(2014) Thailand's Sufi Networks: New Perspectives on Islamic Diversity and Muslim Marginality. Paper...

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THAILAND’S SUFI NETWORKS: NEW PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMIC DIVERSITY AND MUSLIM MARGINALITY

Dr Christopher M. Joll

Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD) Chiang Mai University

Paper presented at the

Asia Pacific Sociological Association (APSA) International Conference ‘Transforming Societies: Contestations and Convergences in Asia and the Pacific’

Faculty of Social Sciences Chiang Mai University, THAILAND

15-16 February 2014,

Introduction In comparison with other ASEAN countries with Muslim minorities, the ummah in Thailand has received a remarkable amount of attention by anthropologists over the last half century. Although the ethnographic canon is dwarfed by studies specifically concerned with the complex conflict in Thailand’s far-south, a range of cultural phenomena have been documented. We know that Muslim communities in North Thailand (Setthamalinee, 2010; Soonthornpasuch, 1977) and Bangkok (Mustafa, 2011; Scupin, 1978) differ from the south. Discussions of Malay responses to modernization, development (Cornish, 1989; Fraser, 1960; Patya, 1974), environmental degradation (Dorarirajoo, 2002), and Thai assimilation (Joll, 2011; Muhammad Arafat Bin Mohamad., 2013; Nilsen, 2012; Tsuneda, 2009; Unno, 2011) have been provided. This inevitably involves the politics of language (Mudmarn, 1988; Walker, 2005) and which endonyms (or autonyms) to employ and/or etic exonyms to accept (Joll, 2013).1 Other research, many among Thai-speaking Muslim communities north of Pattani, map out models of contact and co-existence between Buddhists and Muslims (Horstmann, 2004, 2008; 2009; 2011, 2013; Nishii, 1993, 1999, 2001), and the inner workings and impacts of Islamic reformist and revivalist movements (Braam, 2006; Horstmann, 2007a, 2007b; Noor, 2007, 2009; Scupin, 1980a, 1980b, 2001).

Although the literature concerned with Thailand’s Muslim communities is large and continues to expand, it is both intriguing and unfortunate that original research based on fieldwork appears to expand largely along existing lines. Is there a need for more studies on the ubiquitous and ambiguous issue of Muslim “identity”?2 This paper introduces one aspect of Islam in Thailand, which almost next-to-nothing has been written: Sufi orders (Ar. turuq, tariqa sg.).3 My specific interest is to point out how the presence and makeup of three of the most visible and viable Thai turuq challenge clichés about Muslim marginality and Islamic diversity in Thailand between the central plains and Malay far-south. People whose picture of linguistic, ethnic, and religious diversity among Thailand’s Muslims has been formed in libraries, can be forgiven for surmising that clearly defined ethno-religious and ethno-linguistic divides exist between the “Malay” residents of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, and

1 For an outstanding discussion of the importance of endonyms in multi-ethnic Asian see Culas &

Robinne’s Inter-ethnic dynamics in Asia : considering the other through ethnonyms, territories and ritual (2009) 2 There are exceptions to this rule. America ethnomusicologist Lawrence N. Ross write a dissertation on

the Thai and Malay Rong-Ngeng troups which performed between Pkuket, Koh Lanta, and Trang (2011). While interested in identity, fieldwork on which Muhammad Arafat Bin Mohamad’s study of “be-longing” among Pattani Malays born in Mecca and living in the Haramyn, Malaysia, Bangkok, and Pattani (2013).

3 Uman Madaman wrote a doctoral dissertation on Thai tariqa (Madaman, 1999) and Rajeswary Brown has includes fascinating material on a range of turuq in her Islam in Modern Thailand: Faith, Philanthropy and Politics (2013, pp. 54-56, 69-74, 91-52,123-128, 185-128)


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southernmost districts of Songkhla, and the “Thai-Muslims” living further north. Within both these ethno-linguistic constituencies Muslims are either traditionalists (Th. khanat kao, SM. kaum tua) whose beliefs and practices include innovations (Ar. bid’ah) and blind imitations (Ar. taklid) rejected by reformists or modernists (Th. khanat mai, SM. kaum muda).

There is nothing unique about this divide in Thailand. It exists in one form or the other throughout Muslim Southeast Asia (see Bowen, 1993; Peacock, 1978; Roff, 1967). Despite the reservations that some (see Syed Farid Al-Attas., 2007, p. 515) have with comparisons between Martin Luther and personalities such as Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), Muhammad bin abd al-Wahhab (d. 1787), and Muhammad Rashid Rida (d. 1935) to the reform of Islamic doctrine and practice, some of the dynamics present post-European reformation resemble divisions created by the demise of the traditionalist monopoly on religious orthodox.

Should I write a screenplay for a mockumentary chronicling the ups and downs of a greenhorn anthropologist struggling to make sense of Thailand’s Muslim population, it would contain a survey scene. A previous scene featured the purchase of a stun gun. This was pulled and pushed into the side of uncooperative anthropological objects (called informants). With finger on stun gun trigger, an unfortunate informant was asked to sign a consent form, before being told to tick whether they were “Thai” or “Malay” Muslims, aligned with the “khana mai” or “khana kao”. Upon sensing resistance, the words “go ahead informant! Make my day!” were growled (in terrible Thai).

The following are preliminary observations and ethnographic vignettes collected during fieldwork sorties that began in September 2012.4 These took me – on budget airlines, overnight buses and borrowed Honda Dream motorbikes – to locations between Siam’s stupa-dotted capital of Ayutthaya and the beautiful but remote hills of Narathiwat. My primary objective during this phase was to locate and develop rapport with leaders of Thai turuq. My interest in Turuq began just before returning to New Zealand at the end of 2010 after a decade living in Pattani. I had lived and worked in one of Pattani’s oldest and most important Malay communities, named after a three-way intersection, Cabetigo (SM. Cabangtiga). While writing Muslim Merit-making in Thailand's Far-south (2011) at the end of this period, I was aware that some of the aspects of urban Malayness that I was writing about would not be present among rural Malays. I clearly stated that what I encountered in Cabetigo could not be assumed to exist in other Muslims communities, and that Muslims in Pattani were concerned with more than merit generation, accumulation and transference I described. Due to its focused nature, readers would only glimpse other aspects of Muslim spirituality and devotional (2011, p. 15).

How true this proved to be. One lazy Saturday morning in a roti shop in Pattani a month before returning to New Zealand, my interest in sufism was pricked by an encounter with a disciple (Ar. murid) of a Malaysian sheikh (Ar. sufi master) who fused a branch of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Rashiyyah (Pauzi Haji Awang, 2001; Sedgwick, 2005) originating in Lundang Paku (on the outskirts of Kota Baru in Kelantan) with the Qadriyyah he had encountered while studying India. I had been told by my (urban) informants that sufism had long disappeared. I remember thinking “if they were wrong about this, what else had they been wrong about?!” I had long been aware that there was next-to-nothing written about almost Sufism in Thailand and wondered whether this might be the door into a parallel universe. Since morphing into an accidental anthropologist in 2005 (Jackson, 2006), I had taken cues from the anthropology of Islam (Asad, 1986; Bowen, 2012; Kreinath, 2011; Marranci, 2008, 2010; Schielke, 2010; Starrett, 1997; Varisco, 2005) that advocated moving beyond obsessions with ethnographic exotica. My study of merit (Th. bun, SM. pahala) described how Thai and Islamic influences in Cabetigo impacted the ritual performances

4 Between September 2012 and Jan 2014, I sent over 60 days in the field.


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through which its Malay residents made merit (Th. tham bun) – both for themselves and the dead – and how they talked about this activity in Thai and Malay. Next to bun (Th. merit), the importance of barami (Th. charisma) in the Thai religious lexicon is demonstrated by both appearing in the term employed to refer to Thai Buddhist “holy men”, phumiibunbarami (personalities possessing merit and charisma). Although understood by monolingual Thai-speaking Muslims and bilingual Malays, this term is avoided. Muslim holy men are ore karamat, most of whom were members of sufi tariqa.

The northern city of Chiang Mai where I shifted mid-2012 was far from the centre of the world for an anthropologists studying Thailand’s Muslims, but would function perfectly as a base for a multi-sited study of Muslim movements marginal to the mainstream. Cabetigo had not been a hive of sufi activity. Most reformist movements take root among cosmopolitan Muslim communities whose exposure to alternative visions of Islam make it easier for disquiet over traditionalist taqlid to translate into defection. Cabetigo was also located close to Brao, the home town of South Thailand’s most important salafiyyah advocate, Dr Ishmael Lutfi Japakia (Braam, 2013; Liow, 2010). Trouble-making “Wahabis” were called Ore Brao.

My presentation of Thai turuq in contemporary Thailand and what they tell us about the nature of Islamic diversity and Muslim marginality begins with a summary of the three most visible and viable movements. Following this, I make some suggestions about how these groups challenge dubious default positions about Thai-Malay and reformist-traditionalist binaries.

Sufism between Central Plains and Upper-South. I have located a number of viable movements in three cultural-linguistic milieu where the vast majority of Muslims are both located, and have become embedded in since the Ayutthaya period.5 These are (a) Central Thai-speaking Ayutthaya and Bangkok, (b) Southern Thai-speaking upper-south (between Nakhon Si Thammarat and Songkhla), and (c) Malay-speaking far-southern provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat. These turuq can be divided between orders with followers that can be counted in their thousands, and smaller movements led by sheikhs whose disciples can be counted in their hundreds. My focus below is on the former.

Although I am able to present a picture of sufi activities in contemporary Thailand, more fieldwork is required in the far-south. This is by far the most challenging of my fieldwork sites. For example, I only recently sighted the tip of the Shattiriyyah iceberg in Narathiwat. This had long been the order into which most of Patani’s ‘ulama besar (SM. big names) were associated with (Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani, 2009; Wan Mohammad Saghir Abdullah., 1985). The Shattiriyyah trail started when I heard about a movement in Nong Jook (East Bangkok) called the “Soto’”. A research assistant in Kota Baru suggested that this might be the Shattiriyyah. Many Pattani Malays would pronounce “Shattiriyyah” as “Sotoriyyah”, but this had obviously been further contracted. I confirmed that this was the case after being taken to meet the 70-year old murshid (Ar. sufi master) of the local chapter. He had been inducted by his grandfather, who had been received an ijazah to spread the Shattiriyyah from Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani, who had been inducted by the even more famous Sheikh Daud al-Fatani (Bradley, 2007, 2010, 2013; Faisol Haji Awang. & Moris, 2009; Narongraksakhet, 2010). I comment below making first contact with this important movement in a Malay community in neither Pattani, Yala, nor Narathiwat, but Bangkok.

In Thailand, there are three large turuq are of a similar size. The first is the Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah, whose sheikh and khalaifah is able to induct (bai’ah), and tok guru are capable of instructing. Members are concentrated between Eastern Bangkok and

5 For more on the “embedded” nature of Islam in Southeast Asia, see (Shamsul, 2005) and (Noor, 2004).


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Nakhon Si Thammarat, Phuket, Krabi, and Satun in the Southern-Thai speaking upper-south. This order is most commonly referred to as the Shazuliyyah, although to outsiders it is the Phaa Khiaw (Th. green cloths) after the green cloths used during induction ceremonies. Material produced by the Shazuliyyah, such as a sticker which many murid attach to their cars and doors, state the tariqa as “Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah” (Fig 1). That this Ahmadiyyah is linked to Sheikh Ahmad ibn Idris Al-Fasi (1760-1837) (Bang, 1997; O'Fahey, 1990; O'Fahey & Ali Salih Karrar, 1987; Sedgwick, 2005; Thomassen & Radtke, 1993; Vikør, 2004; Voll, 1973) is beyond dispute for a number of reasons.

Figure 1: Anatomy of a Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah Sticker

The most important is that his famous Tahlil Al-Kabir is placed at the top of this sticker. Secondly, according to his biographer Rex S. O’Fahey (2004, pp. 281-282) although his students established the Sanusiyyah and Mirghaniyyah, the enigmatic saint was a Shadhiliyyah who had no intention of establishing a new tariqa into which murid would be initiated into. He initiated aspirants into the Moroccan Shadhiliyyah of which that he had himself been inducted into. For those studying Southeast Asian sufism, his most influential student was of Ibrahim b. Salih al-Rashi (1813-74) after whom the Rashiddiyah branch of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah is named.6 The Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Rashidiyyah reached the Malay Peninsula in the mid-1800s via ‘Abdul al-Ṣamad b. Ṣāliḥ (1840-1891), better known as Tuan Tabal who hailed from Tak Bai on the Thai-Malaysia border (See Ahmad Zaki Berahim Ibrahim, Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor et al., 2012; Wan Muhammad Azam Muhammad Amin, 2013). Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid claims that one of Tuan Tabal’s sons, Mufti Wan Musa bin Haji Abdul Samad (1874-1939), known better Wan Musa, was Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah (2001, p. 132). Mark Sedgwick in his reconstruction of the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah-Rashidiyyah in Southeast Asia claims that Wan Musa was inducted by Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani in Mecca (2005, p. 123). As I have already mentioned, he was a Shattiriyyah Sheikh.7

6 This is distinguished from the Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah associated with Sheikh Ahmad Badawi that I

describe below. 7 For more on the Ahmadiyyah in the Malay world see the following (De Jong, 1999; Hassan, 1990; Pauzi


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A final factor explaining why Sheikh Khalid Al-Bakri brought the Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah with him to Siam in 1929 relates to Mark Sedgwick’s argument that as a new reformist order untainted by the esoteric excesses of other turuq central to which were maqam, the Ahmadiyyah lodges (Ar. zawiya) were among the last to be closed by the “Wahabiyyah” authorities in 1941 (1997). Sheikh Khalid began the same Southeast Asian sojourn undertaken by his father shortly after the fall of Mecca and Medina in 1924. The was one of a number of tumultuous events in the Middle East which included WWI, the demise of the Ottoman Empire, and the victory of Ibn Saud’s forces.

The operational center for the Shazuliyyah in Thailand is Baan Yai (Th. the big house) located in Miniburi where Sheikh Zerot al-Bakri, a young man in his early 30s, lives with his extended family. Sheikh Zerot is the grandson of Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri who travelled from his home in the Hijaz to Siam in late 1929 (see fig 2).

Figure 2: Pages from photocopied version of Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri’s passport (obtained by the author

Jan 26, 2013, Rawai, Phuket)

Figure 3: Muslims communities in Bangkok, with location of Baan Khrua & Kamalulislam

Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri’s father (Sheikh Hussein al-Bakri) had lived in Baan Khrua during the reign of King Chulalongkorn (1953-1910). Riyad Mustafa’s study of place-making in Baan

Haji Awang, 2001; Werner, 1999).


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Khrua mentions these Shazuliyyah Sheikhs (2011, pp. 106-110). He comments that local form of Islamic authority there resembled forms “prevalent throughout Muslim communities of South East Asia around the 17th century” in which “local sheikhs combined the charismatic authority of cosmopolitan Sufi sheikhs to legitimise the political power of local men”. A sufi sheikh who arrived in Baan Khrua in the early twentieth Century became associated with Darulfalah Mosque through “the construction of a shrine (Ar. maqam) in which the son of Sheikh Hussein, Ahmad al-Bakri is interned”. Sheikh Hussein al-Bakri and his brother had both settled in Baan Khrua where Sheikh Hussein married a local woman, with whom he had two sons. Mustafa comments that he transmitted his sacred knowledge to the seniors of his wife’s clan, which was in the form of scriptures containing sacred prayers (Ar. dua). Sheikh Hussain eventually returned to his country of origin. Before doing so, he informed his Thai wife that she should expect their youngest son to die. A few days later, he died and was buried, but without his wife fulfilling her pledge to bury a green cloth with their child. Mustafa relates that Sheikh Hussein’s wife “urgently called on the locals to open the coffin so she could drop in the green cloth […]. When the locals opened the grave, the child’s body had disappeared. The grave later became a shrine or maqam”. Its popularity increased as the story of the Arab and the green cloth spread. Mustafa points to the significance at the child having been buried in the kubor (Th. cemetery) of the Masyid Darulfalah, Baan Khrua’s oldest mosque. When its authority was threatened, it claimed the grave of this Shazuliyyah sheikh. The grave was even placing on top of its roof where it stayed until the 1950s when the mosque was renovated. I have heard stories that during WWII Muslims, Thais, Chinese, as well as Japanese occupiers sought refuge as near to the maqam as they could during American bombing campaigns, believing that its karamat would prevent bombs from exploding. The shrine was shifted to just outside the mosque’s wall – although intriguingly in the direction of the pulpit in the direction of prayer (qiblah). Mustafa comments how charismatic religious leaders were resisted by locals resorting to rival religious leaders claiming greater power, and that “different factions borrowed Sufi concepts but translated them locally to create new rituals and practices”. Many were practiced secretly, such as “elaborate initiation rites to pledge allegiance to a religious leader.”

From his base in Baan Khrua, the size of Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri’s Siamese chapter of the Shazuliyyah grew. Many murid came from the Muslim communities of Minburi and Nong Jook 30 kilometers east of Baan Khrua along the Saen Saep Canal who donated a piece of land on which Baan Yaay was eventually constructed (see fig 3). The maqam of Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri is located next to Masyid Kalamulislam. This is a short walk up one of the numerous canals branching off the Saen Saep. Sheikh Khalid’s son, Sheikh Muhammad Dohar al-Bakri, assumed the leadership of the Shazuliyyah following the death of Sheikh Khalid. For reasons that are as yet unclear, Sheikh Dohar moved to Nakhon Si Thammarat and lived in for the rest of his life in the Southern Thai-speaking Upper-south. He died and was buried in Satun, where his younger brother, Sheikh Ahmad al-Bakri, was also laid to rest. The Shazuliyyah’s southern Ikhwan (Ar. Brotherhood) is of a comparable size to the Central Thai chapter. The southern Shazuliyyah chapter is led by the Krabi-based son of Sheikh Dohar, Sheikh Ahmad al-Bakri and a second important personality living in Satun, Tok Khruu Salleh. Shazuliyyah in various places through the Upper South have constructed balai and (mostly unregistered) mosques, locations include Phuket, Krabi, and Satun. There are also mosques with sizable Shazuliyyah constituencies. Baan Yai in Minburi was for decades led by Sheikh Hussein Al-Bakri. He as succeeded by his son, Sheikh Farsi Al-Bakri, but the current head of the Shazuliyyah in Thailand is Sheikh Zerot Al-Bakri, who was in his late 20s when he was appointed (see fig 4). The Shazuliyyah is the only tariqa of significant size with in Thailand with mass followings in more than one cultural-linguistic milieu. This has been achieved by the relocation of the Sheikh Muhammad Dohar Al-Bakri to the Upper South. As


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I describe below, this is something that none of the other sizable turuq in Thailand have achieved.

Figure 4: The Genealogy of Shazuliyyah Sheikhs in Thailand

The second sizable sufi order in Thailand is the Qadriyyah whose largest community is located in Phu Khao Thong, Ayutthaya (see fig ?). A Qadriyyah presence has existed in Ayutthaya since the period in Siamese/Thai history after which it is named (1350-1767). The


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Persians referred to this cosmopolitan commercial hub as Shahr-i Nav (Pr. City of boats and canals).8 The best known Qadriyyah Sheikh among Muslims in Thailand is Tok Takia, whose maqam is situated downstream from Phu Khao Thong.9 While few foreigners would have heard of Tok Takia, many locals may be unaware that the 16th century Sumatran poet, Hamzah Fansuri lived in Ayutthaya for a period of time, of which there is no consensus. Christoph Marcinkowski rigorously argues that Hamzah Fansuri was born in Ayutthaya (2009, p.: 397), while Martin van Bruinessen argues that he this was were he experienced his profoundest mystical insights (van Bruinessen, 1994, p.: 114).

Hamzah nin asalnya Fansuri [This Hamzah hails from Fansur] Mendapat wujud di tanah Shahr Nawi [He found Existence in the land of Shahr Naw] Beroleh khilafat ilmu yang àli [He received trusteeship of the exalted knowledge] Daripada Abdul Qadir Jilani [From Àbd al-Qadir al-Jilani].

See also Hamzah Fansuri sedia zahir [Hamzah Fansuri, originally earthly] Tersuci pulang pada Sayyid Abdul Qadir [Was purified when he turned to Sayyid Àbd al-Qadir] Dari sana ke sini terta'ir-ta'ir [He fluttered about from place to place] Akhir mendapat pada diri zahir [And finally found Him manifested in himself]

And again

Hamzah nin ilmunya zahir [This Hamzah's knowledge is manifest] Ustadnya Sayyid Abdul Qadir [His teacher was Sayyid Àbd al-Qadir] Mahbubnya selalu hadir [His Beloved is ever-present] Dengan dirinya nentiasa satir [Though constantly concealing Himself]

van Bruinessen suggests that Hamzah Fansuri may have been made a Qadriyyah khalifah. The expression “mendapat wujud” refers either to his experience of initiation, or having received an ijaza. These poems are the earliest references to Àbd Qadir al-Jelani in an Indonesian work (van Bruinessen, 2000). The most important personality to the Qadriyyah in present-day Ayutthaya is Sheikh Muhammad Ali Shukri (Tok Ki). He is locally revered as an ore karamat who achieved the status of a wali. His ornate maqam is located next to the Masyid Aliyiddarol in Phu Khao Thong near the banks of the Chao Phaya River. People regularly visit this maqam to seek Tok Ki’s barakat, seek his intercession on their behalf (Ar. tawassul), or fulfill vows (Ar. Nazar).10 By the third day of the festival commemorating the death of Tok Ki at Masyid Aliyiddarol, there were more than two feet of flower garlands (Th. phuang malai) have been place on the Tok Ki’s tomb (see fig 6).11

Although other Qadriyyah mosques exist in central (Rama 9) (Masyid Siroulibadah) and east Bangkok (see fig 5), Qadriyyah from Phu Khao Thong who have migrated to Pattaya and Nonthaburi (Bangkok) construct mosques named after their beloved Sheikh Muhammad Ali Shukri. There are no Qadriyyah communities that I am aware of either the Upper South of

8 For more on Hamzah Fansuri see: Braginsky (1999, 2001); Brakel (1969), Peter Riddell (2004), and

Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas (1970; 1967). 9 There are other maqams of people associated with Tok Takia in Koh Rai, Rayong, and Trat. The latter is

reputed to be located in the compound of a Buddhist temple. 10 On Tawassul see Julian Millie’s study of Sufism in West Java (Millie, 2008). 11 Fieldnotes written in Phu Khao Thong, Ayutthaya, Oct 22, 2010.


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Malay far-south. There are connections between Tok Ki and Tok Takia. Fetishes associated with Tok

Ki, which include his chair, Qur’an, hat, sword are paraded (T. hae) by boat to the grave of his Sheikh, Tok Khruu Loh (Abdullah) whose maqam is located next to that of Tok Takia. Should the Chao Phraya river be in flood, as it was when I attended Tok Ki’s ngaan hon (festival commemorating for death of a saint) in October 2013, these fetishes are placed on the back of a truck which leads a convoy of cars and motorbikes. After offering prayers to maqam of Tok Khruu Loh, this paraphernalia is paraded around these two maqam seven times. This is referred to as a tawaf. As is well known, this is one of the ritual elements of the haj and umrah.

Figure 5: Location of Tok Takian and Phu Khao Thong in Ayutthaya

Later in Tok Ki ’s ngaan hon, a nocturnal tawaf of Masyid Aliyiddarol is performed during which some carry yellow candles held in a plastic container. This resembles circumnavigations of Buddhist temples throughout Thailand. When I enquired about its


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significance, most make connections with Mecca and were unconcerned by concerns about how this tariqa has adapted itself to the Buddhist milieu in which it had existed for hundreds of years. The presence of phuang malai in the maqam of Sheikh Muhammad Ali Shukri and the candle lit tawaf of his maqam are not the only elements of the Qadriyyah ’s Phu Khao Thong tariqa affected by its context. For almost 100 years Phu Khao Thong has had a 30-member brass band (of the type associated with schools throughout Thailand), which plays at all their Qadriyyah festivals. Whenever Tok Ki’s chair moves from the house of Tok Khruu Kowi to the meeting hall next to Masyid Aliyiddarol, from the meeting hall to Tok Takia, or does the tawaf, it is led by a rousing repertoire of brass music. Whenever the prayer of blessing on the Prophet (Ar. salawat) has been completed at any of the four annual Qadriyyah at Phu Khao Thong, everyone present stands to attention as the band plays a slow and respectful rendition of Thai tune. While the words are not sung, these praise the barami of the revered Thai monarch, King Phumiphon Adunyadet (1292-).

Figure 6: Phuang malai in the maqam of Sheikh Muhammad Ali Shukri (photo by author, Oct 22, 2013)

Figure 7: Candle lit tawaf of Masyid Aliyiddarol Ali Shukri (photo by author, Oct 22, 2013)

The third tariqa in Thailand of comparable size with the Shazuliyyah and Qadriyyah is the Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah, known locally as the Muhammadiyyah, or Hamadiyyah. As previously mentioned, the silsilah of this movement features the Egyptian scholar Sheikh


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Ahmad Al-Badawi (1203-1282) and should not be confused with the Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah. This Muhammadiyyah have pondok in Huay Un, a village half way between Had Yai and Ratthaphum in Songkhla Province, and Koh Yao Noi, an idyllic island situated between Phuket and the Krabi Peninsula in Phang-Nga Bay (see fig 9 & 10). There are also a number of balai and (mostly unregistered) mosques functioning as conduits for the Muhammadiyyah throughout the Southern-Thai speaking upper-south. Although concentrated between Phang-Nga Bay and Natawi some of Tok Khruu Loh’s anok murid from Malay-speaking Sabayoi (Songkhla Province) and Yaha (Yala Province) travel to Huay Un for Thursday morning religious lessons. Some travel from Suk Samran, in Southern Ranong to annual gatherings on Koh Yao Noi (3 days after Nisfu Sha’aban) and Mawlid in Huay Un. Nothing more than a handful of devotees live in Bangkok and in Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat.

Figure 8: Tok Khruu Ae walking with the Thai King on Koh Yao Noi during his 1969 visit.

By far the most famous Muhammadiyya in Thailand is Tok Khruu Ae (1923-1986) of Koh Yao Noi (See Pitsuwan, 1985, p. 254). Tok Khruu Ae and Tok Khruu Loh of Huay Un were inducted by their Kelantanese Babo, Haji Abdullah Tahir (1897-1961) while studying at his Madrasah Ahmadiyyah just outside Kota Baru in the village of Bunut Payong. There is little left of the Haji Abdullah Tahir’s legacy as a teacher of fiqh (Ar. jurisprudence) and sufi practitioner. No aurad is held on Friday evenings. Unfortunately, obtaining answers to questions about Haji Abdullah Tahir’s Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah sanad (Ar. lineage) and wirid (Ar. litany) are complicated by his house having been tragically completely destroyed by a fire some decades earlier.


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Figure 9: Location of sufi movements between Phuket and Krabi

Just as the Qadriyyah in Phu Khao Thong adapted their ritual repertoire to their

cultural milieu materialized in stunning Siamese monuments and ornate Buddhist temple, it is possible that having been transplanted and taken root so vigorously on Koh Yao Noi and in Huay Un, Haji Abdullah Tahir’s Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah looks very different from the Kelantan chapter which appears to have all but disappeared. One of the ways is how members of the dress. I was once told:

We’re not like the Tablighi Jama’at who have to dress up like Indians. Neither are we Arabs. If we’re not Arabs, why dress up like one! Do they think you’re better Muslims for playing dressups!? Look! We’re southern chao baan (Th. villagers) and chao kok (Th. islanders). We’re fishermen and rubber tappers. This is who we are and we’re proud of it. This is how we dress when we pray: Sarong, T-shirt, tasbih, simple saraban. Simple. This is how Tok Khruu Ae wanted things to be done. None of us are highly educated. No shame in this12

12 Interview, Koh Yao Noi, June 26, 2014.


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Figure 10: Location of sufi pondok and balai in Songkhla and Satun

Figure 11: Typical attire for South Thai Muhammadiyyah


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In praise of studying traditionalists and rejecting binary baloney I have a number of reasons recounting these comments about attitudes towards the Tablighi Jama’at and movements, which are perceived to possess an agenda to Arabize Muslims in Thailand. Firstly, the strength, size, and popularity of the former appear to be one of the reasons why the numbers in some tariqa have dwindled over recent decades. In the past, locals eager to grow in knowledge (Ar. ilmu) and piety (Ar. taqwa) sought out local murshid. Most now join the Tablighi Jama’at.13 Following a wave of altercations between young Malays throughout the Malay far-south in April 2004, some of which conducted all night ngatek (PM. zikr) and used (unsuccessfully) invulnerability and invisibility spell, a number of turuq were viewed with suspicion by both officials and locals.14 Secondly, no one can claim that modernist, revivalist and reformist movements are unimportant. They deserve the scholarly attention that they have received. Nevertheless, currently one of the most glaring gaps in the literature are studies of traditionalism in contemporary Thailand. They remain – and will continue to constitute in the foreseeable future – the largest and most important Islamic constituency. It is this gap that an in depth study of Thai turuq seeks to fill.

Propositions about traditionalist-reformist binaries are nothing short of baloney. The reality is that a range of traditionalist constituencies exist. Thai turuq is but one of them. Similarly, the revivalist agenda of the Tablighi Jama’at differs from the reformist advocated by the “salafi” movement led by Lutfi. Horstmann’s description of the Tablighi Jama’at in Nakhon Si Thammarat differs in from what I have observed in Cabetigo (Joll, 2010, 2011)

A raft of recent publications make it extremely difficult for anyone to plead ignorance about the dynamic diversity (Sungunnasil, 2005) found along Thailand’s southern and Malaysia’s northern borderscape (Montesano & Jory, 2008). Historians and anthropologists have worked on various parts of the plural peninsula, during different time periods, and among a range of ethno-religious communities. Muslims are not the only communities who speak Malay, and Muslims in this region have long spoken Thai.15 It is easy to understand why more has been written about Ayutthaya and Bangkok’s impact on Patani (Jory, 2012), than Kelantan or Kedah.16 Thai-born, Malaysian-based historian Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian is one of the few to have compared the impact of Siamese expansion across all northern Malay states (1980, 1982, 1984a, 1984b, 1986, 1988, 2003). Philip King (2009, 2012) and Mala Sathian (2004a, 2004b) are the only ones I have discovered who have specifically connected Patani and Penang. Francis Bradley’s grueling portrayal of Siamese aggression that also affected Kedah (See 2010, 2012) came out just before Maziar Mosaffari Falarti retelling of the relations between Siam, Kedah, and Penang (2013). During Ayutthaya twilight years, Nakhon Si Thammarat (SM. Ligor) was considered by European observers as Malay. Bradley comments that even after Kedah’s fall to Siam:

The four petty rajas continued their fight. The phraya of Nakhon responded by dispatching "one of his sons with five-hundred Siamese and three thousand of the very Malays who had so lately been arrayed against him to put down the rebellion which was speedily affected." Sultan Long Ahmad, the uncle of Tuan Sulong, sent troops to aid in the fight against Siam? Likewise, the sultan of Trengganu sent a force to assist (Bradley, 2010, p. 178)

13 Interview, Sri Sakorn, October 3, 2012. 14 These were mentioned in articles by The Nation (2004a, 2004b) 15 For studies highlighting the multi-lingual nature of Buddhist and Muslim communities, see the following (Chan

Johnson, 2012; Golomb, 1978, 1985; Joll, 2011; Mohamed Yusoff Ismail., 1993; Nishii, 2000; Suwannathat-Pian, 1994, 2000).

16 The following are studies of Kedah (Bonney, 1971; Gullick, 1983; Kuroda, 2007; Osborn, 1987; Sharom, 1984; Suwannathat-Pian, 1980, 1986).


15

These challenge assumptions that southern Malays and Thai Muslims north of Sabayoi represented the two cultural poles of Thai Muslim society (Joll, 2011, p. 73). This proposition downplayed the Malay origins of most Muslim communities in the upper south and Bangkok. Few familiar with Malay fail to notice that place names in the upper south are Thai corruptions of Malay. The tourist Mecca of Phuket comes from the Malay word for its prominent hill (SM. bukit). Raymond Scupin referred to 70% of Bangkok’s 150 mosques in the 1970s having been built by the descendants of Malays taken prisoner between the reign of Rama I and Rama III, which by the end of the 1832 campaign numbered 10,000. Their most prominent legacy is the Saen Saep canal which they were forced to construct along which numerous mosques have been constructed (Scupin, 1998, p.: 239). Loius Golomb’s study of multi-ethnic healing between Buddhists and Muslims in Pattani, Songkhla and Bangkok notes that the majority of Bangkok’s Muslims continue to share many traits with the Malay communities of the southern border provinces (1985, p.: 8).17 Controversial practices long abandoned by Malays in South Thailand may still be encountered in traditionalist communities in between Bangkok and Ayutthaya.

Figure 12: Garlands in the Kubor (photo by author in Ayutthaya 1 Jan, 2013)

Legal rulings by Bangkok’s traditionalist ulama continue to be oriented to the Islamic legal norms in the Malay-Indonesian world. An early morning lecture I attended in a Bangkok mosque along the Saen Saep canal was based on Jawi translations of Arabic texts like Imam Al-Ghazali’s 'Ihya 'Ulumiddinn.18 In Natawi, Huay Un, Kok Yao Noi (Pang-nga Bay) balai (prayer rooms) and pondok religious lessons are still based on kitab jawi. These are read before Southern Thai translations and commentaries are provided by the Tok Khruu. In the northern section of the balai of the pondok led for decades by Tok Khruu Ae kitab jawi left by former students, which have been wrapped in plastic. It is considered sacrilegious to permit these to surcome to the elements (see fig 12). Among the handwritten manuscripts that I have collected during 2013, is one written by a Shazuliyyah member who studied under a Naqshabandiyya murshid in Mayo (Pattani Province) and under Tok Khruu Ae on Koh Yao Noi. Despite having been born, raised, and educated in East Bangkok before traveling to Mayo in his early 20s, this book was written entirely in Jawi (see fig 13)

17 For more on Malay communities in Bangkok see Farouk Bajunid (1992), Tadmor (2004) and Umaiyah

Haji Umar (2003). 18 Fiednotes, November 16.,2012, Masyid Khlong, Ramkhamhaeng, Bangkok. Micheal Feener (1998)

discussed the legacy of Al-Ghazali in Muslim Southeast Asia.


16

Figure 13: kitab jawi in the Koh Yao Noi (photo by author, June 25, 2013)

. Figure 13: First page of handwritten jawi lesson book from East Bangkok (photo by author, Dec 13, 2013)


17

In lieu of a conclusion

Table 1: Cultural Milieu of Thai Turuq Cultural Milieu

Turuq Central Thai Southern Thai-

Speaking Upper-south Malay far-

South Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah ✔ ✔ Ahmadiyyah-Shadhiliyyah ✔ ✔ Qadriyyah ✔ However incomplete, the images, documents, and anecdotes which I have presented above are the first glimpses of Thai turuq provided by an anthropologist of Thailand’s ummah. While more work is required before the fuller picture of viable turuq among southern Malays is possible, the three largest turuq have constituencies what I have – albeit inadequately – referred to as the three cultural milieu in which Islam in Thailand has become embedded. The Shazuliyyah are the only order with murid in more than one milieu. However, no one familiar with southern Malay attitudes to certain forms of Thai Islam in Central Thailand will be surprised at this not being transplantable to the far-south. What I have presented above, in spite of their marginality to the Muslim mainstream, is an in depth study of these movements based on ethnographic fieldwork which promises to breathe fresh air into the breadth, depth, and detail of Islamic diversity in Thailand.

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