Post on 20-Jan-2023
Teacher Socialization 1
Running Head: TEACHER SOCIALIZATION 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17
The Socialization of Teachers in Physical Education: 18
Review and Recommendations for Future Works 19
K. Andrew R. Richards1, Thomas J. Templin1, & Kim Graber2 20
1Purdue University 21
2University of Illinois 22
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This is the authors’ version of an article published in the Kinesiology Review (Richards, K. A. R., 25
Templin, T. J., & Graber, K. (2014). The socialization of teachers in physical education: Review 26
and recommendations for future works. Kinesiology Review, 3, 113-134.). The paper appears 27
here in its pre-publication format in lieu of the publisher’s version of record. The published 28
version can be found at: http://journals.humankinetics.com/kr-back-issues/kr-volume-3-issue-2-29
may-2014/the-socialization-of-teachers-in-physical-education-review-and-recommendations-for-30
future-works 31
32
Teacher Socialization 2
Abstract 33
Occupational socialization theory describes the acculturation, professional preparation, 34
and organizational socialization of physical education teachers and addresses factors that 35
contribute to their decisions and behaviors. Utilizing occupational socialization theory as a 36
grounding framework, this paper summarizes research conducted on teacher socialization in 37
physical education and provides recommendations for future research. Each of the three phases 38
of socialization is reviewed as are related constructs. The paper concludes with a discussion of 39
socialization into physical education more generally and addresses the limitations of the current 40
body of literature. Future researchers are encouraged to continue using occupational socialization 41
theory as a framework though which to understand the careers and pedagogical decisions of 42
physical education teachers. 43
Key Words: occupational socialization theory, teacher training, workplace culture 44
45
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The Socialization of Teachers in Physical Education: 46
Review and Recommendations for Future Works 47
Beginning with the seminal works of Lawson (1983a, 1983b) and Templin and Schempp 48
(1989b), investigators have studied the ways in which the physical education (PE) profession 49
recruits, trains, and socializes its teachers. This line of inquiry can be traced to research in the 50
sociology of education by scholars such as Waller (1932), Lortie (1975), Lacey (1977), and 51
Zeichner and Gore (1990). Through research on teacher socialization, scholars have learned 52
about the background characteristics of PE recruits (Dewar, 1989; Hutchinson, 1993; Schempp, 53
1989; Templin, Woodford, & Mulling, 1982), the effectiveness of teacher education programs 54
(Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004; Graber, 1993, 1996; Lawson, 1986; Solmon & Ashy, 1995), and 55
the influence of induction assistance in aiding new teachers in the transition to the school setting 56
(Banville & Rikard, 2009; Napper-Owen & Phillips, 1995; Richards & Templin, 2011; Stroot & 57
Ko, 2006), among other topics. 58
While the current body of literature provides important insight into the lives and careers 59
of PE teachers, important questions remain unanswered. Developing a more comprehensive 60
understanding of teacher socialization is integral for the PE profession as this work has 61
implications for the ways in which PE teachers perform their work and help promote student 62
learning in the complex social contexts of schools (Richards, Templin, & Gaudreault, 2013; 63
Schempp, Sparkes, & Templin, 1993). Further, research on teacher socialization cannot be 64
absolute. School cultures and the policies that govern them change over time and the experiences 65
of PE recruits and inservice teachers change with them. As a result, it is critical that new studies 66
be conducted to both add to the body of literature related to teacher socialization and to account 67
for changes in the way that socialization changes over time. 68
Teacher Socialization 4
The purpose of this paper is to review and summarize research utilizing occupational 69
socialization theory (OST) as a grounding framework. Results of studies examining different 70
phases of teacher socialization are discussed and synthesized, and the paper concludes with a 71
discussion of the results from an integrated perspective across all phases of socialization. The 72
methodology used to conduct research using OST is explored and critiqued as are the limitations 73
of the body of literature. Special attention is paid to the practical implications of this line of 74
research and recommendations for future scholarship 75
Occupational Socialization Theory 76
Defined broadly, the study of socialization as it relates to the teaching profession refers to 77
“that field of scholarship which seeks to understand the process whereby the individual becomes 78
a participating member of the society of teachers” (Zeichner & Gore, 1990, p. 329). Scholars 79
have generally adopted a three-phase approach to occupational socialization that is often 80
represented using a time-oriented continuum. The first phase, acculturation, represents that 81
period of time where recruits learn about the profession from teachers, coaches, and other 82
significant individuals, prior to entering a teacher education program. The second phase, 83
professional socialization, refers to the time in which future teachers are enrolled in a teacher 84
certification program at a college or university. Organizational socialization is the third phase 85
and is the time where individuals assume the role of teacher in K-12 schools. These three phases 86
of socialization were adopted by Lawson (1983a, 1983b) and Templin and Schempp (1989b) 87
when initially outlining teacher socialization in PE. 88
The Dialectical Nature of Socialization 89
Traditional views of socialization assume a functionalist perspective in which it is posited 90
that individuals passively adopted the behaviors and attitudes valued by members within a 91
Teacher Socialization 5
particular social group. For example, Merton, Reader, and Kendall (1957) defined socialization 92
as “the process by which people selectively acquire the values and attitudes, the interests, skills, 93
and knowledge – in short, the culture – current in groups to which they are, or seek to become, a 94
member” (p. 278). Such a perspective assumes that it is the responsibility of the individual to 95
adapt to fit within the existing social structure while the structure itself remains relatively 96
unaltered. Functionalist approaches to socialization, however, have been criticized and deemed 97
inadequate because of evidence indicating that individuals have the capacity to both overtly and 98
covertly resist the influence of teacher education and workplace socialization (Schempp & 99
Graber, 1992). Overt resistance can be characterized by instances in which preservice or 100
inservice teachers take an active stance against individuals or social institutions that aim to 101
socialize them. Covert resistance may not be outwardly noticeable and occurs when individuals 102
silently protest or when resistance is organized in a strategic way that seeks to elude the attention 103
of individuals who hold power in social institutions (Skelton, 1990). 104
Given the active role that individuals play in the socialization process, contemporary 105
approaches to understanding socialization have adopted a dialectical approach to explain the 106
interchange between individuals and socializing agents (i.e., those who attempt to influence the 107
beliefs, perspectives, or actions of teachers; Zeichner, 1979; Zeichner & Gore, 1990). The term 108
“dialectic” traces its roots to the work of philosophers such as Plato, Kant, and Hegel. According 109
to Hegel, each world view has a rival and the contention between perspectives results in a 110
struggle for power. The result of this power struggle is that each view is altered, which results in 111
the synthesis of the two (Loewenberg, 1929). Socialization is considered in contemporary 112
educational literature to be dialectical because the individual teacher plays an active role in 113
shaping their own socialization. That is, rather than being unidirectional in nature, socialization 114
Teacher Socialization 6
represents “a contest of social thesis against individual antithesis” in which both the teacher and 115
socializing agents are subject to change (Schempp & Graber, 1992, p. 331). 116
The dialectical perspective of socialization embraces constructivist theories of learning, 117
which view reality as socially constructed and value the role of the learner’s personal biography 118
in shaping new knowledge (Lawson & Stroot, 1993). Individuals are able negotiate the adoption 119
of beliefs and knowledge with socializing agents as opposed to passively absorbing them. 120
Through this process, individuals develop subjective theories of reality through which social 121
messages are interpreted. Grotjahn (1991) conceptualized subjective theories as “complex 122
cognitive structures that are highly individual, relatively stable, and relatively enduring, and that 123
fulfill the task of explaining and predicting such human phenomena as action, reaction, thinking, 124
emotion and perception” (p. 188). Subjective theories impact the socialization process as 125
messages that tend to align with the individual’s previous experiences and worldviews are often 126
incorporated into beliefs and behaviors, while those that do not fit tend to be filtered out 127
(Schempp & Graber, 1992; Templin & Schempp, 1989a). Subjective theories can be 128
conceptualized as sieves that screen out inconsistent perspectives while allowing for consistent 129
perspectives to be incorporated with the individual’s existing worldview (see Figure 1). 130
Discussed later in this review, subjective theories are formed through early socialization 131
experiences and are relatively stable. Despite their stability, there is evidence to indicate that 132
subjective filters can be altered over time as individuals accumulate new experiences and interact 133
with a variety of socializing agents. 134
The dialectical process highlights the fact that, while socializing agents have some impact 135
on the individual, the individual has a reciprocal impact on the agents (Zeichner, 1979). The 136
result is that both worldviews are changed and move closer toward one another. It should, 137
Teacher Socialization 7
however, be recognized that the power relationships in a dialectical exchange are often not equal. 138
Typically, the organizational structure (e.g., teacher education program, school district) exerts 139
power over the individual and is resistant to change. Thus, the individual may be reshaped more 140
in the exchange than the organization (Schempp & Graber, 1992). Additionally, since individuals 141
often do not have the formal power to challenge organizational structures, such as the rules that 142
govern a public school or physical education teacher education (PETE) programs, at times they 143
are forced to use covert tactics in order to assert their sense of agency and resist socialization 144
(Curtner-Smith, 1997; Scarth, 1987). 145
Innovative and Custodial Orientations 146
Related to, but district from, the notion of dialectics is the degree to which the individual 147
PE teacher or recruit and the context in which they are teaching is innovative or custodial 148
(Curtner-Smith, 2009; Curtner-Smith, Hastie, & Kinchin, 2008). A custodial orientation reflects 149
an individual or context that is concerned primarily with maintenance of the status quo and the 150
use of traditional teaching methodologies. Change is viewed with skepticism and is avoided 151
rather than pursued. An innovative orientation, on the other hand, reflects an individual or 152
context that is open to change and solicits new, up-to-date approaches to teaching PE. 153
When the individual and context share the same orientation, integration is eased. For 154
example, when an individual with a custodial orientation enters a setting (e.g., school, PETE 155
program) that also embraces a custodial orientation, the perspectives align and there is less likely 156
to be conflict. However, when the context and individual share differing orientations, as would 157
be the case when an innovatively oriented individual is socialized into a custodial context, the 158
transition can be challenging. The teacher is likely to overtly or covertly resist the contextual 159
demands, and individuals within the context are likely to exert increased control over the entrant. 160
Teacher Socialization 8
Innovative and custodial orientations should not be thought of as binaries, but as opposite ends of 161
the same continuum. Further, innovation and custodianship should not be thought of as absolutes 162
–elements of an individual or context’s orientation can be more or less innovative or custodial. 163
The following sections of this paper will review the three phases of socialization and 164
related constructs. Through this discussion an emphasis will be placed on the dialectical nature 165
of the socialization process as well as the way in which individuals are able to exercise their 166
sense of agency in response to socialization. Each of the three phases of socialization will be 167
overviewed and pertinent constructs will be discusses. Through this process, the available 168
research will be summarized and critiqued and specific areas in which research evidence is 169
currently lacking will be highlighted. 170
Acculturation: Deciding to Become a Physical Education Teacher 171
Acculturation, often referred to as pretraining or anticipatory socialization, explains the 172
ways in which individuals are socialized into teaching prior to their formal entrance into teacher 173
education programs (Lawson, 1983b). Acculturation begins at birth and continues to the point at 174
which an individual makes the decision to enter a teacher education program. During this time, 175
future teachers’ early experiences as pupils form the basis for their role identities, or the ways in 176
which they envision themselves as teachers (Bullough & Pinnegar, 2001). Some evidence 177
indicates that acculturation is “the most potent type of socialization experienced by PE teachers” 178
(Curtner-Smith et al., 2008, p. 99) and can be more powerful than teacher education (Zeichner & 179
Gore, 1990). As such, acculturation is an important element of socialization that must be 180
understood because of the significant role it plays in shaping the perspectives of future teachers. 181
182
183
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The Apprenticeship of Observation 184
With regard to the acculturation phase, Lortie (1975) used the term apprenticeship of 185
observation to describe the ways in which experiences as a pupil influence one’s impressions of 186
the teaching profession. During the apprenticeship, K-12 students spend upwards of 13,000 187
hours interacting with teachers, coaches, parents, counselors, and others both within and outside 188
of the school context who influence their decision pursue a career in PE (Lawson, 1983b; 189
Templin et al., 1982). As a result, recruits develop very strong impressions about the 190
occupational role of the PE teacher (Lawson, 1983b). Their views, however, are often distorted 191
because they are exposed to only a limited view of the technical culture of teaching. For 192
example, while recruits may understand the act of teaching a lesson, they are unlikely to fully 193
understand the amount of preparation that went into the lesson that they observed. Nevertheless, 194
their impressions have a traceable impact and exert a strong influence on their beliefs and future 195
practices as a teacher (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). As Schempp (1989) noted, “the 196
apprenticeship of observation represents collected and recollected experiences from days as a 197
student, and those experiences provide a continuing influence over the pedagogical practices and 198
orientations of PE teachers” (p. 35). 199
Teachers’ subjective theories of education that constitute the filters through which 200
socialization experiences are interpreted begin to develop during the apprenticeship of 201
observation, which make this an important time for shaping the type of teacher one becomes. 202
Graber (2001) noted that as a result of the apprenticeship, recruits may believe that PE is 203
primarily designed to accommodate athletes, promote fun, and that all students can be successful 204
even with minimal instruction. This is especially true in the cases of those whose PE programs 205
emphasized traditional values and pedagogies. Since contemporary education theory posits that 206
Teacher Socialization 10
socialization is dialectical, recruits who were exposed to PE programs that emphasized custodial 207
orientations are likely to overtly or covertly resist experiences encountered during teacher 208
education. This helps to explain Curtner-Smith’s (1999) observation that many beginning 209
teachers look more like the teachers they had while in school than products of the teacher 210
education institution from which they graduated. These early experiences represent one way in 211
which the PE profession perpetuates itself by promoting continuity and tradition (Lortie, 1975; 212
Templin et al., 1982). 213
Recruitment into Physical Education 214
In writing about recruitment into the teaching profession more broadly, Lortie (1975) 215
hypothesized that, in order to attract an individual, an occupation must possess recruitment 216
resources. While these resources are not always actively promoted in order to explicitly recruit 217
students into teaching, they do act to help people make decisions about whether or not they view 218
teaching as a viable occupational choice. Specifically, Lortie (1975) described two types of 219
resources: attractors and facilitators. Attractors are the “comparative benefits proffered would-be 220
entrants” (Lortie, 1975, p. 26) and include (a) interpersonal (the desire to work with young 221
people), (b) service (a wish to contribute to society by working with youth), (c) continuation (a 222
wish to continue to work in a familiar environment), (d) time compatibility (the attraction of 223
numerous holidays and summer vacations), and (e) material benefits (the need for money, 224
prestige, and security). Interpersonal, service, and time appear significant in recruits’ decisions to 225
enter PE (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Dewar, 1989; Spittle, Jackson, & Casey, 2009; Templin et 226
al., 1982). A variation of the continuation theme, an interest in remaining involved in sport and 227
physical activity, has also been noted in the literature when referring to PE (Spittle et al., 2009). 228
Teacher Socialization 11
Lortie (1975) defined facilitators as “social mechanisms which help move people into a 229
given occupation” (p. 26). Specifically, the subjective warrant and special facilitators 230
(identification with teachers, pursuing a career in teaching because of family members who have 231
taught, and blocked aspirations) are highlighted by Lortie as particularly important. Research in 232
PE has indicated that although former teachers are important facilitators (Curtner-Smith et al., 233
2008; Dewar, 1989; Templin et al., 1982), coaches may be even more significant (Curtner-Smith, 234
1997). While some evidence indicates that family members, such as parents and siblings, are 235
important facilitators (Dewar, 1989; Spittle et al., 2009; Templin et al., 1982), their influence 236
does not appear to be as strong as teachers and coaches. 237
The Subjective Warrant 238
One of the facilitators introduced by Lortie (1975), the subjective warrant, can be 239
conceptualized as an individuals’ perceptions of the requirements of a given profession along 240
with a self-evaluation of their abilities to meet those requirements. The subjective warrant is, 241
therefore, analogous to a combination of Richardson and Watt’s (2006) concepts of task 242
demands and self-perception. Individuals develop subjective warrants for a multitude of fields 243
and these perceptions are important in determining career choice (Lawson, 1983b). It is in 244
relation to the subjective warrant that recruits draw conclusions about the degree to which they 245
are well suited to teach PE (Graber, 2001). Research indicates that students who develop high 246
subjective warrants for PE tend to have extensive backgrounds in sports and physical activity and 247
enjoyed PE as children (Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004; Dodds et al., 1991). Some evidence does 248
indicate, however, that recruits who have negative experiences in school PE select the profession 249
in an effort to teach better than their PE instructors (Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 250
Teacher Socialization 12
There is no guarantee that recruits’ subjective warrants accurately represent the demands 251
of the PE profession. As noted previously, the apprenticeship of observation seldom provides 252
students with insight into the totality of a teacher’s responsibilities. They may, therefore, develop 253
subjective warrants that do not align with the actual challenges of the work-role. Nevertheless, 254
the subjective warrant is critical in the dialectical process. Even when the subjective warrant is 255
flawed or incomplete, it still contributes to recruits’ subjective theories and influences their 256
interpretation of future socialization messages and experiences. For example, recruits’ subjective 257
warrants influence their interpretation of the messages emphasized during teacher education. 258
Profiles of PE Recruits 259
Research on the background characteristics of recruits indicates they are likely to have 260
extensive experience participating in sport (Dodds et al., 1991), often at the high school or 261
college level, and have families who are involved in sport (Dodds et al., 1991; Hutchinson, 1993; 262
Lawson, 1983b). Significant others who influence their career choice include coaches, PE 263
teachers, parents, and peers (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Spittle et al., 2009; Stran & Curtner-264
Smith, 2009; Templin et al., 1982). Some evidence indicates that recruits are also likely to have a 265
parent or relative who was a teacher (Curtner-Smith, 1997; Richards & Templin, 2011). They are 266
more likely to come from working and middle class backgrounds and perceive a career in PE as 267
an opportunity to attend college (Hutchinson, 1993; Lawson, 1983b). While women remain more 268
likely than men to enter teaching (Guarino, Santibanez, & Daley, 2006), the gender profiles of 269
PE recruits are less clear. The background profiles of PE recruits have not been extensively 270
studied and many of the studies that do exist are several years old. Changes in society, culture, 271
and the economy likely influence individuals’ career choice, and it is possible that PE now 272
Teacher Socialization 13
attracts recruits who hold different perspectives than those studied in the past. As a result, 273
additional investigations are required to understand the profiles of current PE recruits. 274
The Development of Teaching and Coaching Orientations 275
The apprenticeship of observation and subjective warrant predispose recruits to differing 276
orientations toward teaching PE that relate to various motivations for entering the field. Lawson 277
(1983a, 1983b) posited that some recruits enter the field because they want to teach PE and 278
perceive this as their primary role. Others, however, seek to coach extracurricular sports and 279
view teaching PE as the gateway to coaching. Although many classroom teachers now coach 280
regardless of their curricular specialty, earlier research indicated that many recruits believed that 281
teaching PE was the only entry to coaching (Schempp & Graber, 1992). It has been surmised that 282
those who were exposed to high quality PE as children may be predisposed to teaching whereas 283
those who participated in more traditional forms of PE may be attracted to coaching (Curtner-284
Smith, 1997; Richards & Templin, 2011). Curtner-Smith (2009) makes the case that PE tends to 285
recruits less than optimal students who prefer coaching over teaching and tend to have custodial 286
orientations related to teaching PE. He emphasized that “we must strive to recruit bright students 287
with innovative teaching orientations, improve screening at the beginning of our programs, and 288
reject applicants with hard core custodial coaching orientations” (Curtner-Smith, 2009, p. 222). 289
Although prior research has discussed role orientations as either teaching focused or 290
coaching focused, teaching and coaching orientations likely lie along a continuum from highly 291
teaching oriented to highly coaching oriented (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Richards et al., 2013). 292
At the center of the continuum are individuals who are equally interested in both teaching and 293
coaching. It is important to note the importance of teaching and coaching orientations relative to 294
the dialectics of socialization. Individuals who are highly coaching oriented and enter PETE 295
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programs that emphasize teaching over coaching are likely to resist socialization efforts. This 296
supports the notion that teacher education is an especially weak form of socialization among 297
coaching-oriented recruits (Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004). 298
Professional Socialization 299
Professional socialization begins when a recruit enters a teacher education program, 300
typically in a college or university setting (Lawson, 1983b, 1986). During this phase, recruits are 301
taught the knowledge, skills, and dispositions of the profession that are deemed important by 302
teacher education faculty (Lawson, 1983b). Simultaneously, they are exposed to general 303
education courses taken outside the department, methods and foundational courses completed 304
within the department, and field-based experiences carried out in local schools and classrooms 305
(Zeichner, 1979). Schempp and Graber (1992), however, emphasize that it cannot be assumed 306
that recruits will accept all of the knowledge, values, and beliefs communicated by teacher 307
educators as the subjective theories constructed by preservice teachers are not easily altered and 308
all socialization, including professional socialization, is dialectical (Graber, 1989). This may be 309
especially true when recruits with custodial orientations encounter teacher education programs 310
that promote innovation or espouse knowledge and behaviors that are inconsistent with 311
experiences they had as students in K-12 schools. In order to effectively socialize recruits, 312
teacher educators must acknowledge that recruits have existing beliefs and prior experiences, and 313
be willing to negotiate and dialogue about them (Schempp & Graber, 1992). 314
Studentship and Strategic Compliance 315
PE recruits enter PETE programs having already begun to form their subjective theories 316
of education that are used to evaluate new information relative to teaching PE. The lessons they 317
learn and messages they receive through PETE are interpreted through these theories, which has 318
Teacher Socialization 15
implications for the extent to which teacher education has an impact on the perspectives of 319
recruits. When the messages of teacher education do not align with recruits’ prior expectations 320
and experiences, they may filter out the information as depicted in Figure 1. When PETE 321
programs emphasize innovative approaches to teaching PE that contradict what recruits learned 322
during K-12 education, many beliefs promoted by teacher educators are likely to be filtered out. 323
Since recruits often perceive themselves as having little power, they may employ various 324
strategies for resisting the socialization efforts they encounter during teacher education without 325
jeopardizing their standing in the program. 326
Some recruits will strategically comply (Lacey, 1977) with the mandates of PETE faculty 327
in an effort to make it seem as if they are “buying into” program content, while their beliefs 328
about teaching remain relatively unchanged. Graber (1991) observed this behavior in her study 329
of undergraduate PE majors and termed it “studentship”. Specifically, “studentship is a process 330
by which teacher trainees react to the demands of their training environment. It consists of an 331
array of behaviors that students may employ in order to progress through a training program with 332
greater ease, more success, and less effort” (Graber, 1991, p. 41). These behaviors manifest in 333
covert tactics such as cheating, taking shortcuts, psyching-out the instructor, and image 334
projection (Schempp & Graber, 1992). Despite the unequal distribution of power between the 335
PETE program and students, studentship behaviors enable the socialization process to remain 336
dialectical (Stroot & Williamson, 1993). 337
The Limited Impact of Professional Socialization 338
In the general education literature, Zeichner and Gore (1990) indicated that teacher 339
education courses do not effectively alter the beliefs and dispositions that recruits acquire during 340
acculturation. Brouwer and Korthagen (2005) reaffirm the limited impact of teacher education, 341
Teacher Socialization 16
especially when compared to the influence of workplace socialization. Others have noted that 342
teaching K-12 PE requires an understanding of workplace culture and knowledge about the non-343
instructional components of teachers’ work that many PETE programs do not provide 344
(Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002; Schempp et al., 1993). As a result, several calls have been made 345
for revisions to teacher education curricula in general education (Feiman-Nemser, 2001) and PE 346
(Lawson, 1986; Richards et al., 2013) that would help to better prepare recruits for the realities 347
of working in schools, while simultaneously educating them about research-based teacher 348
effectiveness and best practices. The limited impact of professional socialization has been 349
discussed extensively in the PE literature (Curtner-Smith, 1999; Lawson, 1986; Stran & Curtner-350
Smith, 2009). Several studies have found that, despite being exposed to innovative practices 351
during PETE, recruits revert to traditional methodologies when they begin teaching (See Stroot 352
& Ko, 2006). 353
In an effort to acknowledge that socialization is a dialectical process, some authors have 354
suggested infusing elements of social constructivist theory into PETE programs in order to 355
embrace recruits’ backgrounds and encourage reflection, critical thinking, dialogue, and 356
knowledge ownership within learning communities (Rovegno & Dolly, 2006; Tatto, 1998). Such 357
perspectives are more sensitive to the role of the teacher education student in the construction of 358
knowledge (Rovegno, 2003). These perspectives position students at the center of the learning 359
process and acknowledge the role of previous knowledge (i.e., subjective theories) in 360
understanding how students process new information (Tatto, 1998). The goal of a constructivist 361
approach is to embrace students’ as co-creators of knowledge and assist them in critiquing and 362
challenging their prior beliefs (Cheng & Pang, 1997). In both education (Beck, 2007; McDade, 363
1995) and PE (Collier & O'Sullivan, 1997; Richards, Hemphill, Templin, & Eubank, 2012; 364
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Timken & van der Mars, 2009), the use of case study methods in which recruits read and discuss 365
cases which overview issues that could potentially occur in the classroom is an example of one 366
teaching method that embraces constructivism. 367
Maximizing the Impact of Teacher Education 368
While much has been written about the limited impact of professional socialization, it is 369
important to note that not all teacher education is ineffective in influencing students’ subjective 370
theories. Faculty in some teacher education programs, particularly those who recognize and 371
acknowledge the influence of acculturation, have been able to more strongly impact the teaching 372
behaviors of their graduates. For example, Brouwer and Korthagen (2005) describe a 373
comprehensive teacher education program that included progressive induction into schools in 374
conjunction with on-campus seminar courses that facilitated reflection. This combination of 375
progressively structured field experiences and concentrated reflection resulted in a change in 376
recruits’ subjective theories as they began to embrace the messages they learned during teacher 377
education and implement newly acquired knowledge into their own teaching. Smith and Schmidt 378
(2012) also suggested that teacher education faculty might acquire stronger insights into their 379
recruits perspectives and subjective theories by trying to understand the influence of their 380
favorite K-12 teachers. PETE faculty have also been found to be more effective at teaching 381
students to embrace best practices when faculty are perceived as credible, do not coach, closely 382
supervise field-based experiences, and confront beliefs acquired during acculturation that do not 383
align with program values (Curtner-Smith, 1997, 2001; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 384
It may also be beneficial to promote instructional approaches that are at least somewhat 385
compatible with recruits’ value orientations and subjective theories of teaching (Curtner-Smith, 386
2009). Sport education, for example, may be one such instructional model as it tends to align 387
Teacher Socialization 18
with recruits’ interests in team sports while also reflecting a research-based approach to teaching 388
PE (Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). Graber (1993, 1996) investigated a high impact PETE 389
program and found that consensus building among faculty, awareness of studentship, reinforcing 390
the same messages to students from one teacher education class to another, examining beliefs 391
acquired during the acculturation phase, encouraging early conference attendance, and placing 392
students in practicum settings that reinforced programmatic messages, led to considerable 393
success in socializing students to implement a non-traditional teaching curriculum upon 394
employment as a certified teacher. Graber’s studies were based on a series of investigations by 395
Rovegno (1992, 1993a, 1993b) which indicated that recruits who graduated from this program 396
tended to retain the influence of the program upon entering the workforce. 397
Lortie (1975) introduced the concept of a shared technical culture in which teacher 398
education faculty express relative agreement over the knowledge, skills, and dispositions 399
required to teach effectively. These beliefs are manifested in a consistent approach to teacher 400
education across the preservice training curriculum (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). In such 401
situations, recruits receive consistent messages about teaching PE, which has been found to 402
increase the likelihood that they will embrace the perspectives emphasized by teacher educators 403
as they transition into the workplace (Curtner-Smith, 1996; Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004; 404
Richards & Templin, 2011). Conversely, when teacher educators fail to develop a shared 405
technical culture, it is more likely that recruits will use contradictions within the program to 406
reaffirm their existing beliefs. For example, when consistency is lacking, recruits may believe 407
there are numerous correct approaches to teaching PE and that their subjective theory is equally 408
or more correct than the approaches emphasized in their PETE program. Developing a shared 409
technical culture, however, is difficult since the views expressed by different PETE faculty 410
Teacher Socialization 19
residing in the same department can vary significantly (Lawson, 1983b, 1986). Nevertheless, it is 411
important to emphasize that PETE faculty do not have to have the exact same perspective on 412
teaching PE. Rather, they should just agree on some of the key elements of effective teaching 413
and reinforce these across the curriculum. Some diversity within the curriculum may be a good 414
thing as it demonstrates to recruits that there are multiple appropriate ways to teach. The key is 415
that all approaches should embrace best practices and research-based pedagogies. 416
The Influence of Teaching and Coaching Role Orientations 417
One factor that appears to have particular salience in determining whether or not teacher 418
education will be effective in helping recruits to adopt knowledge, skills, and dispositions in line 419
with best practices is the degree to which they are oriented toward teaching or coaching. Lawson 420
(1983b) hypothesized that students who are primarily oriented toward coaching would be less 421
receptive to the messages of preservice training than their peers who are oriented toward 422
teaching. Several investigations have found that although recruits with strong coaching 423
orientations are generally unaffected by teacher education, a well-structured teacher education 424
program can have an impact on students who enter with moderate coaching orientations 425
(Curtner-Smith, 1996, 1997, 2001; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). As predicted, recruits with 426
strong teaching orientations tend to be more receptive to programmatic messages communicated 427
by PETE faculty and are more likely to have their subjective theories of education shift toward 428
the values promoted by the program (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Richards & Templin, 2011). 429
Recruits who develop coaching role orientations are also more likely to be oriented 430
toward traditional, custodial approaches to teaching PE. These individuals are also likely to view 431
teaching as a career contingency or path to becoming an athletic coach (Richards & Templin, 432
2012). As a result, coaching oriented recruits are more likely to disagree with the perspectives of 433
Teacher Socialization 20
PETE faculty who emphasize quality teaching and espouse an innovative approach. In contrast, 434
teaching oriented recruits are more likely to see teaching as their primary role and to espouse 435
innovative orientations (Curtner-Smith, 2001; Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). 436
Early Field Experiences and Student Teaching 437
In the general education literature, numerous investigators have examined the socializing 438
influence of early field experiences and student teaching. Zeichner and colleagues (Zeichner & 439
Gore, 1990; Zeichner & Tabachnick, 1983) addressed the ways in which the dialectical process 440
impacts student teaching and found that some student teachers internalized and adopted the 441
perspectives of the school, while others pushed back and asserted their sense of agency. While 442
student teaching tends to be viewed as the most important field experience, scholars also point to 443
the potential socializing power of early field experiences, many of which are embedded within 444
methods courses (Dodds, 1989). For example, Solomon and Ashy (1995) found that the value 445
orientations of recruits participating in an early field experiences changed throughout the 446
semester and shifted in the direction of the instructor. Lawson (1983b, 1986) surmised that early 447
field experiences would be most successful in helping recruits adopt innovate teaching 448
orientations if faculty recruit students who are oriented to teaching rather than coaching, take 449
care to emphasize the importance of quality PE instruction, hold recruits accountable for 450
appropriate teaching behaviors, and model appropriate teaching behaviors in their own practice. 451
Early field experiences also appear to be most impactful when recruits are placed in schools that 452
reinforce the messages of PETE, are closely supervised by university faculty and trained 453
cooperating teachers, are linked to on-campus methods courses, focus on evidence-based 454
teaching skills, and require students to collect and analyze data on their own teaching (Curtner-455
Smith, 1996; Sofo & Curtner-Smith, 2005; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 456
Teacher Socialization 21
During early field experiences and student teaching, recruits may be faced with 457
conflicting expectations for their behavior as they are required to navigate relationships with 458
teachers, pupils, administrators, and parents (Richards et al., 2013; White, 1989). It is 459
particularly challenging when recruits encounter perspectives in the school setting that differ 460
from those espoused by their PETE faculty. In these situations, recruits may use the values 461
emphasized during field experiences to reaffirm rather than challenge their existing subjective 462
theories, which may serve to undermine PETE programming (Sofo & Curtner-Smith, 2005). 463
Thus, the degree to which recruits are able to navigate varying role expectations may partly 464
determine the success of field-based learning as a socializing experience. Collaborations in 465
which teacher educators partner with local school districts have been promoted as one effective 466
means of helping preservice teachers navigate the school culture while also providing 467
professional development to inservice practitioners (B. Johnson, Wetherill, & Greenebaum, 468
2002). In well-structured partnerships, both the school and university benefit and teacher 469
education students receive more intensive and focused supervision and support, as well as more 470
consistent socialization messages across both settings. 471
Student teaching is viewed as a culminating event or “the flagship of field experiences” 472
(Schempp & Graber, 1992, p. 339), and cooperating teachers and students have considerable 473
impact on the developing perspectives of preservice teachers (Dodds, 1989; Schempp & Graber, 474
1992; Templin, 1979). This is particularly true since student teaching is one of the first 475
opportunities preservice teachers have to spend protracted time in schools learning about the 476
daily realities of teaching (Richards et al., 2013). Tinning and Siedentop (1985) note the 477
importance of cooperating teachers in helping novices to learn instructional techniques as well as 478
organizational and social tasks within the school setting. However ,since recruits are often not 479
Teacher Socialization 22
empowered to openly question existing practices during student teaching, the experience often 480
lends itself to the perpetuation of the status quo as opposed to an open dialogue that embraces 481
differences in opinion and is focused on improving practice (Locke, 1979; Schempp, 1987). 482
Children serve a particularly important socialization function during student teaching because 483
student teachers spend a considerable amount of time working with them (Zeichner & Gore, 484
1990). Templin (1979, 1981) found that interacting with non-compliant students often shifts the 485
student teacher’s perspective away from student learning and achievement to pupil control and 486
compliance. 487
Student teachers as a liminal population. The curious thing about the role of student 488
teacher is that they assume many of the roles of a teacher, but are not yet recognized as full-489
fledged members of the school community. Student teachers are provided with some degree of 490
autonomy, but do not yet assume full responsibility for teaching in the classroom (Schempp & 491
Graber, 1992). Similarly, they are likely to feel as if they have moved beyond the role of student, 492
but are not yet full-fledged teachers. For this reason, one way to conceptualize the role of student 493
teacher is through the concept of liminality (V. Turner, 1967; van Gennep, 1909). The word 494
liminal derives from the Latin word limen, which means to be at a threshold. In Turner’s (1967) 495
original work with African tribes, the term was used to refer to the disorientation that arises in 496
rite of passage rituals in which participants are no longer at the preliminal stage, but have not yet 497
taken the status they will hold when the ritual is complete. More broadly, “liminality represents 498
the midpoint of transition in a status-sequence between two positions” (V. Turner, 1974, p. 237). 499
Since student teaching can be seen as the midpoint in a transition between the roles of 500
student and teacher, the position can be viewed as liminal. As noted by Lawson (1983a), “the 501
student teacher is caught between two worlds, the university and the school, as reflected in the 502
Teacher Socialization 23
joint supervision of their performance” (p. 4). Important to teacher socialization, Turner (1969) 503
posited that liminal periods are marked by dissolution (at least in part) of one’s identity along 504
with the opportunity for new perspectives to arise. As a result, individuals who are in a state of 505
liminality may be more likely to question their central values and amend the ways in which they 506
think about the group into which they are being inducted. Thus, viewing student teaching as a 507
liminal state can help to explain why it is so powerful in the socialization of beginning teachers. 508
Organizational Socialization 509
Writing from the perspective of organizational theory more broadly, Van Maanen and 510
Schein’s (1979) theory of organizational socialization has strongly influenced the ways in which 511
researchers in PE have viewed workplace socialization. The authors state that “organizational 512
socialization is a jejune phase used by social scientists to refer to the process by which one is 513
taught and learns the ropes of a particular organizational role” (p. 211). Important to this 514
definition is the notion that the socialization process is ongoing and continues to shape one’s 515
experience throughout the organizational career. Teachers form a culture within a given school 516
context that helps to shape their actions and behaviors as well as their orientations toward 517
teaching (Feiman-Nemser & Folden, 1984). Specific to PE, Lawson (1989) described the 518
school’s organizational culture as “largely unwritten” and consisting of “deeply embedded 519
assumptions, which are accepted and professed by veterans and powerful school personnel. The 520
organizational culture has two functions. First, it helps the school and its members meet external 521
environmental demands. Second, it facilitates the internal integration of diverse school workers” 522
(p. 152). Both the individual teacher and culture within the school can espouse either innovative 523
or custodial orientations toward teaching. The match or mismatch between orientations may 524
Teacher Socialization 24
influence the dialectical exchange and helps to determine the extent to which there will be 525
conflict in perspectives (Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 526
Socializing Agents and the Organizational Context 527
The institutional press is the method through which new teachers are taught about a 528
particular school’s culture as well as the knowledge and behaviors deemed important by veteran 529
teachers within that culture. While it can be innovative, this process of culture transmission tends 530
to favor the status quo and custodial approaches to teaching (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). As a 531
result of its emphasis on preserving current practices in the school setting, the institutional press 532
often contradicts professional socialization (Lawson, 1983a). Thus, the institutional press is a 533
strong, custodial force in schools and should not be overlooked. In response to the institutional 534
press, Templin et al. (2011) suggest that some teachers overtly or covertly resist in an attempt to 535
alter the status quo by asserting their sense of agency. Richards and colleagues (2013) emphasize 536
the importance of preparing preservice teachers for the realities of school life by helping them to 537
understand the types of cultures in which they will be inducted and equipping them with 538
strategies to successfully navigate the micropolitical environments of schools. 539
Students have long been perceived as primary socializing agents, and prolonged 540
interaction with students has been found to shift teachers’ pupil control ideology from 541
humanistic to custodial in both general education (Haller, 1967; Hoy, 1969) and PE (Templin, 542
1978). In PE, the socializing impact of students is so significant that teachers have been observed 543
to change their expectations or curricular goals to align with student expectations (Curtner-544
Smith, 1997; Smyth, 1995; Solmon, Worthy, & Carter, 1993). The role of principals as 545
socializing agents has also been highlighted in the education and PE literatures (Watkins, 2005), 546
although their influence is not as significant as other teachers or students. Although parents are 547
Teacher Socialization 25
viewed by many physical educators as important resources, many PE teachers perceive that they 548
are unwilling to become involved or are generally unsupportive (O'Sullivan, 1989). Studies 549
concerning teachers’ interactions with parents and principals, however, are sparse and these 550
topics merits additional attention in future research. 551
Research indicates that teachers feel empowered and better prepared when they have 552
opportunities to engage professionally (Templin et al., 2011). Many schools, however, limit the 553
professional development that is available and may not offer resources for teachers to become 554
professionally involved (Doolittle & Schwager, 1989; Templin, 1989). Such opportunities are 555
important for physical educators, particularly those new to the profession (Templin et al., 2011). 556
Professional development allows teachers to remain current in the field and prevent what 557
Lawson (1993) refers to as knowledge obsolescence. Knowledge obsolescence occurs when a 558
teacher’s content knowledge is so out of date that the information they provide students is no 559
longer relevant. Templin and colleagues (2011) note that engaging in continuing professional 560
development may help novice teachers avoid stressful entry into the workplace. Professional 561
organizations may play some role in the continual development of teacher knowledge (Kneer, 562
1989), but little research has been conducted in this area. 563
Teacher Induction and Induction Assistance 564
Although teacher education recruits are exposed to the school setting during early field 565
experiences and student teaching, induction into the workplace is typically characterized as the 566
first 3-5 years of a teacher’s career (Fessler & Christensen, 1992). Lawson (1983b), however, 567
posited that induction occurs when “a recruit’s inaccurate subjective warrant is replaced by a 568
new self-image forged out of new ideological commitments and newly acquired knowledge and 569
skill” (p. 13). In this way, induction is not viewed as a particular period of time, but as the 570
Teacher Socialization 26
process through which the new teacher develops a set of values, beliefs, and skills that are 571
needed to succeed in the particular school setting in which one is employed. While the induction 572
process begins with field experiences during preservice training, it cannot be completed until the 573
recruit transitions into the workforce and is further inducted while in the school setting (Lawson, 574
1989). Recruits who are not successfully socialized through preservie training may be considered 575
only partially inducted and not fully prepared to assume the responsibilities associated with their 576
job as a beginning teacher (Curtner-Smith, 1997; Richards et al., 2013). 577
While Lawson (1989) hypothesized that the transition from student to teacher should be 578
relatively seamless, the reality is that some beginning teachers experience a difficult transition 579
that is characterized by frustration and dissatisfaction (Stroot & Ko, 2006; Veenman, 1984). 580
Nevertheless, the teaching profession has not historically had any formal mechanisms through 581
which to induct or initiate its new members (Lortie, 1975; Waller, 1932). Many teachers were 582
left largely to sink or swim on their own and some were “lost at sea” (S. M. Johnson, 1990). This 583
lack of assistance in the transition into the school setting coupled with expectations placed on 584
new teachers has led some to characterize teaching as a profession that “cannibalizes its young” 585
(T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). Some evidence indicates that the transition for PE teachers may 586
be even more difficult than for teachers in general education since they experience subject matter 587
marginalization (Lux & McCullick, 2011); physical and intellectual isolation; and the pressure to 588
take on additional, non-teaching responsibilities such as coaching (Macdonald, 1995; Sparks, 589
Templin, & Schempp, 1993; Stroot & Ko, 2006). Due, in part, to these difficult transitions, the 590
teaching profession has consistently had high attrition rates, with estimates of between 35- and 591
50-percent of beginning teachers leaving within their first five years (T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 592
2004). These numbers are consistent with those reported in PE (Ingersoll, 2001). 593
Teacher Socialization 27
In response to challenging transitions and high attrition rates, many states and local 594
school districts have designed and implemented induction assistance programs in an effort to 595
ease the transition and bridge the gap from student to teacher (T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). It 596
should be noted, however, that this form of induction is usually more focused on helping 597
teachers assimilate into the school culture rather than into their disciplinary specializations. 598
Nevertheless, such programs have the potential to ease the transition of beginning teachers and 599
help them to become part of the school culture in which they are employed. While induction 600
assistance comes in many sizes, shapes, and forms, common components of programming 601
include mentoring, documentation and assessment workshops, seminars with other beginning 602
teachers, internal and external support networks, common planning time with other teachers in 603
the same discipline, and regular communication with administrators. Less common forms 604
include a reduced teaching schedule, fewer preparations, and the assignment of a teaching 605
assistant (Banville & Rikard, 2009; T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004; Stroot & Ko, 2006). 606
Research on teacher induction in general education is plentiful and suggests that 607
involvement in induction assistance programming has an impact on teachers’ beliefs about 608
education and ability to transition effectively into the school setting. (Wang, Odell, & Schwille, 609
2008). Induction assistance also has an influence on teacher retention, particularly when teachers 610
are given multiple forms of support beyond mentoring (T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). 611
Evidence indicates that beginning teachers appreciate induction assistance and find it helpful in 612
their transition into the workplace (Cherubini, 2007). Further, when beginning teachers perceive 613
they are being mentored and supported by their principals, they are more likely to flourish 614
(Quinn & Andrews, 2004; Watkins, 2005). 615
Teacher Socialization 28
While mentoring has been established as an important component of beginning teacher 616
induction, it is more effective when mentors teach in the same content area as the beginning 617
teacher and are trained and supported in the fulfillment of their duties (Feiman-Nemser, 2003; T. 618
M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). Another form of mentoring is for the new teacher to maintain their 619
affiliation with a teacher education program. Several investigators have noted the benefits of 620
maintaining a connection between teacher educators and beginning teachers through school-621
university partnerships (Howey & Zimpher, 1989; B. Johnson et al., 2002). In PE, the research 622
shows that induction which supports the professional and emotional needs of physical educators 623
is more favorable than that which focuses on only instruction (Eldar, Nabel, Schechter, Talmor, 624
& Mazin, 2003). Unfortunately, the research indicates that PE teachers are sometimes assigned 625
mentors outside their content area as well as individuals who are not interested in serving in a 626
mentoring capacity (Smyth, 1995; Stroot, Faucette, & Schwager, 1993). In some cases, physical 627
educators feel as if they must find mentoring from colleagues who are not officially assigned to 628
them (Richards & Templin, 2011; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 629
Kelchtermans and Ballet (2002) note that the induction experience also involves learning 630
to navigate the political aspects of the school environment. In PE, however, navigating the 631
micropolitics of the school may be more complicated due to isolation and marginalization 632
(Schempp et al., 1993; Smyth, 1995). While literature related to induction assistance 633
programming in PE is sparse, Richards and Templin’s (2011) case study of one beginning 634
teacher’s experience with state-level induction assistance is an important first step. The authors 635
found that the participant was reluctant to accept the support provided through her school district 636
because it was too broad and did not focus on her needs as a PE teacher. This speaks to the 637
importance of individualizing induction assistance to the teacher’s needs and subject affiliation. 638
Teacher Socialization 29
Reality Shock and the Washout Effect 639
When making the transition into the school setting, new teachers are often faced with a 640
significant amount of anxiety related to the need to take on a full complement of teaching duties 641
(Banville & Rikard, 2009; O'Sullivan, 1989). In many cases, beginning teachers are expected to 642
fulfill the same responsibilities as colleagues with 20 or more years of experience (Lortie, 1975; 643
T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). Thus, the transition into schools can result in reality shock 644
which is “the collapse of missionary ideals formed during teacher training by the harsh and rude 645
reality of everyday classroom life” (Veenman, 1984, p. 143). The phenomenon seems to stem 646
from incongruences between beginning teachers’ expectations for school life and the realities of 647
school life, combined with the general difficulties associated with teaching (O'Sullivan, 1989; 648
Richards et al., 2013). Lawson (1989) noted that reality shock is strongest when beginning 649
teachers are caught between contradictions in the perspectives promoted by teacher education 650
and those embraced in the school context. 651
The orientations espoused by the individual and those embraced in the teaching context 652
are important when considering reality shock. Teachers who have innovative orientations, but are 653
inducted into environments that promote custodial approachs to teaching are likely to experience 654
reality shock, as are those with custodial orientations who are inducted into innovatively oriented 655
school cultures (Eldar et al., 2003; Rust, 1994; Stroot & Ko, 2006). When reality shock is high, 656
teachers are more likely to leave the profession. The literature, however, demonstrates that both 657
reality shock and teacher attrition can be reduced through induction assistance and mentoring 658
(Ingersoll, 2001; T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004; Stokking, Leenders, Jong, & Tartwijk, 2003) 659
and when recruits have been adequately prepared during teacher education for the realities of 660
school life (Lawson, 1983a; Richards et al., 2013). Reality shock is also likely to be less severe 661
Teacher Socialization 30
when the environment in which beginning PE teachers are inducted aligns with their subjective 662
theories of teaching and supports the values and messages associated with preservice teacher 663
education (Macdonald, 1995; Napper-Owen & Phillips, 1995). 664
In some situations, reality shock can lead to the abandonment of the lessons learned 665
during preservice teacher education (Schempp et al., 1993; Smyth, 1995; Stroot et al., 1993). In 666
their analysis of school culture, Zeichner and Tabachnick (1981) referred to this as the washout 667
effect and noted its salience in maintaining the status quo in the school environment. Schools are, 668
according to Lawson (1983a), “custodial bureaucracies” that employ both formal and informal 669
mechanisms to perpetuate themselves, even if it means preventing innovation and change” (p. 6). 670
The result is that “pedagogical practices and perspectives learned during PETE which are 671
incompatible with a school’s culture are often ‘washed out’” (Curtner-Smith, 2001, p. 82). Some 672
investigators, however, have noted that washout is not an all or nothing process and that certain 673
elements of teacher education may be abandoned when transitioning into schools while others 674
are supported and nurtured (Blankenship & Coleman, 2009; Graber, 1998; Macdonald, 1995). 675
It appears that when beginning teachers are supported to implement what they learned 676
during teacher education, washout is less likely to occur. For example, Richards and Templin 677
(2011) found that a supportive school environment that connected a beginning teacher with 678
content learned during PETE helped to prevent washout. Any discussion of washout, however, 679
must be predicated on the assumption that there is something to be washed out. If the teacher 680
education program from which the new teacher graduated was ineffective in instilling the 681
knowledge, skills, and dispositions reflective of best practices in PE, what appears to be a 682
washout effect may simply be that individual’s true beliefs about teaching PE being manifested 683
(Lawson, 1983a). This speaks to the importance of dialectics in the socialization process. When 684
Teacher Socialization 31
recruits subjective theories are relatively unaffected by teacher education, what appears to be 685
washout may be beginning teachers entering environments that align with their preexisting 686
beliefs about PE. 687
Socialization through Innovative Professional Cultures 688
Some evidence indicates that teachers who are inducted into innovative professional 689
cultures will have smoother beginnings and are less likely to experience reality shock (Day, 690
Sammons, Stobart, Kington, & Gu, 2007; Huberman, 1993). These environments tend to be 691
encouraging and supportive of beginning teachers’ perspectives, allow beginning teachers to 692
implement instructional strategies learned during preservice training, and help beginning 693
teachers feel as if they are important parts of the school culture. In contrast, custodial 694
professional cultures tend to silence the perspectives of beginning teachers and perpetuate the 695
status quo through the institutional press. Custodial school environments can be especially 696
challenging for beginning teachers who have innovative orientations and are interested in 697
implementing best practices learned during teacher education. This speaks directly to the 698
importance of developing supportive cultures that provide teachers with both an avenue through 699
which to express their voices and with leaders who are willing to assist them in the induction 700
process (Day et al., 2007). 701
Communities of practice (Brown & Duguid, 1996) – groups of individuals who are drawn 702
together for a common purpose and strive together toward a common goal – are seen as a 703
particularly effective means of helping PE teachers succeed in the school context (O'Sullivan, 704
2007; Richards & Templin, 2011; Richards, Templin, Hemphill, & Eberline, 2012). Such 705
arrangements help teachers to “orient their intertwined professional culture around sharing and 706
improving practice” and can give rise to innovative professional cultures (Westheimer, 2008, p. 707
Teacher Socialization 32
765). Richards and Templin (2011) reinforce the importance of establishing communities of 708
practice in PE and note that such supportive arrangements may have a greater, more positive 709
influence on induction than formalized teacher induction programming. In general education, 710
Kardos, Johnson, Peske, Kauffman, and Liu (2001) distinguish between and among veteran, 711
novice, and integrated professional cultures. As with communities of practice, integrated 712
professional cultures bring novice and veterans teachers together in an innovative environment 713
that is focused on sharing ideas and best practices. 714
Teacher Role Stressors and Teacher/Coach Role Conflict 715
While this review draws most on OST, teacher role stressors and teacher/coach role 716
conflict are best understood when couched within the related perspective of role theory (Linton, 717
1936; Merton, 1957; Parsons, 1951). Role theory is designed to explain how individuals in 718
specific social positions view their realities as well as how they are viewed by others. This 719
includes expectations for one’s own behavior in a given role along with expectations for the 720
performance of others (Hindin, 2007). Individuals are seen to occupy specific social statuses 721
(e.g., school teacher) that include enacted behaviors or roles (Linton, 1936; Merton, 1957). A 722
theatre metaphor is adopted by role theorists to explain social behavior: “the vision is of actors 723
playing parts in scripts written by culture and shaped by evolutionary adaptation” (Stryker, 724
2001). Ideally, social actors share standards for behavior that are appropriate for those who are 725
members of the same status (Biddle, Rosencranz, Tomich, & Twyman, 1966). Actors are guided 726
by a set of internalized or externally enforced expectations and are judged by how well they meet 727
these expectations (R. H. Turner, 2001). Individuals behave in distinct and predictable ways 728
depending upon their social identities and the situation (Biddle, 1986). The socialization process 729
is integral to understanding how individuals are prepared for and socialized into roles which they 730
Teacher Socialization 33
perform. Therefore, role theory can be used to understand the ways in which the role of PE 731
teacher is socially constructed and OST can be used to explain how individuals are prepared for 732
and socialized into the role of PE teacher within a given social context (Richards et al., 2013). 733
Role Stressors. Role theory has been applied to the analysis of the roles of teacher 734
(Biddle et al., 1966; Merton, 1957; Wilson, 1962) and teacher/coach (Kwon, Pyun, & Kim, 735
2010; Locke & Massengale, 1978; Richards & Templin, 2012) in order to explain stressors 736
associated with role conflict, role overload, and role ambiguity (Conley & You, 2009; Hindin, 737
2007). The teacher’s role is particularly susceptible to role overload as teachers are often 738
required to take on a number of different responsibilities associated with the function of the 739
classroom (e.g., behavior management, instruction, student assessment) as well as the school as 740
an organization (e.g., filing paperwork, serving on committees) and the larger community (e.g., 741
parent-teacher conferences, community involvement). Further, while some new teachers are 742
fortunate to be employed in contexts in which facilities and equipment are abundant and 743
colleagues are supportive (Macdonald, 1999), many lack adequate resources and have colleagues 744
who are perceived as marginalizing and non-supportive (Smyth, 1995). Role ambiguity is 745
marked by situations in which the expectations for teachers’ behavior are unclear or 746
unarticulated (Conley & You, 2009). In these situations, expectations cannot appropriately guide 747
behavior and the teacher may experience frustration from lack of guidance. 748
Role conflict can be divided into intrarole conflict and interrole conflict. Intrarole conflict 749
occurs when teachers receive varying expectations from different stakeholders that are often 750
incongruent (Biddle et al., 1966; Getzels & Guba, 1954; Merton, 1957). For example, a principal 751
may want a new teacher to implement innovative practices, while that teacher’s colleagues 752
expect him/her to adopt a custodial orientation and utilize traditional pedagogies. When this 753
Teacher Socialization 34
occurs, the expectations that most closely align with the individual’s subjective theory are 754
deemed most important (Hindin, 2007; Stryker, 2001). Interrole conflict occurs when the 755
expectations for performance in multiple roles are contradictory and make it difficult for one 756
individual to perform both roles in tandem (R. H. Turner, 2001). Specific to PE, interrole conflict 757
has been examined in relation to assuming the dual roles of teacher and coach (Locke & 758
Massengale, 1978; Richards & Templin, 2012; Ryan, 2008). Research highlights the 759
inconsistencies between the role of teacher and coach, which can make simultaneous 760
performance a challenging experience for the teacher/coach. In some cases, the combination of 761
roles can result in role retreatism in which the teacher/coach chooses to identify most strongly 762
with one role to the detriment of the other (Millslagle & Morley, 2004). Due to the structure of 763
reward and accountability systems, the coach role has traditionally been prioritized over that of 764
teacher (Sage, 1987; Templin, Sparkes, Grant, & Schempp, 1994). 765
Teacher Responses to the Socialization Process 766
In their seminal work on organizational socialization, Van Maanen and Schein (1979) 767
described two ways in which individuals tend to respond to workplace socialization. The most 768
common response is custodianship, in which the recruit assimilates into the existing school 769
environment without openly questioning or challenging the status quo. Although they may have 770
some initial reservations, the new teacher accepts the responsibilities traditionally associated 771
with the position and internalizes the system in place at the school, thus perpetuating that system 772
and reducing the impact of what may have been learned during teacher education (Van Maanen 773
& Schein, 1979). As a result, “The current system becomes stronger and the continuation of 774
current knowledge, practices, and outcomes is assured” (Stroot & Ko, 2006, p. 427). Research 775
conducted in PE confirms that custodianship is the most common response among beginning 776
Teacher Socialization 35
teachers (Smyth, 1995; Stroot & Ko, 2006; Williams & Williamson, 1998). However, 777
custodianship reduces the likelihood of a beginning teacher integrating lessons learned during 778
teacher education in the workplace (Curtner-Smith, 1997), thus reducing the impact of PETE. 779
Another response to socialization in the workplace, innovation, represents a process 780
through which the beginning teacher challenges the status quo. This response can be manifested 781
as either content or role innovation (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979). Content innovation occurs 782
when the teacher seeks to implement new teaching strategies for meeting the goals of the 783
preexisting system, but does not seek to redesign that system (Stroot & Ko, 2006). Van Maanen 784
& Schein (1979) note that content innovation is “marked by the development of substantive 785
improvements or changes in the knowledge base of strategic practices of a particular role” (p. 786
228). For example, a teacher who attempts to implement best-practices learned in teacher 787
education in order to meet existing program goals would be exhibiting content innovation. The 788
goals of the program are not in question, merely the strategies used to meet those goals (Stroot & 789
Ko, 2006). Changes the implemented by a teacher may promote or inhibit student learning, and 790
may result in positive or negative reactions from colleagues and administrators. The responses 791
depend on the teacher’s subjective theory and orientation toward PE as well as the orientation 792
espoused by the culture of the school. For example, if the beginning teacher and school hold 793
innovative orientations toward PE and the PE teacher attempts to implement new practices, the 794
school environment will likely support the content innovation. In contrast, if an innovative 795
teacher attempts to make changes in a custodial-oriented environment, resistance is likely. 796
Role innovation occurs when a new teacher enters the school environment and reacts by 797
“attacking and attempting to change the mission associated traditionally with the role” (Van 798
Maanen & Schein, 1979, p. 228). This type of response is rare and typically arises when there is 799
Teacher Socialization 36
a fundamental difference between the views of the teacher and those currently operational at the 800
school. When new teachers attempt to completely redefine the ways in which PE is viewed or 801
implemented within the school setting, they would be exhibiting role innovation. This can be a 802
challenging task because the beginning PE teacher would be attempting to alter the fundamental 803
values of the institution. For example, a teacher who attempts to change the grading scheme in 804
PE from pass/fail to a letter grade system would be attempting role innovation. Although there 805
are some examples of beginning teachers who exert their sense of agency and challenge the 806
status quo, many who do so develop difficult relationships with colleagues (Blankenship & 807
Coleman, 2009; Graber, 1998; O'Sullivan, 1989; Smyth, 1995), particularly in programs with 808
custodial orientations that are resistant to change. 809
Teacher Socialization Strategies 810
Related to teachers’ responses to the socialization process, Blumer (1969) described 811
socialization strategies that individuals may draw upon when integrating into the existing culture 812
of an institution. Lacey (1977) expanded upon Blumer’s work to suggest that new teachers 813
employ one of three strategies to comply with or resist the social structure depending upon their 814
subjective theory and preservice training, and the context of the school: (a) strategic compliance, 815
(b) internalized adjustment, or (c) strategic redefinition. These strategies demonstrate how the 816
dialectical process enables teachers to be “sculptures of their own destiny” (Williams & 817
Williamson, 1998, p. 78). While some teachers may comply, others may covertly or overtly 818
resist and even take direct, targeted action toward change. 819
Strategic compliance occurs when “the individual complies with the authority figure’s 820
definition of the situation and the constraints of the situation, but retains private reservations” 821
(Skelton, 1990, p. 389). This is most likely to occur when there is conflict between what a 822
Teacher Socialization 37
teacher believes and the values promoted by the institution. If the teacher feels powerless to 823
confront or change the school policies, he/she will like comply in order to more easily facilitate 824
the transition into the context, but will retain reservations about doing so and may seek to change 825
the constraints of the environment when empowered to do so. 826
Internalized adjustment occurs when the “individual complies with the constraints and 827
believes that the constraints of the situation are for the best” (Skelton, 1990, p. 389). A new 828
teacher who elects to use this strategy adopts the policies and procedures operating in the school. 829
Teachers may adopt this stance because they believe that doing so is “in the best interest of all” 830
(Scarth, 1987, p. 247). The socialization process remains dialectical because the teacher is 831
making the choice to integrate into the culture of the school rather than being passively 832
socialized into it. In many ways, this strategy is analogues to Van Maanen and Schein’s (1979) 833
concept of custodianship in that the new teacher makes little effort to alter the infrastructure of 834
the school. Research in PE indicates that internalized adjustment occurs most often when the 835
culture of the school aligns with the new teacher’s subjective theory relative to the purpose of PE 836
(Graber, 1998; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 837
Strategic redefinition characterizes teachers who are determined to change the status quo 838
even though they may lack the formal power to do so (Scarth, 1987). In this way, individuals 839
recognize that the status quo is in conflict with their subjective theory and actively challenge it 840
by attempting to bring about change. This reinforces the dialectical nature of socialization in that 841
teachers are capable of “realizing their own educational values and persuading others with 842
formal power of their legitimacy” (Skelton, 1990, p. 389). Examples of strategic redefinition are 843
rare, but some teachers report making efforts to change the way in which PE is perceived and 844
implemented (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Schempp et al., 1993; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 845
Teacher Socialization 38
At times, especially in custodial-oriented school environments, these attempts at redefinition can 846
be met with resistance from the school culture. 847
It is important to note that the socialization strategies adopted by teachers are not 848
absolute. Teachers may internally adjust to certain elements of a program while strategically 849
complying or redefining others depending on the school context as well as their backgrounds and 850
subjective theories (Scarth, 1987; Williams & Williamson, 1998). Sikes, Measor, and Woods 851
(1985) introduced the term strategic compromise to describe situations in which teachers 852
strategically comply with some aspects of the school culture while attempting to redefine others. 853
Since most beginning teachers do not have the formal power to redefine the situations in which 854
they teach, some may adopt a gradualist approach to redefinition by strategically choosing 855
developmental sites within the school context that are vulnerable to change (Skelton, 1990). This 856
allows them to begin to assert their sense of agency without experiencing overt resistance. Such 857
an approach seeks to begin small and then expand once the beginning teacher has established 858
secure footing and a sense of legitimacy in the school context. 859
Isolation and Marginalization 860
Higher levels of status and rewards are allocated for school subjects such as science and 861
math that align with the academic mission of the school. The status accorded to different subject 862
matter areas is strongly rooted in the mental-manual labor dichotomy that is reflected in the 863
perception of white- and blue-collar work (Hoyle, 1986; Schempp et al., 1993). White-collar 864
work is associated with achievement and dependent upon academic success, while blue-collar 865
work is often characterized as less important because it requires less cognition and more 866
physicality. This general attitude toward labor is also reflected in the social system of the school 867
and creates an unequal status structure among teachers. This results in some teachers being 868
Teacher Socialization 39
viewed as having a more central role, while others are perceived as marginal (Armour & Jones, 869
1998; Sparks et al., 1993). 870
Turner (1974) differentiates marginal individuals from those who have liminal status. He 871
notes that “marginals like liminars are also betwixt and between, but unlike ritual liminars they 872
have no cultural assurance of a final stable resolution of their ambiguity” (p. 233). Thus, like the 873
liminal student teacher, the marginalized teacher is in a position between being afforded social 874
status as a legitimate teacher and having it withheld. These individuals are both part of the 875
mission of the school and not part of that mission at the same time. They may have a formal 876
position with the educational bureaucracy, but are not afforded the same rights and rewards as 877
those viewed as central to its mission. While liminal student teachers have assurance that they 878
will emerge as a fully licensed teachers, marginal teachers have no such assurance that they or 879
their subject will ever be recognized as legitimate. 880
Within the context of schools, PE is often viewed as a marginal subject and the PE 881
teacher as a marginal educator. As noted by Sparks and colleagues (1993), “physical educators 882
teach a subject that tends to be defined as peripheral to the central functions of the school; that is, 883
PE is a marginal subject” (p. 387). Such marginalization has a traceable impact on the ways in 884
which physical educators view themselves and their work. Numerous studies have captured the 885
impact of marginalization as PE teachers receive both explicit and implicit messages that their 886
subject is less important than others (Eldar et al., 2003; O'Sullivan, 1989; Templin et al., 1994). 887
Although PE teachers are sometimes recognized as experts within their individual 888
schools, accolades are typically given for their ability to manage students rather than their 889
teaching accomplishments (O'Sullivan, 1989; Schempp et al., 1993). Further, academic learning 890
in PE is not perceived as a primary goal from the perspective of administrators, other teachers, 891
Teacher Socialization 40
students, and parents (Smyth, 1995; Templin et al., 1994). PE teachers are often forced to defend 892
their grading and evaluation practices as documented during an investigation in which a PE 893
teacher was told by a parent that to fail PE is analogous to failing lunch or recess (O'Sullivan, 894
1989). PE teachers often struggle for the legitimacy of their subject and may feel as if they are 895
not treated like “real” teachers (Macdonald, 1995, 1999; Solmon et al., 1993; Wright, 2001). A 896
particularly explicit example of this comes from a teacher in Smyth’s (1995) study who was told 897
that “anyone can teach PE. Just play games” (p. 205). 898
While many beginning PE teachers experience marginalization, evidence also indicates 899
that there are some strategies that can be used in order to assist beginning teachers in exercising 900
their sense of agency and enhancing the status of PE within individual school contexts. Research 901
conducted by Lux and colleagues (Lux, 2011; Lux & McCullick, 2011) has led to the 902
identification of specific behaviors that physical educators can use in order to advocate for their 903
program and resist marginality. These behaviors include fostering diplomatic relationships with 904
colleagues; working with administrators to secure tools and resources (e.g., planning time, 905
teaching space, equipment) needed to teach effectively; and developing strong relationships with 906
parents, students, and community members. Similarly, teachers in studies conducted by Curtner-907
Smith (2001) and Napper-Owen and Phillips (1995) were able to navigate marginality by joining 908
networks of beginning teachers and educating their colleagues about the importance of PE. 909
Related to the concept of marginalization is the fact that PE teachers are often physically 910
and intellectually isolated from their peers (Curtner-Smith, 2001; Stroot & Ko, 2006). Although 911
all teachers experience some degree of isolation because they are the only adults in classes filled 912
with children (Lortie, 1975), evidence indicates that isolation is more prominent for physical 913
educators because they are the only, or one of a mere handful, of other PE teachers employed in 914
Teacher Socialization 41
the school (Macdonald, 1995; Stroot & Ko, 2006). This is especially true at the elementary level 915
where there is often only one PE teacher, or for PE teachers must travel to different buildings 916
(Richards & Templin, 2011; Solmon et al., 1993; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 917
The physical location of the gymnasium, which is usually at one end of the building or in 918
a separate structure all together, likewise promotes physical isolation from colleagues (Curtner-919
Smith, 2001; Stroot & Ko, 2006). Additionally, the structure of the school day provides teachers 920
with opportunities to interact informally before and after school, but rarely permits the space for 921
professional dialogue, which increases intellectual isolation (Stroot & Ko, 2006). This may be 922
exacerbated for PE teachers who may not be required to meet to discuss curricula and common 923
exams in the way teachers in core-subjects are, which highlights the interaction between 924
marginalization and isolation (Smyth, 1995). Some evidence indicates that isolation can be 925
reduced through the creation of communities of practice (O'Sullivan, 2007; Richards & Templin, 926
2011) that bring teachers together in intentional ways to discuss the goals emphasized in PE as 927
well as the strategies used to meet those goals. 928
Conclusions and Directions for Future Research 929
Research using OST explains the acculturation, professional socialization, and 930
occupational socialization of PE teachers. Research using OST spans the lives and careers of PE 931
teachers. The current literature base highlights the importance of acculturation in the 932
development of teachers’ subjective theories and indicates that, in many situations, professional 933
socialization is ineffective in overcoming recruits’ preexisting perceptions of what it means to 934
teach PE. The research also indicates that school can be challenging contexts for PE teachers to 935
navigate and captures the influence of socializing agents, isolation, and marginality on their daily 936
lived experiences. The research literature demonstrates that school contexts are frequently unable 937
Teacher Socialization 42
to provide nurturing environments that are conducive to the development of effective teaching in 938
PE. Lack of professional, emotional, and financial support sends powerful explicit and implicit 939
messages about the perceived importance of PE. At times, mediocrity is even enforced when 940
teachers are admonished for implementing instructional practices that are inconsistent with the 941
existing culture of custodial schools. 942
Constructed based on the research summarized in this review, Figure 2 depicts a path 943
model that provides an overview of OST. The model captures socialization experiences during 944
acculturation (pretraining factors, development of subjective theories and orientations toward 945
teaching and coaching orientations), professional socialization (students’ value orientations and 946
studentship, PETE Programming, Effectiveness of PETE Programming), and organizational 947
socialization (Induction and entry into the school context, socialization across career phases, and 948
teacher identity and responses to socialization). Pathways in the model highlight the ways in 949
which various elements of the socialization process directly and indirectly influence teacher 950
identity and responses to the socialization process. Arrows in the model depict relationships 951
between constructs that are supported in the current literature. The dialectical nature of 952
socialization and teachers’ sense of agency underlie the entire model as they exert influence 953
throughout the socialization process. The model incorporates feedback loops from “socialization 954
across the career phases” and “teacher identity and responses to socialization” to “pretraining 955
factors” in order to highlight in influence of school practice in shaping the subjective theories 956
and perspectives of PE recruits. 957
Curtner-Smith (2009) discussed the notion of breaking the cycle of the non-teaching 958
teacher in PE. He emphasized, however, that this is not easily accomplished, particularly when 959
school cultures dissuade new and innovative approaches in favor of traditional practices that are 960
Teacher Socialization 43
unlikely to disrupt the status quo. Thus, new teachers who have subjective theories that 961
emphasize innovation and change who begin teaching in custodial school cultures may relent to 962
the forces exerted upon them, attempt to make changes in the school culture (overtly or 963
covertly), or leave the field out of frustration and dissatisfaction. Regardless of the response, the 964
process remains dialectical as teachers always have a choice with regard to how they will 965
respond to the socializing forces of the school. It is possible, however, for an innovatively 966
oriented teacher who enters a custodial school culture to yield to the status quo and adopt the 967
traditional practices emphasized within the school. In these situations the influence of 968
professional socialization may be washed out (Blankenship & Coleman, 2009), and teacher 969
educators who strive to improve the public image of PE by educating highly qualified future 970
teachers may be rendered impotent. 971
Research conducted in the past four decades has provided the field with important 972
information about the ways in which teachers are trained for and socialized into their jobs. 973
However, several gaps remain in the literature that need to be filled by future scholars. The 974
majority of research focuses on the experiences of young teachers who are transitioning into the 975
profession. Although the study of teachers’ careers has been given significant attention in general 976
education (Day & Gu, 2010; Day et al., 2007; Goodson & Hargreaves, 1996), very few studies in 977
PE explore the ways in which teachers navigate the cultures of the schools in which they are 978
employed over the course of their careers (e.g., Macdonald, 1999; Templin et al., 1994). With the 979
exception of the work of Woods and Lynn (Lynn & Woods, 2010; Woods & Lynn, 2001), nearly 980
all of this work has been retrospective. There is “relatively little literature on PE teachers and 981
their careers. What does exist tends to paint a picture of an occupation in turmoil, in which 982
satisfaction is rarely achieved” (Armour & Jones, 1998, p. 123). Most theoretical constructs 983
Teacher Socialization 44
relate specifically to the experiences of novices, but to understand the career cycle of PE 984
teachers, research that spans the lives and careers of teachers is required (Day et al., 2007). 985
Thirty years ago Lawson (1983b) commented that research related to the profiles of 986
recruits and the subjective warrant in PE was somewhat sparse. In response, he called for 987
additional research designs that sampled high school-aged students who intend to pursue a career 988
in PE in order to better understand the true profiles of PE recruits. The majority of the research 989
conducted in this area, however, has adopted retrospective designs that ask preservice and 990
inservice teachers to reflect back on their experiences as children (Curtner-Smith, 2001; Richards 991
& Templin, 2011; Spittle et al., 2009). Only a few investigators (Hutchinson, 1993; Mulling, 992
1981) have studied recruits during the acculturation phase and most are outdated, particularly 993
since physical activity has come to be emphasized in some PE programs over a traditional sport-994
oriented curriculum. If the field of PE is to develop a better understanding of the factors that 995
attract students to PE as a career as well as the background characteristics of recruits, additional 996
research is needed in this area (Hutchinson, 1993). 997
Since professional socialization has been identified as relatively ineffective in altering the 998
subjective theories of physical education recruits, additional work is needed to better understand 999
the ways in which it can be strengthened in order to provide recruits with the knowledge, skills, 1000
and dispositions required to teach effectively. For example, research that is aimed at developing 1001
a better understanding of the culture of teacher education faculty and their impact on preservice 1002
teachers is warranted (Lawson, 1986). Especially important is developing an understanding of 1003
the shared technical culture and the ways in which faculty can promote and model teaching 1004
effectiveness. Research related to general education and content courses is also limited and 1005
deserves greater attention. PETE students take a number of courses outside of the primary 1006
Teacher Socialization 45
department, such as core courses in which all students on campus are required to enroll, but little 1007
research has been conducted to examine the impact of these courses in shaping preservice 1008
teachers’ identities. Future scholars also need to continue to investigate the ways in which 1009
students with strong and moderate coaching orientations can be influenced through teacher 1010
education. This may require a reexamination of some of the values of PETE programs through an 1011
acknowledgement of students’ subjective theories and the dialectical nature of socialization 1012
(Richards et al., 2013). Studentship is a concept that should be revisited and expanded upon so 1013
that teacher educators better understand how students overtly and covertly navigate the 1014
curriculum when confronted with policies and practices with which they do not agree. 1015
Future research that investigates the experiences and perspectives of PETE faculty and 1016
doctoral students is also warranted. While studies are beginning to emerge (e.g., Lee & Curtner-1017
Smith, 2011; Williamson, 1992), we have much to learn about the individuals who prepare future 1018
teachers. Similarly, the role of professional organizations as related to occupational socialization 1019
is generally not well understood and very few studies (e.g., Kneer, 1989) have been conducted 1020
on this topic. Further, since research has demonstrated that teaching is a political as well as 1021
instructional process (Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002; Schempp et al., 1993), future research 1022
should explore the ways in which teachers navigate school micropolitics as well as the shifting 1023
landscapes of state and national policy (Richards et al., 2013). Teachers and administrators who 1024
have been particularly successful at advocating for their programs should be investigated in order 1025
to understand why some individuals are able to overcome obstacles while others are not. 1026
Another interesting area of future research is related to the way in which occupational 1027
socialization influences how preservice and inservice teachers interpret and react to various 1028
curricular models. Curnter-Smith and his colleagues (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Curtner-Smith 1029
Teacher Socialization 46
& Sofo, 2004; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009) have begun conducting research in this area and 1030
have found that PE teachers and recruits with coaching orientations are less likely to implement 1031
sport education as intended than those with teaching orientations. Researchers should expand 1032
upon this line of inquiry and continue to investigate the role of socialization and how teachers’ 1033
subjective theories impact the interpretation and delivery of other curricular models. 1034
Future researchers are also called upon to explore the lived experiences of teacher 1035
education recruits, teacher education students, and inservice teachers from multiple perspectives. 1036
The majority of research to date has been predominantly qualitative and relies on interview and 1037
observation data. Although the qualitative research paradigm has and will continue to provide 1038
tremendous insight toward advancing teaching practice, conceptualizing studies that use 1039
quantitative designs and mixed methods will provide different types of information that will 1040
likewise be useful (Graber, 2001). For example, Blankenship and Coleman’s (2009) study that 1041
combined interviewing with systematic observation to document washout is an example of how 1042
researchers can use multiple methods to more completely understand socialization. Richards and 1043
Templin’s (2013) investigation of teacher/coach role stressors, burnout, and resilience, is another 1044
good example of the type of research that can provide insight from a quantitative paradigm. 1045
Related to the use of multiple research paradigms is the need to develop psychometric 1046
instrumentation designed to evaluate some of the theoretical constructs forwarded by OST. For 1047
example, numerous qualitative studies have identified marginalization, isolation, and 1048
teacher/coach role conflict as prominent issues faced by PE teachers as they attempt to navigate 1049
the context of the schools in which they work. Scholars, however, have not to use valid and 1050
reliable quantitative instruments for measuring these constructs. Without such instrumentation it 1051
is difficult to generalize findings. One might posit that a school context that does not support 1052
Teacher Socialization 47
physical education would lead to higher perceptions of isolation and marginalization, but without 1053
survey measures of these constructs it is difficult to demonstrate this empirically, especially 1054
beyond the scale possible when using qualitative research. Thus, the availability of survey 1055
instruments to study facets of socialization could open new doors to researchers using OST. 1056
Finally, much of the research on occupational socialization in PE was conducted in the 1057
1980s and 1990s. It is important to note that research on socialization is not absolute. As cultures 1058
and social organizations change, so do the experiences of PE teachers. There have been 1059
considerable shifts in the profession, such as the increasing focus on physical activity in PE. 1060
Therefore, research conducted several decades ago may no longer accurately represent the 1061
experiences and perspectives of PE recruits and inservice and preservice teachers. Several 1062
decades ago Locke (1977) noted that scholars in PE tended to view the replication of studies with 1063
disdain. He argued that social scientific inquiry requires replications for true understanding of the 1064
phenomenon in question. Contemporary scholars in PE would benefit from heeding Locke’s 1065
advice and recognizing that research related to teacher socialization requires replication, 1066
especially over time as new information emerges and school cultures change. For example, the 1067
recent movement toward teacher accountability introduced with No Child Left Behind and 1068
reinforced with Race to the Top may have implications for the lived experiences of PE teachers 1069
and should be investigated for their sociological impact. Understanding the dynamics and 1070
implications of these changes relative to OST will shed new and important light on how teachers 1071
in the 21st Century are educated and integrated into the existing culture of the school. 1072
There remain a significant number of questions that can be explored using OST. Some of 1073
these questions have been outlined in the preceding paragraphs and others will likely be 1074
developed through future research. If future research could provide further empirical validation 1075
Teacher Socialization 48
for the relationships posited in Figure 2, the field would develop a more comprehensive 1076
understanding of the ways in which PE teachers are recruited, trained, and socialized in schools. 1077
Future research may also lead to the development of new pathways and deeper insights into the 1078
complexity of the socialization process. Finally, lessons learned from the current literature as 1079
well as future studies can be used to develop research-based approaches to teacher education and 1080
inservice professional development that attend to the needs and experiences of preservice and 1081
inservice practitioners. 1082
1083
Teacher Socialization 49
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1459 1460 Figure 1. Graphical representation of the way in which subjective theories filter out information 1461 that is inconsistent with prior beliefs and worldviews while allowing messages that are consistent 1462 to pass through and become incorporated with the individual’s belief system. Subjective filters 1463 are formed during early socialization experiences and tend to be relatively stable. 1464 1465