of respondents admit their addiction to social media or at least an extensive use, but

only a few of them express the fear of “being controlled” by the viewed content. Yet, it can be ex-

pected that a substantial influence occurs subconsciously, unnoticed, therefore some participants do

not feel the need to cultivate their visually-oriented social media activities, as 24-year-old Sylvie

62

confirms: “You know that not everything is real there, I just relax while watching it and I don’t really

want to think about it too much.”

4.2.2) Substance over form

Fearing the possible influence the perfect-looking pictures might have on the viewers is not

the only reason participants avoid it. Some claim to prefer more valuable content, even considering

beauty-related images and videos. As a masseuse and beautician, 25-year-old participant Tamara fol-

lows Instagram accounts focusing on beauty and presenting beauty products, however, she claims to

be interested in useful information rather than appealing pictures:

“I am enthusiastic about skincare, I live for it. I like profiles where the women actually

talk about the products, where you can learn about the contents of the product and they

explain why is this beneficial and this isn’t, why 90% of people misuse this product as it

reacts with this substance certain way and so on.”

Tamara seeks facts on Instagram and she enjoys content that does not impose certain standards

on women. However, the visually-pleasing yet possibly pressuring type of content is the most visible

and frequent one, she is afraid. Another participant, 24-year-old Sylvie, experiences mainly positive

emotions linked to the use of Instagram, but if there is anything she perceives negatively on the plat-

form, it is the majority of beauty influencers. They only “show off” and they are “completely fake”

she comments:

“I had to stop following many Czech and Slovak influencers because their content is just

so stupid. There are girls that made career out of unpacking things from the bag and out

of knowing how to put on make-up. That’s not valuable content.”

19-year-old Žaneta has similar opinion. She does not approve the way influencers promote

products online, especially when the advertising is not admitted: “I used to follow many Czech and

Slovak influencers and I stopped following lots of them for that particular reason. This way of pro-

moting products is really nasty.”

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Some participants admit they are interested in content depicting idealized images, however,

they find a value added in such content. 25-year-old Henrieta explains her interest in make-up, albeit

acknowledging the homogenizing effect of the standard consolidated by these images:

“I’m interested in art, that’s why I like make-up. It’s fascinating because I don’t have

that skill and I consider it an art form, since not everyone can really paint a new face

over their own face and that’s what it’s about. I don’t wear make-up myself but this is the

artistic curiosity in me I guess.”

On one hand, make-up can create an optical illusion, providing its users with the ability to

recreate their facial features considerably, on the other, it can be considered an art form, as Henrieta

explains. Despite being significantly fascinated by make-up as well, 24-year-old Dana claims to be

losing interest in the content that solely shows make-up skills with no additional information. Since

being thoroughly curious about beauty industry in general, Dana always tries to “get underneath the

appealing upper layer.” Lately, she has been interested in so called “drama channels,” she explains:

“It’s tabloid, actually, concerned with beauty and the gaffes of both brands and influenc-

ers in the beauty community. They are actually quite good investigative reporters, be-

cause they look for facts. They do the donkey work of gathering all the possible screen-

shots, go through all the available material and end up with a giant montage of what

someone said, how he contradicted himself and how he tried to cover it up.”

This way, as Dana believes, a watchdog of the beauty industry is formed, drawing attention

to the sharp practice of the influential personages in the industry, fighting against the manipulation

of the viewers. Participants unanimously believe that on social media and especially on Instagram,

the visually-pleasing content is always more popular than the quality and informative one. This is no

different for fitness-related content. 23-year-old fitness instructor Mia prefers content of value which

never attracts as many followers as the primarily appealing one, she complains:

“I’d say there are two blocks of fitness influencers on Instagram. The first block does it

completely wrong and all they care about is looking good in the pictures. Physiology

wrong, no valuable information, just making the followers feel bad about their own ap-

pearance. Sadly, these have so much more followers than the second block - people who

actually want to share quality content but they don’t exhibit their bodies that much and

that’s why they are not as popular.”

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As mentioned before, the content participants follow on social media usually corresponds to

their beliefs, interests and hobbies, though it is impossible to completely eliminate the exposure to

the images promoting beauty standards, both online and offline. Nevertheless, the mainstream beauty

ideal present on social media has a specific effect on a number of participants. As a result, they ap-

preciate what they would term “natural beauty,” or “realness” more than before, since online they

feel to be ceaselessly under pressure of the ubiquitous ideal. The preference of a more natural appear-

ance is another reason why some respondents, such as 24-year-old Sylvie, avoid dominant beauty-

related narrative largely praised on social media:

“On Instagram you see perfect people - that makes you notice the ordinarily pretty girls

in real life more. Those that are pretty without loads of make-up or with no make-up at

all and somehow…you start to appreciate this more than the adorned people.”

19-year-old Žaneta also believes that the amount of idealized images she sees on social media

shifted her more towards natural looks which manifests itself in using less digital adjustments and

reducing make-up. Being as natural as possible is the best policy, she argues:

“By using filters you can only hurt yourself. When people meet you in real life they can

tell what you really look like. I can make my nose smaller in every photo but then I meet

people offline and they simply see that my nose is big.”

Now is time to summarize the findings introduced in this study so far. Clearly, respondents

choose to avoid beauty ideal on social media for two major reasons - either they feel it might have

negative impact on them or they do not find it valuable or interesting, sometimes the combination of

both occurs. If interested in beauty nevertheless, the participants often aim for a more diverse type of

content which does not promote the one and only representation of beauty but rather encourages

women to embrace their uniqueness.

It should be emphasized that Theme 1 and Theme 2 are not isolated but rather substantially

interrelated sets of findings. As already mentioned, all participants are exposed to images promoting

beauty ideal59, yet they react differently. Theme 1 discusses the problematics of the exposure in detail,

59 Some participants more, some less, based on their own hobbies and interests, however, even those who are

not generally interested in make-up, fitness, fashion or any other beauty-related type of content have ever

viewed such content, based on which Instagram suggests similar content the user “might like”. Besides that,

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whereas Theme 2 addresses the participants’ endeavours to avoid such exposure by avoiding the very

content that might elicit negative feelings in them. The fact that some participants decide to fudge

overly beautified content on social media can stem from the previous experience of exposure60.

Furthermore, the effort to avoid ideal content on social media cannot be understood as some-

thing that is “easily feasible,” since the user cannot simply seal himself inside a bubble appealing

content could not penetrate. As Alexandra explains: “It is quite difficult, my relationship with social

media. It’s constantly evolving.” It should be also emphasized that even though participants are often

aware of the potentially harmful nature of perfect-looking images, such content attracts them regard-

less, Sylvie confirms: “Instagram is about visuals, I like to view appealing stuff.” Participants, such

as Laura or Žaneta, fear the negative influence of ideal visual content on social media can occur

subconsciously, therefore unnoticed. This along with one of the main reasons why respondents use

Instagram - “to have fun” may indicate the lack of reflection regarding the followed content. On one

hand, Dana is aware of the homogenizing effect of the beauty-related content on social media, on the

other, she herself internalized particular appearance trends.61

Some respondents feel pressured by the mainstream beauty content on social media to the

extent they adopt their own ways of dealing with the issue. Alternative social media content showing

more diverse representation of beauty does not cease social comparison, however, it helps the re-

spondents to embrace their own physical features which do not comply with the promoted ideal. Some

participants do not seek diverse content out of their own uncertainties, yet they do not endorse the

idea of one right direction, which dictates trends and encourages consumption. Next thematic section

deals with these issues in detail.

4.3) Theme 3: Seeking alternative content

4.3.1) Diversity over homogeneity

As outlined in the previous chapter, some participants prefer beauty-related content which

does not impose the one and only desirable way women should look like, as the participants either

acknowledge the homogenizing power of the visually-appealing content or they simply do not agree

participants also encounter promoted beauty-related products through unsolicited advertising on social me-

dia. 60 As in case of Henrieta or Alexandra who seek their own ways of dealing with the pressure of ideal content

by engaging in social comparison in a different context. Theme 3 discusses this thoroughly. 61 See chapter 4.1.3) You should want to be beautiful.

66

with such ideology. A number of participants therefore supports a more diverse approach regarding

the representation of beauty both online and offline, whether it does or does not stem from the feelings

linked to their own appearance.

It is important to mention that some participants stress the variability of approaches towards

content on social media. Despite the popularity of visually-pleasing images on Instagram and the

inability to fully avoid them when utilizing the platform, users are still completely free in what types

of accounts they choose to follow and what content they want to view on social media on purpose,

23-year-old Viktorie asserts: “On social media you don’t display something that doesn’t look good

so the perfect pictures prevail. But I still think it is something you can moderate yourself significantly,

there are loads of accounts that strive to show the truth.”

During the interviews, participants were shown images depicting different types of women in

order to arrange them based on the extent to which the particular images approximate their idea of

beauty. The top choices were often clarified by terms “natural,” “unique,” or “confident,” while

women ranked in the bottom were described as “unnatural,” “too made-up/adjusted” or “run-of-the-

mill.” 24-year-old Sylvie praises uniqueness as one of the main attributes of beauty:

“I am against the idea that people should look certain way. Each and every person has

their inborn originality and I think it is really important to guard it. We shouldn’t all want

to look like…I don’t know…Jennifer Aniston in the second season of Friends. That’s not

what it’s about.”

19-year-old participant Žaneta is afraid the inability to accept one’s own uniqueness is what

leads women to extreme photo adjustments leaving the notion of “beautiful Instagram girls” that are

not real, yet they pressure other viewers towards comparison, generating similar behaviour which

might even lead to drastic measures like dieting, excessive exercising or the desire for cosmetic sur-

gery. Žaneta believes it is important to endorse and promote diversity, referring to her own appear-

ance: “I have a big nose, alright, so what. I don’t perceive it as a disaster, I perceive it as a merit.”

Diversity and uniqueness is something 19-year-old participant Radka appreciates and seeks.

She pursues photography at art school where the ultimate goal is the ability to become distinctive.

Such environment made her realize she should not want to comply with socially recognized beauty

standards: “If you wanted to look like someone else, you would be just considered so uninteresting at

my school. That’s why it’s good to build your own brand, as they say.” Radka’s offline preferences

and interests are reflected in her online activity. On Instagram she perceives content from a “photog-

rapher’s point of view,” favouring images that depict people whose appearance contradicts the usual

standards of beauty:

67

“I’m fascinated by it, I always wonder - how did they manage to get such interesting types

of people? I really like the fact that there are no strict rules in terms of what the model

has to look like, that it can be someone completely different, remarkable. There is this set

ideal of beauty in our society but avoiding it is the best thing to do, I believe.”

Some participants mention the power of social media to connect people with similar interests,

form a sense of community through which people gain encouragement and empowerment in terms of

their appearance. Among respondents, this asset of social networks is frequently mentioned in relation

to body positivity, thoroughly discussed in the following chapter. On Instagram, the participants’

most utilized social media outlet, people from all over the world are connected, forming communities

based on their interests, therefore the content they follow. Larger communities can provide

individuals with the confidence they need to adopt the look they desire, but which they would not

have the courage for without the support from the content on social networks. 23-year-old participant

Mia enjoys fashion inspiration from Australia and owing to Instagram, she is more confident in wear-

ing what she wants, she claims:

“They are not afraid to wear crazy clothes and I love it! Even this large t-shit reaching

my knees that looks like menswear - I wouldn’t have the guts to wear it let’s say two years

ago. Or the nose ring! I got it when barely anyone had it around here. People from abroad

on social media definitely inspired me, showing that I can wear the nose ring without

being a punker or anything else. That I can just like it and that’s it.”

Instagram and other social media play a crucial role in lives of participants who are uncertain

about their appearance. Although social networks are often associated with showing only the high-

lights of people’s lives and hardly ever reflecting the truth, they can still have a significantly positive

impact in terms of dealing with appearance-related insecurities, as following chapter indicates.

4.3.2) The power of body-positive content

Participants believe that on social media, visually-striking content is the most popular one

while some of them admit feeling pushed towards unhealthy comparison triggering negative emo-

tions. Nonetheless, people consciously choose how to use their accounts and profiles on social media,

picking the content they view and interact with. A number of participants perceive specific visual

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content on social networks as particularly beneficial, since it helps them to accept their own appear-

ance which they feel is outside the socially preferred bracket of beauty standards.

As respondents claim, the beneficial effect of the particular visual content online lies in the

diverse beauty representation, acceptance of various body types, age groups, skin colour or gender

identity, directing the viewers towards being comfortable with their own looks. Body-positive con-

tent, the term frequently used to encompass the mentioned type of imagery, can have a considerably

positive effect on one’s self-perception, as 19-year old participant Žaneta confirms: “Instagram can

boost self-love and that’s what happened in my case. When I see a girl in her bikini there, not bothered

about the rolls on her tummy, then why should I be bothered about it?”

As Žaneta’s testimony suggests, social comparison occurs even while being exposed to body-

positive images, however, in such cases the comparison has the participants feeling better than before,

as opposed to comparing themselves to ideal images. Owing to this type of comparison, women gain

the sense of belonging and it is easier for them to validate their own physical features they are insecure

about as they view similar features in other women who present themselves confidently on social

media. Instagram accounts such as of Swimsuits for all or Tess Holliday promoting the variedness of

beauty have a considerably positive impact on well-being of a 25-year-old Henrieta who felt partic-

ularly under pressure of mainstream media and her surroundings. Even though Henrieta did not ini-

tially believe body-positive content might help, she now claims to be confident enough to wear

clothes based on her own preferences, not on the preferences of media and society:

“You know my selfies in 20 shirts on Instagram? That’s something I wanted to wear for

so long - high waisted jeans and the shirt tucked in it. My belly sticks out a mile and it

used to really annoy me but I simply don’t care anymore. I don’t hide myself, Tess doesn’t

hide herself either and she has everything sticking out everywhere! As for what I wear,

someone would say “you look fat in this” but I am equally fat without it, so what.”

Just like Henriera, 21-year-old participant Alexandra used to be very insecure about her looks.

She notices not only the pressure media impose on overweight people but also the pressure coming

from the people she knows, be it peers or family members:

“When I’m out with my sisters, sometimes they have mean comments on thicker girls for

eating an ice-cream, for example. They are both really skinny and one sister always

comes to me to show me some new real effective workouts I have to try and I’m thinking

- what the hell? I’m not even that fat but it’s enough for people to look at me differently

and to judge me based on my weight not based on who I am.”

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Pressure coming from her sisters as well as the ideal presented in media led Alexandra to seek

more diverse representation of beauty on her social media accounts. Being overweight had been af-

fecting her mental health for a significant part of her life, making her feel “hideous,” she mentions.

The substantial change in her self-perception occurred also owing to the body-positive movement

forming abroad she learned about on social media, especially through particular YouTube channels.

Seeing women of all shapes embracing their bodies publicly prompted Alexandra to realize that she

can be content with her appearance even if she is not a size S: “I figured out that I actually feel good

in my own body and that the only reason I always attempted to lose weight was to please others. But

if I’m enough for myself I should be enough for others,” she adds.

Although there is a definite beauty ideal promoted by the media and the society, participants

believe that beauty still lies “in the eye of the beholder.” The variedness of body-positive content

helps its viewers to acknowledge it, while stressing that one’s appearance does not determine the

relationship to oneself, as 24-year-old Sylvie believes: “You don’t have to look like a mannequin,

what matters is how you perceive yourself and it is awesome that on Instagram, there are people that

create this type of content - that it’s not about the looks, it’s about how you feel inside your own

body.”

Body-positive content striving for real representation of one’s looks, extending to facial fea-

tures as well, helped 25-year-old Laura with self-love significantly, as she struggled with her appear-

ance after discovering her make-up intolerance:

“It really helped me not to be as self-critical and it’s relieving to see that other girls have

similar struggles, that you are not alone. I like to follow people that stress we shouldn’t

measure our value based on how well we fit certain beauty standards.”

The previous findings indicate that participants believe visual content on social media, such

as on Instagram, can elicit both negative and positive emotions, depending on how the network is

used and what type of content the user is exposed to. 25-year-old Henrieta believes the power is in

the user’s hands, stressing the positives of the platform:

“It’s all more in your face than in traditional media, however, on social media there is

the plus-size movement, transgender fashion and so on. Instagram really screws up small

kids, but it can affect you positively if you know what to look for. If it wasn’t for these

accounts my struggle with confidence would last a lot longer, I’m sure.“

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4.3.3) Anti-consumerism on social media

The very last finding that should be addressed is seeking anti-consumerist content on social

media as a backlash against consumerist society and the mainstream imagery usually persuading peo-

ple to purchase more than they need. It is important to stress that some participants do not only criti-

cize the ideology set by the uniformly-looking appealing images on social media, but also the tactics

of influencers of persuading the followers to buy consumer goods which is often the real reason be-

hind sharing beautified images. Some participants claim to be influenced themselves, as they admit

spending more money on beauty-related products, clothes or fitness supplements, since they “saw it

on Instagram frequently” and some of them even became fond of trends they disliked prior to the

heavy social media exposure62.

However, some respondents, being aware of the consumerism-encouraging mainstream con-

tent, focus rather on alternative imagery as a counterpoint to what is majorly endorsed on social me-

dia. Working in retail, 24-year-old Sylvie notices the amount of clothes people buy on daily basis,

which was one of the impulses that elicited her commitment to a less consumerist lifestyle. Seeing

the common profit-making influencer content on social networks has even strengthened her endeav-

our, as she becomes “disgusted” with the consumerist way of life, she explains:

“At work I see how greedy people can be, it’s horrible. They order loads of clothes they

don’t need and people like that then show off on Instagram. It actually made me more

interested in buying clothes in second hands and I’m planning on my first swap - you

bring a bag of clothes you don’t wear anymore and you swap it for clothes from others.”

19-year-old participant Žaneta shares similar opinion. She purposely avoids fast fashion - the

mass-produced cheap clothing available in chain stores, unconcerned about what is considered

“trendy” at the given time. Žaneta rather purchases a few more expensive products from local brands,

since she usually saves money on buying pieces in second hands or in thrift shops. For that reason,

she does not follow many mainstream influencers on Instagram, who often promote fast fashion and

offer appealing discounts, fueling unnecessary consumerism. However, social media can be certainly

used to reinforce the anti-consumerist stance as well. Žaneta claims she consolidated her way of life

also owing to some of the alternative brands she found through Instagram, she explains:

62 Such as in terms of clothing, for example, as participant Valerie mentions in chapter 4.1.3) You should

want to be beautiful.

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“Quite a lot of people on Instagram now show that you don’t have to purchase only new

clothes from the chain stores, that it’s no shame to buy things in second hands too where

you can actually find absolutely fantastic pieces. This and supporting local brands is

meaningful, when the clothes are not produced on a mass scale. Instagram is great for

this purpose because it helps me to discover new brands and I can find exactly what I

need and what I like.”

The way the algorithm on Instagram works, it was enough for Žaneta to discover one account

promoting slow fashion based on which the network started to offer other accounts Žaneta might be

interested in. Once again, the emphasis is on the way social media are used and on the content the

user decides to follow. The plethora of purchase-inducing mainstream content on social networks can

either manipulate the user into buying the promoted product or it can discourage him and drive him

towards seeking less pressuring type of content. In this case, interviewed young women are aware of

many influencers’ and brands’ objectives to “sell as much as possible,” disapproving the society’s

orientation towards “profit at all costs”.

Image-based social media can play a crucial role in encouraging women to embrace attitude

contradicting the massively-adopted ideology, as well as to show them that even though the social

preferences are set, the alternative and more diverse content is still available, if one does not only

passively receives, but rather actively seeks.

Overall, participants believe that beautified ideally-appearing content prevails on social me-

dia, particularly on Instagram, as it is a solely image-based platform. Participants agree that appealing

content is the most popular one, having the highest numbers of followers and therefore becoming

more visible than “more real” types of images. Consequently, all of the respondents are exposed to

the ideal imagery on social media, at least to certain extent, to which they react differently. Some

express their worries regarding the ideal images or even admitting feeling pressured towards set

beauty standards, which they believe are set (Theme 1). This may result in the endeavour to avoid

such type of content due to strong social comparison tendencies (Theme 2), however, some partici-

pants decide to avoid the ideal content simply for not finding it valuable or interesting enough. More-

over, participants that feel particularly pressured in terms of their appearance mention following al-

ternative type of content on social media promoting body positivity, as, also by means of social com-

parison, it helps them to accept their appearance (Theme 3). Similarly, even this content is in some

cases chosen by participants who appreciate diverse representation of beauty and absence of feeling

pressured in particular direction.

The findings of this study evidence that social comparison occurs online as well as offline, as

is in accordance with the studies introduced in the theoretical background. Furthermore, it should be

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stressed that social comparison is not necessarily harmful, as based on the findings, it significantly

depends on what type of imagery it is aimed at. The following Discussion section conscientiously

addresses the major findings and their relation to the literature review.

V. DISCUSSION

In this section, the findings of the performed qualitative study are evaluated and interpreted

with respect to the theories and studies presented in the theoretical background. The aim of this chap-

ter is to build the grounds for answering the set subquestions and, ultimately, the main research ques-

tion Conclusion part is further dedicated to.

5. 1) Discussion of the demographic criteria

Before discussing findings of the study in detail, demographic factors should be taken into

consideration:

1) Gender: Only people indentifying themselves as women were picked for the

purposes of this study. Based on the previous research, women tend to be more

affected by beauty-related media content than men63. They are also more in-

vested in their online image than men64.

2) Age: The sample consists of young women between 19 and 25 years of age.

The high numbers65 of young adults using SNSs, particularly visually-oriented

SNSs, supports this choice.

3) Nationality: As the research took place in the Czech republic, Czech nationals

were picked for the research. One of the participants is of Slovak origin, how-

ever, she resides in the Czech republic.

4) Residence: Both city and village dwellers were chosen as participants of this

study in order to gain larger perspective and avoid misinterpretation of the data

63 Conley, Ramsey, 2011; Meier, Gray, 2014; Strubel, Petrie, Pookulangara, 2018. 64 Stefanone, Lackaff, Rosen, 2011. 65 Pew Research Center, 2019; Clement, 2019; Eurostat, 2019.

73

that might be applicable only on particular location. Although the interviews

took place in the city of Brno, it should be noted that the participants come

from various surroundings.

5) Occupation: Participants of the study are either students or representatives of

various professions. This choice was once again made to provide as valid data

as possible, since the study is focused on young women in general, not on

young women of particular occupation, and as such should be interpreted.

To conclude, there were no significant distinctions identified within any of the demographic

categories, given the limited extent of the research. For demographic details regarding each partici-

pant see chapter 3.4.1) Demographic information of the participants.

5. 2) Discussion of the findings

First of all, it is important to emphasize the key finding penetrating the whole study, which is

the fact that young women compare to others not only in person but also in the online environ-

ment. This major finding is in line with Festinger’s (1954) social comparison theory, yet it could

hardly be applied on anything but offline behaviour at the time this theory was established. Never-

theless, there is a number of studies focusing on comparison on social media drawing on Festinger’s

theory, supporting the findings of this study. According to Yang and Brown (2016), social networks

are convenient outlets for self-presentation and one of the popular ways to build own image, espe-

cially speaking of visuals, are self-portrait photos, so called selfies (Halpern, Katz, Carril, 2017; Chae,

2017). Given the nature of visually-oriented social networks, such as the most popular one66 - Insta-

gram, participants are exposed to pictures of other people on daily basis and as they often admit, they

engage in comparisons which have either negative or positive impact on them, based on the viewed

content. Previous research supports this finding, stating that the effects of comparisons vary depend-

ing on the target groups being the subject of the comparison (Fardouly, Pinkus, Vartanian, 2017). The

contexts in which participants compare themselves online are further discussed.

In terms of Instagram content, participants agree there is a particular beauty ideal consoli-

dated through favoured images. Participants often state they see “the same faces67” on Instagram and

based on, for example, comments below certain pictures, particular preference is evident (Alexandra).

The existence of beauty ideal is substantiated by the features participants agree to be constituting it.

66 The most popular among participants of this study - overwhelming majority of participants reports Insta-

gram to be their most used social networking site. 67 Especially via suggested posts or ads, as on feed participants directly moderate what they want to see.

74

In order to comply with given beauty standards, woman should ideally possess long (thick) hair,

slim/ripped physique, smooth (pretty) skin, full lips, big eyes, firm and round bottom. Femininity and

youthful appearance are also understood as desirable assets. This finding corresponds to available

research suggesting particular physical features are considered more attractive than other (e.g.

Hazlett, Hoehn-Saric, 2000; Mehrabian, Blum, 1997; Lipovetsky 2002; Grogan 2016). Furthermore,

as McLuhan (1994) suggests, medium can impose its own presumptions on people, hence the societal

preference is consolidated by the medium, in this case by Instagram, as well. Previous studies docu-

ment the favouritism of appearance in our society, so called “lookism,” stating that visual culture of

selfies contributes to the acceptance of this discriminatory phenomenon (Tietje, Cresap, 2005; Chae,

2019).

Another related finding suggests that beauty on Instagram is considerably homogeneous.

This can be explained by the omnipresence of digital enhancements participants describe as “a stand-

ard on social media.” The data suggests that filters are a common part of sharing images on social

media, sometimes to the extent viewers are unable to even notice them. This finding is in line with

the study conducted by Rajanala, Maymone and Vashi (2018), asserting “we live in the era of filtered

photographs” (p. 443). Via filtering and other enhancements SNS users can approximate the desired

look dictated by the previously mentioned beauty ideal. It can be stated that “selfies” and the urge to

look certain way in them are a product of mass culture. As Adorno and Horkheimer stress “culture

today is infecting everything with sameness” (1997: 123) and its totalitarian aim is to make everyone

part of it. On Instagram we can easily see what is desirable based on the number of likes, positive

comments and followers. Popular accounts have the ability to sell not only an idea but goods as well,

which is in line with the ideology of culture industry, measuring desirability based on marketability

(Adorno, Horkheimer 1997).

During the interviews, participants shared their worries regarding trust in visual content

on Instagram, as they are often unable to tell what is real. The data suggests that, in terms of images,

participants tend to trust the content that “looks real/natural.” The problem is that digital enhancement

does not necessarily mean looking “over the top” but is often very subtle and difficult to detect. Based

on the conducted interviews combined with a practical task of comparing online and offline presence

of a selected Instagram influencer68, it can be asserted that participants are aware of ubiquitous

digital adjustments on social media but they are often highly unaware of the extent of adjust-

ments, including facial structure modifications. This finding is in line with the previous research

warning about comparisons to unrealistic standards disguising heavily enhanced pictures as reality

(Rajanala, Maymone, Vashi, 2018; Chae, 2017).

68 See chapter 4.1.1) Is it real or is it just pretty?

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Altogether, participants are exposed to ideal images69 on daily basis, as they admit they use

social media (and Instagram in particular) on daily basis. Some participants also admit excessive use

or even addiction to the SNS (Valerie, Žaneta). Now is the time to focus on the very effects the

exposure to beautified images has on interviewed young women. In terms of their own selfie prac-

tices, the overwhelming majority of participants admits using at least a simple filter to enhance their

pictures, along with the need of favourable conditions (“looking good,” favourable light, favourable

angle etc.). Non-modificational filters are widely used by participants, however, cases of heavy ad-

justments and belly-slimming modifications were recorded as well (Valerie). This way participants

contribute to a “vicious circle” of enhancing the reality and selective self-presentation showing only

the appealing images, as previous research suggests is a common practice on social media (Walther,

1992; Hancock, Toma, 2009).

It is important to stress that some participants feel pressured by the ideal social media con-

tent. Such feelings can be once again explained by the social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954)

which penetrates the whole study. Some respondents report experiencing negative feelings due to

comparisons to beautified images, namely feeling less pretty, experiencing envy, feeling the need

to achieve perfection and the need to diet/exercise (e.g. Tamara, Edita) or even a sudden and complete

loss of self-confidence (Alexandra). These findings are in compliance with extensive research sug-

gesting negative upward comparison outcomes online (e.g. Alfasi, 2019; Betz, Sabik, Ramsey, 2019;

Brichacek, Neill, Murray, 2018). It should be also noted that participants do not usually experience

negative feelings based on one picture they view but rather due to a number of pictures promoting

particular ideal. This is in line with available research linking frequent exposure to deterioration in

self-perception (Vandenbosch, Eggermont, 2012).

In terms of pressure due to ideal content on Instagram, participants also mention feeling the

urge to compete with other women. Understanding Instagram as a competition of looking as good

as possible in order to either attract a potential partner (Mia) or to keep the current partner (Alexandra)

agrees with Adorno’s idea of mass culture being and “unadorned make-up” (1991: 33). Mass culture

is about competition which can even resemble sport where good looks are considered a prerequisite

for success (Adorno, 1991). Moreover, findings of a recent study imply, on social media women want

to look better than others or, at least, they want to be equally good-looking as others (Chae, 2017).

The adoption of trends or particular desirable features due to dominant Instagram content

is another key finding to be discussed. It is important to stress that it is considerably difficult for

individuals to determine the concrete effects visual content has on them, since the influence often

occurs unnoticed. As McLuhan emphasizes, medium casts “narcissistic hypnosis” (1994: 28) on the

69 Those that based on the acquired data and previous research prevail.

76

consumer, a hypnotic power influencing people subconsciously (Ibid). Although it is impossible to

learn the full extent of the influence, some specific adoptions participants believe stem directly from

Instagram use can be named. Due to exposure to relevant content praising specific features, partici-

pants claim to have adopted false eyelashes, tiny waist trend through the purchase of waist shaper

(Dana), shredded physique and tanned look (Viktorie), hair extensions or particular fashion trends

unaware of or not interested in prior to seeing related Instagram content (Valerie). Besides adoption

of appearance features, the consumer orientation of purchase-promoting content on Instagram

should be addressed. Some respondents mention buying unnecessary products through Instagram

ads/influencer posts (Dana, Valerie), others directly state the SNS reinforces consumerism while ex-

pressing their discontent with this orientation (Sylvie, Žaneta). The finding is substantiated by the

culture industry theories, treating people as consumers, manipulating them continuously into pur-

chasing fast-moving standardized goods (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1997).

Previous paragraphs discuss the findings related to the exposure to the beauty ideal promoting

visually-oriented social media. Now is time to focus on the cases when participants refuse to expose

to such content or they even actively search for more diverse alternative content on social media

instead. As Bourdieu’s (2013) cultural taste theory proposes, individual taste is significantly shaped

especially by one’s educational level and social background. Therefore, all choices a human being

makes, from clothing to visual art preferences, correspond to these two crucial variables. Moreover,

individuals are members of a particular social class (dependent on the accumulation of capital), pos-

sessing certain habitus - cultural code giving order to the practices of the members of social class

(Ibid). Based on this theory, the individual choices of refusing certain visual content and preferring

other can be explained.

As participants mostly agree too beautified, perfect-looking image content on social media

has the power to influence its viewers negatively, some choose to avoid it for this particular reason.

A few testimonies express a dissatisfaction or concern about the SNS’s potential to control one’s

life (Radka, Alexandra). Participants who try to avoid the ideal imagery believe its treacherousness

lies in the subtle and long-term influencing, when one is exposed to it frequently (Laura, Radka). In

addition to that, the purposes for which respondents use Instagram, such as to look at pretty things,

to have fun or to relax, may suggest they are not too watchful while using the platform. Based on

previous studies, the outcomes are fueled by social comparison, explaining the negative effects of

frequent exposure to idealized visual content on one’s self-perception (Hendrickse, Arpan, Clayton,

Ridgway 2017; Fardouly et al., 2015; Sherlock, Wagstaff, 2018). In case of Alexandra, the awareness

of own high social comparison tendencies along with previous negative experience from compari-

sons, are the reasons she tries to avoid too beautified visuals on social media. However, she does not

avoid such content completely, as she desires to prove herself images of beautiful women she views

77

online cannot have such control over her. This once again proves the substantial power of the media

(McLuhan, 1994).

Another reason to avoid the embellished images on social media is the lack of interest in them.

Some participants claim they prefer more valuable and informative content, rather than images

that are just pleasant to look at (Tamara, Dana). It should be stressed that some respondents have

interests that are in compliance with what is pictured by the ideal content, such as in terms of fitness

(Mia, Viktorie) or make-up (Dana, Henrieta). However, they claim to seek the content of value added

in this field. Mia complains about the high popularity of “nothing but good-looking” fitness accounts

opposed to less popular but informative and valuable fitness content. Dana prefers content showing

what is “beneath the appealing upper layer” of beauty industry. As is in accordance with McLuhan

(1994), the only way to diminish the manipulative power of media is to become conscious of it.

Some participants not only avoid ideal content, but they also actively seek more diverse

representation of beauty. In a number of cases, this is a reaction to the imagery that is majorly

endorsed on social media. Respondents often mention being “fed-up” with the perfect looking influ-

encers promoting unrealistic standards, whose content does “no good” to the viewer (Mia). Also be-

sides pressuring they find the content to be manipulative, stupid or trying to sell as much as possible.

Interestingly, some participants claim the overly beautified pictures on Instagram made them appre-

ciate realness and natural beauty in real life more (Sylvie, Tamara, Žaneta). They believe influenc-

ers promoting unattainable standards often suffer from distortion of reality, like previous research

implies (Chae, 2017). Hence, what looks real on social media tends to be favoured by a number of

participants, which again leads to the issue of trust and the problematics of extensive, yet sophisti-

cated enhancements that can easily pass off as “natural beauty” (Rajanala, Maymone, Vashi, 2018).

Respondents who seek variedness on social networks claim to be against the homogenizing

effect of ideal content, stressing individual uniqueness. Žaneta believes endorsing diversity is crucial

in order to stop young women from feeling pressured towards particular standard. This idea is in line

with studies conducted on body-positivity, suggesting diverse representation of beauty reduces body-

surveillance (e.g. Cohen et al., 2019; Tiggemann, Zinoviev, 2019; Tiggemann et al., 2020). Radka

confirms, art school environment made her praise uniqueness and view beauty standards as “boring,”

which is in compliance with previously addressed Bourdieu’s theory (2013) of cultural taste.

Previous lines therefore imply body-positive visual content can support self-acceptance by

means of social comparison. In other words, social comparison occurring on social media does not

necessarily have negative outcomes, although these seem to be more frequent (Chua, Chang, 2016;

Vogel et al., 2014; Feinstein et al., 2013). Given the promoted beauty ideal discussed earlier in this

chapter and the felt discrepancies between this ideal and their appearance, some respondents experi-

ence various forms of pressure coming from society, media or peers and family (Henrieta, Alexandra,

78

Žaneta). Since they refuse to compare to idealized images, they focus on the type of content that helps

them to accept their looks - the body-positive content. It is specifically the diverse representation of

beauty promoted by this content that has participants feel better about the way they look. The crucial

factor causing positive outcomes of the comparisons is the ascertainment that participants are not

alone who struggle with the given issue. Growing body of research proves that feminist content char-

acterized by words like “self-love,” “authenticity” or “body positivity” is becoming significantly en-

dorsed through social media, having tremendous power to influence young women through through

social comparison positively (e.g. Kasana, 2014; Cohen et al., 2019; Reade 2020).

The last finding that should be addressed is the power of Instagram to promote anti-con-

sumerism. Although it seems this finding does not have much in common with the objectives of this

study, its place in this study can be justified. As already mentioned, participants often express dis-

content with the dominant tone of Instagram imagery encouraging consumerism, which, in fact, has

some seek alternatives (Sylvie, Žaneta). Based on her interest in sustainable fashion, Instagram helps

Žaneta discover new local brands she can support instead of participating in the dominant cycle of

consumption. Once again, the emphasis is on the way the platform is used, meeting one's preferences,

reflecting their cultural taste (Bourdieu, 2013).

VI. CONCLUSION

The aim of the qualitative study is to understand how visual social media practices affect the

young women’s perception of beauty. First of all, an extensive literature review discusses relevant

media theories suitable for substantiating this study, along with previous research dealing with the

usage of social media with the focus on its effects on the users, mainly employing Festinger’s (1954)

social comparison theory. Emphasis is particularly on beauty-related visual content on solely image-

based social media platform Instagram, as it is particularly relevant for the objectives of the study.

Methodology section follows with the aim to describe and justify the choice of methods for this study,

offering a thorough view of the whole research process. The following Findings section discusses the

collected and analyzed data, acquired through 12 qualitative interviews with young women. The in-

terviews were conducted with regard to the set research questions and 3 subquestions, introduced in

the methodological chapter. Discussion chapter summarizes and interprets the key findings of the

study.

79

This concluding chapter is dedicated to answering the research questions and, subsequently,

to assess the contributions of this study to the academic field, along with its limitations and possible

further directions. By answering the partial subquestions it will be ultimately possible to find the

answer for the main research question. Therefore the findings answering the subquestions are further

addressed.

SQ1: What visually-oriented social media practices do young women engage in?

In terms of visual social media practices among young women, it was found that Instagram is

unequivocally a SNS of primary use in this regard. None of the respondents reported using Snapchat

or any other solely visual SNS. As for Facebook, its use is not relevant for this study, as it is majorly

used as a chatting platform among participants. Therefore the main focus is on the participants’

Instagram activity.

Interviews revealed young women use Instagram on daily basis, often “any free minute”.

Some respondents explicitly admit excessive use or even addiction to the SNS. The purposes for

which young women use Instagram can be summarized as follows:

• looking at visually-pleasing content

• relaxing

• entertainment

• searching for inspiration or motivation

• connecting with other users and being “up-to-date” with their lives

• sharing own content/inspiring others through own content

• aiming to attract new followers

The reasons for using the platform in the first place help to understand what type of content

young women seek. This study aims to scrutinize beauty-related content, therefore the images partic-

ipants are interested in in this regard can be classified into following categories: beautification70,

fitness, fashion, lifestyle, art and empowering content. In terms of passive versus active use of Insta-

gram, participants report “scrolling” (passive use) as their more frequent activity than “posting” (ac-

tive use). However, almost all respondents post “selfies,” differentiating in the posting frequency,

and admit to possess particular “selfie practices.” These consist of seeking favourable conditions

(light/angle/“feeling pretty”), the need for validation prior to posting71 in some cases, and low to high

levels of enhancement. Majority of participants reports using unobtrusive filters mainly for light or

70 Mainly make-up. 71 Sending the picture to a friend/friends to confirm the decision of posting the picture online.

80

contrast corrections, however, a case of extreme enhancements including digital modifications of

appearance was recorded as well.

SQ2: How do women perceive the impact of technology on beauty?

Participants mostly believe that the impact of technology on beauty is noticeable. Above all,

technology allows people to alter their appearance very easily, from harmless simple filters correcting

light to extreme modifying enhancements, which are often difficult to recognize, as is evident from

the participants’ responses. Due to the possibility to approximate set beauty ideal by means of digital

editing, everyone can be beautiful online and beauty becomes significantly homogenous on social

media, as anyone can reach the standards without putting much effort or money into it. Participants

also believe people often build false identity on social media, some sort of 2.0 better looking version

of themselves, showing only the “highlights” of their lives. Consequently, social media users gain

false idea of beauty and often consider the displayed looks attainable. According to participants, this

may result in discontentment with own appearance and even drastic measures to achieve the ideal.

Besides the digitally adjusted imagery, owing to the affordances of image-based social media, diverse

representation of beauty is more accessible than in traditional media. In case of social media exposure,

some participants stress the possibility of individual choice regarding what to view on SNSs.

SQ3: How do media portrayals influence the way young women understand beauty?

Participants believe there is a particular standard which is reflected and reinforced by the

predominant visual content on social media. Mostly they believe the society is appearance-driven and

individuals possessing desirable features are favoured. Young women mention lower to higher

tendencies to compare to the ideal images. Some participants feel the urge to adopt some of the pro-

moted features or trends via appearance changes, others feel discouraged by the dogmatic idea of

beauty, often resulting in appreciation of more realistic/natural appearance and seeking more diverse

content. Due to negative feelings experienced through constant exposure to a preferred set of traits

portrayed in media, some participants choose to view content offering more diverse representation of

beauty which, by means of social comparison, helps them to accept their appearance and has the

power to elicit positive feelings in them.

At this stage, the main research question can be finally approached and it reads as follows:

How do today’s visually-oriented social media practices affect young women’s perception of beauty?

81

All participants come into contact with appealing visual content promoting set standards of

beauty, however, they react differently to it. Those who expose to the ideal content often evince levels

of internalization and appearance pressure, manifesting itself by self-confidence decrease, dissat-

isfaction with own appearance or the urge to engage in appearance-changing behaviour, such as di-

eting and exercising. A number of participants mention adopting particular trends/appearance features

or purchasing beauty-related products due to frequent exposure to relevant content on social media.

In terms of negative feelings, participants remark the need to compete with the beautiful women

they see on social media. Too beautified visual content, on the other hand, has some respondents

value natural beauty more.

Participants who experience considerably negative feelings due to comparison to ideal content

try to avoid this type of content and they often seek more diverse representation of beauty or par-

ticularly body-positive content. Alternative content is also sought by respondents who do not find the

dominant imagery valuable. In terms of exposure to body-positive content, by means of social com-

parison participants mention positive effects on their self-perception, owing to the variedness of im-

ages viewed on the SNS and the sense of belonging.

This qualitative study offers a unique view on visually-oriented social media practices of

young Czech72 women, with a particular focus on the relationship between technology and the per-

ception of beauty. The study casts a light on how young women feel their understanding of beauty is

being affected by the digital possibilities of enhancing pictures and placing them on social media,

adding on a body of relevant foreign studies, focusing particularly on Czech context. Another specific

of this study lies in its aim to understand the reality through the participants' perspective, rather than

focusing on “the hard data”.

As already outlined in the methodological chapter, the study deals with specific limitations.

First of all, the sensitivity of the topic of this study may distort the data, as the participants were

interviewed about their own feelings regarding self-perception, the need for validation and their pri-

vacy was invaded by scrutinizing their social media activity. As in any other research, the complete

honesty of participants cannot be ensured. Given the topic of the research, participants may have

adjusted their responses because of feeling uncomfortable or they may have been unable to reflect on

some of the issues. Nevertheless, the researcher employed all means to make participants feel as

comfortable as possible during the interviews, in order to acquire valid data.

72 As already mentioned, one participant is of Slovak origin, however, living in the Czech republic.

82

Another significant limitation is caused by recruiting. Given the sampling method, the possi-

bility of uneven representation cannot be excluded, as the researcher did not have control over every

participant choice. However, the focus was on securing the representation of different social bubbles.

Last possible limitation that should be addressed is the peril of distortion of the data by the

researcher, particularly due to limited experience with conducting a qualitative study. In order to

diminish this possibility, the researcher underwent thorough theoretical preparation regarding the

specifics of qualitative research.

This study could continue with a more detailed examination of visual social media practices

of young women by adding the element of observations of the particular practices. Further research

could also focus on child/teenage usage of social media in connection with beauty-related visual con-

tent, as this age group seems to be, firstly, the major user of visual social media, secondly, the most

endangered group in terms of internalization of unattainable beauty standards. Furthermore, new pa-

pers could extend the number of studies focusing on the effects of body-positive content on social

media users, as it is a very current and emergent topic shaking the beauty ideal dictate.

83

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VIII. NAME INDEX Adorno, Theodor W. - 11, 15, 16, 18, 48, 78, 79,

80

Afful, Adwoa A. - 31

Alfasi, Yitshak - 27, 79

Arendt, Florian - 31

Arpan, Laura M. - 21, 30, 81

Baek, Young Min - 22

Beck, Julia - 31

Betz, Diana E. - 27, 79

Blum, Jeffrey S. - 11, 19, 78

Bourdieu, Pierre - 16, 17, 18, 28, 48, 60, 80, 82

Brichacek, Anna - 27, 79

Broderick, Pia - 22

Brown, B. Bradford - 22, 77

Buote, Vanessa M. - 11, 30

Buunk, Abraham P. - 21

Carey, Renee, N. - 22

Carril, Camila - 23, 77

Carter, Mollie D. K. - 22

Clayton, Russell B. - 21, 30, 81

Cohen, Rachel - 31, 82

Conley, Terri D. - 20, 41, 76

Cresap, Steven - 20, 78

Cressman, Kate E. - 11, 30

Creswell, John W. - 37, 38, 39, 40, 44, 45

De Vries, Dian A. - 12, 22

Donaghue, Ngaire - 22

Eagly, Alice H. - 11, 19

Eaton, Asia A. - 26

Eggermont, Steven - 29, 79

Faranda, Madison - 27

Fardouly, Jasmine - 11, 22, 23, 29, 30, 41, 77,

81

Feinstein, Brian A. - 12, 22, 82

Feltman, Chandra E. - 31

Festinger, Leon - 6, 7, 11, 21, 77, 79, 83

Forney, K. Jean - 23

Gibbons, Frederick X.- 21

Gilbert, Daniel T. - 21

Gray, James - 12, 24, 25, 28, 30, 35, 41, 48, 76

93

Grogan, Sarah - 11, 19, 20, 78

Guadagno, Rosanna E. - 11, 22, 35, 41

Haferkamp, Nina - 29,

Halpern, Daniel - 23, 27, 77

Hancock, Jeffrey T. - 11, 23, 79

Hartnoll, Richard - 43

Hazlett, Richard L. - 11, 19, 78

Hendl, Jan - 37, 38, 39, 44, 46

Hendrickse, Joshua - 21, 30, 81

Hill, Melanie - 24, 29

Hoehn-Saric, Rudolf - 11, 19, 78

Holden, Sean M. - 22

Holland, Grace - 12, 25

Horkheimer, Max - 11, 15, 16, 18, 48, 78, 80

Chae, Jiyoung - 12, 20, 23, 25, 26, 77, 78, 79,

81

Chang, Leanne - 12, 22, 26, 82

Chock, T. Makana - 29

Chua, Trudy Hui Hui - 12, 22, 26, 82

Jeong, Hye Sun - 29

Kaplan, Robert M. - 11, 19

Kasana, Mehreren - 32, 82

Katz, James E. - 23, 77

Keel, Pamela K. - 23

Kim, Ji Won - 29

Kim, Mihee - 29

Kim, Sunwoo - 20

Kimbrough, Amanda M. - 11, 22, 35, 41

Kühne, Rinaldo - 12, 22

Lackaff, Derek - 11, 23, 41, 76

Lamp, Sophia J. - 30

Laverty, Susann M. - 38, 44

Lee, Yuri - 20

Lindlof, Thomas R. - 39, 43, 44

Lipovetsky, Gilles - 19, 78

Mabe, Annalise G. - 23

Manago, Adriana M. - 28

Maymone, Mayra B. C. - 12, 25, 78, 81

Mcandrew, Francis T. - 29

McLuhan, Marshall - 11, 13, 14, 15, 18, 48, 60,

78, 80, 81

Mehrabian, Albert - 11, 19, 78

Meier, Evelyn P. - 12, 24, 25, 28, 30, 35, 41,

48, 76

Merriam, Sharan B. - 39, 40

Mills, Jennifer S. - 12, 23

Murray, Kristen - 27, 79

Muscanell, Nicole L. - 11, 22, 35, 41

Neill, James - 27, 79

Park, Sung-Yeon - 20, 22

Park, Woochul - 29

Peter, Christina - 31

Petrie, Trent A. - 28, 41, 76

Pinkus, Rebecca T. - 11, 23, 77

Pookulangara, Sanjukta - 28, 41, 76

Rajanala, Susruthi - 12, 25, 78, 81

Ramsey, Laura R. - 20, 27, 41, 76, 79

Reade, Josie - 33, 34, 35, 82

Ricciardelli, Rose - 31

Ridgway, Jessica L. - 21, 30, 81

Roberts, Lynne D. - 27

Roberts, Tomi-Ann - 29

Robinson, Angela - 22

Rosen, Devan - 11, 23, 41, 76

Rosenthal-von der Pütten, Astrid M. - 26

Ruckel, Lindsay - 24, 29

Sabik, Natalie J. - 27, 79

Saunders, Jessica F. - 26

Sherlock, Mary - 30, 81

Slater, Amy - 28, 41

Stefanone, Michael A. - 11, 23, 41, 76

Steinfield, Charles - 28

Strahan, Erin J. - 11, 30

Strubel, Jessica - 28, 41, 76

Sulkunen, Pekka - 18

Szymanski, Dawn M. - 31

Taylor, Bryan C. - 39, 43, 44

Tietje, Louis - 20, 78

Tiggemann, Marika - 12, 25, 28, 33, 41, 82

Tisdell, Elizabeth J. - 39, 40

Toma, Catalina L. - 11, 23, 79

Trekels, Jolien - 28

Valenzuela, Sebastián - 28

Vandenbosch, Laura - 29, 79

Vartanian, Lenny R. - 11, 22, 23, 41, 77

Vashi, Neelam A. - 12, 25, 78, 81

Vogel, Erin A. - 12, 22, 82

Wagstaff, Danielle L. - 30, 81

Walther, Joseph, B. - 11, 23, 79

Wang, Di - 12, 25, 27

Webb, Haley J. - 28

Weinstein, Emily - 12, 22

Wilson, Anne E. - 11, 30

Yang, Chia-chen - 12, 22, 77

Zinoviev, Ksenia - 33, 82

94

IX. SUBJECT INDEX

Beauty perception - 6, 35, 52

Beauty standards - 4, 11, 20, 24, 25, 27, 30, 31, 36, 52, 54, 55, 59, 62, 67, 70, 71, 73, 75, 77, 82, 86

Body-positive content - 6, 71, 72, 82, 85, 87

Cultural taste - 16, 17, 48, 80, 82

Culture industry - 15, 16, 18, 78, 80

Instagram content - 77, 80

Internalization - 6, 27, 28, 30, 31, 58, 63, 64, 85, 86

Media portrayals - 6, 13, 41, 85

Phenomenology - 38, 39, 44

Photo enhancement - 4, 12, 53

Physical beauty - 4, 5, 6

Qualitative research - 6, 12, 76, 83, 86

Selfies - 12, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 30, 40, 50, 72, 77, 78, 84

Semi-structured interviews - 6, 38, 39, 40

Snowball sampling - 43

Social comparison theory - 6, 11, 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 47, 58, 77, 79, 83,

Technological determinism - 18, 48

Technology - 4, 13, 14, 16, 36, 48, 84, 86

95

Visually-oriented social media - 12, 13, 18, 24, 36, 64, 80, 83, 85, 86

96

X. APPENDIX

97

Appendix 1: Informed consent

Appendix 2: Topic guide73

98

I. PRAXE NA SOCIÁLNÍCH SÍTÍCH

1) Jak bys popsala svůj vztah k sociálním sítím? (Nejen pocitový, ale i praktické využití.)

- jaké používáš/používala jsi?

- k jakým účelům?

- jak často?

- Instagram feed vs. selfies

2) Jak bys popsala svoje selfie praktiky?

- pořizování vs. postování

- jak často a proč?

- jejich úprava

3) Rozhodneš se sdílet své selfie na Instagram. Jak ten proces vypadá?

- co tě ke sdílení selfie obvykle vede?

4) Co sleduješ a co vidíš na sociálních sítích?

- proč? co ti to dává?

- stává se ti někdy, že tam vidíš nějaký beauty obsah, kvůli kterému máš špatné pocity?

II. KRÁSA

1) Ukážu ti obrázky čtyř žen a dostaneš lístečky s čísly 1-4. Seřaď pomocí lístečků, jak se ti ženy

líbí od nejkrásnější (1) po nejméně krásnou (4). Popovídej mi o tom.

2) Kdybych ti řekla, že žena, kterou jsi zvolila jako nejkrásnější, je na fotce hodně upravená po-

mocí beauty aplikací, změnilo by to nějak tvůj výběr?

- proč ano/ne?

3) Jak sama sebe vnímáš z hlediska vzhledu?

- proč?

- cítíš nějaký tlak na svůj vzhled?

4) Jaké pocity máš ohledně stárnutí v souvislosti se vzhledem?

III. KRÁSA A TECHNOLOGIE

1) Dnes můžeme vyfotit dvacet fotek, vybrat z nich tu nejlepší, upravit ji v aplikacích a pak ji sdílet

na sociální sítě. Myslíš si, že tyto možnosti mohly změnit náš pohled na krásu?

- jak obecně?

- jak to cítíš ty sama?

2) Ukážu ti teď jednu fotku - jak na tebe slečna na fotce působí? Líbí se ti?…A teď ti ukážu srov-

nání, jak vypadá na svém Instagramu vs. jak ji zachytili fotografové na nějaké akci. Co si o tom

myslíš?

3) Jaký máš názor na kosmetické zákroky na obličeji?

- myslíš, že nás k nim může dovést úprava fotek?

IV. VLIV MÉDIÍ

1) Zajímá tě beauty obsah třeba v televizi, na Netflixu, v časopisech a podobně?

- v jakých médiích?

- co třeba konkrétně?

73

Presented topic guide is the most recent version used for majority of the interviews. The questions are in

Czech given the nationality of the respondents.

99

2) Myslíš si, že tě můžou média ovlivňovat v tom, jak se stylizuješ?

- vybavuješ si, že se ti to někdy stalo?

3) Setkáváš se někdy online s reklamami, které propagují krásu?

- jakými?

- jak na ně reaguješ a proč?

4) Představ si, že máš dceru v pubertě. Na sociálních sítích sleduje hlavně Kardashians a podobné

beauty influencery propagující umělou krásu. Její nejoblíbenější pořad v televizi je o tom, jak

nevěsty soutěží o plastické operace svých snů. Jak na to budeš reagovat?

- proč?

Appendix 3: Mind map

100

The mind map served as an essential document to build the findings section.